Survey
* Your assessment is very important for improving the workof artificial intelligence, which forms the content of this project
* Your assessment is very important for improving the workof artificial intelligence, which forms the content of this project
On the Role of Emotions in Economic Decision Making: An Experimental Analysis By Kevin Grubiak Experimental Economics II 1. Introduction “If emotions play such an important role in psychological processes, they are also likely to be relevant for understanding economic decision making.” (Bosman and van Winden 2002: p.147) “At higher intensities, [negative emotions] progressively seize command over behavior, causing people to experience themselves as being ‘out of control’.” (Loewenstein 2000: p.428) A major drawback of the standard economic approach of modelling economic agents as selfish profit-maximizers is the neglect of psychological and affective determinants underlying the process of decision making. In negotiations, people are frequently observed to reject mutually beneficial agreements, thereby suggesting that their decisions are affected by more than material rewards (Tripp et al 1995; Ochs and Roth 1989). Negotiations can often be described as competitive environments in which each party tries to boost their own individual outcome (Rubin and Brown 1975). The competitive element of bargaining can result in intense and heated debates over surpluses that often encourages one party to make a “take it or leave it” ultimatum to the other in the endgame of negotiation (Pillutla and Murnighan 1996). The dynamics of ultimatum bargaining have been the subject of considerable attention in experimental economics. Contrary to theoretical predictions, positive ultimatum offers are sometimes rejected, leaving both parties with lower economic outcomes than they would have achieved if they had agreed. A general interpretation of this observation is the violation of fairness norms or fairness perceptions (Fehr and Rockenbach 2004). But when does the violation of fairness perceptions actually affects behavior? Pilluta and Murnighan (1996: p.221) suggest that emotional reactions provide the critical link that determines when fairness perceptions tend to affect immediately subsequent behavior. They identify anger as a compelling short term explanation for ending negotiations or limiting interaction. In this sense, emotional dynamics can overwrite rational reasoning and may make bargaining parties even wonder about their own willingness to suffer unnecessary losses in the first place. Over the last few decades, economists have started to pay greater attention to the complexity of emotions and especially on how negative emotions generate behavior (Bosman and van Winden 2002, BenShakhar et al. 2007, Hopfensitz and Reuben 2009, Joffily et al. 2011). The seminal work of Bosman and van Winden (2002) experimentally investigates people’s willingness to trade off monetary gain with emotional satisfaction that arises from the opportunity to punish unpleasant behavior. They find that monetary incentives prevail when the intensity of perceived negative emotions is low, whereas for high emotional involvement people are willing to give up all of their endowment to punish selfish behavior. They conclude that although the “number of agents whose behavior is influenced by emotions is not very large” and the “degree of emotional hazard is likely to represent a lower bound”, the impact of emotions can be quite substantial because subjects make rather ‘extreme choices’ (Bosman and van Winden 2002: p. 164). The purpose of this study is to investigate whether the low frequency of punishments in the initial study by Bosman and van Winden can be attributed to their specific experimental design. The remainder of this paper is structured as follows: chapter 2 clarifies the structure of the power-to-take game, elaborates the rationale behind modifying the initial design and derives the research hypotheses. Chapter 3 deals with the experimental design of this study. Chapter 4 analyzes the gathered data and discusses the results. Chapter 5 concludes. 2. Framework and research hypotheses 2.1 The power-to-take game The study at hand utilizes a modified version of the power-to-take game (henceforth PTTG) to analyze the link between emotions and economic behavior. In the general version of the game (Bosman and van Winden, 2002), participants are endowed with an initial amount of money (𝑌𝑖 ) and are randomly and anonymously assigned to either the role of the ‘takeauthority’ or the role of the ‘responder’. In the first stage, the take-authority is permitted to declare a continuous fraction t ∈ [0,1] of the responder’s endowment to be transferred to the take-authority. In the second stage, responders are informed about the declared take rate and are permitted to declare a continuous fraction d ∈ [0,1] of their own prior-to-the-take endowment to be destroyed. Therefore, the payoffs of the game are (1-t)(1-d)𝑌𝑟𝑒𝑠𝑝 for the responder and 𝑌𝑡𝑎𝑘𝑒 +t(1-d)𝑌𝑟𝑒𝑠𝑝 for the take-authority. Since the responder can only destroy own income, punishment is costly. If subjects are rational profit-maximizing agents, standard economic theory predicts that the responder should not destroy any endowment if the take rate is less than 1 and should be indifferent between all possible destruction rates if the take rate is 1. Hence, from backward induction, the take-authority should select t = 1 – 𝜀, where 𝜀 is an infinitesimal positive number. If responders are motivated by fairness considerations, however, it can be expected that any declared take rate will be perceived as an unfair claim which might be associated with emotions such as anger and contempt. Whether or not a violation of perceived fairness actually results in costly punishment is expected to depend on the intensity of perceived emotions. The PTTG had been applied to different scenarios in which a) people were simply provided with initial endowments like manna from heaven (Bosman, Sutter and van Winden 2000), b) initial endowments were determined based on a real effort task prior to the game (Bosman and van Winden 2002) and c) decisions were determined by groups instead of individuals (Bosman, Henning-Schmidt and van Winden 2000). All of these experiments share the common feature that subjects were endowed with roughly the same initial income. Even in those experiments in which initial endowments were determined by a real effort task, this task was set up by the experimenters such that almost all subjects earned an equally sized endowment (Bosman and van Winden 2002: p. 151). It can be shown, however, that the feature of symmetric initial endowments has an impact on the severity of punishments in terms of final earnings. Relative earnings of the game are given by 𝑃𝑡𝑎𝑘𝑒 𝑃𝑟𝑒𝑠𝑝 = 𝑌𝑡𝑎𝑘𝑒 +𝑡(1−𝑑)𝑌𝑟𝑒𝑠𝑝 (1−𝑡)(1−𝑑)𝑌𝑟𝑒𝑠𝑝 . The initial endowment of the take-authority (𝑌𝑡𝑎𝑘𝑒 ) enters the numerator of this equation as an additive constant. The only endowment at stake is therefore the endowment of the responder. The responder can decide to destroy part of his or her own endowment in order to reduce only the additional earnings of the take-authority arising from the decision on the take-rate. Since punishment is costly for the responder, it is reasonable to assume that the punishment decision is related to the ‘fine-to-fee’ ratio, defined as “the income reduction for the targeted subject relative to the cost for the subject who requested the punishment” (Casari 2005: p.107).1 The study at hand, however, claims that responders might value the severity of punishment not only depending on the cost at which they can reduce additional payoffs of the take-authority, but also take aggregate final earnings into account. For the purpose of illustration, suppose both participants are initially endowed with 15 ECU. The take-authority claims 60% (9 ECU) of the responder’s endowment. If the responder values the severity of punishment according to the cost at which he can reduce the take-authority’s additional payoffs, a destruction rate of 100% would correspond to a reduction of the takeauthority’s additional payoffs by the equivalent of 100%. However, if the responder is concerned about aggregate final earnings, he takes into account 𝑌𝑡𝑎𝑘𝑒 even though this fraction of the take-authority’s earnings is not at stake. In this situation, the relative low 9 punishment severity of (24=) 37.5% might refrain people from destruction. In order to eliminate this possible confound, the present study utilizes a PTTG with endowment asymmetries in which only the responder is endowed with an initial income. Since the responder is now able to destroy overall endowments, this modification increases the effectiveness of punishment on aggregate final earnings. Whereas in the original PTTG the take-authority always ends up with at least 𝑌𝑡𝑎𝑘𝑒 , defection of the responder under the present design results in both parties earning nothing. This element of the experimental design also seems to be a reasonable approximation of real-world bargaining situations in which individual benefits can only be realized if agreements are reached. 2.2 Research hypotheses Galeotti (2013: p. 3) shows that the general PTTG exhibits a variable ‘fine-to-fee’ ratio, i.e. for higher take rates the responder has a higher incentive to punish because punishment becomes cheaper. He finds that the original PTTG results are robust even under a constant ‘fine-to-fee’ ratio. 1 Within the framework of emotion theory, emotions are assumed to imply action tendencies. Whether or not these tendencies result in real actions depend on a ‘regulation phase’ in which consequences are cognitively evaluated by the subject. Very strong emotions are assumed to be able to s-urpass so-called ‘regulation thresholds’, thereby seizing command over behavior (Frijda 1986; Lazarus 1991). In line with emotion theory, Bosman and van Winden (2002) find that subjects typically destroy nothing or everything and that this decision is significantly related to the perceived intensities of contempt and irritation about the behavior of the takeauthority. The objective of the present study is to check for the robustness of the aforementioned results in a modified PTTG design as outlined before. We expect economic decisions to be related to the intensity of perceived emotions. Since our PTTG design exhibits a higher punishment severity, we hypothesize that subjects will become more likely to engage in costly punishment and might also make use of intermediate destruction rates more frequently. This result would call into question the earlier conclusion by Bosman and van Winden (2000: p. 164) that the “number of agents whose behavior is influenced by emotions is not very large” and the “degree of emotional hazard is likely to represent a lower bound”. 3. Experimental design The experiment was conducted on the 28th and 30th of April in pen and paper format at the University of East Anglia. In total, 40 subjects participated in the experiment over 4 sessions. Subjects were recruited on a voluntary basis via university email. Each session lasted approximately 40 minutes and no subject was allowed to participate in more than one session. Average earnings were 3.5£, with a minimum of 2£ and a maximum of 6£. Before the experiment started, each desk was assigned either an A or a B. Therefore, by randomly drawing the number of the desk from a bag upon arrival, subjects were randomly and anonymously assigned to either the role of participant A (take-authority) or participant B (responder). The instructions were read aloud by the experimenter, followed by a short multiple choice questionnaire to check understanding.2 Only very few subjects struggled with the questionnaire. Clarifications had been given publicly to secure anonymity. Each participant A was randomly and anonymously matched with a participant B according to the drawn desk number. Who was matched with whom was only known by the experimenter. All participants A were initially endowed with 0 Experimental Currency Units (ECU), whereas all participants B were initially endowed with 40 ECU. This information was common knowledge. Participants A were provided with a form on which they were asked to indicate the take rate, that is the proportion of participant B’s endowment that would be transferred to participant A at the end of the experiment. Subsequently, forms were collected and redistributed to the paired participants B who were asked to indicate the destruction rate, which is the proportion of their initial endowment that will be destroyed. The forms were then redistributed back to the participants A, who could take note of the decision of their paired counterpart. While forms were collected to determine final earnings, subjects were asked to fill in a questionnaire concerning emotions and personal information. As in Bosman and van Winden (2002), subjects were presented with a list of eleven emotions. They were asked to indicate how much they felt the emotion on a 7-point Likert scale when they learned the decision of their counterpart. At the end of the experiment, subjects remained seated until they were individually asked by the experimenter to collect their final earnings. In this way, anonymity was secured with regard to who earned what. 4. Results Individual data on take and destruction rates is presented in table 1. As can be observed from this table, take rates range from 50 up to 100% (with a mean take rate of 67.55%). A take rate of 50% that corresponds to an equal share of endowments never got punished by the responder. However, as soon as the take-authority claimed more than the equitable amount, the responder`s willingness to destroy endowment increased progressively. 2 Experimental materials are provided in Appendix B. Table 1: Summary of individual data Case no. 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20 𝑌𝑡𝑎𝑘𝑒 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 𝑌𝑟𝑒𝑠𝑝 t (%) 50 50 50 50 50 50 55 55 55 60 60 60 66 75 80 90 90 95 100 100 40 40 40 40 40 40 40 40 40 40 40 40 40 40 40 40 40 40 40 40 d (%) 0 0 0 0 0 0 10 30 0 70 100 0 50 0 20 100 100 100 100 100 Note: 𝑌𝑡𝑎𝑘𝑒 /𝑌𝑟𝑒𝑠𝑝 denote initial endowments in Experimental Currency Units. Each participant’s final amount of ECU’s was exchanged at the end of the experiment according to the following exchange rate: 1 ECU = 10 pence. In order to investigate the role of emotions on economic decision-making, we first run ordered logit regressions to assess the influence of the take rate on the intensity of perceived emotions of the responder. The results are given in Table 2 and suggest that higher take rates are statistically significantly related to higher intensities of perceived anger, contempt and irritation and lower intensities of perceived happiness and joy. Table 2: Ordered logit regressions of emotions on take rate Dependent variable Explanatory variable Coefficient Std. Error Anger Take rate 0.150 *** 0.047 Contempt Take rate 0.087 *** 0.029 Happiness Take rate -0.056 ** 0.024 Joy Take rate -0.071 *** 0.027 Irritation Take rate 0.087 0.031 Surprise Take rate -0.015 0.021 Envy Take rate -0.013 0.023 Shame Take rate -0.055 0.035 Sadness Take rate -0.001 0.024 Fear Take rate -0.075 0.089 Jealousy Take rate 0.022 0.025 Note: n=20; **p < 0.05; ***p < 0.01. To assess the influence of the intensity of perceived emotions on the decision of the responder whether or not to destroy endowment, Table 3 provides the results of binary logit regressions. The dependent variable takes the value 1 if a responder destroyed income and 0 if she did not.3 We observe that those emotions which were found to be triggered by the take rate subsequently influenced the responder’s decision on the destruction rate. Higher intensities of perceived anger and contempt increase the likelihood of the responder to destroy endowment, whereas higher intensities of joy and happiness decrease the likelihood to destroy endowment. Further support for this finding is given by a Mann-Whitney comparison of means across the groups of subjects who destroyed endowment and those who did not. It turns out that 𝐻𝑜 of no significant difference of perceived emotions across groups can be rejected for anger, contempt, happiness, joy (all p < 0.01) and irritation (p < 0.1). With regard to the other emotions differences in perceived emotions show no statistically significant effect on behavior. Table 3: Binary probit regressions of destruction on emotions 3 Dependent variable Explanatory variable Coefficient Constant Destroy (Yes/No) Anger 0.750 *** (0.244) -1.956 *** (0.724) Destroy (Yes/No) Contempt 1.144 *** (0.394) -2.948 ** (1.195) Destroy (Yes/No) Happiness -0.908 *** 2.494 *** We could have estimated a Tobit model to keep additional information on intermediate destruction rates. However, given the very small sample size of this study and the drawback of high censoring in the Tobit model, we opted for a probit model. (0.324) (0.843) Destroy (Yes/No) Joy -0.948 *** (0.353) 2.496 *** (0.876) Destroy (Yes/No) Irritation 0.306 * (0.161) -0.698 (0.512) Destroy (Yes/No) Surprise -0.074 (0.152) 0.422 (0.672) Destroy (Yes/No) Envy 0.193 (0.246) -0.259 (0.566) Destroy (Yes/No) Shame -0.023 (0.239) 0.166 (0.505) Destroy (Yes/No) Sadness 0.224 (0.325) -0.223 (0.580) Destroy (Yes/No) Fear 0 (omitted) 0.282 (0.300) Destroy (Yes/No) Jealousy 0.273 (0.291) -0.323 (0.546) Note: n=20; *p < 0.1; **p < 0.05; ***p < 0.01; standard errors in parentheses. The aforementioned results reproduced the critical link between emotions and decisionmaking found in previous studies. However, Bosman and van Winden (2002: p. 156) also found that behavior of the responder is related to expectations about the behavior of the take-authority and whether or not these expectations are violated. A drawback of their approach might be that they elicited expectations towards the end of the experiment, therefore after participants had already learned about actual take and destruction rates. The authors note that “it is possible that responders who were too optimistic found it hard to admit that they were wrong” (p. 156).4 To avoid the possibility of systematic bias in reported expectations, subjects in the present study were asked to fill their expectations in the questionnaire before actual decision had been revealed. It, however, turns out that our data cannot confirm a significant influence of expectations on the decision of the responder to destroy endowment. 4 The authors defend their approach by showing that the correlation between the take rate and the expected take rate is low and insignificant. They conclude that there is no systematic bias in responders’ reported expectations of the take rate. Regarding our research hypothesis, we assumed that subjects would become more likely to engage in costly punishment and might also use costly punishment more frequently. With reference to the summary statistics in Appendix A, we find that eleven (55%) out of 20 responders decided to destroy at least some fraction of their endowment. In previous studies, this fraction was found to be significantly lower, namely 20.5% (p < 0.01) under a real effort task treatment and 37.5% (p < 0.1) under a no-effort task treatment (Bosman, Sutter and van Winden 2000: p.8). The higher willingness of responders to destroy endowment in the present study is in line with the research hypothesis that subjects become more likely to engage in costly punishment when punishment is more severe. Moreover, we observe that a good portion (45%) of all destructions were of intermediate magnitude. Destruction rates progressively increase in magnitude as soon as the take-authority claims a higher share of the overall money at stake. A possible explanation is the violation of fairness considerations. Interestingly, subjects in the present study seem to be more sensitive to violations of fairness norms than they were observed to be in previous studies of the PTTG. In the present study, we observe that subjects already engage in costly punishment when take rates deviate only slightly (e.g. t = 55%) from the fairness threshold of t = 50%. Recall that under a design with symmetric initial endowments, “one may expect zero take rates from a fairness point of view” (Bosman, Henning-Schmidt and van Winden 2000: p. 10). In these studies, however, subjects were found to destroy endowments only for very high deviations (t > 70%) from the fairness threshold of t = 0%. We suggest that this observation might be attributed to our modification of the PTTG design in which punishment is more effective in terms of final earnings. For any given take rate, a destruction rate of 100% eliminates any differences in final earnings among the responder and the take-authority, whereas under the symmetric design we observe a wedge between final earnings since the take-authority always ends up with at least 𝑌𝑡𝑎𝑘𝑒 . Fehr and Schmidt (1999) point out that a fraction of people motivated by fairness also exhibit a desire to arrive at equal outcomes (inequity aversion). Subjects in previous studies might had been less motivated by fairness considerations since they were less capable of reducing differences in final earnings. 5. Conclusions Earlier studies have found that although the impact of emotions on behavior can be quite substantial because subjects make rather ‘extreme choices’, the number of agents whose behavior is affected by emotions is not very large. The purpose of this study was to check the robustness of these results against a possible confound inherent in the general design of the PTTG. That is, responders might have refrained from punishment simply because the severity of punishments on final earnings was too weak. This is due to the fact that, in the original design, the take-authority is endowed with an initial income that is not at stake in the game. This endowment, however, drives a wedge between the final earnings of the take-authority and the responder, irrespective of whether or not the responder decides to destroy own endowment. We applied a PTTG design in which we dropped the initial endowment of the take-authority. Since this endowment had never been at stake, one could assume that this modification should not alter the results. In line with our research hypothesis, we however find that subjects destroy more frequently in our study. Moreover, subjects appear to react more sensitive to violations of fairness norms and are willing to take costs in order to punish even minor deviations from the norm. The results of this study, however, should be considered with caution. As a pilot project, this experiment suffers certain limitations which restrict the validity of its results. Statistical inferences suffer from the very small sample size. Also, experiments which aim to assess the robustness of results found in earlier studies need to replicate the experimental environment of the original study as close as possible to avoid confounding. Although we tried to ensure comparability with previous literature on the PTTG by applying very similar experimental procedures, we for example did not apply a double blind procedure for the payments and were restricted to pay participants significantly less. Moreover, the statistical analysis could have been improved by directly conducting an additional treatment to compare the PTTG results under the symmetric and asymmetric initial endowment design. This, however, would have required a significantly higher number of observations. Nevertheless, the present study revealed some interesting findings which might be worth to be examined more precisely under appropriate experimental conditions in the future. References Ben-Shakhar, G., Bornstein, G., Hopfensitz, A. and van Winden, F. (2007): ‘Reciprocity and emotions in bargaining using physiological and self-report measures’. Journal of Economic Psychology, 28(3), pp. 314-323. Bosman, R., Henning-Schmidt, H. and van Winden, F. (2000): ‘The influence of emotions on group decision making in a power-to-take game: a video experiment‘. Working paper, University of Amsterdam/Bonn University. Bosman, R., Sutter, M. and van Winden, F. (2000): ‘Emotional hazard and real effort in a power-to-take game: an experimental study’. Working paper, University of Amsterdam. Bosman, R. and van Winden, F. (2002): ‘Emotional hazard in a power-to-take experiment’. The Economic Journal, 112, pp. 147-169. Casari, M. (2005): ‘On the design of peer punishment experiments’. Experimental Economics, 8(2), pp. 107-115. Fehr, E. and Rockenbach, B. (2004): ‘Human altruism: economic, neural and evolutionary perspectives’. Curr Opin Neurobiol, 14(6), pp. 784-790. Fehr, E. and Schmidt, K. M. (1999): ‘A theory of fairness, competition and cooperation’. Quarterly Journal of Economics, 114, pp. 817-868. Frijda, N. (1986): The Emotions. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Galeotti, Fabio (2013): ‘On the robustness of emotions and behavior in a power-to-take game experiment’. CBESS Discussion Paper 13-07, University of East Anglia. Hopfensitz, A. and Reuben, E. (2009): ‘The importance of emotions for the effectiveness of social punishment’. Economic Journal, 119(540), pp. 1532-1559. Joffily, M., Masclet, D., Noussair, C. N. and Villeval, M. (2011): ‘Emotions, sanctions and cooperation’. IZA Discussion Paper No. 5592. Lazarus, R. (1991): Emotions and Adaption. New York: Oxford University Press. Loewenstein, G. (2000): ‘Emotions in economic theory and economic behavior’. American Economic Review, Papers and Proceedings, 109, pp. 35-45. Ochs, J. and Roth, A. E. (1989): ‘An experimental study of sequential bargaining’. American Economic Review, 79, pp. 355-384. Pillutla, M. M. and Murnighan, J. K. (1996): ‘Unfairness, anger and spite: Emotional rejections of ultimatum offers’. Organizational Behavior and Human Decision Processes, 68(3), pp. 208224. Rubin, J. Z. and Brown, B. R. (1975): The social psychology of bargaining and negotiation. New York: Academic Press. Tripp, T. M., Sondak, H. and Bies, R. J. (1995): ‘Justice as rationality: A relational perspective on fairness in negotiation’. In R. Lewicki, B. Sheppard and R. J. Bies (Eds.), Research on negotiations in organizations (Vol 5, pp. 45-64). Greenwich, CT: JAI Press.