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The Augustus’ Remaking of Rome: An example of creative city in antiquity 1. Introduction
Cities around the world are looking into the creative city movement either to highlight
their creative potential or promote their prominent creativity. American cities are also looking
into this movement to pursue urban growth. For a long time the most powerful theory for urban
growth was Molotoch’s work considering the city as a place of production. Lately, the attention
to the city as a place of consumption address the attention to the need of increasing the amenities
offered.
The creative city movement is multi-layered in terms of approaches and ultimate goals. At
the centre of the movement is the highlight of how arts and culture are important for the city as a
place of consumption. However, what arts and culture are and why they are important for the city
take different forms. The idea of access was an important goal developed at national level by the
NEA in the 1990s, but little has been done to connect this idea to the promotion of a creative city.
I would like to provide an historical example were access to culture resulted in a lively city.
In this article, I focus on the role of access to arts and culture in an historical example: the
city of Rome during Augustus. The aim is to provide a broader historical frame of reference to
articulate the importance of the creative city, considering that the classical city has often been
looked at as an ideal form of urbanism inspiring classical and modernist architects (Parkins
1997).
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2. The Study Of Antiquity And Augustus’ Rome
The study of antiquity implies a fascinating engagement with evidence and interpretative
ability to make sense of it (Schaps 2011). Ancient studies deal with historical, philological and
archaeological methods. The sources are literary work and material culture. Overall, the ancient
world is understood under twilight of knowledge that leaves many loose ends. Nevertheless, I
base my paper on the latest research made available by eminent scholars of classics during the
summer 2012 NEH seminar at the American Academy in Rome.
The display of Augustus’ Rome has many dimensions of signification that encompassed
all social levels. The twentieth century we still perceive Augustus through the filters of
excavation and reconstruction of Benito Mussolini (Kellum 1997). However, what we see
depends on the lens we use. For instance, much work has been done to explore the multiple
readings of Augustan art (MacDonald 1986, Leach 1988, Zanker 1988, Kellum 1997).
After the murder of Julius Caesar in 44 B.C. by aristocrats bent on restoring republican
institutions, years of incessant civil wars followed. In 29 Octavian celebrated grand Triumph for
the victories in Egypt and in 27 was nominated Augustus (Wilkinson 1975). During Augustus’
era, Rome was the largest city of antiquity. Its population has quadrupled since the C2 BC
reaching around 1 million or more people. It is impossible to know the actual figure, but this
estimate is based upon the number of households receiving a monthly ration of grain (Claridge
1998, Edwards and Woolf 2003). Recent scholarship pointed out how the size of Rome was the
consequence of migration (Morely 2003).
All sorts of situations would bring people to Rome: some came in search of fame and
fortune, some looking for an alternative, fleeing war, or economic crisis, some came unwillingly
to serve the needs of their patrons. “Some have been brought by ambition, some by the obligation
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of a pubic office, some by an envoy’s duty having been laid upon them, some seeking a
convenient and rich field for luxuria, some by a desire for study, some by the public spectacles;
some have been drawn by friendship, some, seeing the ample opportunity for displaying energy
by the chance to work; some have presented their beauty for sale, some their eloquence – every
class of person has swarmed into the city that offers high prizes for both virtues and vice.”, p.
150.
This massive migration impacted not only the size of the city but also its diversity. People
would come from all the provinces of the empire that at that time extended to Spain, North Africa
and Asia. Recent research highlights how all the world could be found in Rome. Products from
several countries and artistic work of the best artists of the time. All the learning and civilized
world was brought together in Rome (Edwards and Woolf 2003). Suetonius (43.1) tells us that
Augustus organized theatrical performances with actors speaking all manner of languages.
Imperial patronage, and that of senators, promoted poets such as Virgil, Horace and Ovid and
brought teachers, orators, scholars and other performers to Rome.
Knowledge of Greek literature was promoted through the creation of the first public libraries,
one in the Porticus Octaviae and another one attached to the temple of Apollo, each with one
section in Latin and one section in Greek. The provinces would perceive Rome as the ‘city of
letters’ with elite engaged in reading, writing and discussing (Woolf 2003). The practice of
recitatio, public reading by the author, helped to promote literary knowledge in public spaces.
The built environment showed Greek influence in the buildings and the style of statues.
Also the Egyptian imaginary characterized the city, emblematic is the pyramid as the funeral
monument to Gaius Cestius and the obelisks (Vout 2003). In 10 BC, the twentieth anniversary of
the conquest of Egypt, Augustus dedicated an enormous sundial. The dial was inlaid in bronze on
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a vast travertine paving, over which a shadow was cast by an obelisk. The obelisk was one of two
which Augustus carried off to Rome from great temple at Heliopolis sonn after the annexation of
Egypt in 30 BC. The other one was erected in the Circus Maximus (Claridge 1998).
Rome was never and industrial city (Morely 2010). However, it supported a large population
of craftsmen, employed in the service of the elite and the state, and a large number of traders and
people providing services. Rome received a huge amount of commodities from the provinces of
the empire and its magnitude emerges from casual references in texts, storage buildings, and
excavations on land and at sea (Brandt 2005). Even though the most recent research has been
very cautious in applying contemporary typology in the way we think about a city, for some time
these features of Rome inspired theoretical thinking referring to ancient cities as the ‘consumer
city’ (Parkins 1997).
3. Organization: A New Administrative Order
The big political and social changes involved a parallel change in ways of knowing.
Wallace-Hadrill (1997) describes Rome’s cultural revolution as a knowledge shift from
consuetudo to ratio. This knowledge revolution allowed the city administration to organize the
territorial fabric in detail. The previous absence of an agreed system of local subdivisions fits
with the perception of the republican Rome as chaotic and disordered in terms of urban design. In
the imperial era the city became organized, known, and catalogued. The city became measured by
professional surveyors and listed by census-officials.
More precisely, in 7 BC Augustus created a new administrative order within Rome,
dividing its territory in fourteen regions (Dosi and Schnell 1992, Robinson 1992, Wallace-Hadrill
2008). Cassius Dio provides an historical narrative that explains how the reorganization was
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originated by a major fire.1 Suetonious (30.1) also provides a description of such organization of
the city territory. The regions became the geographic base for the vigiles, the firefighters. Each
region was entrusted to a praetor – a state magistrate, tribune of the people who was allowed to
wear the dress of magistrate (i. e. the toga praetexta) - who had an office staff and was
responsible for the fire brigades. They also oversaw the enforcement of the new building
regulations and the distribution of the public ratio. The outline boundaries of the fourteen regions
are fairly agreed upon and each region was known by its number2.
The regions were subdivided into vici (vicus = street or neighbourhood), each with their
own four elected officials. They were not only administrative units given that ritual aspects are
central to their conception (Pisani 1988). During the Republic, the vici were the base for the
worship of the lares compitales. During Ceasar’s dictatorship provided a framework for censustaking. Under Augustus’ reorganization there were 265 vici, each with 4 vicomagistri. The
compita would articulate the city in regions while providing to people a way to identify their
place of origin (Dosi and Schnell 1992).
The administrative reorganization was accompanied by intense measurements (Dosi and
Schnell 1992). This rationalization implied a different way of organizing the city but also a
different way of knowing it, making the city mappable. There is no reference for any sort of plan
of the city during the republic period (Wallace-Hadrill 2008). However, we know that Cicero
expresses the difficulty of finding the way in the complexity of the city stating “we were like
strangers abroad and lost in our own city” (Academia Posteriore 9). Pliny the Elder in his
Historia Naturalis, an encyclopaedic book rich of information about buildings and work of art in
1
2
Cassius Dio 55.8.6-7, Wallace p. 276
See map Claridge, p. 13, Wallace-Hadrill, p. 291.
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Rome, repeatedly mentions a map displayed beneath a portico, initiated by Agrippa and
concluded by Augustus (Barber and Harper 2010). The first, example of map we have are
fragments from a wall map in marbles, original affixed in the Templum Pacis and dated to the
third century BC, during the reign of Septimus Severus (Trimble 2007, Barber and Harper 2010).
Very little remains of mapmaking in ancient Rome. The topographic representations
could be provided by maps, literary description and paintings (Leach 1988). Peutinger Tablet is
the earliest complete map we know. Bird’s eye view is meant to be informational rather than
representational (Talbert 2010). Caesar’s Gallic commentaries draw a territorial framework to
communicate topography and social conquest: military action/strategy and topography. This
implies that both the writer and the reader are familiar with the codes of writing. While Greek
mapmaking was concern with locations and mathematical models, Roman mapmaking aimed to
provide practical diagrams to use in the planning of events (Leach 1988).
Besides the literary sources such as Cassius Dio and Suetoinius the bodies of evidence for
this knowledge of imperial Rome are the inscriptions celebrating the vici, the forth-century
regionary catalogue, and the fragments of the Severan marble map (Haselberger and Romano
2002, Wallace-Hadrill 2008).
Finally, the knowledge revolution focusing on rationalization impacted not only the way
the city was organized and represented, but also the way architects thought about their projects.
They became very attentive to the formulation of rules inspired by the classical Greek style and
technical refinement. In fact, the only architecture treatise of Roman time was written by
Vitruvius, addressing Augustus (Claridge 1998). “But when I saw that you were giving your
attention not only to the welfare of society in general and to the establishment of public order, but
also to the providing of public buildings intended for utilitarian purposes […] I thought that I
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ought to take the first opportunity to lay before you my writings on this theme (Vitruvius, Book1
preface, section 2).
4. Beauty: The Built Environment
Overall, Augustus directed the remaking of Rome blending tradition and innovation (Claridge
1998). He restored several buildings throughout the city, invested in new ones and promoted the
display of art. His generous policy of restoration, included not only buildings but also public
works such as roads, bridges, and aqueducts (Dudley 1967). Suetonious provides an account the
massive operation of repair and beautification undertaken by Augustus. “He repaired the temples
that had collapsed from age or burned down, and he adorned the rest with the most magnificent
offerings, making a single deposit in the inner chamber of the temple of the Capitoline Jupiter of
16,000 pounds of gold and precious stones and pearls worth 50 million sesterces” (30.2).
Augustus himself lists the works he repaired highlighting how many expenses he incurred
and how these works did not have the purpose of creating propaganda for his name. “I restored
the Capitoline temple and theatre of Pompey, incurring great expenses for both buildings, without
inscribing my name anywhere on them” (20). He also restored eighty-two temples, neglecting
none in need of repair.
Suetonious praises Augustus for having dramatically improved the city in terms of
efficient organization and beauty improving the condition that previously left it at mercy of
floods and fire. And he reports a declaration of Augustus expressing proud in his own doing that
became emblematic of Augustus’ Rome: “I have left marble what I found brick” (Suetonious
28.3).
The new buildings by Augustus were built in his honour, but also in the name of others.
He built a great variety of new public buildings such as temples, arches and theatres, a senate
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house (Curia Julia), a new forum3 (dominated by the Temple of Mars Ultor) and a sundial
obelisk. He also built the Mausoleum were he displayed the inscription of his memories and the
altar of Augustan peace Augustus (19, 21)
Moreover his remaking of Rome was not only his own effort. He often encouraged other
people to invest in the beautification of the city according to their wealth. He encouraged them
either to build new monuments or to restore and decorate previous ones (29.4). Personal
patronage and euergetism had its roots in the time of the Roman republic. Personal patronage was
framed in the setting of the house and had the objective to build an image of self-presentation of
the individual to the elite and persuade others of his power. It was based on the patron-client
relationship and it was persued by the upper-class who relied on having an entourage of
dependants (Wallace-Hadrill). Euergetism, as defined by Paul Veyne, was ‘private munificence
for public benefit’ a means of harnessing the wealth of the elites of the Roman empire to provide
public amenities. Epigraphic evidence exists in significant quantity only from Augustus period.
Cicero deeply disapproved of what he disregarded as frivolous and needlessly acts of euergetism
(OFFIC. 2.60-1), which he defined as ‘bread and circuses.’ Instead, he advocated acts of financial
assistance or practical help to individuals such as loans and money to prisoners of war and
victims of piracy (Lomas and Cornell 2003).
3
Originally the forum was an open space in the center of the city where public buildings,
temples, and shops clustered Richardson, L.J., 1992. A new topographical dictionary of ancient
rome Baltimore; London: The John Hopkins Unversity Press.. During the republic it became the
political heart of the city and after the place for court activities. Julius Ceasar built a second
forum to enlarge the old Roman forum.
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Strabo, a Greek geographer from Pontus in Asia minor, visited Rome in 44 BC and
several times after that while he was completing his work Geography praises the beauty of Rome
and the efforts of Augustus’ to improve it (Claridge 1998). “In a word, the early Romans made
but little account of the beauty of Rome, because they were occupied with other, greater and
more necessary, matters; whereas the later Romans, and particularly those of today and in my
time, have not fallen short in this respect either — indeed, they have filled the city with many
beautiful structures. In fact, Pompey, the Deified Caesar, Augustus, his sons and friends, and wife
and sister, have outdone all others in their zeal for buildings and in the expense incurred.”
The beauty of Rome is spectacular and engaging. There is in particular an area, the so
called Campus Martius that contains the majority of the new buildings built during Augustus’
era. The size is remarkable and offers space not only for the numerous buildings, but also for the
entertainment activities such as chariot-races, and the multitude of people who gather there to
exercise themselves by ball-playing, wrestling, and hoop-trundling. This area looks like a stage or
a painting and draws in everybody like an engaging spectacle. “The Campus Martius contains
most of these […] which present to the eye the appearance of a stage-painting — all this, I say,
affords a spectacle that one can hardly draw away from” (5.3.8).
During Augustus, Rome came to function as a museum city (Rutledge 2012). The city
abounded of statues. They were commemorative statuary, honorific portraits or spoils of
successful military campaigns. The city grew in this role and became the place where one might
see masterpieces by the most acclaimed artists and was so full of artworks that some would go
unnoticed (Edwards 2003). Pliny the elder, tells us about a naked Venus by Scopas that ‘it would have
brought fame to any locality but Rome”(36.26). Later Josephus, a Jewish historian who moved to
Rome after the fall of Jerusalem in AD 70, describes his fascination for the Temple of Vespasian
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adorned with statues and pictures from different places. “For in this temple were collected and
deposited all such rarities as men a foretime used to wander all over the habitable world to see,
when they had a desire to see one of them after another” (5.7.5).
Strabo, Josephius and Suetonius describe the Augustus’ remaking of Rome as a
monumental operation of beautification. However, not everybody perceived those changes in a
positive way. Recent scholarship pointed out the reaction of the poet Propertius who creates a
nostalgic counterpart to Augustus’ creation of new monuments (Fantham 1997). In his Elegies he
describes Augustus’ Rome contrasting old and new, architecture and nature, Imperial and
Republican symbols. In nostalgic terms, he expresses his preference for the distance past when
the city was characterized by a modest scale, rustic simplicity and unpopulated pre-urban
community.
5. Entertainment: Its Various Forms
In imperial Rome, public spectacles were organized in a variety of ways. The ancient
sources use the term spectaculum to refer to a variety of events characterized by visual attraction
of the entertainment. Ludi, or games, were part of religious festivals and they were held
accordingly to the religious calendar. They would start with ludi scenici, stage-show such as
tragedies, comedies, musical competitions, mimes and pantomimes, would take place for several
days. The culmination point would be one or more days of ludi circenses, the chariot races
(Edmondson 2002). Special ludi could be paid by a general, but usually the games were funded
by the aerarium on the authorization of the Senate. Ambitious magistrates used their own
resources to make their games more memorable (Robinson 1992). Gradually mime and
pantomime became dominant on the Roman stage (Coleman 2000). Mimes dealt mainly with
themes inspired by everyday life; pantomimes drew their themes from mythology.
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Munera gladiatorial, gladiatorial presentations, were special events initially presented by
members of the Roman elite to their fellow-citizens. Later they were sponsored by the Roman
emperors to celebrate a military victory, the dedication of a new building, or important dynastic
events (Edmondson 2002). Augustus put on only 8 gladiators games, even though they were
really lavish (Robinson 1992). “Three times I gave gladiatorial shows in my name and five times
in the names of my sons or grandsons. In these gladiatorial shows about 10,000 men fought”
Augustus 22.
Parades were also an essential part of the Roman rituals that had a spectacular impact. In
particular, the triumph was a parade of major spectacular effect. Roman processions honouring
general are traced back to Romulus. The triumph parades had three major purposes: celebratory
of successful military campaigns, didactic in justifying the military campaign to the senate and
the population, and expiatory offering honour to the gods. The triumph would move into the
fabric of the city and would be enhanced and highlighted by buildings such as arches. Also open
spaces were necessary for the display of captive animals and booty from the victories. Theatres
were used as point of stops of the parade (Favro 1994). Thriumphs were pompous solemnities
and everybody would be out in the city to gain a spot to watch “and left only such a passage as
was necessary for those that were to be seen to go along it” (Josephus, 7, 118-62). The patrons of
these spectacles were the triumphators, but also people who did not win but wanted to be seen
and known. Often also the senate would sponsor them.
During the empire pubic entertainment was striving for extravagance (Coleman, 2000).
The naumachia is an example of that. A naumachia was a basin built for large-scale aquatic
displays. Julius Caesar led the way. He had a basin excavated in Campus Martius in order to
stage the re-enactment of the naval battle between Tyrian and Egyptin fleets. In 2 BC, Augustus
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had one excavated in Trastevere to re-enact the battle of Salamin with 3,000 marines as inaugural
celebration for the Temple of Mars Ultor.
During the shows the provision of snacks was private enterprise, whereas the
management of the buildings was imperial concern. Tickets were free, though a ticket was
necessary for admission (Baldson 1969, Robinson 1992). Scholars, in a conjectural way because
there is not evidence, sustains that if people did not get a ticket then the streets themselves must
surely have been almost as entertaining with busking musicians, storyteller, bear-baiters,
jugglers, and all kind of performers (Holleran 2003b).
Suetonious praises Augustus for excelling in organizing spectacles. “Augustus surpassed
all rivals in the frequency, variety, and magnificence of the entertainments he put on.” 43.1 He
would organize shows in the neighborhoods and on different stages with actors speaking all sorts
of languages. In the Res Gestae Augustus says that he presented games four times in his own
name and twenty-three times for other elected officials who were either away from Rome or
could not afford the expense. In the Appendix to the Res Gestae, whose author is not Augustus,
we can find a summary of Augustus’ personal expenditure in the public interest” (Coleman
2003).
“He organized races and gladiatorial combats not only in the Forum and the amphitheatre
but in the Circus and the Saepta as well, and sometimes he produced a beast hunt by itself. He
gave athletic contests in the Campus Martius where wooden seats had been built, and he put on a
naval battle in a lake dug near the Tiber where the grove of the Caesar now stands” (43.1).
Moreover, he exploited every opportunity for entertainment. For example, in days when there
were no shows, he would exhibit anywhere he could a tiger, a rhinoceros, or a snake fifty cubits
long.
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Besides being a patron, Augustus acted as a protector of the people most obviously when
he attended a show (Holleran 2003a). “At the gladiator show in honor of his grandsons, when the
crowd was worried because it feared that the structure where they were sitting was about to
collapse and he was unable to keep them from leaving or reassure the by any means, he left his
place and took a seat in the section that seemed especially insecure” 43.5.
Augustus also regulated the world of entertainment. He set up guards in the city so people
could go to the shows and thieves would not take advantage of them not being at home. In order
to avoid confusion and disorganization, he determined a clear order in the seats of the theatre. He
separated the soldiers from the rest of the audience, assigned special rows to married men, gave
younger boys their own section and put their tutors next to them, and decreed that no one wearing
dark clothing could sit in the middle section. The only women to whom he assigned special seats
were the Vestal Vergins 44.1. In different forms of spectacle there was a seating hierarchy that
would highlight Roman social relations honouring the elite (Edmondson 2002).
6. Conclusions
This analysis of Augustus’ Rome presented the traits that made the city an example of
creative city in antiquity bringing together the arts and culture in the city through the lens of
access: Augustus made the city mappable and arts and culture accessible (Huskinson 2000,
Wallace-Hadrill 2008).
The description of Augustus’ Rome is a depiction of urban vitality and diversity, made
through the methods available to ancient studies. Similarities to the current ideology of the
creative city are striking. There is attention to the beauty of the city and to the form of
entertainment made available to people. Much more research needs to be done to better highlight
how the similarities take place in a totally different social and political context. However, at this
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stage of research, what is impressive is to notice how the arts and culture were made available to
everybody.
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