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Selling a multicultural environmentalism: Participation, representation and discourse Exploring connections between ethnicity and environmentalism, and the application of social marketing Rachael Chong – 203 414 96 – Advisor: Dr. Mary Louise McAllister Table of Contents i. Introduction: Setting up the question, methodology, and rationale ................................................ 3 Methodology and Conceptual Positioning .......................................................................................... 5 Ethical and theoretical challenges in researching race, ethnicity, and culture ..................................... 8 Part 1: Participation.............................................................................................................................. 10 1.1 New challenges to environmental concern and participation in changing demographics ...... 10 1.2 The response of the Environmental Justice Movement to apparent lack of participation ...... 13 Part 2: Representation .......................................................................................................................... 16 2.1 Environmental organizations and communication....................................................................... 16 2.2 Environmental organizations as shapers of environmentalism .................................................... 19 Part 3: Discourse ................................................................................................................................... 19 3.1 Different cultural discourses of environmentalism ....................................................................... 19 Part 4: Social Marketing Strategies ................................................................................................... 23 4.1 Overview of Social Marketing and Nonprofit Marketing Literature ............................................. 23 4.2 Responses to the issue of participation and environmental concern............................................ 25 4.3 Responses to the issue of representation..................................................................................... 30 4.4 Responses to the issue of discourse ............................................................................................. 34 Conclusion ............................................................................................................................................ 36 Definition of terms ................................................................................................................................ 39 Bibliography ......................................................................................................................................... 43 i. Introduction: Setting up the question, methodology, and rationale “I don't think Indians have bought into the environmental message yet… I don't think it's been sold to them in the right way, and they have no connection with it.” Kaushik Vyas, as quoted in (Gorrie 2007) Environmental education and communication, particularly in the use of social marketing and community engagement tools by environmental organizations, help to define the Canadian environmental movement by forming the “brand” of environmentalism, and thus determining who becomes involved in environmentalism. Some environmental justice literature argues that environmentalism in North America has traditionally catered to a “white, middle class” demographic and has thus been framed from this perspective (Gibson-Wood and Wakefield 2013). This argument should be understood in the context of the increasing multicultural nature of North American society (Gibson-Wood and Wakefield 2013). Communities all over Canada – urban, suburban and rural - are becoming increasingly ethnically and culturally diverse as people move between communities and countries. Immigration is the main driver of the country’s population growth: in 2006, its contribution was 69.3%, the highest percentage in 75 years (Statistics Canada 2006). Not only are there more newcomers, they are bringing their cultures with them: Canada adopted an official policy of multiculturalism in 1971 to reflect these changes on a national scale. The private sector has realized the importance of responding to these demographic changes through their commercial marketing strategies. Local governments have also assessed the implications of ethnic diversity in their city planning and services. Noting the government and the private sector’s embrace of multiculturalism, how is the environmental non-profit sector responding? If this narrow view of environmentalism prevails in environmental organizations in spite of increasing multiculturalism, a limited target audience will be reached. Ultimately, individuals with ethnic backgrounds who do not fit the label of “white, middle class” may not feel connected to the particular brand “environmentalism” being marketed. Instead, they may identify with alternative discourses of “environmentalism” drawn from their own cultural experiences. In related for-profit fields, outdoor recreationalists and natural resource managers have noted the trend and the implications for their industries with respect to pro-environmental behaviours (Larson, Whiting and Green 2011). The narrow approach of non-profit environmental organizations to environmentalism can affect the type and breadth of environmental issues that are addressed (Gosine and Teelucksingh 2008). The purpose of this study will be to discuss different understandings of “environmentalism” from different cultures of new Canadians, and to investigate how these understandings are embodied by environmental organizations. I will centre my investigations on the themes of ethnic participation, representation, and discourse. Through their communications activities, environmental organizations can respond to these themes through the social marketing of “environmentalism”. The research question, which contributes to the environmental justice and environmental communication bodies of literature, asks how environmental organizations can be inclusive of people with diverse ethnic cultures. Context and rationale for this question will be provided in Part 1: Participation. In this section, I will present key points from the literature on the connections between ethnicity and environmentalism, particularly around the theme of participation. I will also address the charge by environmental justice activists to environmental organizations to address these issues. In Part 2: Representation and Discourse, and Part 3: Discourse I will discuss the application of the role of environmental organizations in environmental communication and the forming of the dominant environmental discourse. The main themes in these sections will be representation and discourse. In Part 4: Applications of Social Marketing, tools from social marketing will be applied to address the 3 themes of participation, representation and discourse. The Conclusion will summarize environmental organizations to engage immigrants and ethnic minorities through strategies such as broadening the discourse of environmentalism, and will draw key principles from these examples. Methodology and Conceptual Positioning Synthesizing findings, debates, and observations from secondary sources is the main research activity in this project. An extensive literature review was conducted into the fields of environmental justice and environmental communication to inform this research. In order to find articles that discuss ethnic engagement in environmental organizations, searches were conducted in journal databases. Search terms used include “environmental justice”, “environmental organizations representation,” “environmentalism discourses,” “social marketing,” and “environmentalism marketing.” Several key books were also central to this research as both sources of information and as examples of representative viewpoints in the literature that helped to influence my understanding. These include Environmental Justice and Racism in Canada by Gosine, & Teelucksingh (2008), Strategic Marketing for Non Profit Organizations by Andreasen & Kotler (2006), and Environmental Justice and Environmentalism: The Social Justice Challenge to the Environmental Movement by Sanders & Pezzullo (2007). My desire to understand how marketing practices influences the social inclusivity of environmental organizations stems from my attempt to connect the readings I have done in environmental justice and public participation literature to the practical encounters I have had as both a creator and target of environmental outreach activities. Both the environmental justice literature and social/environmental marketing literature are well-developed bodies of literature and have made important contributions to North American and Canadian environmentalism. Yet these bodies of literature also lack significant reference to the other. In the Environmental Justice field, scholars are expanding past issues of pollution distribution (distributive justice) to issues of participation and recognition (procedural justice) (Gibson-Wood and Wakefield 2013). My thesis contributes to the latter two elements. It looks at how environmental organizations encourage participation from different groups of people, whether their activities are appropriate to diverse cultures, and whether their view of environmentalism recognizes diverse perspectives. Social marketing was proposed as a concept in the 1970s and has been researched in applications for health promotion and environmental protection (Thaler and Helmig 2013). The research focuses on the effectiveness of strategies, and draws on psychology and sociology to understand what causes behavioral change (Thaler and Helmig 2013). Some research has also been devoted to ethical issues in social marketing (A. Andreasen, Ethics in Social Marketing 2001). It seems that limited research, however, has been devoted to how marketing may be ‘unjust’ in terms of precluding particular audiences. Search terms such as “inclusive social marketing” garner few results. However, the research that does exist about reaching new audiences in marketing may present an idea to environmental organizations of how to be inclusive of the ethnic and lower-income groups they have traditionally left out. While contributing to these two fields, I hope to ultimate contribute to wider theoretical discussion on what is defined as “environmentalism,” and consider how this is communicated in the processes of framing a message and communicating it to a particular audience in a way that makes sense to them. For this paper, the secondary research was organized around three themes: participation, representation, and discourse. As illustrated in Figure 1, I conceive of traditional Western environmentalism as needing to be more inclusive of ethnic perspectives. I examine main themes from the field of Environmental Justice as they have been posed to mainstream organizations, and consider how these organizations can respond through social marketing strategies. The goal is to suggest paths forward to a more inclusive framing of environmentalism. Traditional environmentalism Inclusive environmentalism Mainstream understandings of the environment and environmentalism Redefine Diverse participation, representation and discourse brings life and new perspectives to the environmentalism Environmental Organizations Critique of traditional environmentalism: Environmental Justice • • Bridging social and environmental justice issues Themes of participation, representation, and discourse Figure 1: Conceptual framework Focused market research and outreach from social marketing Ethical and theoretical challenges in researching race, ethnicity, and culture When undertaking research in dealing with ethnic communities and culture, certain methodological and theoretical challenges arise. Methodological challenges may include ensuring research strategies are culturally appropriate; conducting interviews and surveys are in the right language in accessible locations, avoiding assumptions and imposition of roles are some important things to remember (Cola and Brusa 2014). Since this paper relies more on secondary research, however, the theoretical challenges that come with “ethnic minority” research are more relevant. A significant challenge in forming my research question was defining the unit of measurement in the study. Discussions pertaining to race, ethnicity, citizenship status and culture in relation to environmental behavior, environmental consciousness, and engagement in environmental organizations all appear in the literature. As will be discussed, many of the key concepts used in this piece are social constructs – particularly the ideas of race and ethnicity. Race and ethnicity are complex and, sometimes, are sensitive terms commonly used to describe notions of group identity. In popular culture, they are often used interchangeably. In academics, the terms are distinct, but often used together. Ethnicity is most associated with cultural identity, whereas race is most associated with recognizable physical attributes to which people may be categorized. Many anthropological studies have maintained that race is primarily a social construct with no true basis in biology or genetics, although this is contested by others who see race as a useful category from which to study genetic trends (Gosine & Teelucksingh, 2008; Schelhas, 2002). This paper will look at the cultural (rather than biological) characteristics connected to ethnic identity that may influence a person’s engagement with environmental organizations. However, I will still draw from works that use the term “race” because it is often used closely alongside ethnicity in the literature. Furthermore, although “racial” physical characteristics may not matter from a natural science sense, they do have sociological effects in how people perceive each other based on learned behavior of “us” and “them.” Ethnicity is also a social construct, and it indicates identification with groups of shared origin and heritage. Shared origins and heritage suggest that people of the same ethnicity may have the same culture – maintaining similar values, lifestyles and ways of thinking. Although the research question of this paper makes this assumption, it is important to recognize that this is not always the case. Readers must remember that ethnicity is a fluid categorization, and ethnic people not homogenous. An important concept here is acculturation – in which immigrants’ culture may change and adapt under a new context (Carter, Silva and Guzman 2013). Discussing ethnicity without acknowledging this limitation puts the research in danger of cultural appropriation through over-simplification of cultural phenomenon without regard to their embedded meanings, as well as broad generalizations without regard for complexity (Cola and Brusa 2014). This works to counter the often well-intentioned motivations of ethnic minority research. Taylor even acknowledges that some past research on ethnic people and environmentalism served to reinforce negative stereotypes and prevailing discriminatory orthodoxies rather than to challenge them (2002). With these theoretical and ethical challenges, why study race, ethnicity and culture in relation to environmentalism at all? Although ethnicity and the idea of race are both social constructs, this does not mean they are not valid subjects of study, for they have great influence on how people perceive and interact with each other and the environment. Canada is a “land of immigrants,” in which most citizens can trace back their ancestry to overseas within a few generations, with an official policy and brand of multiculturalism. This brand has encouraged citizens to embrace and be proud of their cultural heritage and traditions. Yet multiculturalism may have important implications for the biophysical environment as diverse people with diverse values and traditions live together under common ecological circumstances. Furthermore, although the researcher’s encounters with diverse environmentalists from a variety of cultural backgrounds and experiences have demonstrated otherwise, a false stereotype that the environmental movement is “white, middle class” continues to persist. This paper seeks to contribute to changing this misconception, highlighting environmental organizations that link cultural diversity together with the environment. Part 1: Participation 1.1 New challenges to environmental concern and participation in changing demographics In an increasingly globalized world, Canadian society can no longer be typified as white, Anglo-Saxxon faces and culture. According to the 2011 National Household Survey (NHS): the amount of “visible minorities,” defined by the federal Employment Equity Act as “persons, other than Aboriginal peoples, who are non-Caucasian in race or non-white in colour,” and the amount of answers identifying with population groups other than “White” are increasing in number. The Ethnic Diversity Survey (EDS) reports that as generations of ethnic families live longer in the country, they also increase in participation in Canadian society (2003). Canada’s official policy of multiculturalism reflects the sentiment that “all citizens can keep their identities, can take pride in their ancestry and have a sense of belonging” (Citizenship and Immigration Canada 2012). A question that has arisen out of this reality is whether encouraging people to bring their own cultures to Canada has adverse environmental consequences. An extreme example of this sentiment comes from New Zealand, where a politician publicly accused Chinese immigrants of pillaging the country’s coasts and fisheries (Lovelace, et al. 2013). The concern behind this sentiment is that immigrants and people of cultures from these “other” population groups may not share the same appreciation and respect for nature and cause environmental degradation. Multiple studies have been conducted on this topic, asking questions such as “How do environmental values and attitudes vary between cultural groups?” (Johnson, Bowker and Cordell 2004) (Deng, Walker and Swinnerton 2006), and “How readily do immigrants adopt Western environmental values?” (Lovelace, et al. 2013). These studies use surveys to determine whether respondents maintained environmental concerns or values. The studies listed here measured environmental values using the New Environmental Paradigm (NEP) scale. This scale measures awareness of environmental concepts and categorizes beliefs into being more biocentric or antropocentric. Johnson, Bowker and Cordell studied five ethnic groups - African Americans, U.S.-born Latinos, foreign-born Latinos, Asian Americans, and European Americans - in the United States and found that African Americans and foreign-born Latinos were more likely to have lower NEP scores, whereas the other non-White groups were most likely to have values similar to European-Americans (2004). Deng, Walker and Swinnerton’s study provides some Canadian context, comparing environmental values and attitudes of Chinese in Canada and Anglo-Canadians using NEP subscales (2006). They found that while the groups held similar ideas about eco-crisis and balance-of-nature, the Chinese group subscribed less to ideas of limits to growth and anti-anthropocentrism. There was not much variation, however, in biocentric values. Chinese immigrants were also surveyed based on the NEP in New Zealand, but interestingly no significant differences were found in environmental values between immigrants and native-born people (Lovelace, et al. 2013). In addition to studies on environmental values based on the NEP, there are a multitude of studies on environmental values and behaviours with regard to various activities associated with environmentalism, including outdoor recreation and wilderness preservation. These comprise much of the conceptualization around environmental participation. Literature reviews on these topics portray a general understanding that non-Western ethnicities participate less in outdoor recreation and wilderness tourism (Larson, Whiting and Green 2011, Johnson, Bowker and Berstrom, et al. 2004). Location and financial inaccessibility are some of the more straightforward reasons given for this (Gentin 2011). Other reasons include diversity in use and valuation of parks, greenspace and wilderness: evidence of different environmental discourses, as discussed later in this paper (Gentin, 2011; Johnson, Bowker, Bergstrom, & Cordell, 2004). While studies have been done on participation in outdoor education, appreciation for wilderness, and subscription to environmental values, there has been limited research into whether immigrant status and ethnicity affect participation in environmental organizations as an indicator of environmentalism. The lack of scholarship in this area contributes to the rationale for the research of this paper. Some theories referenced throughout these papers in their preliminary literature reviews are the postmaterialism theory, hierarchy of needs, social exclusion theory, and the concept of acculturation (Mohai and Bryant 1998, Zhou 2013). Most of the literature demonstrates that the unit of measurement – immigrant status or ethnicity – is a difficult phenomenon to analyze because they may correlate with other variables – in unpredictable ways. For example, are immigrants poor or affluent? Furthermore, non-White ethnicities are not homogenous, and neither are cultures within a particular ethnicity. In this section, I have provided a sampling of the types of research being conducted that are ultimately investigating whether ethnic identity and culture are related to environmentalism. Historically, this body of literature has found that immigrants and ethnic minorities are less likely to participate in environmental activities and ideas, but new research has become more sensitive to complexity in its approach, producing mixed evidence for this hypothesis. 1.2 The response of the Environmental Justice Movement to apparent lack of participation The field of environmental justice acknowledges social dimensions of environmental issues that the dominant strain of environmentalism may miss. Alongside environmental protection and conservation, it is also concerned with democracy and equity between people. It takes notice of the power differentials in those who make environmental decisions and those who are affected by them. It considers how racism and social discrimination in society affect community and environmental health. It also points to underlying social discrimination in society as reasons minority and marginalized communities in North America may not be included in environmentalism. Although social elements of discrimination and human conflict have existed alongside environmental problems throughout history, environmental justice as a social movement and a field of study has its roots in the 1980s, southern United States. Much of the Environmental Justice literature references the case of Warren County, in which the North Carolinian government was accused of environmental racism by civil rights activists for depositing waste polychlorinated biphenyls (PCBs) in the neighbourhood with the highest proportion of African-American residents (Mohai, Pellow and Roberts 2009). Soon, activists and academics across the country began to take notice of and protest the discrimination in environmental and land use planning that targeted disadvantaged communities and people of colour, forming what is known as the Environmental Justice Movement (EJM). Environmental justice has not garnered the same level of attention in Canada as it has in the United States. However, environmental racism is nonetheless prominent in this country as Teelucksingh and Gosine show in their 2008 book Environmental Justice and Racism in Canada. While ethnic communities are not as spatially segregated in Canada as they are in the United States, one clear exception is those of First Nations reserves. Environmental racism is apparent in the governance of these communities. Many reserves lack the infrastructure and policies that are considered basic in other Canadian communities, resulting in harmful impacts on environmental and human health. For example, in 2005 Kashechewan experienced toxic water supply conditions that led to extensive media coverage. However the conditions were neither new nor unique to Kashechewan – toxic water conditions had been a problem for years in many First Nations communities (Gosine and Teelucksingh 2008). Environmental justice has since expanded past these issues of distributive justice to issues of procedural justice. While it began with looking at why people of colour were disproportionately exposed to environmental risk and harm and disproportionately excluded from resources of environmental protection, it now also looks at gaps in participation from “ethnic” minorities in environmental programs, as well as the lack of recognition of nonwhite perspectives in environmentalism (Gibson-Wood and Wakefield 2013). This is said to be a particularly complex issue in Canada due to institutional policies of “multiculturalism,” which act as a barrier to the honest acknowledgment of racism (Gosine and Teelucksingh 2008). While multiculturalism is celebrated and promoted, democracy issues and the domination of environmental decision-making processes by white middle-class demographics are overlooked (Gosine and Teelucksingh 2008). These more recent framings of environmental justice – participation and recognition - often take a critical view of the mainstream environmentalism that is exercised by both governments and in nonprofit environmental organizations. In the Canadian context, voices from nonwhite races are underrepresented in land use decision-making and other forms of environmental participation. Many have noted that despite the “diverse and multicultural society” celebrated in Canada, the stereotypical image of an environmentalist is “white and middle-class,” and environmental organizations are defined by an apparent cultural homogeneity of this demographic. (Gosine & Teelucksingh, 2008; Gosine, 2003) This has caused Peter Gorrie and others to ask, “Why are greens so white?” as in his 2007 article by this name in the Toronto Star (Gorrie 2007). This article reports that most environmental activists, protesters and public meeting participants are white and middle class, and some environmental groups such as Environmental Defence and Toronto Environmental Alliance Network, are making progress in reaching out (Gorrie 2007). From this perceptive, the problem of underrepresentation of ethnic people in environmentalism is one of marketing. Gosine and Teelucksingh posit that Gorrie does not go far enough in his analysis of the issue, and in fact demonstrates a neocolonialist mindset in his portrayal of the problem (2008). While Gorrie and others remark on the recent conversion of new environmentalists in ethnic communities, others argue that ethnic people have always been interested in environmentalism, but are just not recognized for it (Finney, 2003; Gosine, 2003; Mix, 2011; Taylor, 2002). Dorceta Taylor gives the American perspective, pointing out that “people of colour” in the United States have long worked on issues of the environment, having sought to bring human health and living conditions into the redefinition of the term (1996). In Canada, active multicultural environmental groups include the Multiracial Network for Environmental Justice (MNEJ), Environmental Centre for New Canadians (ECNE), and the Anti-Racist Environmental Coalition (AREC) (Gosine and Teelucksingh 2008). Environmental justice activists commenting on this recognition piece state that that these assumptions in research actually reinforce the stereotype that “only white people care about the environment”, supporting the dominant voices of environmental movement and keeping “other” voices out (Gosine 2003). From this perspective, the problem of the underrepresentation of ethnic people in environmentalism is one of how “environmentalism” creates broader issues in environmental communication. Traditionally, included in environmental activities are recycling, buying “green” products, reducing waste, and reducing energy consumption. Issues of social housing quality, etc., are usually kept separate and not seen as “environmental issues (Gosine and Teelucksingh 2008).” Gorrie touches on some of these ideas of framing as well. Images associated with environmentalism: polar bears, the north, greenspaces – are things some immigrants to Canada do not identify strongly with, and are thus ineffective at engaging their interest. Instead, he suggests environmental groups ought to address the `grittier urban` issues like public transit, pollution, etc. (Gorrie 2007). Thus, while earliest approaches to environmental justice can be categorized as distributive justice – which focuses on the distribution of pollutants in neighbourhoods along ethnic and socio-economic divisions, the field has moved toward procedural justice in the study of how diverse participants in environmentalism are engaged in programs and environmental decision-making, and also to whether environmentalism is defined in a way that is inclusive to these diverse participants. In the Global North, the work of major environmental organizations does much to establish the image and parameters of the mainstream discourse of environmentalism. The way they communicate and frame the work they do is crucial to the accessibility and appeal of environmentalism to an increasingly culturally diverse society. Part 2: Representation 2.1 Environmental organizations and communication Environmental organizations have played an important role in defining the parameters of environmentalism in the Global North’s mainstream environmental movement. Today’s organizations do important work from the local to global levels, advocating and educating on a multitude of environmental issues, from conservation of natural spaces, to protection of wildlife, to climate change. They may also promote environmental education and stewardship through volunteer programs. Environmental organizations play an important role in society because they often fill in the gaps left by governments who are often more concerned with economic growth (McCormick 2011). However, there may be danger with democracy within these organizations. As private institutions, environmental organizations have no “constituents”, less accountability to act with fairness, and thus are in danger of representing only the views of a few (Humphreys 2014). The history of environmental movement in the United States can be traced to the nineteenth century concerns about the effects of urban and agricultural expansion on wilderness (McCormick 2011) (Nash 1965). Some of the earliest organizations founded were Sierra Club in 1892, and the National Audubon Society in 1905. These have persisted today to become part of the “Group of Ten.” Defenders of Wildlife, Environmental Defense Fund, Greenpeace, National Wildlife Federation, Natural Resources Defense Council, The Nature Conservancy, Sierra Club, The Wilderness Society and World Wildlife Fund are others included in this category of the largest and most influential environmental organizations. While these environmental organizations have done important work, they also face criticism, even from those within the environmental community. Scholars including McCormick and Humphreys have noted that the structure of these formerly grassroots organizations have become more businesslike (2011;2014). To the disdain of more radical groups such as Earth First! and Earth Liberation Front, the ideology of these groups has tended to take on a more mainstream, pragmatic reform approach (McCormick 2011). Environmental justice groups, often grassroots and community-based, have also been critical of mainstream environmental organizations for disregarding issues of race and class in their work (Mix 2011). In 1990, the Gulf Coast Tenant Leadership Development and the Southwest Organization Project each sent letters to the Group of Ten, saying “Racism and the ‘whiteness’ of the environmental movement is our Achilles heel,” and that “there is a clear lack of accountability by the Group of Ten environmental organizations towards Third World communities in the Southwest, in the United States as a whole, and internationally”. The response of the mainstream environmentalism was mixed. Some retaliated against the accusations, saying that environmental justice was another excuse to focus on human interests rather than biophysical interests. Others strove to make changes in their organizations. The Sierra Club’s executive director at the time, Michael Fischer, called for a “friendly takeover of Sierra Club by people of color… [or else it will] remain a middle-class group of backpackers, overwhelmingly white in membership, program, and agenda…” (DeLuca 2007). As these pivotal 1990 letters make clear, early environmental justice activists in the United States believed that environmental organizations had a lot of influence in framing environmentalism. It is true that much of the foundations of the American environmental movement was laid in the writings of educated white men, who went on to found conservation organizations: John Muir founded the Sierra Club, and John Audubon was the inspiration for the National Audubon Society (Nash 1965). As discussed in the previous chapter, issues of justice for marginalized poor and marginalized ethnic people were traditionally not part of these organizations’ mandates. The 2007 book Environmental Justice and Environmentalism: The Social Justice Challenge to the Environmental Movement, through the perspectives of diverse authors, addresses this rift between environmental justice and mainstream environmentalism (Pezzullo and Sandler 2003). In their introduction to the volume, editors Sandler and Pezzullo regard the rift as unfortunate and unproductive to the environmental cause. The fact that Environmental Justice groups and mainstream environmental organizations have much to learn from each is recognized throughout literature. The establishment of coalitions between local branches of mainstream organizations and community-based Environmental Justice organizations are one effort to encourage dialogue and unity between the two sides, but success is often limited by demographic differences and other perceived barriers (Mix 2011). Sandler and Pezzullo seek to establish this kind of connection between the two groups through the book, making it clear that both “environmentalism” and “ethnicity” are social and cultural constructs, so it is important to recognize that there many perspectives within the ideology, along with many ways of doing things (Pezzullo and Sandler 2003) (DeLuca 2007). 2.2 Environmental organizations as shapers of environmentalism Environmental organizations are not wholly responsible for defining the discourse of environmentalism, but they do play a role in the issues that get addressed through their campaign choices. Furthermore, because much of their work involves generating awareness and attention in the media, appearances or statements they make in the news often influence public perception of environmentalism. The visible images of faces and people in the news can influence whether ethnic minorities feel they are welcome to participate. The representation of ethnic minorities in environmental organizations may also influence what is conceived as “environmental work.” Part 3: Discourse 3.1 Different cultural discourses of environmentalism There are many factors to suggest that a majority of Americans ascribe to some form of environmentalism: polls demonstrate that many hold some concern for the environment (Lester 2010), and the general acceptance of the need to reduce, reuse and recycle. In their political platforms and Corporate Social Responsibility reports, governments and private businesses are declaring environmentalist values, following the lead of the their constituents and customers. However, some would question whether this is really something to celebrate: Is it enough to simply reduce, reuse and recycle, or is there a higher level of environmentalism that should be upheld instead? Is this declared environmentalism simply greenwashing? These questions demonstrate that not only is there a large range in environmental actions, but also in environmental discourse. Clearly, environmentalism as a concept is a social construct to which there are multiple perspectives and discourses competing to be upheld as “true”, even within North American culture. Bedall describes how in the global environmental discourse, competing representations of climate change are put forward by different groups (2013). Even within civil society, different transnational environmental organizations hold different views of what climate change means for the world, and what should be done about it. These competing perspectives undergo hegemonic struggles to become or at least influence the dominant framing of climate change. (Bedall 2013) The same hegemonic struggle also occurs in the North American environmental movement in the definition of environmentalism. From this framework, the struggle can be conceptualized with the dominant view of environmentalism being set by mainstream environmental organizations like the Group of Ten, and “outsiders”, including those in the Environmental Justice movement, pushing for their voices and issues to be heard through expanded definitions and discourses. With a perspective demonstrative of the movement, Lynch argues that “outsider” views have been excluded from the main discussion, due power inequalities (1993). The establishment of dominant discourse is a complex process involving many influences. The influences that will be focused upon in this paper are that the visibility, actions and language of environmental organizations through their marketing and communication. Rethinking the environmental movement in this way is in line with post-positivist thought, which seeks to recognize possible biases in the science or values that subscribers to mainstream environmentalism may accept without question as “truth” (Backstrand 2003). It is somewhat sobering to realize that the environmentalism familiar to many North Americans is not the only iteration of environmentalism. It may not necessarily be the same as the environmentalism familiar to citizens of the Global South, if the discourses promoted by their environmental organizations are any indication. With broad strokes, environmental organizations of the North tend to make conservation and recreation in nature the focus of their work, while maintaining de-industrialist, anti-development and anti-consumerist positions in their advocacy (McCormick 2011). On the other hand, environmental organizations in the South focus on sustainable development and livelihoods based on the natural world and resources (McCormick 2011). Perhaps people coming to Canada from South countries have been involved in what they perceive to be environmentalism, but their actions are not recognized in their new society as such. From a post-materialist point of view, these North and South discourses as described are appropriate to their contexts: the North has developed through phases of modernization and only now has reached a level of development where it can maintain environmental concerns. The South is still undergoing development, and doing so sustainably should be their main focus. The post-materialist perspective has also been used to explain variation in environmental behavior within Canadian and American societies, in which poor individuals are too preoccupied with their poverty to participate (Ignatow 2006) (Zhou 2013) (Johnson, Bowker and Cordell, Ethnic variation in environmental belief and behaviour 2004). Related to the post-materialist theory is the idea that extent of cultural assimilation of individual or ethnic group will determine pro-environmental values (Deng, Walker and Swinnerton 2006). However this theory can be problematic since many ethnic minorities coming to Canada and the United States may come from other developed societies of the Global North where correlation between ethnicity and poverty is not consistent (Deng, Walker and Swinnerton 2006) (Zhou 2013). Carter challenges the post-materialist perspective, which underlies much of the literature used to discuss participation, and even representation of ethnic minorities in this paper, such as (Gorrie 2007) and (Zhou 2013). Another way to look at the diversity of environmental discourses is from a cultural ecology viewpoint. From this point of view, Southern or developing world cultures – as in Carter’s case of Mexico – have a more integrated relationship with the natural world. Their environmental discourse may see the relationship more holistically, as opposed to the Western view of the human world and the natural world compartmentalized (Carter, Silva and Guzman 2013). Whether using the post-materialist, cultural ecology, or one of the many other explanations, the importance of recognizing different cultural models of Nature and Society is clear (Ignatow 2006). Northern and Southern environmentalism are further contrasted in Lynch’s examination of Latin environmental discourses (1993). Lynch states that discourses are established around histories and symbols of meaning, and that the ones that exist for the American environmental movement are not shared by Latino immigrants. Through the writings of Thoreau, Muir, Leopold and Abbey, Anglo discourse has defined its ideal landscape as a pristine wilderness void of any trace of people or civilization (Lynch 1993, Nash 1965). Latin writers are notably missing from the literary history environmental movement; authors such as Arias, Ferré and Duràn write about utopias that are productive and peopled. The idealized landscape is a garden, beautiful and producing food. While critics of the Latino view may point out that this garden is a fictionalized fantasy, Lynch argues that the pristine wilderness is also a human construction (1993). Another divergence in discourse is in the approach to solving environmental problems. Where the Anglo discourse tends to rely on technological solutions, the Latin view is that environmental problems are inseparable from social and political systems (Lynch 1993). Similar studies comparing environmental values within different groups find that Asians also have a more holistic and biocentric view of the environment (Deng, Walker and Swinnerton 2006, Johnson, Bowker and Berstrom, et al. 2004). Discussion of varying discourses emphasizes the importance of including more voices in environmentalism. In connection with previous discussion on ethnic participation and representation, inclusive environmental organizations will seek to involving diverse people to influence its own discourse. Strategies of establishing more inclusive discourses from social marketing will be explored in later sections of this paper. The next section will progress from simply identifying multiple discourses to communicating them by asking, “How can environmental organizations be more inclusive of ethnic minorities and immigrants in their communication and marketing strategies?” Part 4: Social Marketing Strategies Through the lens of key environment justice themes, participation, representation, and discourse, I will describe the applicability of social marketing and nonprofit marketing to welcoming ethnic minorities in environmental organizations. A limitation that must be mentioned is the assumption that marketing and communication have an impact on the development of environmental discourse. Yet marketing and communication activities are not the sole shapers of environmental discourses to any degree. While there is much scholarship on how the media, along with people’s lived experiences, have an impact on the establishing of discourse, greater research into the role of environmental organizations’ marketing and communications will be required in order to draw confident conclusions with regard to how ethnic cultures fail to become integrated into environmentalism. However, since marketing and communication are activities that environmental nonprofits spend much of their time on, these seem to be potential vehicles for positive change. 4.1 Overview of Social Marketing and Nonprofit Marketing Literature Marketing principles in nonprofit organizations have become increasingly important as the nature of these organizations change. The need to stay current to trends of communication is essential as an organization’s message must compete with those put forward in the marketing strategies of businesses, government, and other actors. Further, in recent years nonprofit organizations have become more influenced by corporate entities as funders and as partners in their work. Nonprofit marketing has become more sophisticated and slick as commercially-trained markets lend their skills to nonprofit organizations. (Andreasen and Kotler 2003) A number of characteristics make the work of nonprofit marketing much more complex than commercial marketing, including the existence of many stakeholders to which to market and appease; and the perception of nonprofit marketing as being outside the mainstream (Andreasen and Kotler 2003). Marketing for public good, rather for sale of goods or services in the private sector, has become its own field of study, as exemplified by journals such as the Journal of Public Sector & Nonprofit Marketing and the Journal of Social Marketing, as well as major contributors such as Alan Andreasen, an internationally recognized pioneer in nonprofit and social marketing applications of Georgetown University. The work of influencing behavior involves much more beyond advertising, which is the aspect of marketing that is often the most visible (Andreasen, Marketing Social Change 1995). The work also involves doing market research to segment the market of potential receivers of the message, choosing a particular segmented audience to target, and then figuring out how to target this audience (Andreasen and Kotler 2003). Introductory marketing theory contains a concept of four P’s – Product, Price, Promotion, and Place - as described by Jerome McCarthy in 1960 (Yudelson 1999). One strand of marketing that nonprofit organizations often used is social marketing. This is simply the application of commercial marketing strategies to influence behaviours for social good. It involves the four P’s of commercial marketing, plus some additional ones: Publics, Policy, Partnership and Purse Strings (Weinreich 2010). Via this catchy mnemonic device, these extra Ps serve to explain some of the additional challenges identified in social marketing literature. Social marketing has most often been applied to improve public health and environmental protection, and this is reflected in the literature (Andreasen, 2012; Thaler & Helmig, 2013). Two aspects of social marketing most applicable to the question of “selling” or “making accessible” environmentalism to diverse communities include: audience segmentation and targeting; as well as framing and branding (Andreasen and Kotler 2003). Social marketing literature seems to pay little attention to social inclusion and ethnic diversity in an explicit sense. However this is not to say that connections between marketing and justice do not exist. As discussed in the Environmental Justice literature review, through institutional policy such as the Canadian Multiculturalism Act and communication strategies, Canada has branded itself as a multicultural and accepting nation (Gosine and Teelucksingh 2008). The Canadian Institute of Diversity & Inclusion and other human resources advocate organizations promote diversity and inclusion to establish it as a desirable way to increase an organization’s reputation or a business’ corporate social responsibility (CSR) (CIDI, 2013). On the other hand, issues of diversity and inclusion in environmentalism have been addressed in the field of environmental communication in news and mass media (Lester, 2010; Cola & Brusa, 2014; Chapman, Kumar, Fraser, & Gaber, 1997). 4.2 Responses to the issue of participation and environmental concern Some empirical research has demonstrated a gap in participation by ethnic minorities in environmental organizations and other activities typically associated with environmentalism such as outdoor recreation and park visitation. Research has also been conducted on the levels of environmental concern held by ethnic minorities. Environmental organizations can respond to this problem through target marketing strategies, improving accessibility, and building environmental values. Target marketing, a strategy used in both commercial and social marketing, involves identifying a target market and adapting the marketing strategy to meet this group’s needs (Andreasen, Marketing Social Change 1995). If the “environmental message has not been sold to (ethnic minorities) in the right way” as Kaushik Vyas states in Peter Gorrie’s “Why are greens so white?” article (2007), then a more targeted way must be found. Methodical and thorough targeted research are what sets social marketing apart from the other forms of education and information programs that are often used by nonprofit organizations as they try to persuade the public toward social good (Andreasen, Marketing Social Change 1995). These traditional communication and information programs often first decide on the message they wish to promote. To encourage local environmental stewardship, this message could be: “Join The Wilderness Society’s park environmental stewardship crew!” Traditional programs will then proceed to promote this message en masse. “Segmentation involves portioning heterogeneous markets into smaller, more homogeneous market segments that can be distinguished by different consumer needs, characteristics, or behavior” (Tkaczynski, 2009, pg.169). Establishing classifications will use more than one base. Ethnicity may be the focus of research, but other bases like income level, geography, behaviour may be incorporated (Andreasen, Marketing Social Change 1995, Tkaczynski, Rundle-Thiele and Beaumont 2009). This demonstrates the methodological complexity of ethnicity research: ethnic identity is both pluralistic and dynamic (Cola and Brusa 2014). Marketing to particular ethnic groups can be complex. Andreasen cautions social marketers not to jump into demographic analysis and targeting before first trying to understand the deeper roots behind consumer behavior (1995). Gross classification using demographics such as gender, incomelevel, and ethnicity can be meaningless if there is no true connection between such variables and behavior. It is often more useful to segment based on past behaviours, lifestyle factors, or a combination of many factors (Andreasen, Marketing Social Change 1995). Segmentation and target marketing are powerful tools of social marketing, but there may be danger of their research results being used an excuse for further exclusion. There may be some unfairness in selecting one ethnic group to target over others. Little research in social marketing has been done on this particular topic, as the concern seems to be outside its scope of understanding. However, Andreasen does briefly discuss concerns about resource allocation between audiences in his book Marketing Social Change (1995). These concerns are particularly likely to arise in publicly funded social change programs, where showing partiality to one group would be politically incorrect. Andreasen suggests that resources for marketing should be allocated equally by default, with some exceptions. Some groups may be shown to respond better to marketing, have greater need for the message being sold, and at varying costs. Ultimately he argues that segmentation is still a useful tool, even to delineate groups out of their different responsiveness, needs, and costs. (Andreasen, Marketing Social Change 1995) Improving accessibility should be another key activity used to improve participation in environmental organizations, given that social marketing involves deep understanding of an audience needs. Canadian studies demonstrate that while environmental interest does exist in ethnic communities, barriers may prevent the interest from becoming action (Gupta and Chikermane 2009, Gibson-Wood and Wakefield 2013). Inaccessibility can occur due to both concrete barriers such as financial, location and language; or due to non-concrete variables such as degree of multiculturalism. These non-concrete variables often relate to issues of representation and discourse. According to post-materialist and hierarchy of needs theories, some marginalized ethnic minorities may have more pressing day-to-day needs that prevent them from getting involved with environmental organizations, making material inequity can a significant barrier to ethnic participation (Mohai and Bryant 1998). If this is the case, environmental organizations can implement measures to consider these day-to-day needs. Childcare can be provided to ensure young families are able to participate in events. Location accessibility should be considered – some environmental organizations may not realize potential participants are restricted by lack of transportation or knowledge of new places (Gupta and Chikermane 2009). Extrapolating from Lynch’s discussion of the variation in ethnic ideal landscapes, environmental initiatives may be more inclusive if they are located in places that are significant and meaningful to their ethnic target audiences (1993). Further, while many recreation activities associated with environmentalism are catered towards those who have cars, such as camping, hiking or cottaging outside of the city, environmental organizations can provide environmental recreation that is in closer proximity to the particular urban ethnic audiences who rely on public transit or walking (Gupta and Chikermane 2009). A study on the accessibility of Earth Day Canada initiatives to ethnic communities revealed that language and terminology used by the environmental movement is critical to accessibility (Gupta and Chikermane 2009). In the Alabama, a drafted environmental justice bill included greater language accessibility was a key objective (Faber Figure 2: The Sierra Club has a dedicated section of their website for their Spanish-speaking audience. 2007). Is the language employed in the organization’s communications too complex? Using simpler or textbook English rather than slang could be helpful. Addressing immigrants’ hierarchy of needs, language classes, or the opportunity to practice English, could also be advertised as part of the environmental program. Communication should be provided in multiple languages as needed; the Sierra Club has a separate website, Ecocentro¸ for Spanish-speaking users, as seen in Figure 2. Gupta & Chikermane’s findings go further to suggest that translation alone is not enough to communicate effectively to diverse ethnic groups; considerations for terminology, colloquialism, and aspects of rhetoric should be part of crafting verbal and written messages (2009). These basic aspects of marketing which commercial enterprises are often deeply versed in (Andreasen and Kotler 2003), may not have been considered to an adequate extent by nonprofit organizations in the environmental movement. Limited financial resources are another barrier to both ethnic individuals and ethnic organizations seeking to become more involved in environmentalism. Again extrapolating from the post-materialist theory, working-class immigrants may not have the time or energy for volunteer activities that do not provide reciprocal benefits (Gupta and Chikermane 2009). This statement should be considered alongside the “environmental deprivation” perspective that working-class and lowincome people may in fact be have more concern than their middle and upper class counterparts because they are more exposed to environmental risk (Mohai and Bryant 1998). For this reason, ethnic organizations may have vested interests in environmental causes, but because their financial and organizational capacity is often low, actual participation may be limited (Mix 2011, Gupta and Chikermane 2009). Environmental justice organizations have identified partnerships with larger mainstream organizations as a solution to limited resources (Mix 2011). Partnerships, scholarships and dedicated funding programs can be helpful in providing incentive to small ethnic organizations and ethnic individuals to get involved in the environmental movement. In addition to these concrete variables of accessibility of location, language and finances, nonconcrete variables also exist. Accessibility may also be determined by how inviting the culture of an environmental organization is to diverse ethnic cultures. Statistics Canada’s Ethnic Diversity Survey is conducted with the purpose of both gaining a portrait of Canada’s ethnic people, and understanding how they become integrated into Canadian society through civic participation (2003). Findings of this survey include trends of higher participation with longer generational history in the country, as well as greater participation by first generation immigrants in ethnic-specific organizations and communities (Statistics Canada 2003). An immigrant civic participation comparison between Quebec and Ontario suggests that multicultural environments and philosophies can encourage greater participation by immigrants in volunteerism and community life through generating a sense of security and belonging (Laxer 2013). Since establishing inclusive cultures within environmental organizations involves a much more in-depth analysis of their representation and discourse, the discussion on non-concrete variables to accessibility will be continued in subsequent sections accordingly. 4.3 Responses to the issue of representation Environmental justice has identified a lack of representation by ethnic minorities in environmentalism, especially in leadership positions. Environmental organizations can respond by scrutinizing the messages put forward in their visual communication, and by ensuring their hiring processes take stake of diversity and inclusion. As a result of efforts from the environmental justice movement, limited ethnic diversity in environmental leadership is an issue many environmental organizations are aware of and acknowledging publicly (Yeoman 2011). Although ethnic environmental concern is reported to be comparable to “white” environmental concern, mainstream environmental groups remain predominantly white in membership, but especially among leadership ranks (Yeoman 2011). Yeoman, writing on behalf of Aududon Society, does not shy away from presenting the uncomfortable numbers: the leadership of the Society is 91% white compared to the general US population rate of 64% (2011). The leadership of other mainstream organizations demonstrates similar situations, as seen in Table 1. Organization Percentage of “white” leadership Audubon Society 91 % National Wildlife Federation 93% Environmental Defense 85% Natural Resources Defense Council 84% Table 1: Percentage of “white” leadership in US mainstream environmental organizations. (Yeoman, 2011) This may not seem like a serious issue, because after all - David Suzuki is ethnically Asian! Isn’t that enough!? Granted, Vandana Shiva and Wangari Maathai are also examples of influential environmental leaders who are “ethnic minorities” (but ethnic majorities on a global scale). Leaders such as Suzuki, Shiva and Maathai these are important role models, and exemplify the importance of generating positive images for ethnic people in environmentalism. The role of positive visual representation in media for shaping perceptions of various marginalized populations has been studied extensively. Levina, Waldo & Fitzgerald discuss the representation of queer communities in visual media such as television and film, finding that positive representation is related to positive attitudes being adopted by audiences (2006). Carolyn Finney, a researcher in geography, identity and representation at Berkley University of California, describes her frustration as black person who loves camping and the outdoors, but does not often see faces like her own on the covers of outdoor recreation magazines (Finney 2003). Thus, establishing an ethnically-inclusive visual identity may involve broadcasting ethnic faces in video and photographs. This intentional broadcast of diverse faces may seem insincere, especially if ethnic minorities in actuality have low participation in the organization. It brings to question the merit of descriptive representation, in which representation occurs on the basis of a representative being “like” those being represented, as opposed to substantive representation, which refers to the actual work that a symbolic representation does in furthering the interests of a represented group (Pitkin 1969). Yet the choices environmental organizations make in how they visually represent themselves in mass media and communications clearly contributes to their visual identity. Creating a visual identity in online formats, with variations on website design aesthetic, has power to attract different diverse audiences as well (Kenix 2013). Websites, online presence and social network marketing have become major areas of focus for commercial and nonprofit and government organizations, because these are key avenues of interaction with the public (Gershon 2008). Gershon discusses the importance of descriptive representation of women and minorities not only in the US Congress, but also on their websites (Gershon 2008). On the websites of women, Latino and AfricanAmerican representatives, local pictures and symbols established the representation of minority issues and concerns (Gershon 2008). Again, these visual identity and branding strategies are basic principles of social marketing, which may be familiar to commercial enterprises but are underutilized for creating social change for the good of the environment (Andreasen and Kotler 2003). In communication theory, mass media is said to be a powerful tool for shaping public perception, but person-to-person communication is even stronger (Lazarsfeld, Berelson and Gaudet 1948). In a study on how a voter can be persuaded in the context of a presidential campaign, a 2-step flow of communication was illustrated: a message was best received when communicated first to key “opinion leaders,” who spread it to their respective various communities (Lazarsfeld, Berelson and Gaudet 1948). Social pressure and local role models demonstrates the complexity of group identity when it comes to marketing to particular ethnically segmented audiences. Community leaders, cultural and religious organizations, public social service agencies, and cultural media providers are examples of external groups that will influence participation of ethnic people in environmental organizations (Gupta and Chikermane 2009). Social marketing theory emphasizes the need to market to “other publics” as well (Andreasen, Marketing Social Change 1995). The increased number of “other publics” that are involved in social behavior is one of the areas where social marketing diverges from commercial marketing (Andreasen, Marketing Social Change 1995). Environmental role models both on ground and in popular media can create positive representation that encourages more ethnic minorities to become involved in environmentalism. Extrapolating from the 2003 Ethnic Diversity Survey results, greater participation by first generation immigrants in ethic or culture-specific organizations indicates that higher involvement is likely with initiatives with more “like” people represented. The same can likely be said for most people – ethnic minorities or otherwise. 4.4 Responses to the issue of discourse Environmental justice writers such as Dorceta Taylor and Barbara Lynch have argued that a prominent reason for lack of participation and representation in environmental organizations is a divergence in environmental discourse between Anglo-environmentalist culture and the environmentalism of immigrant or ethnic minority cultures (1998; 1993). When addressing the gaps in environmental awareness and values for ethnic audiences, environmental organizations can respond to this issue of discourse by engaging alternative discourses in their core values and mandates. The dominant narrative communicated by environmental organizations is established in the kinds of issues they choose to campaign on. Some interviewees in Gupta and Chikermane’s study for Earth Day Canada – representatives of large ethnic organizations in Toronto – suggested that if Earth Day Canada were to address more environmental issues pertaining to immigrants, they might have better participation in their initiatives (2009). This would mean including more discussion of healthy food, access to housing, and clean water in their environmental discourses (Gupta and Chikermane 2009). According to Taylor and other environmental justice advocates, these types of environmental issues should be given just as much weight as traditional issues such as wilderness preservation (2002). In a reexamination of their discourse, The Wilderness Society asked the question ‘‘Is wilderness in its statutory or historically advocated form relevant for the expanding demographic diversity of the United States?” at their annual general meeting in 2000 (Johnson, Bowker and Berstrom, et al. 2004). Other mainstream organizations such as the Sierra Club and Greenpeace have asked similar questions. This is not to say that wilderness protection is wrong and should not still be promoted – DeLuca argues that environmental organizations should not be so quick to abandon the concept of wilderness which is still useful as a symbol of majestic beauty that is not man-made (2007). However, these organizations have begun to acknowledge alternative discourses into their mandates and campaign issues. A sample of these acknowledgements is featured in Table 2. Organization Sierra Club National Audubon Society The Wildlife Society Table 2 Acknowledgement of diversity/inclusion on website Dedicated webpages: Ecocentro (Spanish site) Youth and Diversity site (highlighting Environmental Justice) Sierra Club Diversity Statement, Inclusion and Equity Statement: “We strive to be accessible and inclusive, and to recruit, engage, support and cultivate leadership from all communities in our work and activities” Diversity included in Core Values Spanish site Statement on Diversity and Inclusion: “Audubon is committed to diversity, inclusion, and equal opportunity…We are committed to broadening staff, board, volunteer, member, and supporter diversity” Policy Statement on Workforce Diversity: “During the past 75 years, the wildlife profession has grown significantly more diverse in its philosophies and strategies, but not to the same level in its personnel. The increasing human diversity in our society further emphasizes the need to evaluate whether or not the broad array of interests are adequately addressed within the wildlife profession.” Acknowledgements by environmental organizations of environmental justice and ethnic diversity indicate a shift change in discourse that may be more inclusive. Images and symbols from their websites indicate greater consideration for descriptive representation. All of these questions about issue selection and definition of environmentalism are connected to the social marketing processes of framing and branding (Andreasen and Kotler 2003). Framing issues and branding accordingly will involve researching target market perceptions and adapting the message toward these (Andreasen and Kotler 2003). This concept can be applied by environmental organizations as they investigate ethnic perceptions of the environment, and their cultural relationships to nature. Branding can establish an identity around an organization or around environmentalism itself, attaching meaning and emotion to the environmental messages being conveyed (Andreasen and Kotler 2003). Conclusion All three themes of participation, representation, and discourse are important for environmental organizations to engage immigrants and ethnic minorities. Environmental organizations can respond to participation gaps by targeting ethnic populations in their marketing. They can respond to poor representation of ethnic people in environmentalism through scrutinizing their own hiring practices and the visual images they produce. They can respond to exclusive perceptions of the environmental and environmentalism by broadening their discourse and engaging alternative viewpoints. Ultimately, through these three themes inclusive framings of environmentalism can be established. Inclusivity is essential to ethnic minorities’ and immigrants’ engagement with the environmental movement. Paraskevopoulos states that rather than culture or ethnicity, social exclusion is the real constraint to environmental behaviours (2003). Understandably, environmental organizations may not be able to utilize all of these strategies. They are limited in time and energy and segmented research and discourse redevelopment can be costly. However, if environmental organizations wish to remain relevant in a changing society, they will need to invest step by step in improving participation, representation and discourse for ethnic minorities. Mainstream environmental organizations have already begun to do this, as evident in the way many have acknowledged the issues head on. Next steps for the environmental movement will be to celebrate the many forms of “environmentalism” being performed, from achieving access to clean water to enjoying hikes in the wilderness. Building environmental awareness and values is a key aspect of many environmental organizations’ work. As the work of Greenpeace demonstrates, building awareness is done not only through sensationalist media stunts by the leaders in the core membership, but also through invitations to their general members and the public to participate in local environmental programs, donation campaigns, and other low-commitment tasks (Shaiko 1993). Although these actions may seem simple, they are essential to public engagement as they can welcome and win over newcomers to environmentalism. Furthermore, civic participation is an important element of establishing social capital and belonging for immigrants (Laxer 2013). It should be noted though, that the process of building lasting environmental values is complex beyond civic engagement with environmental organizations. While social marketing as a tool that comprises target marketing, segmentation and other activities can be very effective in changing behaviours for the public good, Andreasen acknowledges that building basic values is difficult. Building basic values, such as belief in limits to growth, and as found in the New Environmental Paradigm (NEP) may be out of the scope of social marketing. What social marketing can do: frame environmental behaviors to seem attractive and low cost to audiences (Andreasen, Marketing Social Change 1995). Lastly, critical perspectives on the ethical problems of audience segmentation are missing in the literature and are a next step for research. As much as marketing can be a useful tool in addressing problems of participation, representation, and discourse, it is only because it is connected to the root of the problem and needs to be fundamentally changed. Critical analysis in social marketing practice literature tends to focus on its effectiveness rather than ethics and inclusivity (Thaler and Helmig 2013). Commentary on ethics in social marketing does exist; Andreasen’s book Ethics in Social Marketing brings together social marketing academics to contribute to the topic (2001). This volume addresses controversies in marketing surrounding the exaggeration of facts in an ends justifying the means scenario, the question of changing other cultures in trying to promote “good behavior,” and the external negative effects on one group that can occur when marketing to another group (Andreasen, 2001). Definition of terms 1. Diversity and inclusivity “Diversity” and “inclusivity” have become buzzwords in Human Resource Departments and workplaces, often used together, but have different meanings. The Canadian Institute of Diversity & Inclusion (CIDI) speaks about “diversity” as an aim that is concerned with the individual. All individuals are acknowledged for their unique qualities and characteristics. CIDI speaks about “inclusion” as creating a culture that “embraces, respects, accepts and values difference.” (CIDI, 2013) 2. Environmental justice: Environmental justice is a social movement and academic concept that is concerned with justice in both the physical and cultural environments (Bullard 1994). The US Environmental Protection Agency defines it as “the fair treatment and meaningful involvement of all people regardless of race, color, national origin, or income with respect to the development, implementation, and enforcement of environmental laws, regulations, and policies.” (U.S. EPA, 2011) 3. Environmentalism/environmental movement Environmentalism and the environmental movement are terms that will be used interchangeably to describe dominant understanding of what is involvement in “environmental issues” in the North American context. They refer to a history that is understood to begin in the 1960s with thinkers from the progressive-era concerned primarily with conservation and preservation of wildlife (Taylor 2002). However, this research will challenge the definition and framing of these terms, and ponder how this has influenced its diversity and inclusivity (Lester 2010). 4. Environmental organizations Environmental organizations will refer to both non-profit and public sector entities that promote environmentalism. As in other literature on this topic, included are organizations that are not necessarily mandated to do environmental work, but are running environmental initiatives, such as municipal governments promoting a green-bin program (Andreasen & Kotler, 2006). 5. Marketing At its simplest definition, marketing is the work of influencing behavior. It is often understood to refer to commercial marketing, which is actually a very particular strain of the larger field in which customers are influenced to exchange money for a good or service. (Andreasen, Marketing Social Change 1995) Procedural justice vs. Distributive justice: “Procedural justice is concerned with making and implementing decisions according to fair processes.” This is often compared to distributive justice, which is concerned with fairness of the outcomes of these procedures. (Maiese 2004) 6. “Race” and ethnicity Both race and ethnicity are terms commonly used to refer to notions of identity. Ethnicity is most associated with cultural identity, while “race” is most associated biological and genetic identity. However, studies have shown that both are social constructions and have no true basis in biology (Gosine and Teelucksingh 2008). 7. Social marketing The application of commercial marketing practices to influence behavior for the good of an individual or the good of society (Andreasen, 1995). 8. 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