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13. European Contact: The Character of the Invaders One of the most complex aspects of the story of Native America is its intertwining with the story of the European Colonists. There is no way to know what Indian societies might have been like if Europeans had not come. But come they did, and from the viewpoint of today's rapidly shrinking Global Village, it is hard to imagine that the peoples of Europe and the Americas would have not come together. We might try to imagine that the encounter between the peoples who occupied these continents and the Europeans who invaded could have been less dark. As Fr. Vine Deloria told us, it is composed of very good and very bad. Whatever might have been, the actual story has many dimensions, many events, people, voices. We cannot tell it all here. However, a few aspects need to be surveyed. The invaders were varied in their characteristics, motives, values, attitudes, styles, goals, and tactics. From the Native American viewpoint, it matters a great deal with whom you came into contact, how and when. The "conquest" took 400 years. Those who were "hit" first, were decimated early. Peoples in remote areas, although affected by the invasion in various ways long before they actually laid eyes on the invaders, had a very different story. Here we shall take an overview of five invading European groups: the Spanish, the French, the Russians, the Dutch, the British and the Americans. The Spanish: Gold, God, Glory 1492-1846 The story of the European invasion is not only a matter of the relations between Europe and the Natives. It intricately involves the Europeans' relationships among themselves. So we need to understand both the why and the how of each group to appreciate the impact they would have on the Native peoples around the globe. Moreover, as Jack Weatherford has demonstrated so dramatically in his Indian Givers: How the Indians of America Transformed the World, Europe and the rest of the world were radically transformed as well. The close of the Fifteenth Century was a momentous time in Spanish history. It was a time of almost total transformation from the Old World of medieval feudalism to the brave new world of Renaissance, Reformation, Exploration, and Colonization. Christian Iberia had been at war for 700 years with the intruding Muslim Moors from North Africa. In 1492, the newly combined kingdom of Aragon and Castile, the core of what would become the modern Spanish nation, succeeded in expelling the Moors from their Granada, their last Iberian bastion. The situation left a residue of restless and under-utilized soldiers, sailors, adventurers, particularly in the South. At the same time, a commercial and industrial revolution was exploding in Europe generally, spurred by new scientific and technological developments. While the economies of other nations burgeoned, the Spanish had no product to meet the price of entry into this new game. They needed a new source of wealth, and trade routes to Asia would solve their problem. The Muslims had sealed routes to the East. Cristobal Colon sold Queen Isabella on the idea of getting there by sailing West. No one was remotely prepared for what he would actually find. Playing out all the dimensions of God, Gold and Glory in Spain and New Spain would take volumes. For many people they were hardly separable. The rise of nationstates had a strongly theological basis, and from the viewpoint of Los Reyes Catolicos, the Protestant Reformation was as much an act of rebellion against the Holy Roman Empire as anything else. The defense of Spain, fighting to expand its hegemony and loyalty to God and His Church was hardly possible without one another. For Protestants and Catholics alike, missionizing was part and parcel of national purpose. Despite its apparent unity, this multiphase national purpose was not without its tensions. The concrete embodiments of the religious, political and economic forces at work were often deeply at odds. From the beginning there was noticeable schizophrenia in the Spanish approach to the natives. Columbus noted the gentle, generous and loving spirit of the Natives while treating them with the brutality that commonly characterized Spanish colonial rule. On the one hand, the Native people were to be treated as fully human with rights to property and the capacity to be baptized and protected as citizens of the realm. On the other hand, they were often treated as subhuman beasts of burden for the mines and plantations of Spanish colonies. Papal admonition, royal decree and intense protest by Dominican missionary clerics like friars Bartolome de las Casas and Antonio de Montesinos were insufficient to stem the tide of exploitation, enslavement and decimation by disease, starvation and massacre practiced by Spanish colonial fortune seekers. More than one Spanish dignitary, including Columbus himself, would be dragged to trial for dehumanizing acts, but this was largely too little and too late, with little effect on the scene at large. The Spanish involvement in slave trade from Africa is also well documented. The discovery of gold among the more prosperous and powerful Natives fueled expansion and opened up vast deposits of silver in Mexico, Peru and other places. As Weatherford shows, Spanish gold and silver not only bought entry into the New World economy, but it bankrolled the European industrial revolution. By the middle of the 18th Century, because of title to the vast territory of Louisiana, Spain could lay legal claim to most of the territory, now called the United States, West of the Mississippi River along with Florida in the Southeast. With this went the claim of dominion of the vast array of Native peoples. Effective control, which meant Hispanicization economically, politically, culturally, and religiously, was uneven and gradual. General plans governing settlement, architecture, taxation, government and commerce were established by the Spanish crown and mediated through the Viceroy in Mexico and provincial governors in the hinterlands. Missionaries established various tactics in different places to wrestle the Natives into agricultural communities in missions adjacent to Spanish settlements, although they generally succeeded better with Natives that were already settled. With some exception for the upper class, there was relatively little inhibition about marriage between Spanish and Indian individuals to the extent that, in outlying areas at least, virtually everyone was Mestizo to some degree. Despite revolts and insurrections at one time or another, Pueblo and other Natives often banded together with the Spanish for common defense against raids by "wild" Indians. Despite the failure to find gold in the North, the Spanish were kept there by fears of French, English and later American encroachment. Commerce with outsiders was forbidden. The boundaries of the Empire were guarded jealously, as American explorer Zebulon Pike discovered when he entered into northern New Mexico in 1806, was arrested and taken to Santa Fe as a spy. After Mexican independence, the boundaries softened, and the influx of Americans led to takeover by the United States in the 1840's. The French: Furs and Friends 1608-1763 Foreclosed from the East Coast of America by the Spanish, the Dutch and the British, the French entered from the northeast, down the St. Lawrence River valley and pushed their way through the Great Lakes region down the Mississippi to New Orleans. Though the French government may have had ideas of settlement similar to those prescribed by the Spanish crown, the pattern of colonization by the French was dramatically different from that of the Spanish. If the Spanish approach was characterized by domination, the French approach overall was one of collaboration. It is a little staggering to realize that much of the colonization of the northern part of North America was motivated by sartorial fads in Europe. This is certainly true of the French. While the original intent of colonizing New France was to include thorough Francification, villages and agriculture like old France, the colonials soon realized that the real benefit was in the fur trade. It is estimated that at the high point of French colonization, which lasted from 1608 to 1763, there were 17,000 French men in New France and virtually no French women. Beyond the fact that women were not generally given to paddling canoes into the wilderness in order to trap beaver for making felt hats, the adventure and the money of fur trapping and trading particularly stimulated the French men. This was especially the case given the inflexibility of society in Old France. Hence it was the "forest runner," the coureur de bois, the voyageur, rather than the farmer and the merchant who came to the epitomize French colonization. After several failed attempts at more conventional forms of colonization, the French reverted to a kind of accommodation that was favorably regarded by the Natives. Seeing little advantage in trying to domesticate the Indians who were so expert at trapping and finishing pelts, the French were content to co-opt the Indians into a mutually beneficial arrangement. The result was a close kind of collaboration in which the French adapted themselves as much to Indian languages, customs, dress and lifestyles as the Indians did to French. Rather than replace Indian trade systems, for example, the French went in as business partners, married Indian women, learned Indian languages and respected Indian ways. Despite occasional lapses for particular reasons, the French enjoyed a thorough-going amicable relationship with the Natives, a relationship that was repaid by genuine loyalty to the French and opposition to the British and their confederates, the Iroquois. The French did not compete with Indians for land or resources significantly but tended to respect Indian Territory and claims unless they seriously violated French interests. They regularly held councils, required by French colonial policy, between governors of regions and the Indian leaders of the area, and went out of their way not only to respect Indian leaders but to incorporate them into French governance of the territory. New Netherlands: 1598-1664 The Dutch were not long as a colonial force nor did they occupy a large territory. Nevertheless, their influence and impact was significant and lasting. Beginning around 1598, Dutch traders began trading furs for manufactured goods off shipboard on the Hudson and Delaware rivers with the Algonkian Indians of the eastern seaboard. While there was no initial impulse for land, the voracious appetite for furs by the Dutch traders ("Swannekens") and for trade goods by the Indians led to the establishment of permanent trading posts. Initially the Dutch policy required non-interference with the Indians, a conciliatory stance that respected Indian sovereignty and avoided anything that would interfere with trade. Traders were forbidden to get involved in inter-tribal disputes, and the modest needs for land were negotiated by treaty, respecting Indian land ownership. Since Dutch involvement was essentially commercial in motive, little energy was put into religious mission work. The desire for land eventually increased, however. At its peak, Dutch colonial claims covered most of Pennsylvania, southern New York and Delaware. While this was a small territory by English, French, or Spanish standards, Dutch practices gradually but radically and permanently altered the balance of power among Native peoples in this territory, leading to the utter decimation of many tribes. As trade expanded, depletion of furbearing animals in nearby areas led to an expansion farther into Indian trade networks. The Dutch systematically built ties with the powerful Iroquois Confederacy, placing their earlier Algonkian friends at a great disadvantage. While the Iroquois pushed out further in search of new sources of pelts, economic interest spurred the Dutch to supplement their activities by expanding into agriculture. This move put further pressures on the local Algonkians who eventually resisted. Dutch policy toward the Algonkian peoples hardened until by the 1640's it became one of deliberate provocation and extermination. Dutch brutality, including that of Peter Stuyvesant, the last governor-general of New Netherland, was ended by the English takeover of the Dutch colony in 1664. Russian Fur-vor: 1741-1867 Russian involvement figures less in the popular American vision of European colonialism in the Americas because of its geographical remoteness. Nevertheless they deserve mention if only because of the fact that they surpassed all the European colonists in their mindless cruelty and brutality toward Native Americans during their tenure in the Americas between 1741 and 1867. Russian fur hunters (promyshlenniki) came to the northwest coast of North America by working eastward across Siberia, decimating the furbearing animals as they went. The abundance of furbearing animals in the Aleutians and the Alaskan peninsula offered them a new, seemingly inexhaustible source of pelts. It took the Russians a while to develop the maritime skill to handle navigation in the treacherous Alaskan region. Initially independent groups of hunters and traders made expeditions to the eastern islands. By 1765 Siberian companies mounted seasonal ventures. In 1799, a government monopoly, the Russian American Company took over. Spotty government attention, policy and regulation during most of this time, combined with the lowlife character of the typical promyshlenniki, left the Natives with even less than the inadequate safeguards of the other European colonizers. In the process of expanding their fur getting activity, the Russians came into significant contact with three main groups of Natives: the Aleuts, the Eskimos and the coastal Indians. All these groups were accomplished hunters and water navigators themselves. The Russians soon figured out that it was easier to get the Natives to work for them than to labor at it themselves, especially because the Aleuts were much better both at hunting and in processing the pelts. This was commonly accomplished by taking women and children of prominent men hostage until the hunting men returned with the desired shipment of pelts. Lack of cooperation brought torture and death to the hostages or the hunters. An Aleut revolt in the 1760s led to retaliation directed by trader Ivan Solovief who brutally crushed Aleut resistance. In the 1780s and 90s, British and American intruders began to compete with the Russians for the fur trade. In addition to supplying superior trade goods, they sold arms to the indomitable Tlingit Indians whose military independence became a major factor in the eventual demise of Russian North American enterprise. The Russian traders consolidated their efforts and reduced the Aleuts to virtual slavery in an effort to revitalize the slackening flow of pelts. Entrepreneur Gregory Shelikhov sought a monopoly grant from the czar, including promises to facilitate the opening missions and secure better treatment of the Natives. The challenge of an adequate food supply for Russian traders in Alaska led to establishment of a Russian colony in northern California where the Russians attempted to obtain labor by treating the local Pomo Indians the way they had the Aleuts. Despite Pomo resistance, the agricultural enterprise enjoyed some success. The conditions of forced labor reduced the population of the Pomos by a third between 1812 and 1841, however.