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Uses of Culture in Political Struggles: A Reading of Jana Natya Mandali USES OF CULTURE IN POLITICAL STRUGGLES: A READING OF JANA NATYA MANDALI ANVITA DULLURI II YEAR, B.A LL.B (HONS). NATIONAL LAW SCHOOL OF INDIA UNIVERSITY, BANGALORE. 1 Uses of Culture in Political Struggles: A Reading of Jana Natya Mandali ABSTRACT: The central theme of this paper is to examine the use of culture as an effective alternative medium to achieve political and economic transformation of the society. It seeks to do so by studying it in the backdrop of the steady rise of the Naxal movement in post-independent India, at a time when severe agrarian crisis pervaded the country. Revolution, that was considered indispensable to fight a comprador economy aimed at “development”, took different turns under the leadership of various Left parties in India, whose ideologies were highly influenced by the political conditions prevailing at the global level at the time. In this context it studies the distinguishing attribute of the People’s War Group, a militant group spreading revolution in the regions of Andhra Pradesh which paid keen attention to the cultures of the communities that they sought to mobilize. It inquires into the unique manner in which this group, through its cultural front channels radical ideals to the masses through diverse cultural forms that are indigenous to them. This is done through an analysis of the work of Gaddar, the co-founder of the cultural group, Jana Natya Mandali, who went on to become a legendary phenomenon through his contributions to the cause of the Naxal movement. Such an inquiry is carried out with a view to draw one’s attention to the intimate relation that the cultures of these marginalized sections of people share with their lives and struggles, thereby pointing out the possibility of an alternate approach to understanding the problems of these classes. 2 Uses of Culture in Political Struggles: A Reading of Jana Natya Mandali I- POLITICS OF STRIFE INTRODUCTION: “Philosophers have hitherto only interpreted the world in various ways, the point is to change it,” said Marx in his renowned Eleventh Thesis of Feurbach.1 The late 20th century witnessed phenomenal attempts to bring about a transformation in the world. The outbreak of liberation movements and the self-determination movements that occurred among the colonies against the oppressive regime of imperialist forces across the world were all indicators of such a major transformation. In India, the growing discontent and outrage against the blatant oppression of the colonial hegemony had reached its apogee with the unjust policies of the British during the Second World War. The onslaught of the German fascist forces on the Soviet Union, the biggest representative of socialism in the world, the outbreak of people’s movements in China created favorable conditions for the radical transformation of the society in India. Under these circumstances, the line of militant struggle initiated by the Communist Party in India against the imperialist forces gained popular support.2 Crucial among their militant attempts to overthrow the bourgeois government instituted by them on the eve of independence are the agrarian and peasant struggles that exploded in the Indian society.3 Peasants in the Indian society are identified to be the agricultural laborers, sharecroppers, landless coolies etc., who closely border on the historically and socially disadvantaged sections such as the scheduled castes, scheduled tribes, other backward classes and largely women.4The period between 1945 and 1947 was witness to a variety of uprisings ranging from the sections of the landless peasants and agricultural labourers in the Indian subcontinent.5This sharp rise in the agrarian struggles could be attributed to the vast changes in the socio-economic situation in India 1 K. Marx, THESES ON FEURBACH, Vol. 1, 13-15 (F. Engels ed., W. Lough tr., (1888)). Debal K. Singha Roy, Peasant Movements in Contemporary India: Emerging Forms of Domination and Resistance 40 (52), ECONOMIC AND POLITICAL WEEKLY 5505, 5505 (2005). 3 B. Chandra, A. Mukherjee et al, INDIA AFTER INDEPENDENCE, 421 (2008). 4 Roy, supra note 2 at 5505. 5 Chandra, supra note 3 at 421- 422. 2 3 Uses of Culture in Political Struggles: A Reading of Jana Natya Mandali after its liberation from the Colonial rule.6 Post-Independent India was characterized by a severely stratified society owing to a grossly exploitative intermediary system of land tenancy and occupation. As a result, demands for progressive reforms and abolishment of the intermediary feudalism to improve the conditions of the peasantry rose significantly.7 The entire range of agrarian revolts in India, from the Telangana peasant uprising when India was still under the British rule, to the Naxalite and Maoist movements from the sixties can be categorized into radical institutionalized and non-institutionalized movements. Such uprisings were spearheaded by the revolutionary political organizations, among which the (institutionalized) Communist Party of India was the most popular. The course of several of these movements across different parts of the country is effective in tracing the series of changes that took place in the agricultural and socio-economic scenario in post-independent India.8 The left movements that were organized by these political organizations derived their ideology and their radical outlook of the Indian society (apart from Soviet Marxism) from the Chinese revolution of 1948 led by the Communist Party of China (CPC).9 The influence of the principles advocated by the Communist Party of China under the leadership of Mao Tsetung on the agrarian revolts throughout India can be clearly discerned in their objectives and their approach towards a revolutionary transformation of the Indian society. The manner in which this transformation had been carried out in the post-independent Indian society will be examined in the next section. THE TELANGANA PEASANT UPRISING: The communist revolution in India underwent a significant change under the influence of the principles of Mao Tsetung. The theory of New Democracy popularized by the Chinese 6 Chandra, supra note 3 at 421- 422. Roy, supra note 2 at 5505. 8 Roy, supra note 2 at 5505. 9 DeepankarBasu, Debarshi Das, The Maoist Movement in India: Some Political Economy Conditions 13 (3), JOURNAL OF AGRARIAN CHANGE, 365, 366 (2013). 7 4 Uses of Culture in Political Struggles: A Reading of Jana Natya Mandali revolution in 1948 under the leadership of Mao entered India through the peasant uprising in the Telangana region.10 The peasants in this region suffered from extreme feudalism under the vetti system of the deshmukhs and the jagirdars who owned thousands of acres of agricultural land.11 In order to relieve the peasants and the tribals of their plight, the Communists organized them in the form of guerilla groups called dalams against the oppressive taxes of the feudal lords and the government under the Nizams.12 These groups formed bases by attacking the feudal troops or factions in particular regions. Such peasant mobilizations soon spread all across the region under the guidance of the Communists who powerfully drove the liberation of the Telangana region from the autocratic rule of the Nizams and its integration with the Indian Union. This strong anti-Nizam upsurge resulted in the Indian army troops to enter the region in order to integrate the region through Police Action.13 Though this action had successfully resulted in the end of the Nizam rule, the Communist groups in the region decided to continue their struggle against the government under Nehru, which they believed to be pro-imperialist and bourgeoisie. Thus, they remained in the forests and launched an attack on the Indian Army.14 The Telangana arms struggle was brutally repressed by the Indian Army. The movement of the Communist activists continued till 1951 when the Communist Party of India (CPI) at the center under the influence of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union (CPSU) changed its line.15 It believed in a peaceful transition of India into a socialist state. This gave rise to internal conflicts within the CPI which resulted in the birth of the Communist Party of India (Marxist) [CPI (M)] with revisionist tendencies in 1964.16 Therefore a split in the fundamental 10 P. Sundarayya, Telangana People's Armed Struggle, 1946-1951. Part One: Historical Setting 1(7), SOCIAL SCIENTIST 3, 8 (1973). 11 Sundarayya, supra note 11 at 9. 12 Chandra, supra note 3 at 421- 422. 13 Chandra, supra note 3 at 421- 422. 14 Sundarayya, supra note 11 at 16. 15 NAXALBARIAND AFTER: A FRONTIER ANTHOLOGY, Vol. 2, Editor’s note (Samar Sen, Debabrata Panda et al ed., (1978)). 16 ParthaMukherji,Study of Social Conflicts: Case of Naxalbari Peasant Movement,22 (38), ECONOMIC AND POLITICAL WEEKLY 1607, 1610 (1987). 5 Uses of Culture in Political Struggles: A Reading of Jana Natya Mandali ideology of the Communist Party occurred under the effect of Mao’s principles of New Democracy and agricultural revolution. NAXALBARI MOVEMENT: The genesis of the Naxalite movement in India demanding a transformation in the Indian society is inevitably associated with the Naxalbari movement in 1967.17 By then, the United Communist Party at the Center had already suffered a split into the Communist Party of India- Marxist (CPIM). Following the historical peasant uprising in Naxalbari, a village in West Bengal a further split occurred in ideology within the CPI (M). This violent movement of 1967 was led by Charu Majumdar who became a legendary revolutionary figure.18 His famous “Eight Documents” went on to form the ideological basis for the formation of the Communist Party of India (MarxistLeninist) [CPI (M-L)].19 Through his writings he advocated peasant revolution and opposition of Revisionism. Therefore, such growing contradictions within the CPI (M) party ultimately resulted in a split and a Declaration issued by the revolutionaries of the CPI(M) who went on to form the All India Coordination Committee of Revolutionaries (AICCR) in 1967 under the leadership of CharuMajumdar.20 The Naxalbari uprising was brutally suppressed through police action supported by the United Front of the Communist Party in West Bengal. The major issues of contention between the AICCR and the Communist party were regarding the latter’s denial of people’s revolution a universal form of struggle in countries like India. It further abandoned agrarian revolution as the principle line of their party. At this juncture the AICCR under Charu Majumdar constituted itself into a party which led to the birth of CPI (ML) in 1969.21Armed struggle and non-participation in parliamentary elections were their main principles. CONTRADICTION BETWEEN CPI(M-L) AND THE ANDHRA MAOISTS: The line of revolutionaries, influenced by Mao’s principles (Maoists), under the influence of the leadership of CharuMajumdar were of the belief that the primary condition for the formation of a 17 Id. Supra note 16. 19 Supra note 16. 20 ShreyVerma, The Far Reaching Consequences of the Naxalite Problem in India: Understanding the Maoist Problem, 4 (Rakshak Foundation (2011)). 21 Marcus F. Franda, India's Third Communist Party 9 (11), ASIAN SURVEY 797, 797 (1969). 18 6 Uses of Culture in Political Struggles: A Reading of Jana Natya Mandali revolutionary party is to bring about a mass mobilization in the countryside and not merely gathering of like-minded Marxists who thought along the lines of Mao.22 They believed that conditions were conducive for a revolution in the countryside and a strong party to organize and guide the revolutionary ideals was the only requirement to take the revolution to a higher level.23 However, the ideals of the group of Maoists in the Andhra region (following the tribal movement in Srikakulam from 1957-67) differed. They advocated that the idea that revolutionary activity must precede the formation of a party but it can also be formed in the course of the revolution. They also experienced major differences in terms of their approach towards a people’s revolution.24 PEOPLE’S WAR GROUP: The Naxal movement from the peasant uprising in 1967 underwent major changes in terms of ideology and objectives. Since the agrarian revolution of the Naxalbari, the movement had taken different turns among which the birth of the People’s War Group (PWG) marks a significant change or a reorientation of the movement.25 With the death of Charu Majumdar who had been the sole force behind the revolutionary fervor of the CPI (M-L) branch, and the brutal suppression of the Naxalbari movement in West Bengal, the party had been deprived of a formidable leadership and passed into the hands of less dynamic leaders in West Bengal.26 Under them, the party ideology underwent transformation along revisionist lines and adopted a more moderate stance favoring parliamentary process.27 This was strongly condemned by the members who still stood for the revolutionary ideology advocated by CharuMajumdar. Subsequently, the post-emergency (1974-77) period witnessed the birth of the People’s War Group (PWG), breaking away from the CPI (ML) Liberation (the revisionist branch of the CPI(M-L)). This group was led by a powerful Naxal leader from 22 Id at 800. Verma, supra note 21 at 5-8. 24 Franda, supra note 22 at 800. 25 RamachandraGuha, Adivasis, Naxalites and Indian Democracy 42 (32), ECONOMIC AND POLITICAL WEEKLY 3305, 3309 (2007). 26 Supra note 16. 27 Supra note 16. 23 7 Uses of Culture in Political Struggles: A Reading of Jana Natya Mandali Andhra Pradesh- Kondapalli Seetaramaiah.28 The ideology and objectives adopted by them sought to preserve and propagate the revolutionary ideals of the original CPI (M-L) group. They believed that the post-independence India was semi-feudal and semi-colonial in nature.29 According to them, the Indian society is encumbered by the forces of feudalism, colonialism and comprador bureaucracy which are always in conflict with the betterment of the broad masses of people. These obstacles could be eliminated and overthrown only through a “New Democratic revolution” as envisaged by Mao Tsetung. They believed that the New Democratic society could be established through an agrarian revolution.30 Another crucial aspect of their strategy, which is absent in the ideology of the earlier Naxal Groups, is their assertion and strong support to the regional subnational movements.31 The possible reasons for incorporating this idea as a part of their strategy could be to achieve their objective of capturing power by weakening the Indian state and building a federation of national people’s republics in its place.32 As the chances of obtaining recourse through elections and Parliamentary system of Democracy (a path chosen by the CPI (ML) Liberation wing) seemed bleak and disillusioning, the PWG had begun to increasingly gain popularity among the peasants and the working classes. The revolutionary path of a protracted people’s war advocated by the PWG in order to build a mass organization instead of a political democratic front, proved a lot more effective in attracting and mobilizing the masses.33This strategy was in stark contrast to the line of thought of the Liberation wing which began to closely resemble the already existing political set up of the Communist Party at the Center.34 The radical ideology of the Naxalites under the influence of Mao’s teachings saw no other alternative, in order to achieve the revolutionary transformation of 28 Verma, supra note 21 at 5-8. Verma, supra note 21 at 5-8. 30 Verma, supra note 21 at 9. 31 Chandra, supra note 3 at 421- 422. 32 Chandra, supra note 3 at 421- 422. 33 Verma, supra note 21 at 5-8. 34 Verma, supra note 21 at 5-8. 29 8 Uses of Culture in Political Struggles: A Reading of Jana Natya Mandali the Indian society as envisaged by them, than a violent and aggressive confrontation of the masses with the oppressive classes.35 Such critical reflections on the transformation of the post-independence Indian society that arose from the multitudes and the common masses of Indian life resulted in the rise of a revolutionary consciousness among them. The significant role played by the culture (in the form of song compositions, performances and narratives) of these masses in bringing about such a transformation and in the building of such a consciousness is indisputable in this regard. The work of culture that the Naxal movement generated needs special attention. The moulding of these cultural forms of the diverse subaltern communities, in order to communicate the powerful political ideals of Marx and Mao to the grassroots of India and inflame revolutionary consciousness among them, is truly remarkable and is worthy of a proper inquiry. In this context, the immense work of culture rendered by the cultural front of the People’s War Group in Andhra Pradesh, called the Jana Natya Mandali will be analyzed here. 35 Verma, supra note 21 at 5-8. 9 Uses of Culture in Political Struggles: A Reading of Jana Natya Mandali II- THE WORK OF CULTURE BIRTH OF JANA NATYA MANDALI (JNM): The use of people’s culture where revolution is meant to seep into the grassroots of the society is an idea that has been employed by the Left parties earlier. The Indian People’s Theater Association (IPTA) formed in 1942 functioned as the cultural wing of the Communist Party for a long time. This became an inspiration for the formation of Safdar Hashmi’s Jana Natya Manch (Janam) in 1973, a radical theater group in Delhi, with the motto of taking politics to the people.36 The work of these groups has gone a long way in instilling revolutionary consciousness among the masses (though with the sad and immense price of brutal killing of Hashmi). The enormous success of the People’s War Group in Andhra Pradesh can be attributed to the work of cultural activism produced by their cultural arm, the Jana Natya Mandali (JNM) or the People’s Dance Troupe.37 Initially when this cultural troupe came into existence, it was called the Art Lovers Forum.38 It was started by B. Narsing Rao, a reputed filmmaker. In 1972, it turned into the Jana Natya Mandali composed of several prominent cultural activists.39This group was inspired by Praja Natya Mandali, a similar troupe that played a significant role in sustaining the revolution during the Telangana armed peasant revolt in the 1940s.40 This troupe aimed at developing novel and creative methods of using the resources available to them in order to articulate the plight of the oppressed masses at the margins of the society. They sought to transform and create culture from among the existing genres by drawing upon them.41 The work produced by this group distinctly reflects as its central theme- the problems of life of the landless and tribals, land and liberty of the people. In this attempt to create a new culture they consciously eschew the practice of drawing upon the imperialist cultural forms or their 36 A.Ghosh, A HISTORY OF THE JANA NATYAMANCH: PLAYS FOR THE PEOPLE, Foreword by G. P. Deshpande (2012). R. Guha, INDIA AFTER GANDHI: THE HISTORY OF THE WORLD’S LARGEST DEMOCRACY, 733 (2007). 38 D. V. Rao, Risking Spaces: The Politics and the Pain of Singing inPERFORMERS AND THEIR ARTS: FOLK, POPULAR AND CLASSICAL GENRES IN CHANGING INDIA, 198, 200 (S. Charsley and L. N. Kadekar, 2006). 39 Id. 40 D. V. Rao, Mnemosigning: Ecstasies in Pain in SIGNPOSTS: GENDER ISSUES IN POST-INDEPENDENCE INDIA, 359, 373 (R. S.Rajan, 1999). 41 Rao, supra note 39 at 197. 37 10 Uses of Culture in Political Struggles: A Reading of Jana Natya Mandali ideology.42The mainstream art and literary forms (such as cinema, museum exhibits) are avoided by them. It is the cultural forms of the village peasants and tribal communities that they wish to examine and employ as a medium to address the problems of these subaltern communities. Through these forms they seek to channel and inculcate the revolutionary ideals among them. The members of the troupe involved in producing the cultural work, drew from numerous sources and cultural forms of the people. Travelling extensively through the villages, they interacted with the local people. They studied the cultural forms that prevailed among these people, the manner in which they made use of them in order to articulate their pain, suffering, anguish and grief at the loss of their loved ones in the war with the ruling classes. They went into the forests and learned about the lives of the tribals and how their culture featured in their daily lives in the form of song compositions, dance traditions and narratives.43 Among the sources that they drew from, the performances of the “beggar” communities in the villages were significant.44 These communities were known for their tradition of receiving alms from their respective communities by performing songs, dances and narrating their genealogical stories. The JNM group would invite these performers, listen to their song compositions and drawing from them, compose their own songs. They also derived tunes for their compositions from the performances of the village kalakars. Yet another crucial source that cannot be ignored while considering the work of the JNM is the tunes of the women who were agricultural laborers.45 The songs that formed a part of their daily work in the fields were anonymous. They sprung from the memory of long historical tradition, their origins unknown. But these rhythms had the potential to communicate in the most powerful manner, their plight, their anxieties, their fears and their joys through the force of affection. The tunes and themes that were thus gathered by the JNM from the sources discussed above were used by the creative artists to mould them into compositions filled with revolutionary fervor.46 Being the cultural wing of the PWG, every composition made by the group was then 42 Guha, supra note 38 at 733. Rao, supra note 39 at 197-200. 44 Rao, supra note 39 at 197-200. 45 Rao, supra note 39 at 197-200. 46 Rao, supra note 41 at 373. 43 11 Uses of Culture in Political Struggles: A Reading of Jana Natya Mandali sent to the party leaders for review. After receiving the approval of the party cadre, cultural activists would perform them in public. The performers of the group would then journey through the villages and sing these songs, instilling the revolutionary ideals of the party among them. In this manner, the party reached out to the people and organized them into army groups. These groups would then continue their journey through the villages to spread the ideology and agenda of the party that is, bringing about politico-economic transformation in the Indian society by overthrowing the oppressive rule of the feudal land lords and establishing the rule of the peasants and workers.47 At a time when the PWG was banned (in the 1980 and 90s), JNM as its cultural extension had achieved remarkable success in spreading its ideals in the countryside in the state of Andhra Pradesh. Unlike the violent activity carried out by the Naxal cadres of the party, this group wielded culture as its most prominent weapon to carry the aims and ways of revolution to the people who suffered the most under the existing system. The ideals of Marx infused with the teachings of Mao were incorporated into the elaborate cultural forms that were so closely woven into the lives of these masses.48 The inventive technique adopted by the People’s War Group, of using the cultural resources of the masses as a means to raise critical questions regarding the survival of these beleaguered sections of the Indian society calls for an inquiry into the kind of work produced by the group. 49 In this context the work of one legendary figure who went on to become a global phenomenon through the unique contributions he made to the cultural work of the group, shall be examined. 47 Rao, supra note 39 at 197-200. Rao, supra note 41 at 373. 49 Rao, supra note 39 at 197-200. 48 12 Uses of Culture in Political Struggles: A Reading of Jana Natya Mandali III-THE SINGING SUBALTERN: THE WORK OF GADDAR Gummadi Vittal Rao, popularly known as Gaddar, is one of the founding members of the JNM group. He hailed from a Dalit laborer’s family from a remote Telangana village.50 He got introduced to Ambedkar’s ideas on caste through his father on whose insistence he continued his studies. He was exposed to the rural song cultures of the village communities through his mother.51 These tunes from the age-old traditions, rendered in the local idiom and inseparable from their daily lives, had indelible impact on Gaddar.52 It was when he was pursuing his studies at Hyderabad that he met Narsing Rao, the co-founder of Art Lovers Forum that went on to become JNM.53 Intrigued by the questions raised by him in the course of his lectures, Gaddar decided to join the Forum. This acquaintance of Gaddar transformed his life as he came into contact with influential artists and poets such as Sri Sri, Nazar, Suddala Hanumanthu to name a few who played an important role in sustaining the Left movements in Andhra Pradesh.54 His tryst with the Naxalites led him back to the villages which afforded him an opportunity to understand the post-independence Indian society through the countryside. Consequently, he plunged into the Naxal movement and dedicated himself to rendering the cultural work of the party.55He was shot five times from a close range in 1997 and today he survives with one bullet still intact in his body. As a singer, composer of songs and a performer, he captured the lives and struggles of the marginalized people in his songs.56 His work involves the blending in of the political with the everyday social lives of the people which he seeks to do by emulating their cultural forms. The most significant feature of his work is the connection he establishes between oral and written 50 Guha, supra note 38 at 733. D. V. Rao, Performative Communism inTHE UNTOLD CHARMINAR: WRITINGS ON HYDERABAD, 287, 289 (S. Imam,2008). 52 Interestingly, the name Gaddar was consciously adopted from the other insurgent movement – the Ghadar Party – which in the 1920s aimed at overthrowing the British imperialism by violent means, from, D. V. RaoWriting Orally: Decolonization from BelowinPOSITIONS: EAST ASIA CULTURES CRITIQUE(1999). 53 Rao, supra note 52at 290. 54 Rao, supra note 52at 291. 55 Rao, supra note 52at 290. 56 Rao, supra note 39 at 199. 51 13 Uses of Culture in Political Struggles: A Reading of Jana Natya Mandali cultures.57 His songs deal with the illiterate masses, communities that preserve and perpetuate their culture and tradition through memory. These unheeded and undiscovered communities receive an outlet through his songs. Gaddar emerges as a singer and performer from the Dalit community, a community that has been constantly quelled and subjugated by the dominant classes.58 His work can thus be perceived as an exemplification of the voice of the subaltern by a subaltern himself, a form of knowledge that is often dismissed as subjective or skewed.59The subaltern reflects and sings eloquently – though out of pain –here. The tunes and themes of his songs are all borrowed from the song cultures of various communities. Composed in this manner, he returns these borrowed tunes to the communities. Thus, reiteration forms a crucial aspect of his work.60 In the process of this repetition however, the tunes and the refrains that he borrows undergo a transformation in his hands. This technique allows him to develop numerous themes for the same tunes. Hence “[t]here is no closure to people’s song”, he asserts. 61 Learning and sharing are the two major features central to the song compositions of Gaddar. He returns to the community what he learned from it after giving it his own, unique signature. The process of learning and receiving will always remain incomplete and infinite as the sources from which he draws are unlimited.62 Therefore, his song weaves through heterogeneous communities and reaches out to people ranging from agricultural laborers to bureaucrats, students to policemen and Dalits to Brahmins, amalgamating and moving them. With such radically diverse audience, his songs have no conclusive resting place.63 Culture, though seldom so acknowledged, is a potential force behind bringing about a political transformation in the society.64 When closely examined, culture is nothing but a continuous process through which distinct identities are created by producing meanings of and for our social 57 P. Kesava Kumar, Popular Culture and Ideology: The Phenomenon of Gaddar, 45(7),ECONOMIC AND POLITICAL WEEKLY 61, 62 (2010). 58 Rao, supra note 39 at 201. 59 Kumar, supra note 58 at 61-63. 60 Rao, supra note 39 at 201. 61 Gaddar, PratiPataku Oka Katha Vunda? Aaa! Vundi, (Is There a Story for Every Song? Oh! Yes, There is), Hyderabad: Jana NatyaMandaliPrachuranalu - II, 1991 from, Rao, supra note 39 at 197. 62 Rao, supra note 52at 292. 63 Rao, supra note 52at 292. 64 Kumar, supra note 58 at 61-63. 14 Uses of Culture in Political Struggles: A Reading of Jana Natya Mandali experiences. It undergoes a change whenever the society undergoes a change in its socioeconomic conditions. But it can also in turn affect these changes significantly. To understand culture in terms of these experiences and the identities so generated by them, it becomes important to consider the social groups involved and their respective ideological positions. Understanding culture therefore involves comprehending the struggle that takes place between the people belonging to different social groups.65 The transformation that occurred in India (on the countryside especially) during the period of decolonization led to the creation of a whole new culture in order to accommodate the series of political and socio-economic changes that took place in the society. The Naxalite movement that gathered momentum during this period succeeded in generating a new meaning to the culture of the people.66 Acknowledging this significance of culture and the close connection it shares with ideology, groups such as Jana Natya Mandali have persevered in using culture as a means to reach out to the people. The objective behind the work produced by Gaddar becomes clear in this context. His song compositions serve a purely political purpose that is, inculcating revolutionary ideals among the masses. However, these ideals are brought into the everyday lives of the people by converting them in terms of their life experiences. Works of culture produced in this manner are aimed at bringing about a cultural transformation.67 Every song so composed by Gaddar seeks to address the problems of the exploited and depressed sections of the society by raising questions about their existence and survival. Through this process of continuous questioning he describes the plight of the people; and thus he challenges his listeners to respond to pain and suffering. People’s daily struggles inevitably become the central theme of Gaddar’s song compositions.68 The pathos and martyrdom that pervades the families of those who have been eliminated without trial are embodied in his work in a touching manner. Laskaru Bonaluis a notable composition by Gaddar in this regard. It is rendered in the voice of a woman from a lower caste.69 The song takes the form of her reply to her husband’s 65 Kumar, supra note 58 at 61-63. Kumar, supra note 58 at 61-63. 67 Kumar, supra note 58 at 61-63. 68 Kumar, supra note 58 at 61-63. 69 Gaddar, TARAGANIGANI, Hyderabad: Jana NatyaMandaliPrachuranalu, (1992). 66 15 Uses of Culture in Political Struggles: A Reading of Jana Natya Mandali questioning about when they would celebrate their Bonalu (traditional feast) a major festival of their community. Her reply portrays the saga of sorrows and endless struggles in the lives of these subalterns. The process of reiteration, as discussed above, which Gaddar undertakes in his work, involves transformation of the existing tunes that he receives from the community. The manner in which Gaddar seeks to transform the given is by breaking away from the structure and context of the original source that is, the narrative cultures and traditions that he draws from. 70 He tries to do the same by infusing a maternal ambience in his tunes, a unique characteristic of Gaddar’s work which makes it exceptional and unprecedented. This aspect of his work becomes significant as it reinforces the belief that such a formidable political movement as the Naxalite movement can be sustained by this subtle yet intense bond created by incorporating the emotions of maternal affection and anguish for the loss of their loved ones. Thus, he imparts his unique signature to the received cultural forms and transforms them in the process. This is evident in his performances through his costume, movements, expression and gestures. He makes it possible to capture the maternal idiom despite being a male singerperformer which indicates the intensity and persistence of the tradition beyond its emergence.71 The maternal idiom that pervades a significant part of Gaddar’s work often raised questions regarding motherhood which is the only role (a role imposed by tradition) attributed to women. However, a closer look at his work shows us that apart from representing the maternal voice, he raises several crucial questions regarding the issues suffered by the women of these subaltern communities72. The woman here becomes the person Gayatri Spivak describes as the “subsubaltern”. His famous composition Nindu Amassenade describes the problem of the elimination of female child in certain communities.73He asserts that it is through the voices of women that the people’s tunes survive and continue.74 70 Rao, supra note 39 at 209. Rao, supra note 39 at 213. 72 Rao, supra note 41 at 373. 73 R. S.Rajan,THE SCANDAL OF THE STATE: WOMEN, LAW AND CITIZENSHIP IN POSTCOLONIAL INDIA, 269 (2003). 74 Rao, supra note 41 at 373. 71 16 Uses of Culture in Political Struggles: A Reading of Jana Natya Mandali Gaddar draws from an enormous range of communities to gather material for his song compositions- agricultural laborers, adivasis, beedi workers are just a few to mention. He examines the rhythms and refrains he picks up in this manner, from the most unpredictable of sources, and examines them for their dialect and their matter.75 They are then displaced from their original context and transformed to serve another purpose. The transfer of content thus occurs from songs of festivity, prayer, daily rituals and activities etc., to songs related to themes of revolution and insurgency.76This is how he keeps up the process of reiteration. Given the wide reach of the sources he draws from, he is presented with an inexhaustible supply of regional idioms and dialects in which he can compose his songs. It is therefore unsurprising that Gaddar names one of his important books of reflection, Taragani Gani, Inexhaustible Mine.77The influence of his mother’s tunes engrained in the memories of his childhood is significant in this regard. By making use of these diverse dialects, Gaddar slashes across or displaces the rigid hierarchy of languages that is created and maintained by the mainstream media. 78Though his songs are rendered for most part in Telugu, the chief language of the state of Andhra Pradesh, they are modulated with the local (Telangana) idioms of various communities. This remarkable achievement of Gaddar is made possible by bringing in the metaphor of maternal love, sacrifice and anguish, a significant element of rural life that has constantly been dismissed and subjugated by the dominant culture. This invention of a whole new genre of song culture by Gaddar is an unprecedented accomplishment. Vandanalu, a celebrated composition was produced by Gaddar when he was underground and performed in 1989 when the ban on the JNM was lifted. Rendered in the voice of a mother, it is a poignant expression of the pain and yearning of mothers for their dead children.79 It was composed as a tribute to all the revolutionaries who lost their lives to the ruthless programme of elimination without trial or encounter killings that was unleashed by the state in the countryside. The song powerfully brings out the emotions of grief and bereavement for the loss of the young, 75 Rao, supra note 52 at 291. Rao, supra note 39 at 203. 77 Gaddar, supra note 74. 78 Rao, supra note 39 at 206. 79 Rao, supra note 41 at 360. 76 17 Uses of Culture in Political Struggles: A Reading of Jana Natya Mandali in the tone of an agonized mother. The song’s embodiment of a mother’s mourning the loss of her son in the war against the feudal lords and her aching for his return depicts a celebration of motherhood. It salutes the enormous strength of maternal love and acknowledges their understated yet immeasurable involvement in the war against the oppressive and unjust system.80 Vandanalu is a typical example of Gaddar’s standard theme of mourning and martyrdom. At no single point of the song does it address the spectacle of death directly. 81 It brings out the loss of the mothers in the form their endless questioning and through this, their endless longing and hope for their return. The ending of every verse in a question- “Would you come as crow-lings, O our children? Would you fill our womb’s delight, O our children?”82depicts the anticipating, almost imploring tone of a mother bearing the loss of her child. Another typical feature of Gaddar’s work discernible in this composition is the rhetoric used by him. The refrain of the song points to the wide usage of language by Gaddar. It opens with the word Vandanalu, a Sanskrit term for “salutations”. Gaddar’s signature of breaking with the hierarchy of languages is brought out by immediately following this term of the reverent language with ma biddalu, (meaning “our children”) a classic usage belonging to the regional vernacular of the Telangana region.83 The maternal ambience that pervades this song is a reflection of the revolution that was brought about in culture by Gaddar.84By becoming the voice for these voiceless sections, Gaddar has succeeded in producing a counter-hegemonic culture.85 The impact this has had on these disenfranchised sections themselves can be gauged by their electrifying response to his performances and concerts. The colossal influence that Gaddar has had on forms of mass media such as cinema and music also bears testimony to the remarkable cultural phenomenon that he has become. In a movement that forges forward through aggression, violence and bloodshed led by men, the space that has been created for the voices of the oppressed and the beleaguered subaltern, the 80 Rao, supra note 52 at 297. Rao, supra note 41 at 363. 82 Rao, supra note 52 at 297. 83 Rao, supra note 41 at 364. 84 Rajan, supra note 74 at 269. 85 Kumar, supra note 58 at 67. 81 18 Uses of Culture in Political Struggles: A Reading of Jana Natya Mandali helpless voices of the women, the intensity of maternal idiom is indicative of the remarkable potential that lies in the cultures of these neglected masses. The approach adopted by the cultural front of the militant Naxalite movement of infusing or weaving in the message of revolution into the culture of the masses has proved to be a raging success in sustaining the movement in the state of Andhra Pradesh. The cultural movement that was thus inaugurated by Gaddar as a part of JNM forces us to confront critical questions with respect to the approach taken to address the unheeded clamour of the neglected and oppressed classes. It makes us realize the need for a more sensitive understanding of the lives and ways of these people which becomes possible by gaining an insight into their culture. The paradox of disturbing violence of the party articulated by means of maternal affection provokes further thinking. CONCLUSION: Thus, through its focus on the radical cultural revolution brought about by the cultural extension of the PWG, this paper has tried to draw the attention of the readers towards the attempts of this group to forge a distinct, autonomous identity for these subalterns by empowering them to assert themselves through their culture. It draws upon the renditions of the legendary creative artist of the group, Gaddar, to establish the same. His work which exemplifies the rich culture of the subalterns that lies unheeded beneath the dominant modes of culture, and provides an outlet for them gives rise to a powerful alternative to the violent and belligerent modes of achieving a revolution as envisaged by the political agenda of the PWG. The work of culture generated by this group has succeeded in bringing about a dual transformation- a transformation in the grand political ideology of Marx infused with the teachings of Mao by incorporating them into the cultural articulations of the struggles of the oppressed; and a transformation in the culture of these masses by instilling the message of revolution into their diverse expressions of culture. 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