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NC Standard Course of Study. Ninth grade social studies.
http://www.ncpublicschools.org/curriculum/socialstudies/scos/2003-04/058ninthgrade
2.02 Identify the roots of Greek civilization and recognize its achievements from the Minoan era
through the Hellenistic period.
[Democracy. Resisted conquest by Persia—otherwise, no Rome.]
Influence on founding of United States.
“What Athens was in miniature America will be in magnitude.” (Rights of Man by Thomas
Paine)
“Ancient Athens is often referred to as the cradle of democracy. The Athenians developed a unique
system of government in which citizens were allowed to take in the decision-making process. They
called it democracy. One of their most famous leaders, Pericles, described their government this
way :
"Our government does not copy our neighbors, but is an example to them. It is true
that we are called a democracy, for the administration is in the hands of the many and
not of the few."
“The Athenian form of democracy was called Direct Democracy. All the male citizens would gather,
discussed the issues, and then voted on them. This was possible because the male population in
Athens was small, about 40,000 men. This was an advanced form of government for again, as
Pericles noted, most governments at the time were ruled by monarchs or small groups of people.
The idea of giving people the power to make important decisions is an important democratic
principle.”
http://www.sullivan-county.com/bush/constitution.htm
Greek City States
Archaic and Classical polis
Basic and indicating elements are:


Self-governance, autonomy and independence (city-state)
Agora: the social hub and financial marketplace, on and a round a centrally located large
open space http://travels.co.ua/engl/greece/athens/Monastiraki/agora/index.html
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
Acropolis: the citadel, inside which a temple had replaced the
erstwhile Mycenaean anáktoron (palace) or mégaron (hall)

Greek urban planning and architecture, public, religious, and private (see Hippodamian
plan)

Temples, altars and sacred precincts: one or more are dedicated to the poliouchos, the
patron deity of the city; each polis kept its own particular festivals and customs (Political
religion, as opposed to the individualized religion of the later antiquity). Priests and
priestesses, although often drawn from certain families by tradition, did not form a separate
collegiality or class: they were ordinary citizens who, on certain occasions, were called to
perform certain functions.
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Parthenon and Athena

Gymnasia

Theatres
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Walls: used for protection from invaders

Coins: minted by the city, and bearing its symbols
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Colonies being founded by the oikistes of the metropolis
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Political life: it revolved around the sovereign Ekklesia (the assembly of all adult male
citizens for deliberation and voting), the standing boule and other civic or judicial councils,
the archons and other officials or magistrates elected either by vote or by lot, clubs, etc., and
sometimes punctuated by stasis (civil strife between parties, factions or socioeconomic
classes, e.g. aristocrats, oligarchs, democrats, tyrants, the wealthy, the poor, large or small
landowners, etc.)

Publication of state functions: laws, decrees and major fiscal accounts were published,
and criminal and civil trials were also held in public

Synoecism, conurbation: Absorption of nearby villages and countryside, and the
incorporation of their tribes into the substructure of the polis. Many of a polis' citizens
would have lived in the suburbs or countryside. The Greeks did not regard the polis as a
territorial grouping so much as a religious and political association: while the polis would
control territory and colonies beyond the city itself, the polis would not simply consist of a
geographical area. Most cities were composed of several tribes or phylai, which were in turn
composed of phratries (common-ancestry lineages), and finally génea (extended families)
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
Social classes and citizenship: Dwellers in the polis were generally divided into four types
of inhabitants, with status typically determined by birth:

Citizens with full legal and political rights, i.e. adult free men born legitimately of
citizen parents. They had the right to vote, be elected into office, bear arms, and the
obligation to serve when at war.

Citizens without formal political rights, but full legal rights: the citizens' female
relatives and underage children, whose political rights and interests were represented,
and property held in trust, by their adult male relatives.

Citizens of other poleis who chose to reside elsewhere (the metics,
μέτοικοι, métoikoi, literally "transdwellers"): though free-born and possessing full rights
in their place of origin, had full legal rights but no political rights in their place of
residence. Metics could not vote, could not be elected to office, could not bear arms and
could not serve in war. They otherwise had full personal and property rights, albeit
subject to taxation.

Slaves: chattel in full possession of their owner, and with no privileges other
what their owner would grant (or revoke) at will.
https://secure.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/en/wiki/Polis#Archaic_and_Classical_polis
Persian Empire
http://www.boisestate.edu/courses/westciv/persian/02.shtml
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Persia was the greatest empire that the ancient world had yet seen. At one time, Assyria had
controlled the southern portion of the Middle East, but they were conquered by the Medes.
The Medes were famous warriors, feared by all Greeks. But the Persians had conquered Media.
One of the greatest of the Persian kings was Cyrus (d. 530). Cyrus conquered not only Media
but Lydia as well. He captured Croesus and subjected him to a humiliating imprisonment and
eventual death.
Cyrus was now the ruler of the Ionian Greeks, having more or less inherited them by
conquering Lydia. The Greeks did not like their Persian rulers, for the Persians drafted Greeks
into their armies, levied heavy tribute, garrisoned Persian troops in the Greek cities, and
interfered in the local governments. Soon the Greeks were muttering about Persian oppression
and Greek liberty. They began walling their towns and calling war councils. Cyrus responded to
this by conquering the Greek cities directly.
The people of Phocis and other city-states, unwilling to submit and unable to resist, packed up
their homes and sailed to Italy, to start a new life. Those who remained were incorporated in
the Persian Empire.
About this time (530), Cyrus died in battle. The Greeks continued to be unruly subjects, but it
was some time before Cyrus' son was able to deal with them.
The Persian Empire
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The Persian Empire included all of what is now Iran, and in fact Persia was the official name of
Iran until 1935. At its height about 500 BC, the founding dynasty of the empire, the
Achaemenids, had conquered Asia as far as the Indus River, Greece, and North Africa including
what is now Egypt and Libya.
The beginning of the Persian empire is set at different times by different scholars, but the real
force behind the expansion was Cyrus II, aka Cyrus the Great, in the mid-sixth century BC. Cyrus
was part of the Achaemenid Empire, with Cyrus's capital first at Hamadan and then Pasargadae.
In 330 BC, Macedonian Greeks led by Alexander the Great overthrew the Achaemenids and
established what was called the Seleucid Empire after Alexander's general. The Seleucids were
in turn followed by the Parthian and Sassanid dynasties. The Sassinids were defeated by Arab
caliphs in the mid-7th century AD, and by 651, the Persian empire was ended.
http://archaeology.about.com/od/pethroughpg/g/persian_empire.htm
The Achaemenids were the ruling dynasty of Cyrus the Great and his family over the Persian
empire, from 550-330 BC, when it was conquered by Alexander the Great. Cyrus's empire
included Libya, Ethiopia, Thrace, Macedonia, Afghanistan, and the Punjab and everything in
between.
Achaemenid King list














Cyrus I (ruled at Anshan)
Cambyses I (ruled at Anshan)
Cyrus II (the Great) [550-530 BC] (ruled from Pasargadae)
Cambyses II [530-522 BC]
Bardiya [522 BC]
Darius I [522-486 BC] (ruled from Persepolis)
Xerxes I (the Great) [486-465 BC]
Artaxerxes I [465-424 BC]
Xerxes II [424-423 BC]
Darius II (Ochus) [423-404 BC]
Artaxerxes II (Arsaces) [404-359 BC]
Artaxerxes III (Ochus) [359-338 BC]
Artaxerxes IV (Arses) [338-336 BC]
Darius III [336-330 BC)
The vast region conquered by Cyrus and his descendants could not, obviously, be controlled
from the king's palace in Persepolis or Pasargadae, and so each region had a regional
governor or satrap.
http://archaeology.about.com/od/athroughadterms/qt/achaemenid.htm
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Ancient Greek Phalanx Combat
The phalanx (Ancient Greek: φάλαγξ, Modern Greek: φάλαγγα, phālanga) (plural phalanxes
or phalanges (Ancient and Modern Greek: φάλαγγες, phālanges)) is a rectangular mass
military formation, usually composed entirely of heavy infantry armed with spears,
pikes,…or similar weapons. The term is particularly (and originally) used to describe the use
of this formation in Ancient Greek warfare. The word phalanx is derived from the Greek word
phalangos, meaning the finger….
The hoplite phalanx of the Archaic and Classical periods in Greece (approx. 750-350 BCE) was
a formation in which the hoplites would line up in ranks in close order. The hoplites would
lock their shields together, and the first few ranks of soldiers would project their spears out
over the first rank of shields. The phalanx therefore presented a shield wall and a mass of
spear points to the enemy, making frontal assaults much more difficult. It also allowed a
higher proportion of the soldiers to be actively engaged in combat at a given time (rather
than just those in the front rank).
The phalanx usually advanced at a walking pace, although it is possible that they picked up
speed during the last several yards. Herodotus states, of the Greeks at the Battle of
Marathon, that "They were the first Greeks we know of to charge their enemy at a run".
Many historians believe that this innovation was precipitated by their desire to minimize their
losses from Persian archery. The opposing sides would collide, possibly shivering many of the
spears of the front row. The battle would then rely on the valour of the men in the front line;
whilst those in the rear maintained forward pressure on the front ranks with their shields.
When in combat, the whole formation would consistently press forward trying to break the
enemy formation; thus when two phalanx formations engaged, the struggle essentially
became a pushing match….
Individual hoplites carried their shields on their left arm, protecting not themselves but the
soldier to the left. This meant that the men at the extreme right of the phalanx were only
half protected. In battle, opposing phalanxes would exploit this weakness by attempting to
overlap the enemy's right flank. It also meant that, in battle, a phalanx would tend to drift to
the right (as hoplites sought to remain behind the shield of their neighbour). The most
experienced hoplites were often placed on the right side of the phalanx, to counteract these
problems. There was a leader in each row of a phalanx, and a rear rank officer, the ouragos
(meaning tail-leader), who kept order in the rear. The phalanx is thus an example of a
military formation in which the individualistic elements of battle were suppressed for the
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good of the whole. The hoplites had to trust their neighbours to protect them; and be willing
to protect their neighbour; a phalanx was thus only as strong as its weakest elements.The
effectiveness of the phalanx therefore depended upon how well the hoplites could maintain
this formation while in combat, and how well they could stand their ground, especially when
engaged against another phalanx. For this reason, the formation was deliberately organized
to group friends and family closely together, thus providing a psychological incentive to
support one's fellows, and a disincentive through shame to panic or attempt to flee. The
more disciplined and courageous the army the more likely it was to win - often engagements
between the various city-states of Greece would be resolved by one side fleeing before the
battle. The Greek word dynamis, the "will to fight", expresses the drive that kept hoplites in
formation.
"Now of those, who dare, abiding one beside another, to advance to the close fray, and
the foremost champions, fewer die, and they save the people in the rear; but in men
that fear, all excellence is lost. No one could ever in words go through those several
ills, which befall a man, if he has been actuated by cowardice. For 'tis grievous to
wound in the rear the back of a flying man in hostile war. Shameful too is a corpse lying
low in the dust, wounded behind in the back by the point of a spear." [Tyrtaeus: The
War Songs Of Tyrtaeus]…
Each hoplite provided their own equipment. The primary hoplite weapon was a spear
around 2.4 meters in length called a doru. Although accounts of its length vary, it is usually
now believed to have been seven to nine feet long (~2.1 - ~2.7m). It was held one-handed,
the other hand holding the hoplite's shield. The spearhead was usually a curved leaf shape,
while the rear of the spear had a spike called a sauroter ('lizard-killer') which was used to
stand the spear in the ground (hence the name). It was also used as a secondary weapon if
the main shaft snapped, or for the rear ranks to finish off fallen opponents as the phalanx
advanced over them. It is a matter of contention among historians whether the hoplite used
the spear overarm or underarm. Held underarm, the thrusts would have been less powerful
but under more control, and vice versa. It seems likely that both motions were used,
depending on the situation. If attack was called for, an overarm motion was more likely to
break through an opponent's defense. The upward thrust is more easily deflected by armour
due to its lesser leverage. However, when defending, an underarm carry absorbed more shock
and could be 'couched' under the shoulder for maximum stability. It should also be said that
an overarm motion would allow more effective combination of the aspis and doru if the shield
wall had broken down, while the underarm motion would be more effective when the shield
had to be interlocked with those of one's neighbours in the battle-line. Hoplites in the rows
behind the lead would almost certainly have made overarm thrusts. The rear ranks held their
spears underarm, and raised shields upwards at increasing angles. This was an effective
defence against missiles, deflecting their force…
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Hoplites also carried a short sword called a xiphos. The short sword was a secondary weapon,
used if the doru was broken or lost.Hoplites carried a circular shield called an aspis (often
referred to as a hoplon) made from wood and covered in bronze, measuring roughly 1 meter
in diameter. This medium-sized shield (and indeed, large for the time) was made possible
partly by its dish-like shape, which allowed it to be supported with the rim on the shoulder. It
spanned from chin to knee and was very heavy (8-15 kg)….
The basic combat element of the Greek armies was the stoichis or stoichos (meaning "rank")
or enomotia (meaning "sworn") 16 to 25 men strong, led by a dekadarchos who was assisted by
a dimoirites and two dekasteroi (sing. dekasteros). Four to a maximum of 32 enomotiai
(depending on the era in question or the city) were forming a lochos led by a lochagos, who in
this way was in command of initially 100 hoplites to a maximum of c.a 500 in the late
Hellenistic armies. A taxis ( mora for the Spartans) was the greatest standard hoplitic
formation of 500 to 1500 men, led by a strategos (general). The entire army, a total of
several taxeis or morae was led by a generals' council. In the later, commander-in-chief
was a polemarchos (democracies) where a single dissent was almost equivalent to a veto
or a strategos autokrator (tyrannies and democratic coalitions) or a king (kingdoms).
Phalanx front and depth
Hoplite phalanxes usually deployed in ranks of 8 men or more deep; The Macedonian
phalanxes were often up to a maximum of 16 men deep. There are some notable exceptions;
for instance, at the battles of Leuctra and Mantinea, the Theban general Epaminondas
arranged the left wing of the phalanx into a "hammerhead" of 50 ranks of elite hoplites deep
(see below). Phalanxes were most used through out this period and were very effective
against other armies or kingdoms.
The phalanx depth, however, could vary depending on the needs, and the generals' plans.
While the phalanx was in march, an eis bathos formation (loose) was adopted in order to
move more freely and maintain order. This was also the initial battle formation as, in
addition, permitted friendly units to pass through either assaulting or retreating. In this
status, the phalanx had double depth than the normal and each hoplite had to occupy about
1.8-2m in width (6-7ft). When enemy infantry was approaching, a rapid switch to the pykne
formation (tight) was necessary. In that case, each man's space was cut in half (0.9-1m or 3ft
in width) and the formation depth was turning on normal. But if the phalanx was
experiencing extra pressure, intense missile volleys or frontal cavalry charges, an instant
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switch to the synaspismos formation (ultra tight) was obligatory. In synaspismos the rank
depth was half of the normal and the width each men occupied was as small as 0.45m (1.5ft)
Stages of combat
Several stages in hoplite combat can be defined:
Ephodos: The hoplites stop singing their paeanes (battle hymns) and move towards the
enemy, gradually picking up pace and momentum. In the instants before impact war cries
would be made.
Krousis: The opposing phalanxes meet each other almost simultaneously along their front. The
promachoe (the front-liners) had to be physically and psychologically fit to sustain and survive
the clash.
Doratismos: Repeated, rapid spear thrusts in order to disrupt the enemy formation.
Othismos: Literally "pushing" after the most spears have broken, the hoplites begin to push
with their large shields and use their secondary weapon, the sword. This could be the longest
phase.
Pararrhexis: "Breaching" the opposing phalanx, the enemy formation shatters and the battle
ends.
Tactics
The early history of the phalanx is largely one of combat between hoplite armies from
competing Greek city-states. The usual result was rather identical, inflexible formations
pushing against each other until one broke. The potential of the phalanx to achieve something
more was demonstrated at Battle of Marathon (490 BC). Facing the much larger army of
Darius I, the Athenians thinned out their phalanx and consequently lengthened their
front, to avoid being outflanked. However, even a reduced-depth phalanx proved
unstoppable to the lightly armed Persian infantry. After routing the Persian wings, the
hoplites on the Athenian wings wheeled inwards, destroying the elite troop at the Persian
centre, resulting in a crushing victory for Athens. Throughout the Greco-Persian Wars the
hoplite phalanx was to prove superior to the Persian infantry (e.g. The battles of
Thermopylae and Plataea).
Athenian Hoplite
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Here we see an Athenian hoplite who is characteristic for the Persian wars. A hoplite is nothing
more than a heavy armed and armoured foot-soldier, but the Greek armies depended on them
as they formed the feared phalanx.
Here we see an Athenian hoplite who is characteristic for the Persian
wars. A hoplite is nothing more than a heavy armed and armoured footsoldier, but the Greek armies depended on them as they formed the
feared phalanx. Later on the Greek armies got more versatile as light
infantry, the peltasts, and cavalry were added, but the hoplite remained
by far the most important unit.
Organization of the Athenean army.
The Athenian army was lead by ten generals who were commonly
known as the strategos, who were each year chosen by the people's
council. The same people could become strategos year after year, unlike
as in many other Greek cities. The problem was that this gave more
power in the hands of the strategos, but it also made sure that policy of
the city did remained consistent. The strategos were responsible for the
security and the defences of the city and the surrounding plains. Below
them there was a large military hierarchy. The infantry was commanded
by ten taxiarchoi, who had several officers, or lochagoi, under them who led the companies of
the army. The cavalry on its turn was commanded by two officers who were called the
hiparchen, and they were assisted by ten fylarchen. Fylarch means as much as chieftain and this
reminds us of the social structure of Athens: the population was divided in ten tribes. The
recruitment of soldiers was also based on this division in tribes.
An Athenian hoplite was not as well trained as a Spartan hoplite, but he was superior to most
other fighters nevertheless. At the age of 18 the boys from the rich classes of the hoplites
received a training which took two years. They learned how to handle the weapons, but they
also learned several tactical manoeuvres and fortification methods. After this they remained
liable to military service till the age of 60. However, men younger than 20 or older than 50
could only be used for garrison duties in Attica itself. Pericles estimated the number of hoplites
at 13000 in 431 BC, while 16000 had garrison duties. Rich citizens who could afford themselves
a panoplia are also included in the 16000 people who had garrison duties.
The equipment of a hoplite.
The suit of armour of the Athenian hoplite was hardly any different from the hoplites of other
Greek cities. This hoplite is wearing a good suit of armour, which we will call panoplia from now
on. The costs of such is a panoplia were very high, it could be compared with buying a good
new car in modern times. That is why the hoplites only consisted of nobility at first. Later on the
costs were reduced because new construction techniques were used. This enabled the normal
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man to buy a decent panoplia. More and more people bought one as it not only improved their
chance of survival on the battlefield, but it also raised their social status. At a certain time there
were enough hoplites to form a phalanx, and since then was the Greek army superior to any
other army for a very long time. The creation of the phalanx not only resulted in military
superiority, it also had social results as we already know from the history chapter.
On the head of this hoplite we find a slightly obsolete bronze Corinthian helmet. The Corinthian
helmet remained the most used helmet through the history of Hellas, but there were many
types available. Examples of this are the Chalkidic and Illyrian helmets which were better than
the Corinthian type as they gave better protection to the cheeks and neck, and they had
openings for the ears so that the orders were heard better. The helmets were made by hitting a
plate of bronze on a wooden pole. This was done until it fitted the head of the buyer exactly. Of
course this took a lot of work, and that is why these very expensive helmets often passed from
father to son. The helmets were often decorated with a crest of horsehair, and sometimes even
with engraved drawings. The horsehair for the helmetcrest was placed in a block of wood, very
much like a brush, and placed on the helmet. Horsehair is very difficult to paint, so the colours
were normally the natural colours: black, white, and brown. Sculptures always show hoplites
with a helmetcrest, but know from archaeological studies that it was often not present.
The body was protected by a cuirass. The most expensive type was the bronze jointed cuirass,
but the most common one was a tunic with multiple layers of linen or canvas glued together to
form a strong protection. This tunic was often reinforced with small metal plates or bronze
rings as we see in the picture. The cuirass itself consisted of a part for the chest, and one for the
shoulders. The part for the chest had openings for the arms, and at the bottom there were two
rows of plates which were placed like roofing tiles, the so-called wings or pteruges. The cuirass
was wrapped around the body and closed at the left side were it was protected by the shield.
The part for the shoulders completed the cuirass. Different types were used: the wings which
protected the shoulders were shaped differently, or they were removable. This type of cuirass
replaced the older type armour which was shaped like a bell.
In his left hand he is holding the famous hoplon, or shield. The word hoplite is based on this
hoplon, and certainly not without any reason: the hoplon was one of the cornerstones of the
phalanx. Basically it was a wooden bowl which was protected on the outside with bronze
plates, while the inside was covered in leather. It was held with a handle for the lower arm and
a grip. The part of the shield that rested against the arm was often protected with an additional
plate of bronze. The size of the shield resulted in quite a heavy shield: about 8 kilograms.
Sometimes a piece of leather was hung at the lower side of the shield to protect the legs of the
hoplite for arrows. The hoplites picked the decoration on their shields by themselves, and often
drawings of animals or mythological characters were chosen. Here you see the head of a
Gorgon, and popular decoration for the shield.
The hoplon was not big enough to cover the legs, that is why they are protected by a pair of
bronze greaves, which were shaped in such a way that they followed the muscles in the legs.
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This had a decorative purpose, but it also reinforced them and now they could be clamped
around the legs instead of using straps. In earlier times the warriors also used plates for the
thighs, arms and feet but at the time of the Persian wars they were not used anymore as they
were to heavy and they decreased the manoeuvrability of the hoplite drastically. The hoplite
was very well armoured nevertheless.
The main weapon was the long spear, which could vary in length from 2 to 3 metres. The iron
point has a bronze counterbalance, for a better balance, but it also could be used during an
attack. The spear was normally drilled overarm, and the grasp was entwined with a leather
strap for better grip. The spear was not thrown as was the case with the spears in the time of
Homer: they were only used for thrusting. The second weapon was a short sword, which was
carried around in a wooden scabbard which was wrapped in leather. The blade of such a sword
was made from iron and around the 60 centimetres long, while the remaining parts were
normally constructed in bronze. It was used for cutting as well for thrusting.
Spartan Hoplite and Phalanx Combat
The Spartan hoplite.
The Spartans had a very peculiar form of government which enabled
them to be professional soldiers. To be more precise: it not only enabled
them, it even forced them to be superior soldiers as a small group of
Spartans had to dominate an enormous amount of subjects and
unwilling allies. The helots worked the
The Spartan army was superior in Hellas, and in the rest of the known
world. No other army was so well trained, and had such excellent
equipment. They believed that a traditional training was the key to
success, and for centuries they were right as they had never lost a battle
in spite of their small numbers. Ironically enough formed this idea also
the end of Spartan supremacy as the Spartan phalanx could not resist
the new sloped Theban phalanx and the invading integrated
Macedonian forces. The end of the Spartan power marked the end of
the domination of the phalanx.
The organization of the Spartan army.
The Spartan army was certainly not superior without any reason. Their equipment was very
good, especially compared to those of non-Greeks, they had very much willpower, had not
much fear as dying on the battlefield was the biggest honour for a Spartan, and they received a
most excellent training. Each boy of a Spartan family was taken away at the age of seven and
placed under the supervision of an adult Spartan till the age of 18. An extensive training till the
age of thirty followed when the Spartan became a full citizen. He did not live together with his
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family any more while he was in training, but became part of an eatgroup. These groups were
clubs of Spartans who were together in Sparta as well as on the battlefield. The family was not
seen as important, it was only an unfortunately necessary tool to preserve the number of full
Spartans.
Thucydides, a Greek historian and soldier, gives us a detailed overview
of the structure of the Spartan army around 400 BC. He says that the
organisation was based on an average row of 8 man deep. Four of these
rows formed an enomotia or platoon; four enomotiai formed on their
turn a pentekostis or company which was commanded by a
pentekonter; four pentekosteis formed a lochos or battalion under the
leadership of a lochagos. The average army had about seven of these lochois.
Xenophon, who had also been an officer, tells us about a different
structure. Now the average row was 12 man deep, while only two of
these rows were needed to form an enomotia. Two enomotiai formed a
pentekostis, two pentekosteis formed a lochos, while four lochois
formed a mora, or regiment, under the command of a ptolemarch. An
army consisted of 6 morae. The reduction of the Spartan population did
decrease the total strength of the Spartan army, but not the strength of
a mora (500, 600, or 900 men) as this depended on the age of the
hoplites who were used.
The enomotiai marched behind eachother in a big row. Before the battle
the last troops of each enemotia positioned themselves left behind their leader to form a
phalanx of four columns, in total 16 rows wide, and 8 rows deep. A space of two metres was
maintained between the columns, but on the order 'close the rows' the last troops walked to
the left front to close gaps in the front row. Now the phalanx was in a closed formation and
ready for the battle.
Whatever structure the Spartans might have used, it did not decrease their effective
communication system. The king gave his orders directly to the ptolemarchs who passed it on
through the troops via the lower officers. The biggest problem was that each soldier was
trained so well that the Spartan army practically only consisted of men who were officially no
officer, but who knew so much about warfare that they were almost equal to an officer. Such
an organisation does not always give the best results on the battlefield. An example of this is
the battle of Plataea where the Spartan commander refused to follow the order of the Spartan
king Pausanias to retreat. At Mantineia the ptolemarchs at the right wing ignored the orders of
the king as they wanted to win the battle in their own way. Later on these ptolemarchs were
sued and banished from Sparta. Orders where hard to understand in the uproar of a battle, and
the Corinthian helmet also reduced the hearing of the soldiers. That is why hornsignals and
14
handsignals were often used. However, sometimes they were misunderstood and during an
incident at Amphipolis the unprotected right side of the phalanx was exposed to an Athenian
attack with dramatic results.
The equipment of the Spartan hoplite.
The outfit of this Spartan hoplite is not very different from his Athenian colleagues. The most
noticeable differences are the Spartan symbol on his hoplon, and the red cape which was not
worn during a battle. He has long hair which was common under the Spartan men. In this
picture he ties a lace around his spear to increase the grip while thrusting over the wall of
hostile shields.
Persian Army
The Persian Immortal.
This picture shows one of the famous 'Immortals'. They formed the elite
of the Persian army, and were called like this because men were
assigned to replace the positions of fallen soldiers. This way the strength
of the corps was always 10000 men. Only those who had Persian or
Medic ancestors were allowed to become an Immortal as they had
another important function: in times of peace formed they the
bodyguard of the high king.
The equipment of the Persian Immortal.
His clothes in this picture were used in combat, he wore completely
different clothes when he acted as the bodyguard of the king. That type
of clothing is more ceremonial and is normally seen on sculptures in
Persepolis. The ceremonial clothing was of course more subtle, but less
practical on the battlefield. One of the main weapons of an Immortal
were the short bow which was of little use against the heavy armoured
Greek hoplites. His other main weapon was quite a short spear with an
iron point and a silver counterbalance (the officers had a golden
counterbalance). A short sword, or a big dagger, completed the weaponry of an Immortal.
A corset with metal plates is worn under his tunic to offer some protection. Compared to the
elite of the Greek forces was he hardly armoured. In his left hand he is holding the gerron: a
traditional shield made of wicker and leather. This shield gave him enough protection against
arrows, but it certainly could not stop a well aimed thrust of a spear of a Greek hoplite while
the Greek hoplon could stop such an attack. On his head he is wearing the tiara: a soft cap
15
made of fabric which he could pull down over his face when he marched through a desert. His
loose tunic is richly decorated with embroidery and was often painted in purple, blue, yellow,
or white.
In spite of his courage was even the Immortal inferior to a Greek hoplite on the battlefield.
The obsolete shield, the lack of greaves and helmet, and the fact that his only advantage, the
bow, was useless against the Greek armoured hoplites made the Immortals of less strong than
the hoplite. He was a professional soldier just like the Spartans, but the Persian army did not
use a tactic which could stop the phalanx. Nevertheless were the Immortals extremely
important on the battlefield, and during the battle of Plataea they only retreated after their
leader Mardonius was killed. A reason for his inferior equipment might have been his value
within the Persian armies which mostly depended on huge amounts of cavalry and archers.
Later on the Persian infantry started to use the Greek hoplon and short sword, but they still
hardly used any armour most of the time.
Of course were there more types of infantry in the Persian army. Many vanquished people from
many different places were forced to fight in the Persian warmachine, and that explains the
diversity of the Persian army. Besides their inferior equipment was this also a big disadvantage
while fighting the Greeks. The Persians did not form an unity, they did not fight in groups like a
phalanx. On top of that fought they in a strange land. The Greeks knew the advantages and the
disadvantages of the terrain, and they fought for their homeland... they had a much higher
moral.
Summary of Persian Wars, or Greco-Persian Wars
Ionia and the Ionian rebellion: 545-494 BC
When the Persians annexe Ionia in about 545, acquiring a foothold on the Aegean, the
strongest city state in mainland Greece is Sparta. None of the Greek states risk an
armed excursion in defence of the Ionians, but the Spartans do send a message to the
Persian emperor,Cyrus, warning him to keep away from Greece. His reply, as reported,
suggests genuine bewilderment. 'Who are the Spartans?', he asks.
Far from keeping away, an expedition of 514 approaches alarmingly close to Greece
16
from the north, conquering Thrace and Macedonia to bring the northern coast of the
Aegean under Persian control. But it is on the coast of Anatoliathat the crisis intensifies.
In 499 BC the cities of Ioniarebel against their Persian satrap. They are supported to
a limited extent by Athens. The rebellion continues fitfully until finally put down in
493. But this region is now established as an area of friction between Persia and
Greece. Geographically Ionia seems a natural extension of Persia's great land empire.
But culturally the Ionians are linked to all the other Greek-speaking peoples round the
Aegean Sea.
Athens becomes the main target of the Persian emperor's hostility - partly because
of her support for the Ionian rebels, but also because the tyrantHippias, expelled from
Athens, is at the Persian court offering treacherous encouragement. In 490 Darius
launches his attack.
A Persian fleet sails along the southern coast of Anatolia. According to Herodotus, it
numbers 600 ships. The horses of the famousPersian cavalryare in transport vessels; the
troops are carried in triremes.
From Ionia this armada sets a course straight across the Aegean, pausing only at
Naxos and other islands to take hostages and press recruits into the army. The
destination is Marathon, a plain to the north of Athens on which the cavalry will have
room to manoeuvre. The army lands on the island of Euboea, conquers the small city
of Eretria, makes the short crossing to the mainland at Marathon, and waits.
Marathon: 490 BC
In Athens the decision is taken to send an army to confront the Persians,
rather than concentrate on defence of the city. A runner, whom Herodotus names as
Pheidippides, is sent to seek help from Sparta. He completes the journey of about 150
miles (240 km) in two days. The Spartans agree to cooperate. But a religious
ceremony prevents them from setting off until the next full moon, in six days' time.
17
At Marathon 10,000 Greekhoplites confront perhaps 25,000 Persians. The Persians wait
for the Greeks to attack across the plain, exposing themselves to the cavalry. The
Greeks creep forward, night after night, with a ruse to frustrate the Persian horsemen.
They fell trees to create a barricade against the cavalry, and they move them gradually
forward under cover of darkness. The plain has been considerably reduced in this
way, when word comes one night that the Persian cavalry has moved temporarily
elsewhere (the reason is unknown).
At dawn the Greekhoplites charge in an extended line across the open ground. Their
bronze armour and long spears prove too much for the lightly armed Persian infantry.
Even so the Persian advantage in numbers means that the battle is hard fought,
making Herodotus' account of the casualties (192 Athenian dead to 6400 Persians)
somewhat hard to believe.
The Persian survivors are rescued from the beaches by the fleet, which then moves
south to threaten Athens. The Athenian army marches rapidly home to defend the city,
and the Persians decide against an assault. They withdraw across the Aegean.
A day or two after the event, 2000 Spartans arrive. They visit the battlefield as
admiring tourists, to inspect the Persian dead. The fallen Athenians are buried beneath
a great memorial mound (even today it stands 9 metres high). The survivors are
acclaimed as heroes.Aeschylus, the great tragedian, fought that day. He will have much
in his life to be proud of. But nothing, he says, can compare with being a veteran of
Marathon.
Themistocles and the Athenian fleet: 490-480 BC
Nobody doubts that the Persians will be back, but the death of Darius in 486 extends
the lull before the storm. Three years later a rich new vein of silver is discovered in
the mining district of Laureion, which is owned and run by the Athenian state.
Themistocles persuades his fellow citizens to apply their windfall to a collective cause
- the building of a navy stronger than any other in Greece. By 480 there are
200triremes in the Athenian fleet.
18
Thermopylae: 480 BC
A vast Persian force led by Xerxes I, the son of Darius, is making its way along the
northern coast of the Aegean. The troops are described in mesmerizing detail by
Herodotus, writing only half a century later. He lists 1,700,000 soldiers (counted by
a Novel form of roll call), including 80,000 cavalry. They are accompanied by a fleet of
1207triremes, each with 200 men on board. Adding in subsidiary troops, Herodotus
arrives at a grand total of 5,283,320 - not including eunuchs and female cooks.
These wildly improbable figures suggest the scale of the renewed threat as perceived
in Greece. The only difference this time is that such a juggernaut moves slowly. There
is time to plan.
At a central point of mainlandGreece, the Isthmus of Corinth, thirty-one city-states meet
- in the autumn of 481 and again in the spring of 480 - to devise a strategy. It is agreed
that all will combine their resources, both military and naval, in a common force
under the command of Sparta.
The immediate question is where to make a stand against the advancing Persians. The
chosen site is Thermopylae, a long narrow valley through which any army must pass
if moving down the coast towards Athens.
Leonidas, one of the two Spartan kings, is in command of the Greek army when the
confrontation comes. His Spartan contingent is as yet only an advance guard of 300
men. He stations them under his immediate command at the narrowest part of the
pass.
The glittering Persian army has at its head the emperor himself, Xerxes, son of Darius.
On two successive days he orders his best troops into the narrow defile. But as
at Marathon, ten years earlier, the Persians suffer heavy losses from the longer spears of
the Greekhoplites. The situation appears to be an impasse, almost literally - until it is
resolved by treachery.
19
In the hope of a large reward a Greek (a certain Ephialtes, named by Herodotus to
ensure his eternal infamy) informs Xerxes that a hidden path through oak woods on
the nearby hills will bring troops, unseen, to the other side of the pass. A Persian
contingent takes that route during the night.
Before dawn, spies bring Leonidas news of the imminent danger. He orders the main
body of the army to retreat southwards. Then he prepares, with his 300
Spartanhoplites and a few others, to face an onslaught from both ends of the pass.
All the Spartans die, selling their lives at a high price - Herodotus writes that the
terrified enemy soldiers had to be whipped by their commanders into confronting
these Greeks. Their fate becomes the enduring monument to Spartan discipline and
valour, captured in a famous epitaph inscribed on a column in the pass: 'Stranger, go
tell the Spartans that we lie here - obedient to their laws.'
Now it is the Athenians who are in the front line against the victorious invaders. As
the Persian army moves south towards Attica, the debate in Athens is whether to
defend the city or make a strategic withdrawal.
Salamis: 480 BC
Themistocles, who has already persuaded his fellow citizen to invest in a navy, urges
withdrawal. According to a story told by Herodotus, he makes good use of the Oracle at
Delphi which has told them to put their trust in a 'wooden wall'. What the oracle clearly
has in mind, he argues, is a ship.
His advice is accepted. Athens is evacuated, apart from a few stalwarts who interpret
the 'wooden wall' differently; they retreat to the sacred precinct of the acropolis and
build round it a wooden palisade. The rest of the inhabitants are taken by ship across
the narrow strait separating Athens from the island of Salamis.
Reaching Athens, the Persians fire blazing arrows into the wooden barricade. Then,
with some difficulty, they assault the steep acropolis. After slaughtering those
sheltering in the temple, they seize the treasures and demolish the buildings. Athens,
20
so recently given a new grandeur in the reign of Peisistratus, is reduced to rubble. But
the destruction will make possible therebuilding of Athens and an even more glorious city.
Meanwhile the Greek fleet is gathered in the narrow stretch of water between Salamis
and the mainland. Themistocles persuades his allies to make a stand here, prevailing
over those Peloponnesian states who would prefer to abandon Attica and draw the line
at the more defensible Isthmus of Corinth.
The Greek fleet is smaller than the Persian. It numbers only 380triremes (of which about
half are Athenian), and the Greek ships are slower. Themistocles argues that these
disadvantages will be irrelevant in a restricted space, where Greek fighting skills can
tip the balance (as in the narrow pass atThermopylae).
His plan depends on the Persian fleet being enticed into the strait at the eastern end of
the island of Salamis. Prompted by some deliberately misleading diplomacy, the
Persians fall into the trap. As the Greek triremes begin to ram and sink them, panic
spreads among the constricted Persian ships - making them ever more vulnerable. The
Greek victory is overwhelming.
Plataea and Mykale: 479 BC
The Persians are still occupying Attica, and the Athenians cannot hope to dislodge
them without Spartan assistance. This is provided in 479, when a large Greek army
marches north from the Peloponnese. It meets the Persians at Plataea, where the
Spartan commander, Pausanias, wins a victory against considerable odds.
Meanwhile the Persian navy has retreated across the Aegean. The Greek fleet
confronts them again at Mykale, where the Persians make discretion the better part of
valour. They abandon their ships rather than face the Greek triremes, but they are then
defeated by the Greeks in a battle on shore. The westward expansion by Xerxes has
been brought to a conclusive end.
The Greek colonies in Asia Minor remain under Persian control, and the attempt to
recover them will continue for many years. An early success is the liberation
ofByzantium, at the mouth of the Black Sea, in 478.
21
Sparta is not interested in naval expeditions against the Persians in Asia, so the
leadership of the Greek forces passes to Athens and theDelian League. By 448 BC the
Persians have been cleared from all the Greek territories. There is some evidence that
in that year a formal agreement is reached - known as the Peace of Kallias - which
excludes the Persian fleet from the Aegean and guarantees the independence of the
Greek states of Asia Minor.
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The Persian Wars
Darius I of Persia (522-486)
http://www.boisestate.e
Darius I, King of Persia
A benevolent and extremely competent ruler, Darius had the misfortune of trying to rule the
Greeks. He knew they were troublesome and he realized that the Ionian Greeks would be a
perpetual bother so long as they could gain help and encouragement from the Greek mainland.
So, he determined to conquer Greece proper, to secure his western frontier. The Persian Empire
was enormous, and one portion or another was regularly in revolt, so it was some time before
Darius was able to turn his attention to Asia Minor.
22
As it happened, the Greeks themselves gave Darius a pretext for action. The fires of rebellion
had smoldered in Ionia for a generation or more, but the spark was provided by one man:
Aristagoras of Miletus.
Persian Empire ( link to larger and more readable version)
Sardis is between the N in Persian and the E of Empire.
From Sardis trace south to Caria, then toward the coast and you'll find Miletus.
The island of Lade is there too.
Aristagoras was the tyrant of Miletus. Tyrannos was the Greek word for anyone who had come
to power illegally, whether they ruled well or badly. A tyrant's position was therefore always
legally shaky and keeping the power he had seized was a tyrant's constant worry.
23
In 500, Aristagoras had a great idea. The way to secure his power, he thought, was to ingratiate
himself with the Persians. The way to do this was to gain for Persia a great victory. So he
persuaded the Persians to attempt to take the island city-state of Naxos.
The expedition failed, however, and the Persians blamed Aristagoras. To protect himself, he
persuaded the people of Miletus to rebel in the name of Greek liberty; the would-be Persian
toady now became the champion of Greek freedom. It was a desperate act on Aristagoras'
part, but he was in a desperate situation, for he could not face the entire Persian Empire alone.
The citizens, already chafing at Persian rule, supported Aristagoras. They killed the local
Persian garrison and freed the city. Of course, Miletus could hardly stand against Persia
either. The city needed help.
It did not need to stand alone. The Greeks were ready for any excuse to rebel, and this was a
good one. With Aristagoras' encouragement, city after city followed Miletus in killing or driving
out their Persian garrisons and declaring liberty.
The local satrap (Persian governor) could not control the rebellion, and the revolt spread. By
499, most of the cities on the Ionian coast were once again independent.
Darius, of course, could not tolerate this.
The Revolt is Crushed
The revolt had succeeded, but only temporarily. The Persian war machine was slow to mobilize,
but highly effective once it was in motion. Aristagoras knew this and had planned for it.
He appealed to the mainland Greeks for help, asking the mother cities to come to the defense
of their colonies (many of the city-states along the Ionian coast had been founded by Greeks
from the mainland). Sparta refused, arguing that events in Asia were none of its concern.
Athens, on the other hand, sent an entire army plus a navy to defend her fellow Greeks from
the barbarians.
The expedition burned Sardes, capitol of this part of the Empire, in 496. The Persians were
driven completely out of Asia Minor.
When the Persians finally arrived in full force, the rebellion ended quickly. The key event was
the Battle of Lade in 494, a naval battle that ended in a complete Persian victory. Aristagoras
was killed and his city was destroyed. Those citizens who survived were transplanted to the
lower Tigris River and Miletus simply ceased to exist. By 493, the entire rebellion had been
crushed.
24
Aftermath of the Revolt
Darius was surprisingly lenient, at least with those cities that agreed to submit to Persian rule
once more. He took a few hostages but visited few reprisals (except for the terrible toll exacted
on Miletus). He did, of course, re-institute the garrisons and the taxes.
Athens had been a principal ally in the Ionian Revolt and the Athenians quite naturally feared
that Darius would be coming after them next. With the example of Miletus before them, this
was a distressing prospect.
The Athenians were in a desperate mood. The Persian Empire was so huge it must surely be
able to crush the Greeks no matter what defensive measures they took. So worried were the
Athenians that in 493 they fined the playwright Phrynichus 1,000 drachmas for his play The
Capture of Miletus, which in recounting the events of the Ionian Revolt, reminded them of the
reasons for their current difficulty.
The First Persian Invasion of Greece
The Athenians were right to worry. Darius began methodically assembling an enormous army,
with which he intended to crush the Greeks forever. He let it be known this was his intent. He
also let it be known that anyone who cooperated with Persia would be spared and, indeed,
would prosper. Those who opposed would be destroyed. No one doubted that the great King
meant what he said quite literally.
25
Mardonius, Darius' brother-in-law, invaded Thrace in 492. This expedition bogged down,
however. Athens could see the war coming its way and tried to gain allies, but no one dared
openly to oppose Persia. Sparta was supportive, but refused to take open action.
Darius finally invaded in person in 490, sailing from the Phoenician coast with a huge armada
and landing on the island of Euboea. One of the Greek strong points, Eretria, fell after a six
day siege. The city was sacked and the entire population taken captive. This was a clear
indication to the Athenians that theirs would be the same fate.
The Battle of Marathon - Preparations
Persian army then landed at Marathon. Sparta was still unwilling to fight beyond the borders of
the Pelopennese, and Athens stood alone. Present at the battle were the Medes, and their
conquerors the Persians.
26
The Plain of Marathon
Athenian army took its position in the Valley of Vrana, near the small town of Marathon. It was
outnumbered three to one. The army was joined at the last minute by about a thousand
Plataeans, but that was the only ally that stood with Athens.
The Athenian army was led not by a single general but by a board of ten generals, and
command rotated among them daily. This was so no one general could become a war hero and
thereby become a demagogue. The most respected of these was a man named Miltiades, and
all the generals agreed he should lead them into battle the next day. It wasn't his turn,
however. So one by one each general stepped up and formally laid down his command so the
next in line could take it, until finally it was Miltiades' turn.
The Persians were still encamped on the beach, their great fleet standing out in the bay. They
saw the Athenian army, of course, and made sure their cavalry was posted to cover the road.
The army blocked the inland route, but Darius had no intention of trying that route. He
intended to move southward, along a road that followed the coastline until it arrived at Athens.
There he would teach the Athenians the same lesson he'd taught to Miletus and Eretria.
At dawn, Miltiades ordered an attack. The Persians were still mostly asleep down on the beach,
and were quite astonished to see the enemy attacking. More astonishing still, they were
attacking at a run. This was of some comfort, for a man isn't going to fight all that well after
27
having run a mile with armor and weapons. The Persians formed up and met the attack, but
they were a bit ragged and disorganized.
Still, they routed the Greek center, pushing it back up the valley. The Greeks retreated, pulling
the Persians forward and extending their lines. This is exactly what Miltiades had intended. He
had given orders to his men to attack and then retreat in the center. He deliberately weakened
his center and strengthened the flanks. This took great courage, for the Athenian center had to
retreat yet not be overrun.
When the Persians were sufficiently extended, Miltiades gave the command. The center
suddenly turned and stood its ground, while the men on the flanks attacked.
The Persians broke ranks and began to retreat. As the Greeks pressed, the retreat became a
rout. Many Persians fled northward, only to run into swampy ground where they were cut
down. Others ran back to the beach, jumping into the little boats that had ferried them ashore
from the fleet. Some Athenians followed them into the water, swimming out after the boats,
attacking as they could, and capturing seven Persian ships.
Herodotus narrates the Battle of Marathon
Miltiades by these words gained Callimachus; and the addition of the Polemarch's
vote caused the decision to be in favour of fighting. Hereupon all those generals
who had been desirous of hazarding a battle, when their turn came to command
the army, gave up their right to Miltiades. He however, though he accepted their
offers, nevertheless waited, and would not fight until his own day of command
arrived in due course.
Then at length, when his own turn was come, the Athenian battle was set in array,
and this was the order of it. Callimachus the Polemarch led the right wing; for it was
at that time a rule with the Athenians to give the right wing to the Polemarch. After
this followed the tribes, according as they were numbered, in an unbroken line;
while last of all came the Plataeans, forming the left wing. And ever since that day it
has been a custom with the Athenians, in the sacrifices and assemblies held each
fifth year at Athens, for the Athenian herald to implore the blessing of the gods on
the Plataeans conjointly with the Athenians. Now, as they marshalled the host upon
the field of Marathon, in order that the Athenian front might he of equal length
with the Median, the ranks of the centre were diminished, and it became the
weakest part of the line, while the wings were both made strong with a depth of
many ranks.
28
So when the battle was set in array, and the victims showed themselves favourable,
instantly the Athenians, so soon as they were let go, charged the barbarians at a
run. Now the distance between the two armies was little short of eight furlongs.
The Persians, therefore, when they saw the Greeks coming on at speed, made
ready to receive them, although it seemed to them that the Athenians were bereft
of their senses, and bent upon their own destruction; for they saw a mere handful
of men coming on at a run without either horsemen or archers. Such was the
opinion of the barbarians; but the Athenians in close array fell upon them, and
fought in a manner worthy of being recorded. They were the first of the Greeks, so
far as I know, who introduced the custom of charging the enemy at a run, and they
were likewise the first who dared to look upon the Median garb, and to face men
clad in that fashion. Until this time the very name of the Medes had been a terror
to the Greeks to hear.
The two armies fought together on the plain of Marathon for a length of time; and
in the mid battle, where the Persians themselves and the Sacae had their place, the
barbarians were victorious, and broke and pursued the Greeks into the inner
country; but on the two wings the Athenians and the Plataeans defeated the
enemy. Having so done, they suffered the routed barbarians to fly at their ease, and
joining the two wings in one, fell upon those who had broken their own centre, and
fought and conquered them. These likewise fled, and now the Athenians hung upon
the runaways and cut them down, chasing them all the way to the shore, on
reaching which they laid hold of the ships and called aloud for fire.
It was in the struggle here that Callimachus the Polemarch, after greatly
distinguishing himself, lost his life; Stesilaus too, the son of Thrasilaus, one of the
generals, was slain; and Cynaegirus, the son of Euphorion, having seized on a vessel
of the enemy's by the ornament at the stern, had his hand cut off by the blow of an
axe, and so perished; as likewise did many other Athenians of note and name.
Nevertheless the Athenians secured in this way seven of the vessels; while with the
remainder the barbarians pushed off, and taking aboard their Eretrian prisoners
from the island where they had left them, doubled Cape Sunium, hoping to reach
Athens before the return of the Athenians. The Alcmaeonidae were accused by
their countrymen of suggesting this course to them; they had, it was said, an
understanding with the Persians, and made a signal to them, by raising a shield,
after they were embarked in their ships.
The Persians accordingly sailed round Sunium. But the Athenians with all possible
speed marched away to the defence of their city, and succeeded in reaching Athens
before the appearance of the barbarians: and as their camp at Marathon had been
pitched in a precinct of Hercules, so now they encamped in another precinct of the
same god at Cynosarges. The barbarian fleet arrived, and lay to off Phalerum, which
29
was at that time the haven of Athens; but after resting awhile upon their oars, they
departed and sailed away to Asia.
There fell in this battle of Marathon, on the side of the barbarians, about six
thousand and four hundred men; on that of the Athenians, one hundred and
ninety-two. Such was the number of the slain on the one side and the other. A
strange prodigy likewise happened at this fight. Epizelus, the son of Cuphagoras, an
Athenian, was in the thick of the fray, and behaving himself as a brave man should,
when suddenly he was stricken with blindness, without blow of sword or dart; and
this blindness continued thenceforth during the whole of his after life. The
following is the account which he himself, as I have heard, gave of the matter: he
said that a gigantic warrior, with a huge beard, which shaded all his shield, stood
over against him; but the ghostly semblance passed him by, and slew the man at his
side. Such, as I understand, was the tale which Epizelus told.
Marathon Aftermath
The Athenians had won at Marathon, but they certainly had not destroyed the Persian army,
and they knew it. Well before the battle, they had made provision for whatever might happen
at Marathon.
Should the Athenians lose, then word must get back quickly to the city and the citizens would
abandon Athens, retreating to the Peloponnesus. Should the Greeks win, then word must
likewise get back quickly, for the Persian navy was sure to sail around Attica and attempt to
take the city while it was undefended. In the case of victory, the citizens were to man the walls
and make it appear that Athens was strongly defended.
So Miltiades sent his best runner, Phaedippas, to take word back to Athens. He ran the entire
distance. When he arrived, he gasped out a single word, "victory!" and died.
The Persians did indeed sail around Attica, hoping to find the city helpless. Instead, they found
the walls defended and the citizenry ready. Met with this resistance, they hesitated. Not long
after, the Greek army arrived. The Persians decided they had had enough of these Greeks, and
they sailed home.
Marathon - Results
The casualties give an indication as to the nature of the victory: 6,400 Persians died at
Marathon, and only 192 Athenians. The Greek dead were buried on the Plain of Marathon,
where the mound is still pointed out to tourists, nearly three thousand years later.
30
The burial mound at Marathon
Athens gained tremendous prestige from this victory, not least because she fought almost
alone. The myth of Persian invincibility was broken. But both sides knew that the issue was not
yet settled.
Miltiades, the hero of Marathon, lead an expedition that failed the next year (489), trying to
drive the Persians out of Thrace. He died of wounds, in disgrace for having lost. This was typical
of Athens--very fickle in regard to their leaders.
After a few years, leadership of the war party was taken over by Themistocles, who had a
different military vision. Instead of the army, Themistocles urged that Athens place her faith in
the navy. This was a fateful change of policy, for it lead Athens to becoming a great sea power.
31
Persia readies for war
Xerxes of Persia
Meanwhile, the Persians were preparing. Darius was unable to respond immediately to his
defeat because of rebellions on the other end of his empire. While he quelling these, he was
killed.
His son, Xerxes, spent several years securing his own succession. But he was determined to
avenge his father's defeat by the Greeks. Once ready, Xerxes undertook enormous
preparations, convinced that sufficient manpower would win the day.
Xerxes built an enormous army that he somehow had to get across the sea to Greece. Travel by
sea was perilous; armies always travelled by land when possible. So Xerxes' route was to cross
the Bosporus and travel by way of Thrace, Macedonia, and Thessaly.
Xerxes Invades
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Themistocles
The Bosporus presented the first obstacle. To cross it, Xerxes had a boat bridge built, with each
boat attached to the next with planks. This was an enormous undertaking, for the bridge had to
be over a mile long and involved many boats, and the sea of course had to remain perfectly
calm.
The sea, evidently uninterested in Xerxes' campaign, did not remain calm. Time and again the
boat bridge was nearly complete when winds and rough seas broke it apart. Xerxes was so
exasperated with the god of the sea, so Herodotus tells us, that he commanded his slaves to
whip the sea with chains.
It worked. The sea, properly chastened, behaved itself, the bridge was completed, and the
Persian army crossed into Europe.
Xerxes had supply depots along the way, for the problem of supplying such a huge force was as
great a task as actually battling the Greeks. Everything depended on keeping the army supplied.
For this reason, Xerxes even had built a canal behind Mt. Athos, so that his army would not
have to lose contact with his navy.
Back in Athens, we now see a split in the citizens that will appear more than once. The
Athenians, faced with a choice of trying to placate Persian or preparing for war, elected
Themistocles, who undertook a build-up of the navy, advocating war. They rejected the
peace party (mainly aristocrats). This split--the democrats for war and the aristocrats for peace-would haunt Athens in later years.
Themistocles had argued for a navy in vain for several years. The Athenians had been so
impressed by the brilliance of their army at the Battle of Marathon that they were inclined to
place faith in soldiers rather than in a navy.
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Model of a Greek trireme
The question was a social one, too, for the army was dominated by the aristocrats whereas the
navy employed many commoners. The Greeks did not use slaves to row their ships, they used
citizens. An increased role for the navy meant increased political clout for the common people.
Herodotus tells how Themistocles was frustrated in every attempt to gain financing for a new
navy. He was able finally to get approval when Athens, seeing the threat of Xerxes all too
clearly, sent to the oracle at Delphi for advice.
The oracle answered in true Greek oracular style--in obscure verse. The gist of the verse was
that Athens would be safe from the Persians behind a wall of wood. This could not be taken
literally, for any wall made of wood could simply be burned down.
It was Themistocles who interpreted the oracle correctly. The wall of wood was in fact a fleet of
wooden ships--the triremes of the Athenian navy.
The citizens were convinced, and they forthwith voted a huge increase in spending for the navy.
The Greeks Unite ... or not
The Greeks were, of course, disunited as always. Some city- states, especially in the north, went
over to the Persians rather than face war and destruction. For the stronger states in the south
(Athens, Sparta, Thebes, etc.) had decided not to try to meet Xerxes in the north.
Athens and Sparta, plus a handful of scattered small cities, stood alone against the giant. When
Xerxes finally invaded Greece in 480 BC his army consisted of 200,000 men and seven hundred
warships. The Greeks together had three hundred ships and 10,000 men, with ability to raise
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about 50,000. They were led by King
hundred Spartans.
Leonidas of Sparta, who brought with him three
The small turn-out of Sparta reflected a disagreement as to where best to meet the Persians.
Sparta wanted to fight at the Isthmus of Corinth. Others wanted to fight further north. And the
Athenians continued to argue that the war would be won or lost at sea. So Sparta left the bulk
of her army in the Peloponnese.
The issue was very touchy, though. The Athenians were frantically building ships as fast as they
could, for the Persian fleet outnumbered them better than three to one. Literally every day's
delay would mean more Greek ships at sea. Moreover, Athenian representatives needed as
much time as possible to persuade more city-states to stand with them against Xerxes.
It was therefore imperative that Xerxes be delayed as long as possible. The Greeks decided to
take a terrible gamble. They would send an expeditionary force north to meet Xerxes, to fight
the Persians at hopeless odds, and to sacrifice themselves in order to improve the chances of
ultimate victory.
Thermopylae
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Thermopylae
from Shepherd's Historical Atlas
One of the best points at which to hold off an invader was at Thermopylae, a narrow valley
adjacent to the sea. The attacker could not pass to the seaward side, and to go inland would
mean a significant detour. Other armies could risk this, but Xerxes could not.
On the other hand, a defender could take a stand with comparatively few men. A wall had once
been built here, and a small fort. The Greeks rebuilt the wall and waited.
The Greek strategy was to delay the land force and to defeat the Persians at sea. With the
Persian navy gone, the Persian army would soon starve. It should have worked, but from the
beginning everything seemed to go wrong.
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Waiting
To begin with, the Greek army was surprised to see the Persians arrive so soon. They had hoped
to get more reinforcements. On the other side, Xerxes had excellent information and knew that
the Greeks were waiting for him. He set up camp on the plain below the pass. He was
confident, but the army was so large that it could not afford to wait in any one place for very
long.
He sent scouts up the valley to ascertain the nature of the opposition. The Spartans had duty on
the outside wall, where they were waiting watchfully. The scouts were astounded to see the
Spartans doing calisthenics and braiding their hair. Xerxes could not believe they intended to
fight against hopeless odds. He announced his presence and waited four days for them to leave
Battle of Thermopylae
The Greeks did not leave. Exasperated, and aware of his supply situation, Xerxes ordered an
attack on the fifth day. He sent the Medes against the Greeks, ordering Spartans be taken alive,
so confident he was of easy victory.
The Spartans retreated, running away, even to the point of turning their backs on the enemy.
The Medes, sure that they were winning the victory they had expected, broke ranks to pursue,
whereupon the Spartans turned and fought savagely. After sharp fighting, the Medes were
defeated.
Xerxes now sent in the Immortals, his best troops. The Spartans employed same strategy, with
the same results. Xerxes was furious. Another day's fighting yielded no better for the Persians.
The fighting was all the more remarkable in that the Greeks had failed utterly in the sea battle
and the Persians had complete control of the sea. The sole purpose now for the battle was
solely to delay the inevitable as long as possible.
At this point, treachery undid their heroic efforts.
Betrayal
Ephialtes, a man from Malis, went to King Xerxes and told him that he knew of a goat path
that went around the Greek position and debouched behind their lines. After initial skepticism,
Xerxes discovered the man was telling the truth. He made his preparations.
The Greeks knew of the path, of course. There were, in fact, more than one path, winding
among the mountains. The men of Phocis were posted on the most likely path, but the Persians
slipped past them by way of a different path under cover of night.
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The Greeks learned of the treachery near morning. They would barely have time to escape from
the trap. Leonidas tells the other Greeks to return home, to fight another day, but the Spartans
will stay. The Thespians and Thebans joined him. There were no more than a few thousand who
stayed.
Greeks knew they were about to die and they fought all the more fiercely for it. The Spartans
put up the stoutest resistance, taking their stand on a little hill and fighting in a circle facing
outward with enemies all around.
When Leonidas was killed, he was some distance away from the main force. Some of the
Spartans formed a tight group, fought their way to his body, picked it up, then fought their way
back to the main group on the hill.
The Persians seemed utterly unable to annihilate the Spartans. At last, the Spartans are killed
by a hail of spears and arrows, the Persians fearing to close with these fearsome warriors.
Results of Thermoplyae
The Greeks lost the battle. They had come hoping for a victory and instead had been routed.
But Thermopylae was always hailed as a triumph for Greek arms because the Persian army was
crucially delayed.
Thermopylae allowed the Greeks time to organize. Themistocles did not lose heart and
continued to drive the shipbuilders for all they were worth. He was still confident of victory at
sea.
Moreover, the Greeks were heartened by the example of Leonidas, the Spartans, and the
others who fought at Thermopylae. This battle served as an exemple to officers and soldiers
alike, not only through Greek history but Roman as well, of what can be accomplished through
heroic self-sacrifice.
Xerxes moves south
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Athens was in despair, for the Athenians knew that their city would surely be destroyed. There
simply was no place between the Persians and Athens where the Greeks dared to risk battle.
Instead, they must watch their city burn and place their trust in the fleet. The citizens fled,
many to the island of Salamis.
Xerxes did indeed burn Athens. He was enraged to find that the only ones who remained were
those too ill or too demented to leave. The Athenians stood on the shores of Salamis and could
see the flames devour their city.
Both the fleet and the army were now in place. Xerxes was sure of victory. He had his throne
placed upon a hill overlooking the sea, in part to savor his victory and in part so his
commanders would know that their king was watching them.
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The Battle of Salamis
The Persians had around 700 ships, the Greeks around 300. The Spartans and other allies were
encamped in the Isthmus of Corinth, awaiting the outcome of the sea battle. Xerxes had
conquered most of Greece; now was the time for the killing blow.
The Greeks were able to lure the Persians into narrow waters where superior Greek
seamanship won the day. As Xerxes watched, his massive fleet sailed into the straits, then were
systematically rammed and sunk by the enemy.
The victory at Salamis was so decisive that Xerxes immediately sailed back to Persia, leaving
Mardonius and the army to fight their way back as best they could.
Battle of Plataea, and after
The land war continued for another year, but the heart had gone out of the Persians. At
Plataea, in 479, the Persian army was defeated and Mardonius was killed.
The Persians retreated from Greece without further incident, neither side desiring to fight
further. The Greeks gained other victories in Asia Minor.
The victory over Persia was the greatest of all victories won by the Greeks. It meant that Greece
would stay Greek, and not be absorbed into the Persian Empire had so many other cultures. It
meant that Greek influence would live and grow, to be spread further by Alexander and to be
preserved and extended by Rome.
The Soul of the Greek. Anthropon.
http://uts.cc.utexas.edu/~sparta/topics/articles/academic/poetry.htm
Simonides of Creos
c. battle of Thermopylae
Epitaph for the Spartan Dead at Thermopylae
(There is a possibility of this being incorrectly attributed to Simonides.)
Go, stranger, and to the Spartans tell
That here, obedient to their word, we fell.
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On those Who Died with Leonidas
Leonidas, king of the open fields of Sparta,
those slain with you lie famous in their graves,
For they attacked absorbing the head-long assault
of endless Persian men, arrows and swift horse.
On those Who Died at Thermopylae
Of those who perished at the Hot Gates,
all glorious is the fortune, fair the doom;
Their grave's an altar, ceaseless memory's theirs
instead of lamentation, and their fate
Is chant of praise. Such winding sheet as this
no mould nor all-consuming time shall waste.
This sepulchre of valiant men has taken
the fair renown of Hellas for its inmate.
And witness is Leonidas, once king
of Sparta, who hath left behind a crown
Of valour mighty and undying fame.
On the Spartans Fallen at Plataea
These men left an altar of glory on their land,
shining in all weather,
When they were enveloped by the black mists of
death.
But though they died
They are not dead, for their courage raises them
in glory
From the rooms of Hell.
Tyrtaeus of Sparta
c. 630 BC
Courage
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For no man ever proves himself a good man in war
unless he can endure to face the blood and the slaughter,
go close against the enemy and fight with his hands.
Here is courage, mankind's finest possession, here is
the noblest prize that a young man can endeavor to win,
and it is a good thing his city and all the people share with him
when a man plants his feet and stands in the foremost spears
relentlessly, all thought of foul flight completely forgotten,
and has well trained his heart to be steadfast and to endure,
and with words encourages the man who is stationed beside him.
Here is a man who proves himself to be valiant in war.
With a sudden rush he turns to flight the rugged battalions
of the enemy, and sustains the beating waves of assault.
And he who so falls among the champions and loses his sweet life,
so blessing with honor his city, his father, and all his people,
with wounds in his chest, where the spear that he was facing has transfixed
that massive guard of his shield, and gone through his breastplate as well,
why, such a man is lamented alike by the young and the elders,
and all his city goes into mourning and grieves for his loss.
His tomb is pointed to with pride, and so are his children,
and his children's children, and afterward all the race that is his.
His shining glory is never forgotten, his name is remembered,
and he becomes an immortal, though he lies under the ground,
when one who was a brave man has been killed by the furious War God
standing his ground and fighting hard for his children and land.
But if he escapes the doom of death, the destroyer of bodies,
and wins his battle, and bright renown for the work of his spear,
all men give place to him like, the youth and the elders,
and much joy comes his way before he goes down to the dead.
Aging, he has reputation among his citizens. No one
tries to interfere with his honors or all he deserves;
all men withdraw before his presence, and yield their seats to him,
the youth, and the men his age, and even those older than he.
Thus a man should endeavor to reach this high place of courage
with all his heart, and, so trying, never be backward in war.
To the Soldiers; after a defeat
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Now, since you are the seed of Heracles the invincible,
courage! Zeus has not yet turned away from us. Do not
fear the multitude of their men, nor run away from them.
Each man should bear his shield straight at the foremost ranks
and make his heart a thing full of hate, and hold the black flying
spirits of death as dear as he holds the flash of the sun…
Those who, standing their ground and closing their ranks together,
endure the onset at close quarters and fight in the front,
they lose fewer men. They also protect the army behind them.
Once they flinch, the spirit of the whole army falls apart.
And no man could count over and tell all the number of evils,
all that can come to a man, once he gives way to disgrace.
For once a man reverses and runs in the terror of battle,
he offers his back, a tempting mark to spear from behind,
and it is a shameful sight when a dead man lies in the dust there,
driven through from behind by the stroke of an enemy spear.
No, no, let him take a wide stance and stand up strongly against them,
digging both heels in the ground, biting his lip with his teeth,
covering thighs and legs beneath, his chest and his shoulders
under the hollowed-out protection of his broad shield,
while in his right hand he brandishes the powerful war-spear,
and shakes terribly the crest high above his helm.
Our man should be disciplined in the work of the heavy fighter,
and not stand out from the missiles when he carries a shield,
but go right up and fight at close quarters and, with his long spear
or short sword, thrust home and strike his enemy down.
Let him fight toe to toe and shield against shield hard driven,
crest against crest and helmet on helmet, chest against chest;
let him close hard and fight it out with his opposite foeman,
holding tight to the hilt of his sword, or to his long spear.
Aristodamus
Things of War
The great house glitters with bronze. War has patterned
the roof with shining helmets,
their horsehair plumes waving in the wind, headdress
of fighting men. And pegs
are concealed under bright greaves of brass which
block the iron-tipped arrows. Many
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fresh-linen corselets are hanging and hollow shields
are heaped about the floor,
and standing in rows are swords of Chalcidian steel,
belt-knives and warriors' kilts.
We cannot forget our arms and armor when soon
our dreadful duties begin.
Ibycus of Samos
c. 550 B.C.
Spartan girls are naked-thighed and man-crazy.
Alcman of Sparta
c. 625 B.C.
Man's Lessons
Experience and suffering
are the mother of wisdom.
The Journey
Narrow is our way of life
and necessity is pitiless.
Aristophanes
(Athenian dramatist,
c. 450BC-c.388BC.)
"Spartan Choral Dance" no.2
Leave darling Taygetus, Spartan Muse! Come to us
once more, flying and glorifying Spartan themes:
the god at Amyclae, bronze-house Athena,
Tyndarus’ twins, the valiant ones, playing still by Eurotas’ streams.
Up! Advance! Leap to the dance!
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Help us hymn Sparta, lover of dancing, lover of footfalls,
where girls go prancing like fillies along Eurotas’ banks,
whirling the dust, twinkling their shanks, shaking their hair
like Maenads playing and juggling the thyrsis, in frenzy obeying
Leda’s daughter, the fair, the pure Helen, the mistress of the choir.
Here, Muse, here! Bind up your hair! Stamp like a deer! Pound your feet!
Clap your hands! Give us a beat! Sing the greatest, sing the mightiest,
sing the conqueror, sing to honor her -Athena of the Bronze House! Sing Athena!
http://monolith.dnsalias.org/~marsares/warfare/army/a_hoplit.html
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