Download Macedonia for the Macedonians

MACEDONIA
What Went Wrong in the Last 200 Years?
By Risto Stefov
Originally presented as a series of articles at MakNews.com from June 2002 to
February 2003. You can contact the author via his e-mail: [email protected]
Table of Contents
Part I: 1800 - 1878 ...................................................................................................................... 3
Part II: 1878 - 1903 ................................................................................................................... 17
Part III: Before 1903 ................................................................................................................. 30
Part IV: The 1903 Ilinden Aftermath........................................................................................ 44
Part V: The Young Turk Uprising and the Balkan Wars of 1912 - 1913 ................................. 60
Part VI: 1912 - 1939.................................................................................................................. 72
Part VII: 1939 – 1949 - WWII & The Greek Civil War........................................................... 85
Part VIII: The Plight of the Macedonian Refugee Children................................................... 102
Part IX: Conclusion................................................................................................................. 114
References:.............................................................................................................................. 129
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Part I: 1800 - 1878
Even before Alexander's time Macedonia was a single nation. With time she grew and shrunk but
always remained a single nation until her partition in 1912-13. Today however, while new nations
spring up and flourish, Macedonia is still partitioned and fighting for her identity. Why? What went
wrong and who is responsible?
If the Balkan roots lie in antiquity then the first stem that created the modern Balkan countries
sprang up in the 19th century. The 19th century is the most important period in modern Balkan
history and will be the subject of this and subsequent articles.
I want to apologize in advance for the length and tediousness of this article but please bear with me
because I find it necessary to establish a foundation of knowledge on which to base claims and
reach conclusions.
Before I start with the main theme of this article I would like to digress for a moment and remark
on a couple of personal encounters with some Greek pundits.
One day I received an e-mail full of rude and denigrating remarks from some Greeks who claim to
be experts on South Balkan history. Their remarks were condescending and full of spite. They
claimed to be intelligent and very knowledgeable about Greek history but their own remarks
betrayed their true nature. They told me my efforts to extort Greek history were a waste of time and
that Macedonia always belonged to Greece. They also said that they had widely accepted historical
proof but quoted me politically motivated Greek propaganda. Most of the verbiage in their essay
dealt with issues of Ancient Macedonia and why it belongs to the Greeks and not the Slavs. In spite
of their insulting approach, I felt obliged to respond with my own arguments. After producing
hundreds of pages of counter arguments the only reward I received for my effort was ridicule and
more derogatory comments.
My theory is that Greeks can't be convinced regardless of how much evidence we throw at them.
My guess is that it is not in their best interest to argue too far from their "scripted plans" so it is
futile to try.
If you run into this situation, my advice is to ignore these deliberate attempts of diversion and carry
on with your own agenda.
As for being a "Macedonian Salad", yes the French were right when they said Macedonia was a
"salad of nationalities". Not only do we admit to that, but we are also proud of it. Macedonia is the
only South Balkan country with "clean hands" and a "clear conscience". Macedonia never waged
war, committed genocide, used ethnic cleansing, forced population exchanges, expelled people
from their homes, relocated massive populations, changed peoples names, changed toponym
names, assimilated people by force, faked history, gave up a "living and vibrant" language for a
dead one or stole someone else's culture.
If that's what it takes to become homogeneous we don't want it.
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Here is what one author thinks of the Greeks...
... philhellenism is a love affair with a dream, which envisions "Greece and the Greeks" not as an
actual place or as real people but as symbols of some imagined perfection...
This is a direct quote from page 12 in the preface of the book GREECE WITHOUT COLUMNS
The Making of the Modern Greeks by David Holden, J.B. Lippincott Company Philadelphia and
New York, London, 1971.
One more thing to be mindful of when confronting the Greeks. They may be denigrating and
mocking you on the surface but you can bet they will take everything you say seriously. If they run
into something new they will take it to their academic colleagues and get answers. They have
answers for everything.
The intent of this article (Part I) is to present the reader with a wider perspective of Balkan history
from about 1800 to 1878. If you think there is too much outside interference in Macedonia today,
or if you think Super Powers are "here to help us", this article is for you.
There is no event in recorded history that unfolded without Super Power intervention and there is
no time in recorded history where one nation put another nation's interests ahead of its own.
Before I get into details of the last two hundred years, I want to summarize some events that led up
to the 19th century.
Macedonia's problems can be traced back to the 1200s after Tsari Grad (Constantinople) was
sacked by the crusaders in 1204. While the Pravoslaven (Byzantine) Empire was recovering from
the crusader attack, a Nomad Muslim tribe was entering Anatolia from Central Asia. The tribe was
called "Ottoman" named after their first leader Osman. The Ottomans first made their presence and
crossed into Europe in 1345 as mercenaries hired by the Byzantines to defend their Empire. As the
Ottomans grew in numbers, they settled at Galipoli west of the Macedonian Dardanelles (Endrene)
and used the area as a staging ground for conquest.
In 1389 the Ottomans attacked Kosovo and destroyed the Serbian army also killing the Serbian
nobility in the process.
In 1392 they attacked and conquered geographical Macedonia including Solun but not Sveta Gora
(Holy Mountain).
In 1444 while attempting to drive north through Bulgaria they were met and crushed by Hungarian,
Polish, French and German Crusaders at Varna.
Soon after their recovery, they besieged Tsari Grad and took it in 1453, looting all the wealth that
was accumulated for over two millennia.
Feeling the sting of 1444, the Ottomans turned northwest and in 1526 they attacked and destroyed
the Hungarian army killing 25,000 knights.
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After that they unsuccessfully tried twice to take Vienna, once in 1529 and then again in 1683 but
failed. Failure to take Vienna halted the Ottoman expansion in Europe.
After sacking Tsari Grad the Ottoman nomads adapted much of the Pravoslaven administration and
feudal practices and began to settle the Balkans. The conquered people of the new Ottoman
territories became subjects of the Empire to be ruled according to Muslim law.
At the head of the Ottoman Empire sat the Sultan who was God's representative on earth. The
Sultan owned everything and everyone in the empire. Below the Sultan sat the ruling class and the
Pashas (generals) and below them sat the Raya (protected flock). Everyone worked for the Sultan
and the Sultan in turn provided his subjects with all of life's necessities.
In the beginning Ottoman lands were divided into four categories. The "meri" lands such as valleys,
forests, mountains, rivers, roads, etc., belonged exclusively to the Sultan.
The "temar" lands were meri lands loaned or granted to Ottoman civil and military officials. Years
later as the Empire introduced land reforms temar estates converted to private property and became
known as "chifliks".
The "vakof" lands were tax-exempt lands dedicated for pious purposes and to support public
services such as fire fighting, etc.
Finally, the "molk" lands were private lands occupied by peoples' houses, gardens, vineyards,
orchards, etc.
The Islamic Ottomans belonged to the Sunni sect of the Muslim religion. The Empire's subjects
belonged to one of two religiously (not nationally) divided Millets. The Islam Millet was
exclusively for Muslims and the non-Islam or Roum Millet grouped all other religions together.
The reasons for separating Muslims from others had to do with how Islamic law was applied.
Unlike our laws today, Ottoman Muslim law had nothing to do with civil rights and everything to
do with religious rights. Muslim courts were appointed for the sole purpose of interpreting the
Koran and very little else. The Koran dictated Muslim conduct and behaviour including punishment
for crimes.
In the Ottoman mind only religion and the word of God had sole authority over peoples' lives.
Religion was the official government of the Ottoman state. Islam was the only recognized form of
rule that suited Muslims but could not be directly applied to non-Muslims. So the next best thing
was to allow another religion to rule the non-Muslims. The obvious choice of course was the
Pravoslaven Christian religion, which was the foundation of the Pravoslaven (Byzantine) Empire.
There was a catch however. The official Muslim documents that would allow the "transfer of rule"
were based on an ancient Islamic model, which denounced all Christianity as a corrupt invention of
the "Evil one". The conservative Turks regarded the Christians as no more than unclean and
perverted animals. Also, the ancient documents called for sacrifices to be made. A Christian
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religious leader for being granted leadership by the Muslims, was expected to sacrifice his own
flock on demand, to prove his loyalty to the Sultan. It was under these conditions that the Greek
Patriarch accepted his installment as sole ruler of the Christian Orthodox faith and of the nonMuslim Millet.
While the first Sultans destroyed Tsari Grad, they tolerated Christianity as the Government of the
non-Muslim Millet and sold the Patriarchate to Greek adventurers who could buy (bribe) his
nomination. Once nominated, the Patriarch in turn sold consecration rights to Bishops, who in turn
regarded their gain as a "legitimate investment" of capital and proceeded to "farm their diocese".
This was the first time Orthodoxy overstepped Pravoslavism and began to overtake the Macedonian
dominated Eastern Christian Churches. This was also the beginning of the end for the
Slavonic(Macedonian) Churches in the Ottoman Empire.
In addition to being a religious ruler, the Patriarch and his appointed Bishops became civil
administrators of the Christian and non-Muslim people. Their authority included mediating with the
Turks, administering Christian law (marriages, inheritance, divorce, etc.), running schools and
hospitals, and dealing with the large and small issues of life. There were no prescribed provisions
however, on how to deal with criminal matters or the limit of authority on the part of the Bishops.
In other words there was no uniform way in which Christian criminals could be punished or how
far a Bishop could exercise his authority. This opened the way for interpretation, neglect, abuse and
activities of corruption such as favouritism and bribery.
For the purposes of administration, the Ottoman territory was divided into provinces called
"Vilayets". Each province was governed by a "Vali" who was equal in rank to a "Pasha" (military
general). There were six Vilayets in European Turkey, Albania, Jannina, Scutari, Solun, Monastir
and Ushkab. To the east were Andreonople and Istanbul (Tsari Grad). The larger Vilayets were
sub-divided into two or more "Sandjaks" each governed by a "Mutesharif" who also ranked as a
Pasha. Kazas (departments) were in turn governed by Kamakams (prefects) whose rank was that of
"Begs" (military colonel). After that came the "Nahieis" (districts) governed by Mudirs (subprefects).
Muslim Turks always administered the Ottoman government and the Military. However, due to
lack of manpower to rule an expanding empire, the Ottomans in the 1300's adopted the "devshirme"
or child contribution program. Young Christian boys were abducted by force and converted to
Islam. After being educated, the bright ones were given administrative roles and the rest, the
"Janissary", were given military responsibilities. The devshirme was abolished in 1637when the
Janissary became a problem for the Sultan.
Failure to seize Vienna in 1683 weakened the Ottoman Empire and brought it into constant conflict
with Austria and Russia. One such conflict ended in 1699 with the Treaty of Karlwitz. By this
Treaty, the Ottoman Empire lost Hungary to the Habsburgs (Austria) and part of the Ukraine to
Russia.
After annexing Hungary the Habsburg Empire (1200-1900) became ruler of the Catholic part of
Eastern Europe while the Ottoman ruled the Orthodox Balkans. The Habsburg Empire, in 1867
(after losing the war with Germany in 1860), became known as the Austrian-Hungarian Empire.
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Another minor but crucial event for the south Balkans took place in 1711 when one of the
Moldovian gospodars (prince) was accused of collaborating with the Russian army and was held
responsible for the Russian invasion of Romania. As punishment the Ottomans replaced all
Romanian and Moldovian gospodars with Phanariots from Istanbul.
The Phanariots were a group of wealthy, "Greek educated" (not all Greek), Christian class of
people that lived in the "Phanar" or lighthouse district of Istanbul (Tsari Grad). After the Sultan
installed the Greek Patriarch in Istanbul, the Phanar became a thriving Christian "Greek inclined"
culture. As I mentioned earlier, the Sultan placed the Patriarch in charge of the Christian (Roum)
millet because he found him more agreeable than his Christian counterparts. The Patriarchy
functioned like a state within a state with its own administration and services. Having the Sultan's
favour, the Greek Patriarch sought the chance to expand his dominion over the entire Eastern
Christian Church by replacing whatever non-Greek bishoprics he could with Greek bishoprics.
For example, the Serbian bishoprics were abolished as punishment for helping the Habsburgs. At
about the same time, the Macedonian including the powerful Ohrid bishopric were also abolished
followed by the Romanian bishoprics.
After becoming gospodars in Romania, the Phanariots abolished Church Slavonic (Macedonian)
liturgy and replaced it with a form of Greek liturgy. Unfortunately, the Phanariots didn't have
enough Greek-speaking clergy so Romanian-speakers were chosen to replace the Macedonian
clergy. The Romanians however, didn't care much for the Greek language or the Greek culture and
switched to Romanian (a form of Latin).
Eventually, as more and more bishoprics were shut down the Phanariots became the sole
representatives of the Orthodox culture, Christian faith and Christian education.
The Ottomans trusted the Phanariots well enough to give them a role in the central Ottoman
administration. This included the office of the "Dragoman", the head of the Sultan's interpreters'
service (Muslims were discouraged from learning foreign languages). Phanariots participated in
diplomatic negotiations and some even became ambassadors for the Ottoman Empire. Phanariots
were put in charge of collecting taxes from the Christian Millet for the Ottomans and whatever they
could pilfer from the peasants they kept for themselves. Many scholars believe that Romania's
peasants never suffered more than they did during the Phanariot period.
Phanariots also secured food and other services for the Ottoman court.
The Phanariots through the Dragoman were largely responsible for providing "all kinds" of
information to the outside world about the Ottoman Empire including their own desires to rule it.
Despite what modern Greeks claim, the Phanariot dream was to replace the Ottoman Empire with a
Christian Empire like the Russian model. In theory, they wanted to re-create a multi-cultural
Byzantine type Empire but with a Greek Orthodox Patriarch in charge. In other words, the "Megali
Idea" which to this day dominates Greek expansionist desires.
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The Phanariots believed that with Russian or German help it was possible to achieve the Magali
Idea. Unfortunately for the Greeks, the Great Powers had different plans for the Balkans.
The next turning point for the Ottoman Empire came during the Russian-Turkish war of 1769 to
1774. After Russian forces occupied Romanian principalities, Turkey was defeated and the 1774
Kuchuk Kainarji Treaty gave Russian ships access to the Black Sea, the Bosphorus and the
Dardanelles. Russia became the "protector of Orthodox Christians" inside the Ottoman domain
including Wallachia (Romania) and Moldavia. Also, for the first time, the Ottomans allowed
Russian consular agents inside their empire.
Russia at the time did not have enough ships to fill the shipping demands so many of the shipping
contracts went to Phanariot and Greek captains who were on friendly terms with both the Russians
and the Ottomans.
The Kuchuk Kainarji Treaty bolstered Russian expansionism in the Balkans, which alarmed the
Western Powers and initiated the "Eastern Question" of "what will happen to the Balkans when the
Ottoman Empire disappears"?
The Eastern Question of the 1800's later became the Macedonian Question of the 1900's.
At about the same time as Russia was making her way into the Balkans, the West was experiencing
changes of its own. The industrial revolution was in full swing coming out of England and
progressing towards the rest of the world. France was the economic super power but was quickly
losing ground to England. The French Revolution (1789) gave birth not only to new ideas and
nationalism but also to Napoleon Bonaparte. As Napoleon waged war in Europe and the Middle
East, French shipping in the Mediterranean subsided only to be replaced by the Greek, Phanariot
and British traders. French trade inside the Ottoman territory also declined and never fully
recovered. By land, due to the long border, Austria dominated trade with the Ottoman Empire
exercising its own brand of influence on the Balkans especially on the Serbian people.
As the turn of the 19th century brought economic change to Europe, the Balkans became the last
frontier for capitalist expansion. By the 1800's Europe's political, economic and military institutions
were rapidly changing. Western governments and Western exporters were aggressively pursuing
Balkan markets on behalf of their Western manufacturers. This aggressive pursuit smothered
Balkan industries before they had a chance to develop and compete. As a result, Balkan economies
began to decline causing civil unrest and nationalist uprisings. While Western countries were left
undisturbed to develop economically and socially, external forces prevented Balkan societies from
achieving similar progress. Mostly regulated by guilds, Balkan trades could not compete with
Western mechanization and went out of business. Without jobs, most city folk became a burden on
the already economically strained rural peasants for support. The economic situation in the Balkans
deteriorated to a point where people could no longer tolerate it and they started to rebel against
their oppressors.
From the modern Balkan states, Serbia was the first to rebel. The first revolt took place in Belgrade
in 1804, the same year that Napoleon became Emperor. The immediate causes of the armed
uprising were oppression and a further deterioration of the Ottoman system. When Napoleon
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invaded Egypt in 1798 the Sultan took troops from the Balkans and sent them to fight the French in
Egypt. Leaving the region unguarded in 1801Belgrade became a sanctuary for bandits and unruly
Janissaries. Robbery and murder became commonplace. Then in February of 1804 some bands of
killers murdered seventy prominent village leaders and priests. They did this to frighten the
population and to stop their Serb leaders from complaining to the Sultan. To save themselves, some
of the Serb leaders fled to the forests and organized the villagers into armed units. They attacked
the Janissary in the countryside and fought them until they were pushed back into Belgrade. The
war ended in a stalemate.
The stalemate was broken in 1806 when the Serbs decided to no longer expect help from the Sultan
and took matters into their own hands. At about the same time the French and the Turks became
allies. Since France was already an enemy of Russia this alliance made Turkey also an enemy. Now
being enemies of the Turks, the Russians intervened on behalf of the Serbs and in 1807 helped
them take back Belgrade. The Sultan offered the Serbs full autonomy, but the Russians advised
against it. They insisted on negotiating for full independence instead. Unfortunately, when the war
between Russia and France ended, Russia in 1807 made peace with Napoleon and became allied
with both France and Turkey. For selfish interests on Russia's part the Serbs were left on their own.
The Serbs lost Belgrade to a Turkish army attack in 1808 and many Serbs fled into exile while the
rest continued the guerilla warfare from the forests.
The revolt began again in 1809 when Russia renewed its campaign with Turkey, and ended in 1813
with a Serb defeat. The Serbs failed to win because Russia was unsure about its commitment to
Serbia. Russia had a lot more to gain by appeasing Turkey especially when war with France
became imminent. When Napoleon invaded Russia in 1812, the Russians abandoned the Serbs and
in 1813 an Ottoman army invaded Serbia forcing many of her people to flee as refugees into the
Austrian Empire.
Relations between Serbs and Turks turned from bad to worse when the Turks extorted provisions
from the Serbs by force, tortured villagers in search of hidden weapons, and started raising taxes. A
riot broke out at a Turkish estate in 1814 and the Turks massacred the local population and publicly
impaled two hundred prisoners inside Belgrade. The Serbian leaders decided to revolt again and
fighting resumed on Easter in 1815. This time Serb leaders made sure captured Turk soldiers were
not killed and civilians were released unharmed. To ease Turkish fears, the Serbs also announced
that this was a revolt to end abuses and not to gain independence.
After the Russians defeated Napoleon in 1815, Turkish fears were raised that Russia would again
intervene on Serbia's behalf. To avoid this the Sultan gave Serbia autonomy.
After the Russian-Turkish War of 1829-30, a new treaty was signed which put an end to most
abuses in Serbia. All Muslims except for a small garrison left Serbian territory. Serbs took control
of the internal administration, the postal system, and the courts. Individual taxes and dues paid
directly to the Sultan were replaced by a single annual tribute payment from the Serbian State to the
Sultan. Serbia remained autonomous until 1878 when she was granted independence.
Second to rebel against Ottoman rule was Greece. The Greek uprising was not a true rebellion like
the one in Serbia. Unlike the Serbs, most Greeks were wealthy and as I mentioned earlier, already
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enjoyed substantial privileges in Ottoman society. To revolt was a poor choice for them because
they had a lot to lose and little to gain.
When the Ottomans imposed the millet system the Greeks began to gain advantages over the other
Balkan Christians. In time, Greek Orthodox clergy took control of administering the entire
Orthodox millet. Greek clergy had religious, educational, administrative, and legal power in the
Ottoman Balkans. In other words, Greeks were more or less running all political, civil and religious
affairs in the Christian Millet.
Religion, not ethnicity or language, was the first criterion for identifying individuals within the
millet system. Religion, not language or place of residence, distinguished wealthy Orthodox
Christians from wealthy Ottoman Muslims. There was no definable place called "Greece" other
than the one-time Roman province of antiquity called "Graecia". Peloponesus was about the only
inland region that resembled anything that could be considered Greek.
Because the Morea (Peloponesus) was poor, most of the countryside had no Turkish presence and
Christian primates or "kodjabashii" virtually ruled themselves. Christian militia or "armatoli" kept
the peace, while "klefts" or bandits roamed the hillsides robbing and pillaging their neighbours.
By the 1700s, Greek ship owners in the islands dominated Balkan commerce. As Christians, Greek
traders were exempt from Muslim ethical and legal restraints (especially when dealing with money)
and were permitted to make commercial contacts with non-Muslims. Westerners who did business
in the region used local Jews, Armenians and Greeks as agents. Different branches of the same
Greek family often operated in different cities, ties of kinship reducing the risks of trade.
Between 1529 and 1774 only Ottoman ships were allowed to navigate the isolated waters of the
Black Sea. Greek trade grew without competition from the Venetians or other Western traders. As I
mentioned earlier, the 1774 Treaty of Kuchuk Kainarji opened the Turkish straits to Russian
commerce. There were not enough Russian ships to meet all shipping demands so Ottoman Greeks
filled the void. Also, the Napoleonic conflicts between England and France created new
opportunities for the neutral Greek ships and by 1810 there were 600 Greek trading vessels
conducting commerce.
For the Greeks, especially the well to do, Ottoman rule provided many advantages in comparison to
other Balkan groups. Rich ship owners, agents, prosperous merchants, high officials in the
Orthodox Church, tax collectors, Phanariot gospodars in Romania, primates in the Morea, and
members of the interpreters' service all had much to lose and little to gain by rebelling.
How then can one explain the movement that led to the revolution in 1821?
Poor peasants, poor village priests, poor sailors, etc. who lived in the Morea had no investment in
the Ottoman status quo. Without ideas or leadership, these people lived miserable lives and preyed
on each other to survive. Outside interference started the rebellion.
The original instigators were members of the "Filiki Eteria" a secret society founded in 1814 in the
Russian port of Odessa. The Filiki Eteria sent representatives into the Morea to recruit fighters. A
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number of important klefts and district notables answered their call by organizing peasants and
forming armed bands.
The 1821revolution began as a planned conspiracy involving only selected elements of the
population. At that time the idea of "nationality" remained very elusive, even for the most
enlightened revolutionaries. The intent of the uprising was to liberate all of the Balkan people from
Turkish tyranny and unite them in one Christian State.
The Filiki Eteria planned to start the uprising in three places. The first was the Morea where a core
group of klefts and primates supported the idea. Second was Istanbul, where the Greek Phanariot
community was expected to riot. Third, Greek forces were expected to cross the Russian border
from Odessa to invade Moldavia and Romania. Plans however, did not go as expected. When 4500
men of the "Sacred Battalion" entered Moldavia in March, 1821the Romanian peasants ignored the
Turks and instead attacked the Greeks. The Greek invasion of Romania was a complete failure. At
the same time, "class divisions" in Phanariot society hampered the uprising in Istanbul. The Turks
reacted by hanging the Greek Orthodox Patriarch and appointing a new Patriarch who condemned
the uprising.
The only success was in the Morea and only because the primates feared the Turkish Pasha's
retribution. Fearing arrest or even execution the primates joined the klefts and massacred the
Turkish population of Morea. Turkey was unable to squelch the uprising and the conflict remained
in stalemate until 1825. The stalemate in part was due to internal problems among the Greeks
reflecting pre-existing class differences i.e. the armed peasants and Klefts in the Morea were loyal
to Theodoros Kolokotronis, a kleft. Opposing them were the civilian leaders in the National
Assembly, which were made up mostly of primates, and well-connected Phanariots.
By 1823 the two sides were locked in a civil war. The stalemate was also due in part to
interventions from Britain, France and Russia. Each of these states had strategic political and
economic interests in Turkey, and each wanted to make sure that the results of the war in Greece
would be in their best interest. The British were sympathetic to the Greek cause (in part due to PhilHellenism) but at the same time they wanted a strong Turkey to counter Russia. Initially, the British
were prepared to support Turkey to prevent Russia from gaining control of the Turkish Straits and
threatening the Mediterranean trade routes.
Later as Britain gained control of Cyprus her plans changed (more on this later). The Russian Czars
in turn had sympathy for the Orthodox Christians but feared the possibility of a Greek state
becoming a British ally. French investors held large numbers of Turkish State bonds, which would
be worthless if Turkey fell apart. France was also anxious to re-enter world politics after her defeat
by Russia in 1815.
The Great Powers, from the stalemate could see that the Greek revolution would not go away and
were prepared to intervene and make sure the final result was acceptable to their own interests.
Foreign interference ran from 1825 until 1827. It began with the intervention to block the Egyptian
navy from invading Greece in 1825 (Mehmet Ali's capture of the port of Navarino) and ended in
1827 when the British, French and Russians sank the Egyptian navy. The European Powers sent a
combined fleet of 27 ships to Navarino Bay to observe the Egyptian navy but things got out of hand
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when musket shots were fired and the observation escalated into a battle. When it was over the
European fleet had sunk 60 of the 89 Egyptian ships. The loss of the Egyptian navy left the Sultan
without armed forces and the inability to reclaim the Morea or resist the Great Powers. Turkey was
squeezed into providing concessions for Greece but the Ottomans kept stalling.
To end the stalling the Russians invaded Turkey in 1828 (Russian-Turkish War of 1828-1830) and
almost reached Istanbul by 1829. The Sultan gave in to Russian demands. Russia too gave in to
Western Power demands and agreed to British and French participation in the peace settlement of
the London Protocol of 1830, which gave birth to a small, independent Greek kingdom. Prince Otto
of Bavaria a German prince and a German administration were chosen by the Super Powers to rule
the new Greek Kingdom. The choice was a compromise but acceptable to all three powers.
Two overwhelming "forces" came into being in the 19th century which transformed the Balkans.
The first was the 1848 "Western economic revolution" which thrust the Balkans into social and
economic upheaval. The second was "increased intervention" from non-Balkan political forces. As
the century advanced, these developments merged, and worked not for the interests of the Balkan
people but for the benefit of Europe's Great Powers.
Before I continue with internal Balkan developments I want to digress a little and explore the
"external forces" and their "political desires" in Balkan affairs.
Besides Turkey, there were six Great Powers during the nineteenth century. They were Russia,
Great Britain, France, Austria-Hungary, Italy and Germany. From time to time the Great Powers
expressed interest in the Balkan population, but in crisis situations, each followed its own interests.
When the Great Powers made compromises, they did so to avoid war with each other and often
failed to address the real issues that caused the crisis in the first place. This is similar to what the
Great Powers are doing in the Balkans today.
Russia tended to be the most aggressive and was usually the cause of each new Turkish defeat. The
1774 Kuchuk Kainarji Treaty, in addition to allowing Russia access to the north shore of the Black
Sea, gave her "power to act" on behalf of the Orthodox millet and to conduct commerce within the
Ottoman Empire.
Russia's goals in the Balkans were (1) to gain exclusive navigation rights from the Black Sea to the
Mediterranean Sea for both merchant and military ships and (2) to annex Istanbul and the
Macedonian Dardanelles for herself, both of which were unacceptable to the Western Powers.
After the end of the Crimean war in 1856, by the Treaty of Paris, the Western Powers made sure
Russia's desires for expansion were curbed. First, all Russian warships were barred from the Black
Sea and second, the Black Sea was opened to merchant ships from all the states. After that all the
Great Powers, not just Russia, became the guarantors of the Balkan states.
From 1815 to 1878 Great Britain was Russia's strongest rival for Balkan influence. British interests
led her to intervene against the Turks in the Greek revolution of the 1820s, but went to war against
Russia in 1853 (Crimean war) on Turkey's behalf.
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The British goals in the Balkans were to maintain access to the Eastern Mediterranean and to secure
shipping lanes to India. Most of the trade routes passed through Turkish controlled waters and
Turkey was too weak to be a threat, so Britain was inclined to oppose France, Russia and Germany,
when they became a threat to Turkey.
To bolster its claim to the Eastern waterways in 1878 Britain took control of the island of Cyprus,
and in 1883 occupied Egypt and the Suez Canal. After that Britain kept a close watch on Greek and
Russian access to the Straits interfering less in Ottoman affairs.
Britain also had important commercial interests inside the Ottoman Empire, and later in the
successor states. Investors in railroads and state bonds took as much profit as they could, as soon as
they could, which in the long term contributed to the Ottoman Empire's instability.
France, like Britain, had both political and economic interests in the Balkans. During the
Napoleonic wars, France was a direct threat to Ottoman rule (Napoleon invaded Egypt in 1798) but
after her 1815 defeat she lost military and political clout.
France had commercial rights in Turkey dating back to the Capitulation Treaties of the 1600s and
relied heavily on trade with the Ottoman Empire.
In the 1820s, France joined British and Russian intervention on behalf of the Greeks. France did
this mostly to protect her commercial interests but also to counter-balance Russian-British
domination in the region. Also, let's not forget the "Philhellenic sympathy" the French had for the
Greeks.
More so than the British, French investors played a key role in Balkan policy. During the Eastern
Crisis and the war of 1875-78, the Turkish State went bankrupt and French bondholders were the
biggest potential losers in case of default. So when the Ottoman Public Debt Administration was
created to monitor Turkish State finances, French directors were right in the middle of managing
Ottoman State finances. Like the British investors, French investors forced Turkey to maximize
their returns and ignored the needs of the Ottoman people. (More about this later).
Austria had been the main threat to Ottoman rule at one time, but after 1699 Russia replaced her in
that department. Austria retained a major interest in the Ottoman Empire mainly because it was
neighbouring Hungary. In other words, Vienna had no desire to replace a weak Ottoman neighbour
with a strong Russia or Russian allies like Serbia or Bulgaria.
Austria's goals were aimed at creating a Western Balkan economic resource and a potential market.
Control of the Adriatic coast was key to Austria's foreign trade through the Adriatic Sea. Austria
made sure she exerted enough influence to keep the hostile Great Powers away and to prevent the
growing new Balkan nations from annexing it. Austria had no desire to annex the Western Balkans
for herself. The ruling German Austrians, or the Hungarians had no ethnic or religious ties to the
Slavs in the region.
After 1866 Germany (not Austria) became the leader in Central Europe. Austria now had only
southeastern Europe where she could exert influence. Austria was too weak to absorb the Balkans
13
by herself so she preferred to sustain a weak Ottoman Empire instead of "Russian controlled"
states. This explains why Vienna took an anti-Russian position during the Crimean War, and why
she became allied with Germany later. Germany was an ally of both Russia and Austria, but Austria
turned on Russia so Germany had to abandon the Russian-German alliance to please Austria (more
about this and the Crimean war later).
Serbia and Romania created problems for Vienna which she unsuccessfully tried to manage
through political alliances and economic treaties. Romania feared Russian occupation and
Bucharest generally accepted alliances with Austria. Serbia however, had fewer enemies and less
incentive to bend to Austrian wishes. The two states (Austria and Serbia) found themselves on a
collision course that resulted in the war of 1914 (World War I).
Italy became a state in 1859 after fighting a successful war against Austria. In 1866, the Kingdom
of Piedmont united the Italian peninsula and took its position as a new Great Power. Italy lacked
economic and military might in comparison to the other Powers but made up for it in influence at
the expense of the weaker Ottoman Empire.
Italy viewed the Western Balkans, especially Albania, as her "natural zone of influence" and her
leaders watched for opportunities to take the area away from the Turks.
Italy's Balkan goals were not only a threat to Turkey but also to Serbia and Greece who both had
aims at seizing the Adriatic.
Italy was too weak to seize Balkan territory so she followed a policy of "lay and wait" until 1911
and 1912 when she took the Dodecanese Islands and Tripoli (Libya) from the Ottomans.
Germany, like Italy, became a Great Power at a later time after the German State unification of
1862 to 1870.
Due to her strong military and economic might, Germany had more influence in Europe than Italy,
but no direct interest in Balkan affairs. For the new German Empire the Balkans were only
economic outlets.
After defeating Austria in 1866, Germany made Austria-Hungary an ally and to retain loyalty,
Germany had to support Austria in Balkan matters. After 1878 Germany could no longer reconcile
Russian and Austrian differences over the Balkans and by 1890 Germany and Austria strengthened
their alliance and pushed Tsarist Russia into a conflicting partnership with republican France. After
that, German policies in the Balkans supported economic and military investments in Turkey. This
made Germany a rival not only of Russia but also of Britain. The Great Power alignments of 18901914 established a pattern that dominated the two world wars.
Germany had no stake in the development of any of the successor states which left her free to
support the Sultan (and later the Young Turk regime). German officers trained Turkish troops and
German Marks built Turkish railways.
14
The Ottoman Empire of the 19th century was the weakest of the Great Powers, especially after the
Crimean war. At the 1856 Treaty of Paris, Britain and France granted Turkey "legal status" in the
Balkans that was far beyond her control. The Western Powers desperately wanted the Ottoman
Empire stable and intact.
The Ottomans on the other hand, mistrusted the other Powers, partly because they were infidels and
partly because of bad past experiences. Russia was clearly Turkey's greatest enemy, bent on
dismantling her empire. To keep Russia at bay, Turkey cooperated with the other Powers but was
always wary of falling under the influence of any single Power. From the 1820's to the 1870s,
Britain was Turkey's guardian. After 1878 Germany replaced Britain as economic and military
sponsor. Turkish relations with the new Balkan states were poor at best. Any gains for them usually
meant losses for Turkey.
The Western Great Powers believed that if corruption, crime and poverty could be eliminated,
Balkan unrest would end and the Ottoman Empire could remain intact. After all, they didn't want
anything to happen to their goose that laid golden eggs. So instead of kicking the "sick man" out of
Europe, they pushed for reforms.
However, it was one thing to draw up reforms and another to make them work. By examining
Ottoman efforts in Macedonia it was obvious that the Turks lacked the resources and the will to
carry out reforms. Also, Europeans failed to grasp that suggestions and wishes alone could not
replace six hundred years of Ottoman rule. The Ottomans believed their way of life was justified
(More on this in Part II).
In 1865, a group of educated Turks formed the secret Young Ottoman Society. Their aim was to
revitalize old Islamic concepts and unite all the ethnic groups under Islamic law. Threatened with
arrest, the Young Ottoman leaders went into exile in Paris.
In 1889, a group of four medical students formed another secret Young Turk Society. They rejected
the "old Islamic aims" and embraced a new idea, "Turkish nationalism". Turkish nationalism
became the foundation for a secular Turkey in 1908 after the Young Turks came to power and
again in 1920 after the collapse of the Ottoman Empire in Turkey proper.
The next important event in Balkan history was the Crimean War of 1853 to 1856, which pitted
Russia against Turkey, England and France.
The crisis ignited over the issue of who was in control of Christian Holy Places in Turkish-ruled
Jerusalem. Orthodox and Catholic monks quarreled over insignificant issues like who should
possess the keys to locked shrines. By old treaties Russia and France were the international
guarantors of Orthodox and Catholic rights respectively, but in 1852 Napoleon III tried to undo
that. He needed to distract French Catholic public opinion away from his authoritarian government
so he instigated the problem.
Because the issues of dispute involved the highest levels of the Turkish government, to the nations
involved it became a symbolic struggle for influence. The Russians badly misjudged the other
Powers and failed to see that Britain could not accept a Russian victory. Tensions rose as all sides
15
prepared for conflict. A Russian army occupied two Romanian Principalities failing to see that this
threatened Austria's Balkan interests. Russia expected gratitude from Vienna for her help against
Hungary in 1849 but Austria refused her. With support from the Western powers, the Turks refused
to negotiate and in 1853declared war on Russia.
The Crimean War pulled in the Great Powers even though none of them wanted to go to war. In
1854 Austria forced the Russians to evacuate the Principalities and Austria took Russia's place as a
neutral power. In 1856 the Allied Western Powers took Sevastopol, the chief Russian port on the
Black Sea, by force. After that Russia agreed to their terms at the Treaty of Paris.
As a result of the Treaty of Paris, the Danube River was opened to shipping for all nations. Russia
lost southern Bessarabia to Moldavia. She also lost her unilateral status as protector of Romanian
rights. The two Romanian principalities remained under nominal Ottoman rule. However, a
European commission was appointed and, together with elected assembly representatives from each
province, was responsible for determining "the basis for administration" of the two Principalities.
Also, all the European powers now shared responsibility as guarantors of the treaty.
On the surface it appears that Turkey won and Russia lost the Crimean war. In reality however,
both Russia and Turkey lost immensely. The Crimean War financially bankrupted Turkey. As for
Russia, she lost her shipping monopoly on the Black Sea and allowed capitalism to enter into
Eastern Europe. Russia did not only lose influence in Romania and Moldavia but she was also
humiliated in front of the entire world. This set the stage for future conflicts including the most
recent "cold war".
As I mentioned earlier Turkey's financial collapse opened the door for Western Governments to
manipulate internal Ottoman policies as well as divert needed revenues to pay foreign debts. On top
of that the Ottoman Empire was forced into becoming a consumer of Western European
commodities. While Western Europe prospered from these ventures, Ottoman trades and guilds
paid the ultimate price of bankruptcy. Lack of work in the cities bore more pressure on the village
peasants who were now being taxed to starvation to feed unemployed city dwellers, as well as
maintaining the status quo for the rich. The Ottoman Empire became totally dependent on
European capital for survival, which put the state past the financial halfway point of no return and
marked the beginning of the end of Ottoman rule in Europe.
By 1875 the Ottomans entered a crisis situation owing 200 million pounds sterling to foreign
investors with an annual interest payment of 12 million pounds a year. The interest payments alone
amounted to approximately half the state's annual revenues. In 1874, due to some agricultural
failures, military expenses, and worldwide economic depression, the Turkish government could not
even pay the interest due on the loans. At the brink of bankruptcy, to preserve Ottoman stability
and to make sure Turkey paid up Western European debts, the Great Powers in 1875 took over the
management of Turkish revenues. This was done through an international agency, called the
Ottoman Public Debt Administration (OPDA). To continue to receive credit, the Sultan had to grant
the OPDA control over state income. Therefore, control of the state budget and internal policies fell
into foreign hands. The agents in control were representatives of the rich capitalists and were only
interested in profit, and very little else. This was definitely not to the advantage of the local people.
16
Part II: 1878 - 1903
In the previous article (part I) I covered events leading up to but not including the 1877 Russian
invasion of the Ottoman Empire which ended with the dreaded 1878 Treaty of Berlin. Events
covered included the Serbian and Greek uprisings, Super Power interventions in the Ottoman
realm, results of the Crimean war, and the 1875 economic crisis in the Balkans.
In this article (part II) I will start where I left off in part I and cover events from 1878 up to the
developments leading up to the Macedonian Ilinden uprising of 1903.
I want to apologize for the large number of quotes I have included in this document. This is the
only way I can "stave off" those who accuse me of "inventing" or "making up things". I will also do
my best to reference Western and neutral sources in order to keep my arguments as unbiased as
possible.
On top of paying heavy taxes to the Ottomans, the village peasants of the Balkans were now
burdened with additional taxes to pay off Western European loans. For some the burden was too
great and it manifested itself in a number of independent uprisings. Discontentment with Turkish
rule, economic plight and pure neglect of human life precipitated the "Eastern Crisis".
The first of these uprisings began in 1875 in Bosnia but soon spread to Montenegro and Serbia.
About a year later the village peasants in Bulgaria showed their discontentment and staged a
massive liberation struggle. To a lesser extent, the liberation struggle extended to Macedonia where
an armed insurrection took place in Razlog in 1876.
The growing discontentment of the peasantry in the Balkans disturbed the Great Powers who now
had a vested interest in protecting the Ottoman Empire from falling apart. A conference was
convened in Tsari Grad (Istanbul) in 1876 to discuss strategies on how to deal with the
insurrections and the "Eastern Question" in general. Representatives of Russia, Austria-Hungary,
Britain, Germany, France and Italy attended the conference and decided to place Macedonia and
Bulgaria under the control of the Great Powers. Turkey rejected their demands and soon after found
herself at odds with Russia.
By early 1877, war broke out in Serbia and Montenegro followed by a massive Russian invasion of
Bulgaria. The Turkish armies were decimated and Turkey was forced to talk peace. Peace was
negotiated between Russia and Turkey on March 3rd, 1878, (the San Stefano Treaty) without
Western Power consent. Russia, as usual, was concerned more with self-interests and less with the
interest of the people she was trying to protect, so she sought the opportunity to realize a long held
ambition in the Balkans, access to the Mediterranean Sea. The following agreements were reached:
1. Turkey was forced to recognize Greek sovereignty over Thessaly.
2. Montenegro was declared independent.
17
3. Turkey was forced to provide autonomy to an extended Bulgaria that included Macedonia,
Western Thrace, a part of Albania, and a district of Serbia.
The conclusion of this treaty sent shock waves not only through the Western Powers who had a lot
to lose (financial investments in the Ottoman Empire) but also to states like Greece and Serbia who
had territorial ambitions of their own towards Ottoman territories.
Disturbed by the Russian tactics, the Western Powers re-convened the Eastern Question at Berlin in
July 1878. At this point the San Stefano agreement was revised as follows:
1. Independence was granted to Serbia, and Montenegro as well as Romania.
2. Bosnia was given to Austria-Hungary ("Britain did not want more Slavic states to form". Page
379, Trevelyan, British History in the 19th Century)
3. The territory of present day Bulgaria was divided into two administrative districts. Bulgaria
proper and Eastern Rumelia. Eastern Rumelia was given back to the Turks.
4. Macedonia, Thrace, Kosovo and Albania were given back to the Ottomans.
At the verge of bankruptcy Russia could not resist the Western Powers and gave in to their
demands.
With the exception of clause 23 that required the Turks to provide a small degree of economic
autonomy to Macedonia, Macedonia was once again committed to Ottoman oppression. The
conditions of clause 23 unfortunately, were never enforced by the Super Powers or complied with
by Turkey.
In the spring of 1878 Macedonia reached the crossroads of her destiny. She was one step away
from overthrowing six hundred years of Ottoman tyranny when Western Powers stepped in to
prevent it. Why? Was Macedonia less deserving than Greece, Serbia or Bulgaria? Were the
Macedonians less Christian than the Greeks, Serbians or Bulgarians? Was the Macedonian struggle
to free itself from Turkish tyranny not convincing enough? The real reason for throwing Macedonia
back to the wolves had little to do with religion, nationalism or human rights and a lot to do with
economics, profit and access to the Mediterranean Sea. Russia desperately wanted to access the
Mediterranean but the Western Powers desperately wanted to prevent it. Here is what Trevelyan
has to say about that. "Throughout the 19th century Russia was striving to advance towards
Constantinople over the ruins of the Turkish Empire. She was drawn forward by imperialist
ambition, in the oppressed Christians of her own communion, many of whom were Slav by
language and race, and by the instinct to seek a warm water port-a window whence the imprisoned
giantess could look out upon the world. The world however, had no great wish to see her there".
"Canning (a British politician, 1812-1862) had planned to head off Russia's advance, not by direct
opposition, but by associating her with England and France in a policy of emancipation, aimed at
erecting national States out of the component parts of the Turkish Empire. Such States could be
relied upon to withstand Russian encroachment on their independence, if once they were set free
18
from the Turk. The creation of the Kingdom of Greece was the immediate outcome of Canning's
policy" (page 372, Trevelyan, British History in the 19th Century).
Russia had no economic stake in the Ottoman Empire so she wanted the Turks out of the Balkans.
The Western Powers invested heavily in the Turkish economy and infrastructure and were anxious
to keep the Ottoman Empire alive and well in the Balkans. The success of the Crimean war (Turkey
won), convinced the British to slow down their policy of creating new Balkan States in favour of
exploiting the lucrative Ottoman markets and collecting returns on loans made to Turkey.
At the stroke of a pen Bulgaria was freed (autonomous) while Macedonia was sentenced to suffer
further indignity and humiliation. Back in the hands of the Greek clergy and the Ottoman
Authorities Macedonia now entered a new era of suffering and cruelties, destined to pay for the sins
of all the other nations that rose up against the Ottomans.
Between the spring and summer of 1878 Macedonia's fate was decided not by Russia, or the
Western Powers but by Britain alone. Britain who created Greece and introduced the curse of
Hellenism in the Balkans, was now prepared to fight Russia, by military means if necessary, to
keep her out of the Mediterranean. To avoid war a compromise was reached. "The essentials of this
compromise were agreed upon between England and Russia before the meeting of the European
Congress, which took place at Berlin under the chairmanship of Bismarck, and formally substituted
the Treaty of Berlin for the terms of San Stefano" (page 377, Trevelyan, British History in the 19th
Century).
"To our (British) eyes the real objection to the San Stefano lies not in its alleged increase in
Russian power, but in the sacrifice of the fair claims of Greeks and Serbians, who would not have
remained long quiet under the arrangements which ignored their racial rights and gave all the points
to Bulgaria. Lord Salisbury felt this strongly, especially on behalf of Greece."
"Beaconsfield's success, as he himself saw it, consisted in restoring the European power of Turkey.
It was done by handing back Macedonia to the Port (Turks), without guarantees for better
government. This was the essence of the Treaty of Berlin as distinct from the Treaty of San
Stefano. 'There is again a Turkey in Europe' Bismarck said. He congratulated the British Prime
Minister - 'You have made a present to the Sultan of the richest province in the world; 4,000 square
miles of the richest soil.' Unfortunately for themselves, the inhabitants went with the soil. Since
Beaconsfield decided, perhaps rightly, that Macedonia should not be Bulgarian, some arrangements
ought to have been made for its proper administration under a Christian governor. Apart of all
questions of massacres, the deadening character of the Turkish rule is well known. Lord Salisbury
seems to have wished for a Christian governor, but nothing was done in that direction. A golden
opportunity was thus let slip "(page 378, Trevelyan, British History in the 19th Century).
After gaining status as protector of the Suez Canal and the waterways to India, Britain was awarded
Cyprus. Content with her gains, Britain became lax and agreed that Russia and Austria-Hungary
should oversee Ottoman affairs in Macedonia. "The British people, when left to themselves, neither
knew or cared who massacred whom between the Danube and the Aegean. Byron's Greece had
appealed to their imagination and historical sense, but the Balkans were a battlefield of kites and
crows" (page 373, Trevelyan, British History in the 19th Century).
19
The Macedonian people were not at all happy about what went on in the Berlin Congress and
showed their discontentment by demonstrating first in Kresna then in Razlog but as usual, their
pleas were ignored. The Turkish army was dispatched and the demonstrations were violently put
down.
Facing the possibility of becoming extinct in Europe, the Ottoman Empire began to re-organize and
take demonstrations and rebellions seriously. After the Greek uprising the Sultan became distrustful
of the Phanariots and expelled most of them from his services. He came close to ousting the
Patriarch and his tyrannical Bishops but Russia stepped in and prevented it. Many of the Slav
people were not happy with being ruled by a Greek Patriarch and after Russia's show of solidarity
to the Greeks and the Patriarch, they threatened to convert to Catholicism. This created a real
concern for Russia. "In the days when Panslavism was a force in Russia and General Ignatieff ruled
Constantinople. Russia naturally feared that if the Southern Slavs became Catholics she would lose
her ascendancy over them" (page 73 Brailsford's Macedonia). In 1870 Russia convinced the Sultan
to allow a new millet to form thus creating the schismatic Bulgarian Exarchate Church which was
immediately excommunicated by the Patriarch. Fracturing the Rum (Romeos) Millet into two
opposing factions suited the Turks perfectly because now Christians, instead of rebelling against
the Turks, would fight one another.
Now, in addition to the Ottoman and Greek, a third government was created that would rule the
same people in three conflicting ways. From a religious standpoint, minor differences distinguished
the Greek from the Bulgarian Church. Both were Christian Orthodox except the Greeks
acknowledged the authority of the Greek Patriarch while the Bulgarians obeyed the Bulgarian
Exarchate. The language of liturgy was about the only distinct difference between the churches.
The Bulgarians used the Old Church Slavonic (Macedonian), familiar to Macedonians, while the
Greeks used an ancient language no Macedonian could understand.
The creation of the Exarchate Church stepped up nationalistic activities inside Macedonia and
increased the stakes for territorial claims.
From the day they were liberated, both Serbia and Greece were strengthening their economies and
poisoning their people with nationalist propaganda. Serbia introduced education for the masses and
was teaching her youth about her ancient exploits and past empires that ruled Kosovo, Albania and
Macedonia and that the Slavs (except for the Bulgarians who were Serbia's enemies) were truly
Serbs.
The modern Greeks on the other hand, infatuated with the discovery of the Ancient Greeks were
going overboard promoting "Hellenism" and making territorial claims on Macedonia based on
ancient rites. At the same time the same Greeks were making wild claims that all Orthodox
Christians were Greeks. Their argument was that if a person belonged to the Greek Orthodox
Church they were Greek. Here is what Brailsford has to say about that. "Hellenism claims these
peoples because they were civilized by the Greek Orthodox Church. That is a conception which the
Western mind grasps with difficulty. It is much as though the Roman Catholic Church should claim
the greater part of Europe as the inheritance of Italy. To make the parallel complete we should have
to imagine not only an Italian Pope and a College of Cardinals which Italians predominate, but a
20
complete Italian hierarchy. If every Bishop in France and Germany were an Italian, if the official
language of the church were not Latin but Italian and if every priest were a political agent working
for the annexation of France and Germany to Italy, we should have some analogy to the state of
things which actually exist in Turkey" (page 195 Brailsford's Macedonia).
Here is what Brailsford has to say about how the Greeks received title to the Orthodox Church.
"The Slavonic (Macedonian) Churches had disappeared from Macedonia, and everywhere the
Greek Bishops, as intolerant as they were corrupt --'Blind mouths that scarce themselves know how
to hold a sheephook' -- crushed out the national consciousness, the language, and the intellectual
life of their Slav (Macedonian) flocks. It is as a result of this process that the Eastern Church is a
Greek Church. The sanctions of 'Hellenism' so far as they rest on the Church, are the wealth of the
Phanariots and the venality of the Turks....the Slav libraries in the old monasteries were burned by
the Greek Bishops (page 196 Brailsford's Macedonia).
After 1878, for a Macedonian to be Hellenized meant that he had to give up his name, his own
language, his own culture, his history, his folklore and his heritage. Here is what Karakasidou has
to say. "...the ideological content of notions of the Hellenic nation, which far from being
ecumenical has shown itself to be intolerant of cultural or ethnic pluralism, has lead many
inhabitants of Greek Macedonia to deny or hide those aspects of their own personal or family
pasts..." (page 125, Fields of Wheat, Hills of Blood).
Hellenization was never made by choice, only by brute force. One was made to "feel Greek" when
it suited the Greeks but the moment one wanted something from the Greeks or one crossed one of
the Greeks, they were reminded of their "true identity" and quickly "put in their place". To be
Hellenized meant to lose dignity and to suffer constant and unwarranted humiliation because no
matter how hard one tried to be a Hellene, they could never measure up. A Hellenized person was
neither Greek nor Macedonian but a soul in limbo.
To quote David Holden "To me, philhellenism is a love affair with a dream which envisions
'Greece' and the 'Greeks' not as an actual place or as real people but as symbols of some imagined
perfection" (page 12 Greece without Columns). What is Hellenism then?
Before I answer that question, I will once again quote David Holden. "Further back still beyond the
War of Independence, when the modern nation-state of Greece came into being for the first time,
the whole concept of Greece as a geographical entity that begins to blur before our eyes, so many
and various were its shapes and meanings. But if geography can offer us no stable idea of Greece,
what can? Not race, certainly; for whatever the Greeks may once have been, ...., they can hardly
have had much blood-relationship with the Greeks of the peninsula of today, Serbs and Bulgars,
Romans, Franks and Venetians, Turks, Albanians,...,in one invasion after another have made the
modern Greeks a decidedly mongrel race. Not politics either; for in spite of that tenacious western
legend about Greece as the birthplace and natural home of democracy, the political record of the
Greeks is one of a singular instability and confusion in which, throughout history, the poles of
anarchy modulated freedom has very rarely appeared. Not religion; for while Byzantium was
Christian, ancient Hellas was pagan." (page 23 Greece without Columns).
21
Unlike Macedonia and other Balkan nations who have natural and vibrant languages, Greece
artificially created and used (up until the 1970's) an imposed adaptation of the classical language
called the Katharevoussa. "Hellenizing" under these conditions not only rendered the Hellenized
races mute but also imposed a meaningless and emotionless language on those doing the
Hellenization (if you want to learn more about the Greek language controversy read Peter
Mackridge's book "The Modern Greek Language").
When Greece was born for the first time in 1832, it was unclear what her national character was. To
quote David Holden, " the Greek nation-state was a product of western political intervention-'the
fatal idea' as Arnold Toynbee once called it, of exclusive western nationalism impinging upon the
multi-national traditions of the eastern world. By extension, therefore, at any rate in theory, it was a
child of the Renaissance and of western rationalism..." (page 28 Greece without Columns).
Officially, Greeks call their modern state Hellas, and are officially known as Hellenes, but at the
same time they call themselves Romios (from the Turkish Rum millet) implying that they are
descendents of the Romans. Greece however, is a derivation of the Latin "Graecia" (page 29,
Holden, Greece without Columns) the province of the Western Roman Empire which extended
from Mount Olympus to the Peloponnese. Again, to quote David Holden " its international use to
describe the sovereign state that currently occupies that territory is merely a reflection of the fact
that 'Greece' in this modern sense is literally a western invention" (page 29 Greece without
Columns).
If philhellenism is a love affair with a dream, then Hellenism is a dream of a few "evil geniuses"
(Phanariots) who sought to destroy what was real in favour of creating something artificial, like a
Frankenstein Monster. Hellenism may be a dream for a few (mad men) but it has been a nightmare
for Macedonia. Here is what Karakasidou has to say. "Greek natural identity was not a 'natural
development' or the extension of a 'high culture' over the region of Macedonia, although now it is
frequently portrayed as so. The ideology of Hellenism imposed a homogeneity on the Macedonian
region and its inhabitants" (page 94, Fields of Wheat, Hills of Blood).
If modern Hellenism is a western invention propagated by the Phanariots, then who are the Modern
Greeks?
According to historical records, a large majority of the Greeks of Morea that fought during the
Greek War of independence were Tosk Albanians that became Hellenized after the 1930's. The
Slavs of the Peloponnese (what happened to them?), the Vlachs of Larissa, the Albanian Tosks of
Epirus (what happened to them?), were also Hellenized. In other words, the Greeks of today are a
"forcibly Hellenized diverse collection of people". Even the Greek national dress, the fustanella is
fake. The fustanella is the national costume of the Albanian Tosks (page 230 Brailsford's
Macedonia).
In addition to desperately trying to define an identity and a language for herself, after 1878 Greece
stepped up Hellenization activities inside Macedonia through the Orthodox Church and by
employing (bribing) the services of the Turkish authorities. Willing young Macedonian men were
enrolled in Greek schools in Athens with promises of education only to be poisoned with
22
Hellenization and Greek nationalist propaganda. Many of these young came back (home) to
Macedonia only to be used as agents of Hellenism.
After the creation of the Bulgarian Church, Bulgaria was not far behind in her attempts to instill
Bulgarian nationalism in the Macedonian youth. This was most evident when Macedonian young
men like Gotse Delchev were expelled from the Bulgarian schools for wanting to use the
Macedonian language and to learn Macedonian history. Here is what Radin has to say about that.
"In the 1870's, six Macedonian districts seceded from the Exarchate. Bulgarian schools were
destroyed, with the Macedonian teaching intelligentsia organizing students against the Exarchate.
Macedonian literary associations were discovered, to study Macedonian history and culture. The
periodical 'Vine' was published to mobilize Macedonians against the vehement propaganda. In
1891, an attempt was made to re-establish the Macedonian Church. This national renaissance
significantly produced a Macedonian intelligentsia that was to later prove instrumental in founding
IMRO" (Internal Macedonian Revolutionary Organization) (page 45 of A. Michael Radin's book
"IMRO and the Macedonian Question").
Russia's rash attempt to gain access to the Mediterranean by creating a "Greater Bulgaria" (San
Stefano Treaty), gave the Bulgarians rationale to make territorial claims on Macedonian territory.
On top of the Greeks forcibly trying to Hellenize Macedonia, the Macedonian people now faced a
new enemy, Bulgarian chauvinism. In the hands of the Turks, Greeks, Bulgarians, Albanians and
Serbians, Macedonian misery seemed to flourish as if all the evil in the world was unleashed at
once and struck Macedonia with all its fury. What makes Macedonia's misery even more tragic is
that the entire world stood by and watched the horrors unfold and did nothing.
While the Greeks employed brutality, the Bulgarians adopted intrigue to sway Macedonians to their
side. They were publicly calling for Macedonian autonomy all the while they were promoting a
Bulgarian nationalist agenda. In the next decade after 1878, nationalist fever gripped the Balkans.
The new nations (Serbia, Greece and Bulgaria) were making exclusive claims not only on
Macedonian territory, but also on the Macedonian people, each claiming that Macedonians were
Serbs, Greeks or Bulgarians. Each new nation desperately tried to prove its claim by propaganda
campaigns, coercion and forcible assimilation. Here is what Brailsford has to say on the subject.
"Are the Macedonians Serbs or Bulgars? The question is constantly asked and dogmatically
answered in Belgrade and Sofia. But the lesson of history is obviously that there is no answer at all.
They are not Serbs, ... On the other hand they could hardly be Bulgarians... They are probably what
they were before a Bulgarian or Serbian Empire existed..." (page 101, Macedonia Its Races and
their Future). As for the Macedonian's being Greek, this is what Brailsford has to say. "The Greek
colonies were never much more than trading centers along the coast, and what was Greek in ancient
times is Greek today. There is no evidence that the interior was ever settled by a rural Greek
population" (page 91, Brailsford's Macedonia).
"The period immediately following the Berlin Congress demonstrated therefore, that Balkan
chauvinist intent was not merely to occupy, govern and exploit Macedonia, but to eradicate the
Macedonian culture, and superimpose its own culture upon a people alien to it. By guile, gun,
religion and quasi-legal manipulation, the Balkan States attempted to divest the native
Macedonians of their language, religion, folklore, literature, traditions and consciousness. The
ultimate goal therefore, was to anaesthetize the Macedonian people, and then remold them into
23
Bulgarians, Greeks and Serbians" (page 45 of A. Michael Radin's book "IMRO and the
Macedonian Question").
Did it not once occur to Westerners that in the heart of Macedonia, perhaps there was a unique
Macedonian culture living there? Did it not once occur to them that perhaps the Macedonians with
their multicultural and multiethnic character did not want to be molded to fit the Western profile of
what a nation should be? By throwing her back to the Greeks and the Turks, was Macedonia
punished for her stubborn ways, for refusing to be molded into a monolithic uni-cultural, pseudohomogeneous nation? Only those who participated in the 1878 Berlin Congress and who forever
committed Macedonia to suffer more cruelty and injustice can truly answer these questions. One
thing is for certain however, as the West is now growing old and gaining wisdom and experience it
is realizing that the way to peace and prosperity in a small planet is tolerance of minorities,
democratic freedom and cultural and national pluralism. Macedonia as it turns out, always had
those qualities. As for the rest of the new Balkan States, one day when they realize the error of their
ways they will forever bear the shame of what they did to their neighbours, the Macedonians.
I know that words can do no justice to the suffering the Macedonian people endured since 1878, but
I will do my best to describe what life was like to be ruled by the Turks, governed by the Greeks,
pillaged by the Albanians and robbed and beaten by the villains of society. It has been said that
education was a curse in Macedonia. No educated Macedonian lived to a ripe old age. If a man was
educated, he died at the hands of his enemies, not because he was educated but because he was
feared. The Turks feared him because he may rise up against them. The Greeks feared him because
he may oppose them. The Bulgarians feared him because he may expose them. (If you wish to learn
more about the horrors committed by the Turks in Macedonia, read Brailsford's book, Macedonia,
Its races and their Future).
The 1878 Treaty of Berlin awakened the Moslem Rulers (Turks and Albanians) in the Balkans to
the reality that their Empire came close to disintegrating. But instead of searching for a rational
solution, the Turks did what they always did best, turn to violence. They took counter measures to
suppress the "troublemakers" by extinguishing their rebellious spirit. In practice this manifested
itself into a variety of punishments that included the following:
A) Taxes were raised to pay off Western loans. The Turks and Muslim Albanians were a predatory
(parasitic) race and produced nothing themselves. Instead they lived off the earning power of the
Macedonians and other Christians.
B) To prevent further uprisings and rebellions, the Turks stepped up espionage activities and
searches for weapons. In reality however, the weapons searches were nothing more than an excuse
to take revenge and further pillage the Macedonian peasants. Those who could afford to pay bribes
paid off the Turks and avoided misfortunes. Those who couldn't were tortured and usually beaten to
death. If by any chance weapons were found, the entire village was burned to the ground. Even if
the weapons belonged to a thug. The Turks were not above shaming or kidnapping Macedonian
women either. In fact it was common practice for Muslim soldiers to grab Christian women while
conducting raids on villages. (For a Macedonian woman death was preferable over a lifetime of
shame). The Macedonians of the Ottoman era were extremely moral people and conducts of this
nature were not taken lightly. Unfortunately, there was nothing that could be done to avenge the
24
women, so women carried the burden of shame alone for the rest of their lives. No Christian was
allowed to bear arms and defend his family and there was no one to complain to because in most
cases the perpetrators and the villains were the law. No Muslim could be punished for doing harm
to a Christian, no matter what the crime.
C) In addition to contending with the Turkish authorities, Macedonians faced kidnappings and
assaults from the Albanians. Any man, woman or child that ventured too far from the village
exposed themselves to the risks of being kidnapped (an old Albanian pastime) by Albanian
marauders or by Turkish outlaws who demanded a hefty ransom for a safe return or face death if no
ransom was paid.
D) There were also the roving Turkish patrols that traveled the highways and if someone happened
to cross paths with them, they would be robbed, beaten and humiliated in a number of different
ways depending on the mood of the soldiers.
E) The greatest threat to Macedonian life came from the Bashi-buzouks or armed civilian Muslims.
Most of the Bashi-buzouks were Albanian who made a career out of pillaging, burning Macedonian
villages and torturing the inhabitants. After 1878, Bashi-buzouk raids escalated to a point where
they became intolerable. The Christians had no legal recourse to fight back. Being Muslims, the
Bashi-buzouks were immune from legal prosecution. The only way Macedonians could fight back
was to flee to the mountains and join the outlaws.
F) Let's not forget the annual routine homage and tributes paid to the Albanian clans for not
burning the villages and crops, the local policemen for not humiliating and beating family members
and the local hoods for not assaulting and bullying the women and children.
G) It would be an injustice if I didn't mention the way Turks treated women. No Macedonian
woman was safe from the Turks. If a woman caught a Turk's eye there was no escape, she would be
plucked kicking and screaming from her home and family, converted to Islam by force and thrown
into a harem to become an object of lust. No woman was safe, not even a bride on her wedding day.
I want to mention here that after the Western Powers decided to do something about the Ottoman
cruelty against the Macedonians, they began to record complaints from the people. Macedonians
were encouraged to report acts of injustice and cruelty to the European consuls. All the complaints
were recorded in what was referred to as "the blue books". What happened to the "blue books"? If
anyone has any knowledge of their whereabouts please let me know. It is very important for the
Macedonian people that these "blue books" be found.
By the time taxes and bribes were paid to the authorities, the warlords and the town hoods, a
Macedonian family was left with 25 to 40 percent of their meager annual earnings to live on. To
make ends meet Macedonian men were accustomed to taking on additional jobs within the Ottoman
Empire or abroad to make enough to survive the winter.
It has been said that after twenty-five years of achieving autonomy, Bulgaria was thriving
economically thanks to the cheap labour of the Macedonian migrant workers.
25
I want to mention here that Macedonians have always earned their living by sweat and blood and
deserve more that they have been dealt with in the past. The maestor's (maistori) of ancient Rome
were skilled Macedonians not Greeks as modern history claims them to be. Even the word "history"
comes from the Macedonian saying "tie i storia" which translates to "they did that" or "they made
that".
The West, including the USA and Canada were to some extent, also beneficiaries of cheap
Macedonian labour. Western traders flooded Macedonia with cheaply manufactured goods and
bankrupted the local (antiquated) industry (run by the guilds). Raw materials purchased from
Macedonia were manufactured using cheap Macedonian labour and the finished products were sold
back to the Macedonians at a profit.
A Macedonian could not rise above his tyrannical existence on his own because every time he did
he was killed for his education, robbed of his wealth, kicked out of his home for his lands,
murdered for defending his family and humiliated for his existence. This is not what Macedonians
wanted for themselves, but those powerful enough, refused to help them. The Greek clergy who
were responsible for the well being of the Macedonian people were the first to condemn them.
Their first priorities were to Hellenize them so that they could steal their lands. The Greeks with
their "superior attitude" despised the Macedonians because of their race (the Slavs were the enemy)
and because of their agrarian abilities (which the Greeks loathed).
The Super Powers in their zeal to dominate the Balkans found themselves at odds with each other
and by 1878 were either content with "doing nothing" or stifled by frustration and "turned their
backs" on the mess they created.
Turkey, for the West was the goose that kept on laying golden eggs.
No excuses or apologies from the English and the French can make up for unleashing Turkey and
Hellenism on Macedonia after 1878. No Macedonian, and for that matter, no human being should
ever forgive the Western Powers for putting profit ahead of human life and intentionally turning
their backs on the Macedonian people. No argument can convince me that "that was the right thing
to".
Labeling people "Slav" and "Barbarian" because they were not educated does not make them
inhuman and certainly does not excuse the "civilized" western societies for tormenting them. Here
is what Petrovska has to say. "It is erroneous to dismiss peasant culture as backwards, simply
because they are not literate cultures. Indeed the opposite is the case. Children were educated by
way of story telling and folklore, which contained morals and lessons about life, relationships and
their places in the world" (page 167, Children of the Bird Goddess). (If you want to learn more
about life in Macedonia there is a gem of a little book written by Kita Sapurma and Pandora
Petrovska entitled "Children of the Bird Goddess", an oral history that spans over 100 years and
explores the lives of four generations of Macedonian women. You MUST read this book, you will
not be disappointed).
One has only to examine Macedonian traditions, customs, dress, folklore and attitude towards life
to find an "old race" full of vigour, enduring hardships, living as it always lived close to nature,
26
always craving everlasting peace. Macedonian songs are timeless records of sorrow and of hope
that "someday this too will pass".
Macedonians have survived to this day because they have a caring quality and a capacity to give
and forgive, never wanting anything in return. Anyone who has visited a Macedonian home or has
lived among Macedonians can attest to that.
Macedonia had done no ill against any nation to deserve her punishment from the Turks and the
Greeks. Macedonians did not desire to be labeled "barbarian Slavs" or choose to be illiterate. It was
"pure prejudice" on the part of Western Societies that degraded the Macedonian people to barbarian
status and created the conditions for the Turks and the Greeks to abuse them. The West's artificial
creation of Greece and Hellenism and the Greek quest for purity and national homogeneity is what
upset the "natural balance" in the Balkans. Macedonia, since Alexander's time has been a "worldly"
nation and has maintained her multi-ethnic, multi-cultural pluralistic character. If you take the
Turks out of Macedonia in the 19th century you will find a society of many nations working and
living together in peace, each doing what comes naturally. Anyone who has lived in Macedonia can
attest to that. It has always been "outsiders" that shifted the balance and disturbed the peace in the
Balkans. While Western Europe slept through her "dark ages" the people of the Balkans lived in
relative harmony for over 1,100 years. Each race played an important role in maintaining the social
and political balance and the economic self-sufficiency of the region.
During the 19th century almost all Macedonians lived in village communities. There were no
Greeks living in the Macedonian mainland and only a small minority lived in the coastal towns,
islands and the larger cities. The majority of the villages were Macedonian with the odd Vlach
village nestled here and there in the mountains. Macedonians spoke the Macedonian language and
lived an agrarian life working the lands. Among the Macedonians lived some Vlachs who spoke
both Vlach and Macedonian. Their main occupation was retail trade, running the local grocery
stores and retail businesses. In addition to the Vlachs, were the roving Gypsies who traveled from
village to village trading their wares. They traded pack animals like horses, mules and donkeys,
repaired old and sold new flour sifters, loom reeds, and other fine crafts. They bartered with the
village women and traded beads, string and sewing needles for beans and walnuts. To those that
could afford it, they sold silk kerchiefs, hand made baskets and purses. With those who couldn't
afford them they traded their wares for vegetables, eggs and a few bales of hay. Among themselves
the Gypsies spoke their Gypsy dialect but with their customers they spoke Macedonian.
Another race that frequented the Macedonian landscape were the panhandlers from Epirus and
Thessaly who performed magic on old copper pots and pans and made spoons and forks shine like
mirrors. In addition to their own language, they too spoke Macedonian and were open to bartering
for their wares and services.
Carpenters, stone masons, barrel makers, and woodcutters came from far and wide. They came
from as far as Albania or as close as the poorest Macedonian village. For a fair wage, some rakija
(alcohol spiced with anise during distillation) and three meals a day, they built fences, porches,
staircases and entire houses.
27
For the Macedonians, the soil provided most of life's necessities, the rest was bought, traded or
bartered for.
The only desires Macedonians had in the 19th century were to rid themselves of the tyranny of the
oppressive Turks. This was most evident in the communiqué’s, appeals and manifesto's of the
legendary Macedonia Revolutionary Committee (more about this in part III).
While Macedonia was being choked by the Turkish noose of oppression, tormented by Hellenism,
and frustrated by Bulgarian deception, the Greek army in 1881annexed Thessaly and in 1885 the
Bulgarian army (with Russia's support) annexed Eastern Rumelia. While the Ottoman Empire was
crumbling at the edges, it was tightening its grip ever harder on Macedonia. Looting, burning
homes and murders were on the rise. More and more Macedonians were made homeless and forced
to become outlaws. The brave ones took up arms and fought back only to see that their actions
caused more deaths and misery. The Turks and their Albanian allies didn't care who they killed. If
one Turk or Albanian died in battle, the army took revenge on the next village they encountered.
Thousands of innocent women and children were murdered in revenge killings not to mention the
assaults on countless young girls. Occupied homes with people inside were burned down and the
inhabitants shot as target practice as they ran out to save themselves from the fire. Those too old or
too sick to move died a horrible fiery death.
Many of the survivors from the burned out villages joined the outlaws in the mountains and as their
ranks swelled they began to organize and fight back.
Western Europeans and Russians, on the other hand, were flooding the Ottoman Balkans on
vacation, to do business or to lend a helping hand as missionaries or relief workers. They enjoyed
all the freedoms and privileges as honorary citizens of the Ottoman Empire under the protection of
their county's flag, and paid nothing for the honour bestowed upon them, not even taxes.
To be continued in part III, events leading up to the Ilinden Uprising.
Before I finish with part II, in view of what is happening in Macedonia today, I would like to say a
few words abut how the Albanians came to be in Macedonia.
It has been said that soon after the Turks conquered Albania, Albanians began to convert to Islam.
As Muslims, the Albanians to a large extent enjoyed the same privileges and advantages as their
conquerors. The advantages of becoming a Muslim as opposed to staying Christian were obvious.
Those who wanted to retain title to their lands did not hesitate to convert. In fact many realized that
by converting they could amass wealth and increase their own importance at the expense of their
Christian neighbours.
By the 19th century, about two-thirds of the Albanians embraced Islam and served in almost every
capacity in the Ottoman administration including the Sultan's palace guard. Also by the 19th
century a great deal of the Ottoman services became corrupt and self-serving. Being Muslims, the
Albanians were protected from prosecution of crimes committed against the Christians. This
encouraged them to perform predatory acts like kidnappings for ransom, illegal taxation, extortion,
and forceful possession of property.
28
There are two documented ways, that I have come across, that describe how Albanians of the 19th
century came to live in Macedonia, among the Macedonians.
1. To keep the Macedonians in check, the Turks created and strategically positioned Albanian
villages inside Macedonia among the Macedonian Villages.
2. By expelling or killing a few families in a Macedonian village, Albanian bandits could claim
squatters’ rights and move in. By the next generation, the children of the squatters would become
the "begs" of the village which made them legitimate landowners. Being in charge of the village
they then appointed their own family members and trusted friends into positions of authority like
tax farmers and policemen. In this manner, they could rule unchallenged.
Forceful occupation of villages was most prevalent during campaigns in the absence of the Turkish
army. When the Turks were sent to fight against Russia in the East or against Napoleon in Egypt,
the Albanians sought their chance and moved in unabated. Here is an excerpt from Brailsford's
book about the habits of some Albanians. "He will rob openly and with violence but he will not
steal...He will murder you without remorse if he conceives that you have insulted him"...(page 224
Macedonia its Races and their future).
To be fair, I want to mention that Albanians have their good qualities as well. Brailsford speaks
very highly of them when it comes to loyalty and honesty. As I mentioned earlier, under the right
conditions Albanians can peacefully co-exist with other nationalities and be a contributing factor to
the wealth of a nation. The Macedonians have always co-existed side by side with the Albanians.
Also, the Albanians that fought to liberate Greece in Morea did not fight for Hellenism, they fought
for the good of all the people of the Balkans, including the Macedonians.
There was also that one-third of the Albanian population who remained faithful to Christianity that
equally suffered the injustices of the Greek clergy and the Ottoman authorities, that also deserves
mentioning.
"People who originate from one and the same race, speak the same language, live together in
harmony, and have the same customs, songs and mentality, constitute a nation, and the place where
they live is their homeland. In this way, the Macedonians are a nation and their homeland is
Macedonia" (Gjorgji Pulevski, 1875).
29
Part III: Before 1903
In the previous article (part II) I covered events leading up to but not including the 1903 Ilinden
Macedonian Uprising. Events covered included the 1878 Berlin congress and its effects on the
Macedonian people.
In this article (part III) I will start where I left off in part II and cover events from about 1880 to
about 1903 with a special focus on Macedonian affairs and events that led to the 1903 uprising.
The 1878 Treaty of Berlin set events in motion in the Balkans for the next forty years. The reappearance of Ottoman soldiers, the worsening economy and the reign of terror imposed by the
Greek clergy was crushing the spirits of the Macedonian people. In the meantime the economic
situation of the Super Powers and the new Balkan States was improving daily. In 1881, the
Muhareem Decree gave Europeans complete control of Ottoman finances and trade markets.
During the same year the Constantinople Conference of Great Powers agreed to the Greek
annexation of Thessaly and Epirus. Later that same year Austria-Hungary agreed to allow Serbia to
annex parts of Macedonia in some future time. Four years later, Bulgaria with some Russian help
annexed Eastern Rumelia. While the Western Powers were contemplating the "Eastern Question"
and collecting returns from Turkish loans, the new Balkan states were plotting Macedonia's demise.
Here is what each of them had to say;
"Bulgaria's whole future depends on Macedonia, without her our State will be without importance
or authority. Solun (Salonika) must be the main port of this State, the grand window to illuminate
the entire building. If Macedonia does not belong to us, Bulgaria will never be firmly based".
"Macedonia is the lung of Greece, without it the rest of Greece would be condemned to death. For
Greece to become a greater power she must expand into Macedonia."
"We (Serbia) are ready to enter into any combination if necessary in order to prevent the
Macedonian Question being settled in any way that harms our vital interests, without which Serbia
cannot survive".
In addition to being handed back to the Turks, the 1878 Treaty of Berlin now subjected Macedonia
to three new tyrants. In time, Macedonia would be subjected to all kinds of evil but the most
cunning would turn out to be Bulgarian chauvinism. The Macedonian people knew very well where
they stood with the Greeks. Greek policies were straightforward, Hellenize everyone by any means
possible, force and brutality included. The Bulgarian approach was very different. The Bulgarians
were interested in educating the Macedonian masses into believing that they were Bulgarians.
Anyone who showed any opposition didn't live to tell about it. And so became the legacy of so
many educated Macedonian young men.
In part II of this article I explained, with ample evidence, that Greece was a "Western creation" to
achieve two objectives. One, to keep Russia out of the Mediterranean Sea and two, to break up the
Ottoman occupied Slav lands into small, nationally divergent, easily manageable and loyal States (a
solution to the "Eastern Question"). Created by the Western Powers, the new Balkan States would
30
be loyal to their creator, British politicians were counting on it. The Western powers introduced
"nationalism" in the Balkans as a way of replacing the Ottoman Empire, not with a single state but
with many "divergent" and manageable sized States. Nationalism however, was not a way with
which Balkan people identified before the 19th century. For over 2,300 years the region was
without borders and without a sense of national identity. For over 1,800 years, the people in the
region lived with "religion as the only unifying force" which brought them together and allowed
them to live in peace. Freedom of movement allowed the diverse people to travel anywhere within
the empire to settle and mix with other people. So, how does one create "national consciousness"
where one does not exist? Ignoring the fact that the Ottoman Empire of the 19th century was a
multi-ethnic and multi-cultural pluralistic society, the Western Powers initiated the nation building
process anyway. To them, it didn't matter what kind of "nations" they were building provided that
the new nations were a "non-Slav" singular society that agreed to keep Russia out of the
Mediterranean. While the Western Powers were trying to break up the Balkans into small and
divergent states, Russia was promoting "Panslavism" to unite all the Slavs under Russian
leadership.
The national awakening of Serbia was an accident that couldn't be helped but Greece was created
by design. Greece was the opposite of Serbia and a solution for keeping the balance of power in the
Balkans. While Serbia was destined to become a Slav State, Greece would be destined to become
the "opposite". The name "Greece" was chosen to denote a "Latin" lineage, to represent the Latin
"Romaos" (Roman) character of the people. The name "Hellas" was later chosen by Hellenized
Phanariots to denote a lineage from the old City States of antiquity. Both of these names were
foreign to the 19th century Balkans, but ideal to reflect the character of the new State. The pre-19th
century Phanariots has no notion of nationalism or knowledge of the Ancient City States. Their aim
was to drive the Turks out of the Empire and keep the Empire intact so that they could rule it
themselves. But this was not what the Western Powers wanted. The process of Hellenization began
by educating some Phanariots about the existence of the old City States and their exploits.
Phanariots that studied abroad, London in particular, were seduced by the eloquently written,
romantic stories about a people that lived at the bottom of the Balkans a long time ago. Phanariots
were especially thrilled when they were received by Westerners as the descendents of those
Ancient people. Not all Phanariots were Hellenized or convinced to take the Hellenic road, some
still wanted to re-create the Byzantine Empire ("Megali Idea") but the West gave them no such
choice. It was one thing to "create a nation" and another to "give it life and a past". The idea of
modeling the new Greece after the old City States was well received but lacked continuity. No one
could explain how the Greeks progressed from the old City States to the present, pre-19th century
history has no record of it. There was no Greek culture and no Greek language that would tie the
Modern Greek to the old City State citizen. With some creative imagination and a lot of
convincing, the problem was solved. Ancient history was "re-engineered" to fit the modern Greek
model. Yes, read your (fake) classical history and learn how the Mighty Macedonian Empire was
"Hellenized", not by a powerful race, not by super intelligent beings, but by "the vanquished and
subjugated" people of the old City-States. Alexander the Great, the most hated man of the old CityStates, the King who wiped out and brutally crushed the spirits of the old City-State citizens, is now
the "Great King of the Greeks" whom they revere and hold in such high honor. What hypocrisy!!!
Perhaps some day, the English people will crown "Sitting Bull" as their King and rally around him
(no offence to the native people of North America).
31
Altering classical history to say that the Ancient Macedonians were Hellenized, does not explain
how and why there are "Slavs" all over the Balkans today. Thousands of years of Slav influence
and culture could not be easily erased, but thanks to the ingenuity of the Western mind that problem
too was solved. When the Westerners began to write the new "Greek" history, they quickly
discovered that there was no continuity to tie the Modern Greeks to the Ancient City-States.
Ancient Macedonia extinguished all the City-State cultures when she annexed them. The only
continuity from the City-States to the Roman era was through Ancient Macedonia. Only through a
Hellenized Ancient Macedonia could modern writers claim continuity for the Greeks. It was there
and then that the "history revisionists" decided to KILL Macedonia in order to keep Greece alive.
There is NO Greece without Macedonia! If Greece is to live then she must inherit everything that
was Macedonian. Even after that however, there was still the "Slav problem". The Slavs were
always in the way of Greek Nationhood and for these reasons the "Real Macedonians" became and
still are Greece's worst enemy. The Greek zeal to become "who they cannot be" was transformed
into jealousy and hatred for Macedonia and her people. From the outset, the Greek State
deliberately chose Macedonia and the Macedonian people as "the enemy" as is so often eloquently
put and without hesitation announced for the world to hear. Again, thanks to the ingenuity and
brilliance of the western mind the Slav problem for Greece was solved with the creation of
"Bulgaria". "What is not Greek must be Bulgarian, what is not Bulgarian must be Greek, there is no
such thing as Macedonian", are words echoed to this day. This is what Macedonians faced and
must face, lived and must live, every day of their lives both at home and abroad from the 19th
century to this day.
The 19th century creation of Bulgaria was the "answer" to covering up all remaining evidence of
the existence of a Macedonia outside of the "Hellenic model". Never scientifically proven, the socalled "Slav invasions" were concocted to cover up thousands of years of Macedonian culture and
influence in the Balkans (and beyond). Modern history, without scientific proof, claims that the
Ancient Macedonians died off (mysteriously to the last one) and were replaced by the "newcomer
Slavs". It was later declared that the Slavs living in Macedonia were actually Bulgarians of sorts.
To divide the Bulgarians from the Slav fold and to show that they were a distinct society, different
form other Slavs (such as the Serbs), the non-Balkan name "Bulgaria" was chosen to represent a
Balkan State created for the first time in the 19th century. The name "Bulgaria" is derived from the
river "Volga, allegedly where the Bulgarians came from. We are also led to believe that the
Bulgarians were descendents of a small Tartar/Turkish tribe that invaded the region a long time ago
and were assimilated by the Slavs. So according to Western sources, Bulgarians are not exactly
pure Slavs or pure Tartar/ Turk but a mix of both, enough to make them different from other Slavs
and enough to divide them from the Slav fold. Being part Slav, Bulgarians could lay claim to the
"Slav speaking residents of Macedonia" on account that they too were Slav. Being part Tartar/Turk
and a descendent of the "Volga" made the Bulgarians newcomers in their own land. Thus being
newcomers to the Balkans, the Bulgarians could not lay claim to the heritage of Ancient
Macedonia. Bulgarians however, could lay claims to items that did not fit the Hellenic model like
the Modern Macedonian (Slav) Culture and language. More on this in future articles. If you wish to
learn more about the above you will find useful information in George Macaulay Trevelyan's book
"British History in the Nineteenth Century (1782 - 1901)", Longmans 1927.
32
After 1878, while the Macedonian economy was crashing down by leaps and bounds, the Bulgarian
economy was improving dramatically. This was partly due to the cheap labour provided by a large
influx of Macedonian pechalbari (migrant workers). Experiencing a very different life in Sofia in
contrast to life in the village, many Macedonian pechalbari were seduced into believing the
Bulgarian propaganda (Macedonians are Bulgarians).
After 1878, the first Macedonians to take up arms were those who were wronged and wanted to see
justice done. Soon however, they realized that their efforts were futile and their revenge only
resulted in the loss of innocent lives (relatives and neigbours were punished for their crimes,
sometimes by death). Macedonian leaders came to the conclusion that what they truly wanted could
only be achieved if the Turks were expelled from Macedonia for good.
It was the charismatic humanitarian William Gladstone, a British Prime Minister three times, who
uttered the words "Macedonia for the Macedonians" which rang out like loud church bells
throughout Macedonia. "Macedonia for the Macedonians" was the signal that rallied the
Macedonians into action and gave them hope that finally the West would support their cause. In
spite of his great sympathy for the Macedonian people, unfortunately, Gladstone was not in a
position to help. The best the Super Powers could offer were "reforms". A great number of reforms
were drafted and agreed upon but never implemented. The Turkish Pashas continued to humour the
Westerners with reams and reams of fictional statistics and accomplishments while the Begs
(feudal lords) continued to dominate the "Chiflik" (estates) and squeeze the village peasants out of
their existence. The only visible reforms were rail and road improvements sponsored by western
companies who were able to divert Ottoman finances from the state budgets. Peasants who owned
some land were taxed so excessively that they had to work on Sundays at road and bridge building
to catch up on back taxes. To get such a job, they had to resort to bribery. As if that was not
enough, in 1889 the tax burden was further increased by re-imposing a personal tax of seven
shillings per year for each newborn son, reduced only when the boy was able to work at age fifteen.
Some of these taxes were raised to assist small-scale manufacturing, which was largely owned by
foreign investors. Village peasants were forced to sell, for next to nothing, their most valued
possessions, hand-made crafts, old coins and heirlooms to pay for these taxes.
To further aggravate the situation, lawless acts by the Turkish authorities, without any avenue for
appeal, contributed to the oppressive climate in the villages. In addition to pillaging, Turkish
soldiers now plundered the farms and villages for their daily sustenance. The Turkish
administration was in such disarray that suppliers of the military were not paid for long periods of
time and were refusing to feed the army.
To counter the plundering, peasant militias began to form but were soon outlawed by the Turkish
authorities.
By late 1890, those Macedonians who had land couldn't afford to work it because of high taxes and
frequent raids. Those who worked for the Begs were at the mercy of their landlord without rights or
legal recourse. The courts were clearly working against the Macedonians and beyond "external
intervention" there was no way to challenge their tyrannical authority. Though the land was fertile,
there was no incentive to work. Agrarian life became a burden, filling village life with hopelessness
and crushing the spirit of the Macedonian peasant. Many Macedonian men left their families and
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turned to pechalbarstvo (migrant work), travelling to various foreign countries in search of work
but often returned home poorer due to high travel and lodging expenses. It was during these times
that large emigrant Macedonian communities began to form in cities like Sofia, Paris, London, etc.
Besides migrant workers, Macedonian young men also traveled abroad to attend higher education.
They too became involved in the growing Macedonian worker communities. By the late 1890's
over 100,000 Macedonian men were working or studying outside of Macedonia. Cafe
conversations, dominated by discussions of "what to do to improve the situation at home" became
commonplace. It was clear to many that the discontentment they were experiencing was not a local
or village issue, but a matter that enveloped all of Macedonia. It was also clear that Turkey would
not allow Macedonia to protect herself or Turkish courts to rule in Macedonia's favour. It became
clear to all that the only option open to a Macedonian was outright rebellion, a rebellion that would
have common purpose, tactical mobilization and central direction. There were many lessons to be
learned from the great deeds and disasters of the American war of Independence, the French
Revolution and others. By the late 1890's, Turkish tyranny was not the only ill in Macedonia. There
was also the process of Hellenization, Greek propaganda and the Greek clergy to contend with.
Beyond that, there was Bulgarian propaganda that was becoming more venomous by the day.
On another front, escalated Bulgarian activities in Macedonia prompted Greece and Serbia to
reconsider an old alliance (1866-67) of restoring ecclesiastical unity under the Patriarch in order to
take away from the Exarchate. This alliance, due to Greek greed, for the time did not work out.
This however, would be a prelude for a future and deadlier alliance that would last to this day.
By 1890, the rebellion started to organize and gain momentum. The students were the first to take
action. A student revolutionary organization was formed in Switzerland and one in Bulgaria. Both
used various tactics to combat anti-Macedonian chauvinist Balkan propaganda. Organized in 1891,
the group in Bulgaria allied itself with the organization of Macedonian emigrant workers
(Pechalbari) in Sofia and had much success. In time more organizations sprung up in Russia,
Britain and Greece but none could match the achievements of the Sofia based "Young Macedonian
Literary Society" under the tutelage of Petar Pop Arsov. This Society of young Macedonians
formulated its own constitution and managed the revolutionary publication "Loza" (Vine). The first
issue of Loza came out in January of 1892, followed by six more publications before the Society
was denounced by the Greek and Serbian press, and claimed as "its own" by the Bulgarian press.
According to official Bulgarian State policy, "Macedonians were Bulgarians" and any worthwhile
Macedonian creation belonged to Bulgaria.
While émigré Macedonian students were fighting Greek and Bulgarian propaganda and shoring up
Western support, an historic moment inside Macedonia was about to unveil. It was October 23rd,
1893 in Solun (Salonika) when two high school teachers, Damjan Gruev and Anton Dimitrov
together with Petar Pop Arsov, a former editor of Loza and Hristo Tatarchev, a doctor got together
in bookshop owner Ivan Nikolov's house for an informal meeting. The main point of discussion
was the plight of the Macedonian people and what to do about it. As word got around a committee
was formed, more Macedonians got involved and a second (formal) meeting was held on February
9th, 1894. The topics of discussion included the drafting of a constitution to guide the committee.
By the end of the meeting the committee made the following resolutions:
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1. The committee will be revolutionary in nature and will remain secret. 2. Its revolutionary
activities will be confined to inside Macedonia's borders. 3. Irrespective of nationality or religion,
any Macedonian can become a member of the committee.
The committee also set out for itself the following objectives, which were later ratified at the first
Revolutionary Congress held in Resen in August 1894:
1. destroy the Ottoman social system, 2. remain an "independent" organization, and 3. seek
Macedonian autonomy.
The organization became known as Vnatrezhna (Internal) Makedonska (Macedonian)
Revolutsionerna (Revolutionary) Organizatsia (Organization), VMRO (IMRO).
Being of clandestine nature, IMRO had some difficulties recruiting new members but within a year
or so, its influence extended beyond Solun and into the rest of Macedonia. Initially, the
organization was more ideological and less practical with the majority of its recruits being teachers,
most of whom taught at the Exarchate schools inside Macedonia. To rally the masses the
organization needed to educate them and bring them in line with IMRO's objectives. For that, it
needed a charismatic leader who was able to talk to people at their own level, and who was free to
travel without too much interference from the authorities. The man who answered that call was
Gotse Delchev, a man of vision matched by only a few, the father of the Macedonian Revolution
and the soul of the movement. (If you want to learn more about the IMRO leadership, you must
read Michael Radin's book "IMRO and the Macedonian Question").
Gotse was a realist and at the same time an idealist who loved people, hated tyranny and saw the
world as a place of many cultures living together in peace. As a realist Gotse knew that in order for
a revolution to be successful it had to be a "moral revolution" of mind, heart and soul of an
enslaved people. People needed to feel like people with rights and freedoms and not like slaves.
With that in mind Gotse set out to build up a revolutionary conscience in the Macedonian
population and thus set the revolutionary wheels in motion. Gotse's installment as undisputed leader
of the IMRO was consolidated during the Solun Congress of 1896 after which IMRO began to
massively organize. Gotse's abilities to "listen and learn" brought him close to the problems of
ordinary people who wanted freedom but also wanted to preserve their religions, culture and way of
life.
With Gotse's field research in mind, the IMRO strategy was to "give the people what they want"
and win them over. Initially, the strategy worked well and won IMRO the support it needed and by
1896, it was able to exert influence to a point where it acted as a state within a state taking over
administrative positions from the Ottomans, leading boycotts against Ottoman institutions and
offering isolated villages protection from Greek and Bulgarian sponsored brigands.
In time, IMRO operatives were able to penetrate Ottoman economic, educational and even judicial
functions. The downside of "giving the people what they want", opened the doors for Bulgarian
infiltration. By "attitude" and by use of the Greek language, it was easy to recognize Greek
influence but it was not as simple to recognize the Bulgarian one. While the Greeks cared nothing
35
about Macedonian affairs and loathed the Macedonian language, the Bulgarians were a part of
Macedonian affairs and eloquently spoke the Macedonian language.
By far the largest Bulgarian infiltration into Macedonian affairs took place in Sofia among the
pechalbari. As I mentioned earlier, the cosmopolitan lifestyle in Sofia, a far cry from life in the
village, seduced some Macedonians to succumb to Bulgarian propaganda, which resulted in the
formation of the "External Macedonian Revolutionary Organization" better known as the "Supreme
Macedonian Committee". This organization was formed in Sofia in March of 1895 and was termed
the "Trojan Horse" of IMRO by Gotse Delchev. The initial membership consisted of emigrant
Macedonian nationalists but in time its leadership was infiltrated by officers from the Bulgarian
State army ranks. The objectives, on the surface of this "two faced" organization termed "Vrhovist"
(Supremacist) by the IMRO, were to fight for Macedonia's independence by armed intervention in
an aggressive revolutionary manner.
Its true nature however, (concealed from the people) was to undermine the IMRO by subordinating
its central committee to its own "Supremacist directives". This and the fact that Vrhovism
masqueraded itself as "Macedonian patriotism" in the eyes of the Macedonian people very much
disturbed Gotse Delchev. True to his nature of keeping an open mind, Delchev along with Gruev
took a trip to Sofia in hopes of reconciling their differences with the Vrhovists but came back more
disillusioned. Instead of receiving a handshake, on March 20th, 1896, Gotse was informed that
IMRO would no longer be supported by Bulgaria and all finances and arms would be cut off and
from here on forward, the Vrhovists would decide what actions the IMRO would take inside
Macedonia. This was indeed an attempt by the Vrhovists to usurp control of IMRO.
Disappointed but not disillusioned, Gotse turned to "Mother Russia" for assistance, but there too he
found no welcome reception. Russia had no interest in helping IMRO because there were no
advantages to gain from liberating Macedonia (given Russia's current relationship with the Western
Powers).
Due to IMRO's popularity, strength and ability to recognize a "Trojan Horse", the Bulgarian led
organization failed to achieve its true objectives. After that it resorted to violent attacks and
assassination attempts with the aim of eliminating the entire IMRO structure and its leadership. It
used armed interventions in order to provoke Ottoman reprisals against innocent village peasants
and put the blame on IMRO. By selective propaganda and by vilifying the Ottomans in the eyes of
the world, the Bulgarian led organization was hoping for a Super Power intervention to weaken the
Turk and at the same time create a climate for a Bulgarian invasion (disguised as a "liberation" of
the oppressed Macedonians).
In the meantime both Delchev and Gruev were promoted to the rank of "District Inspector of
Schools" in their employment, enabling them to travel unabated and without suspicion. Using
inspection tours as cover, they were able to find ways to purchase and smuggle arms into
Macedonia. They also took time to address Macedonian villages and make personal contacts with
the village chiefs. Many people flocked to hear what these legendary figures of men, patriots, and
saviors had to say. Unfortunately, lecturing out in the open placed IMRO leaders at risk from spies.
As a result on one occasion, Gotse was arrested by the Turkish authorities in May of 1896 and
36
spent 26 days in jail. When the Turks couldn't find anything to charge him with, Gotse was
released.
Bulgarian influence was not limited to Vrhovist actions alone. Bulgarian undercover agents were
dispatched to Solun to spy on IMRO activities and report back to the Bulgarian State. The
Exarchate also had policies of its own and continued to rally the Macedonian youth for its own
cause. When it seemed like the IMRO was unbreakable, the Vrhovists resorted to infiltrating the
IMRO leadership itself, which in time brought them some success. Bulgarian interference in IMRO
policies caused hardships and internal squabbling between executive committee members and
eventually caused the organization to split into hostile factions. This undermined IMRO's
credibility with the outside world.
The Vrhovists badly wanted to provoke Turkey so that they could "liberate" Macedonia, but the
Super Powers, especially Russia and Britain "didn't buy it" and saw their actions as provocative and
dangerous. While the Vrhovist leadership agreed to curb its provocative actions, its armed wing of
insurgents however, had already penetrated and captured parts of Eastern Macedonia. Even though
the invasion lasted about two days, it became clear as to "who was who" and the true Vrhovist
agenda was exposed. After that IMRO gave the Vrhovists a stern warning to "stay out of
Macedonia" and to use Delchev's words, "whoever works for the unification with Greece or
Bulgaria is a good Greek or Good Bulgarian but NOT a good Macedonian".
After that while IMRO worked for a "Macedonia for the Macedonians" the Bulgarian Supreme
Committee openly worked for a "Macedonia for the Bulgarians". IMRO leadership strove to purify
IMRO from the Vrhovist infiltration. In essence, the IMRO constitution was bolstered to exclude
Vrhovist demands and still be able to give the Macedonian people what they wanted. The IMRO
leadership, without much success, made attempts to infiltrate and sabotage the Vrhovist Supreme
Committee by making frequent trips to Sofia and attempting to rally dissident emigrant forces
inside Bulgaria.
While the Vrhovists were plotting against IMRO and the Macedonian people from the north, a new
menace was brewing from the south. On April 9th, 1897 armed Greek bands began to aggressively
cross into Macedonian. The Turks protested this action to the Super Powers but the Greeks denied
responsibility insisting all along that it was the Macedonian Cheti.
It didn't take too long before the Turks took the offensive and drove the Greeks out of Thessaly.
When the Turks were about overtake the entire country the Super Powers intervened on Greece's
behalf to once again save her. The Greek Government in charge of the invasion fell out of grace
and when a new Government was elected, it agreed to pay a hefty fine, which consisted of four
million Turkish pounds, as well as giving up Thessaly to the Turks. In addition to losing grace,
Greece had to relinquish control of her own finances (to the Super Powers) to ensure prompt
payment of the fine. The Super Powers, without German support forced the Sultan to accept the
offer and sign a peace deal. The Germans never forgave the Greeks for lying to them about their
aggressive actions against the Turks. The Germans at that time were responsible for Turkey.
Outside of Greek brigand actions, for the moment at least, Greece was not a direct threat to IMRO.
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IMRO demonstrated great leadership by its ability to organize Macedonia into seven revolutionary
districts (Solun, Serres, Strumitsa, Shtip, Skopje, Bitola and Endrene{Macedonian Dardannelles}).
It also demonstrated its weaknesses. Having allied itself with the poor village peasants and striving
to refrain from obligations and debts, IMRO found itself strapped for finances. The IMRO
committee was unable to raise all the necessary funds to finance its campaigns. While the
leadership turned a blind eye, the local commanders resorted to kidnapping rich landowners,
merchants and foreign dignitaries for ransom. Kidnappings did not exclude foreign missionaries
like Miss Stone who fell into the hands of Sandanski's Cheta (armed band).
Taken by the plight of her captors, Miss Stone herself voluntarily made sure the ransom was paid in
full. Short of finances mostly due to the unfriendly terms with the Vrhovist Supreme Command in
Sofia, IMRO found itself lacking the necessary arsenal to wage war. Subordination to Bulgarian
demands was out of the question so Gotse had to look elsewhere to get his weapons. Efforts were
made to purchase weapons from Greece, Albania and even from the Turks themselves but without
too much success. By 1897, the situation was getting desperate so the IMRO leadership resorted to
purchasing from the black market, even stealing weapons.
One such purchase was made from the Bulgarian Military. The military allowed the sale of
outdated guns but later refused to sell cartridges, fearing the weapons may be turned against them.
On October 1900, Chakalarov, a local chief in the Lerin / Kostur regions who spoke Greek, dressed
up as an Albanian pretending to be from Ianitsa, was successful in purchasing some arms from
Athens. Later attempts by others however, were not so successful. On one occasion, a translator
betrayed the purchasers to the Turkish console on the advice of a Greek priest. After that the Turks
trusted this translator and made him a sergeant in their gendarme. He served the Turks well and
brought them much success in their search and destroy missions until he discovered he could make
even more money by taking bribes before turning people in. As a result of this man's actions many
band members were killed in many villages.
The lack of sufficient arms brought home the realization that this "uprising" was going to be a long
one. Here again Gotse and the IMRO leadership proved their worth by adopting a policy of selfarming. With a little bit of skill on weapons manufacture, learned from the Armenian
Revolutionaries, IMRO set up a number of munitions factories in remote and secluded areas,
capable of producing home made bombs and other explosives.
Unfortunately, in 1900 during a raid at one of these factories, Dame Gruev was arrested by the
Turkish authorities and imprisoned in Bitola. He came back to active duty in April 1903. In spite of
all efforts made to obtain them, the Macedonian "Cheti" lacked arms but had plenty of courage to
make up for it, which in time put fear in the Turkish hearts. As IMRO grew beyond its ideological
stage, it began to recruit, equip and train fighters. Volunteers were recruited mainly from the
villages, young men who were willing to fight for their freedom. Those who were in trouble with
the law (brigands) were armed and recruited into active duty. Those were men who flourished by
attacking Turks and stealing from them. They were admired for their courage and ability to live
free. They were men who practiced the art of war, knew how to live in the open, how to ambush
and how to hide. They were the men who taught the young Macedonian recruits to fight and win.
The rest were reservists and lived at home, only called to duty as required.
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Each reservist was expected to purchase and secure his own rifle and ammunition. Recruitment was
carried out in utmost secrecy. Even women were enlisted in the Macedonian revolution, but their
role was limited to cooking, washing, mending clothing and nursing the wounded. The primary role
of a fighter was to defend the people from Turkish and brigand attacks. The Cheti consisted of
about five to ten men, organized for rapid mobilization and quick response. The goal was to have
one Cheta responsible for one village (preferably their own) in all of Macedonia. The leader of each
Cheta was chosen for his abilities to lead his men, and more so, for the peoples' confidence in him
to protect their village. To respond quickly, the Cheta had to be familiar with the village's terrain
and escape routes. To maintain secrecy all orders were given by word of mouth.
The IMRO mobilization managed to elude the Turkish authorities for a long time. However, an
unfortunate discovery of some explosives accidentally uncovered the secret and led the Turkish
militia on wide "search and destroy missions". The militia's conduct unfortunately was less than
honourable when the soldiers took to torturing innocent people and burning properties in order to
obtain confessions. The Cheti's responsibility was to ambush the militia, using guerrilla tactics,
before they entered villages and prevent them from doing harm. This however, did not always work
so some of the Cheta Chiefs resorted to retaliations and reprisals for crimes already committed.
Although poorly armed and vastly under-manned (sometimes as high as 10 Turks to 1
Macedonian), the Cheti fought fierce battles and gained legendary reputations among both the
Turks and the Macedonians. Unfortunately, as the Ottoman authorities became more aware of
IMRO's intentions the Turkish militias began to swell with soldiers. If that was not enough, at about
the same time the Exarchate, suspecting IMRO affiliation, began to dismiss Macedonian teachers
on mass. Even though most Macedonian teachers despised working for the Exarchate, they used the
schools as a means of promoting IMRO's aims. They frequently gave lectures, taught Macedonian
patriotic songs, canvassed house to house etc. This was a blow to IMRO.
A more severe blow however, came in April of 1897 in what was termed as the "GoluchowskiMuraviev Agreement". This was an agreement drawn up by Tsar Nikolas II of Russia and Emperor
Franz Joseph of Austria regarding the future of the remainder of the Ottoman Empire. In part, the
agreement stated that, at some future time, the Macedonian territory would be divided equally
between Greece, Serbia and Bulgaria. In other words, when the Super Powers got their fill of
Turkey and abandoned her, Greece, Serbia and Bulgaria were welcome to take their turn. This
indeed was bad news and as history showed, it was devastating for IMRO and disastrous for the
Macedonian people.
In about 1898, the Bulgarian Exarchate, instructed by the Bulgarian Prime Minister, created a
Vrhovist organization inside Macedonia, based in Solun known as the "Revolutionary
Brotherhood" which in turn began to form its own Cheti. While pretending to be part of IMRO, the
purpose of this organization was to carry out terrorist activities and in the eyes of the world,
discredit the real IMRO. By the year 1900, IMRO's enemies were growing in numbers and
intensifying in ferocity. IMRO's woes were just beginning when they discovered that the Vrhovists
had dispatched six assassins to murder Delchev and Sandanski (a legendary Cheta chief
affectionately known as the "Tsar of Pirin").
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The Vrhovist Cheti were raining terror on Macedonian villages provoking the Turks to act.
Although never proven, it was alleged that the Vrhovist leaders were working with the Turks in
successfully arresting members of IMRO, destroying munitions depots and torturing, raping and
murdering people. Even the Turks themselves participated in sabotage tactics. Several Greek spies
were killed at one time and the IMRO was blamed. As a result of this, many organizers were
rounded up and arrested. In reality however, it was Turkish Begs who committed the crimes as was
later discovered. The same Begs were seen attacking Turkish tax collectors. Failing to assassinate
Delchev and Sandanski, the six assassins, in their frustration, turned to attacking people, burning
down villages and stealing money and claiming it to be the work of IMRO. Several important
leaders, including the famous "Marko Lerinski" (the "Tsar of Lerin"), Cheta leader of the Lerin and
Kostur Regions, was killed in these attacks.
All was not lost however, during the next attack, Sandanski was ready for the Vrhovists and in
September 1902, sent them packing. The Turks did the rest by crushing the Vrhovist remnants in
November of the same year. The disturbances and civil strife were enough to convince Turkey that
yet another uprising may be imminent and that she should take action to prevent it. As usual,
violence was answered with more violence. The Turks initiated a wide campaign of search and
destroy missions exacting serious retributions and terror on the village populations. In addition to
regular Turkish troops, the Ottomans now enlisted reserves from the Albanian Muslim fold. Every
bridge, railway cutting and railway tunnel was guarded. Also, every village had a garrison of ten or
more troops guarding it.
While the Turkish troops were content with "fighting it out" with the Cheti then retiring to their
barracks, the Albanian reservists avoided direct confrontations and preferred to join the BashiBazouks (armed civilian Muslims) in pillaging and plundering the villages. These gendarmes,
recruited from the Albanian Gheg Muslim community, had a vested interest in disorder. The
gendarmes allowed law-breakers to exist so that they could keep their employment. They rarely
engaged in combat and their meager pay was always in arrears so they readily accepted bribes to
make their living. Both the Patriarchate and Exarchate were known to bribe the gendarmes in order
to allow Greek and Bulgarian brigands to function freely.
To make a bad situation worse, at the end of August 1902, the Vrhovists showed up in Macedonia
uninvited and began to issue orders directly to the local chiefs to start the rebellion. According to
Vrhovist plans the rebellion was ordered to begin September 20th, 1902. This was news to IMRO.
This latest bold Vrhovist action turned a lot of heads including that of Vasil Chakalarov.
Chakalarov was a respected chief and managed to sway the people away from the Vrhovists. But
the Vrhovists were not finished and began to publicly accuse Chakalarov and the others of being
cowards and peasants for not wanting to fight. When that still didn't work, Chakalarov was
personally called a thief, allegedly having stolen a fortune from the Vrhovist money allocated for
purchasing arms. Fortunately the Macedonian people knew that Chakalarov was a decent man.
They also knew that the Vrhovists didn't contribute any funds for purchasing arms. Left alone,
unable to start the rebellion, the Vrhovists tucked their tails and went elsewhere to cause trouble.
This latest Vrhovist action did not go unnoticed by the Turks and put IMRO in a difficult situation.
The Vrhovists, for a long time wanted to get IMRO into a fight with the Turkish army but so far
were not successful. This time unfortunately, their wishes were about to come true. The Vrhovists
40
believed that a fight with IMRO would weaken Turkey enough to make a Bulgarian invasion
possible. They encouraged the Cheti Chiefs to "start the insurrection and Bulgaria would finish it"
for them. "Bulgaria has hundreds of thousands of troops standing by and will come to your rescue
as soon as the first shot is fired" is what the Vrhovists were preaching to the Macedonian chiefs.
IMRO knew that its fighters were not ready for a frontal attack with the Turkish militia. They also
knew that fighting or not, the Turkish militia was going to destroy Macedonia village by village
one way or another. The Vrhovists on the other hand, could not be trusted for their help because
they had no intention of honouring their promises, their actions made that point very clear in the
past. In either case, IMRO had no choice but to act soon. The search and destroy missions were
putting many innocent people in jeopardy including women and children. Local informants, Greek,
and Bulgarian brigands did not hesitate to inform on the villages, especially if they had an axe to
grind. On many occasion Patriarchate and Exarchate brigands (hired goons) were put out of action
by the Cheti and that made their benefactors angry, who in turn informed on the villages. Brigands
were hired to harass and exact terror on villagers to sway them to change allegiance from one
church to another. The Cheti were fierce fighters and fought gallantly when it came to protecting
their villages but were undermanned and poorly armed. As much as they wanted to they were not
capable of always standing up to the large and well-equipped Turkish militia. The militia on the
other hand, did not always operate under the best of ethics and was open to bribes. The poor people
who couldn't afford bribes fared the worst. Some say it was less of a punishment to produce a rifle
than not to have one at all. Some resorted to purchasing rifles and turning them in just so that they
received a lesser punishment.
On many occasions the houses of those suspected of aiding the Cheta were burned to the ground.
The Turks did not even hesitate to jail old women accused of that crime. Historical accounts show
that during the height of the search and destroy activities the jails in Macedonia were filled beyond
capacity. In fact a Solun jail with the capacity for 500 was holding 900 prisoners (some were held
in the White Tower). There is an old Macedonian saying, "there is nothing worse than being locked
up in a Turkish jail".
On January 31st, 1903, the Turks declared IMRO illegal and sought ways to destroy it. The bad
news for IMRO gave the Vrhovist the necessary momentum they needed to become a wedge
between those in IMRO who wanted an immediate uprising, and those of IMRO who believed that
an uprising at this point in time was suicidal. Gotse Delchev was against this "willing sacrifice" and
was hoping to find a better solution, but time was running out.
A second Solun Congress, dominated by the Vrhovists was staged in February of 1903. Delchev
and most of IMRO's loyal supporters did not attend. A resolution was reached, but not ratified by
the regional committees, that an uprising would take place on Ilinden, on the 2nd of August 1903.
To weaken the Turks, the Vrhovists staged a number of bombings and terrorist acts. The Solun to
Tsari Grad railway was bombed on March 18th as was the Solun Ottoman bank a month later. This
did not weaken the Turks as expected but instead it brought more Turkish troops into Macedonia
and further escalated the violence against innocent civilians. If that was not enough, the sudden rise
in violence against Ottoman institutions was not well received by European investors and
businessmen who saw Ottoman Macedonia as a safe place to invest. The few lonely voices in
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London calling for Macedonian support were quickly drowned out by the many voices of
discontent calling for the demise of the terrorists.
Tragically, Gotse Delchev was killed by the Turks in Banitsa on May 3rd, 1903 a day after the
IMRO Smilevo Congress had started. Termed the Bitola Congress, the purpose of the Smilevo
Congress was to review the resolutions from the Vrhovist dominated Solun Congress held earlier in
the same year. Damjan Gruev (a native of Smilevo) chaired the Congress and tried hard to
realistically present the situation by arguing for and against an early uprising. When the matter was
put to a vote however, the majority declared themselves in favour of an uprising. With these words
"better an end with horrors than horrors without end", Gruev also voted in support of the Ilinden
rebellion.
From here on there was no turning back. A general staff was elected with Gruev as the head and
preparations for the uprising began. In due time plans were made, a military strategy was prepared,
weapons, medical supplies and food-stuffs were requisitioned and stock piled, Cheti were
organized and training drills performed. On July 26th, 1903, by a dispatch to the Great Powers via
the British vice-consul in Bitola, the General Staff formally announced the uprising. Then on July
28th, 1903, IMRO dispatched mounted couriers to all the sub-districts with the message "let the
uprising begin". On the same day the General Staff informed the Ottoman Director of Railways to
warn travelers to choose a different mode of transportation in order to avoid being hurt. In spite of
all odds the brave people of Macedonia heroically rose to the task with valour. They knew well that
the fight they were forced to fight might not bring them what they wanted but they chose to fight
anyway because it was a fight for freedom and freedom after centuries of slavery was valued above
life itself. That however, did not convince the Super Powers to lend a helping hand. Macedonia,
again for a second time within a quarter century was exposed to treachery that would make the
1878 betrayal look like a picnic.
To be continued in part IV.
NOTE: Many of you have asked me to say something about the word "Slav"
The word "Slav" is an English translation of the Macedonian word "Slava" like the word
Macedonia is an English translation of the word Makedonija. Slava in Macedonian means "glory,
fame, renown". "Slaven" in Macedonian means "glorious, famous, renowned, celebrated,
illustrious". "Slavi" in Macedonian means "to glorify, to celebrate, to extol". (page 925, Dushan
Tsrvenkovski's "The Standard Dictionary, English-Macedonian, Macedonian-English").
The word "Pravo" in Macedonian means "right" (page 850, Dushan Tsrvenkovski's "The Standard
Dictionary, English-Macedonian, Macedonian-English").
Putting the two words together "Pravo Slava" assumes a holy meaning like "Pravoslavna vera" or
"Eastern Christian faith".
I want to make it perfectly clear that "Pravoslaven" in Macedonian means "Most Glorious" and
refers to the Christian religion. "Slava" translates to "celebrate" as in a holy celebration. By no
means does the word "Slav" have any connection to "nationality".
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"Slav" to a Macedonian once meant the same as Catholic to an Italian, Jew to a Hebrew, Orthodox
to a Greek, Muslim to an Arab or Hindu to an East Indian. Today however, the beauty of the word
"Slav" has, for political purposes, been twisted into something ugly, undesirable and denigrating to
all Macedonians. More specifically, the Greeks and now the Albanians call the Macedonian people
"Slav" to mean "new comers", "foreigners", "barbarians", "simpletons", "ignorant", "inconsiderate",
etc. So please do not call the Macedonians "Slav," just call them Macedonian.
The Pravoslaven Empire (later renamed Byzantine Empire) lasted from 324AD when the
Pravoslavna vera (Eastern Christian faith) was first adopted as the official religion of the Empire to
1767 when the Phanariots with Turkish help, officially extinguished the Macedonian Church. After
that up until 1850, the Macedonian Church lived underground and continued to operate illegally
keeping the "Pravoslavna vera" and the Macedonian culture alive.
It is well documented that the language of liturgy of the Pravoslavni (people of the Byzantine
Empire) was what we now call "Old Church Slavonic". Old Church Slavonic is a Macedonian
(Solunski) dialect spoken and understood to this day in most parts of geographical Macedonia.
43
Part IV: The 1903 Ilinden Aftermath
In the previous article (part III) I covered the rise of IMRO and internal Macedonian events leading
up to but not including the 1903 Ilinden Macedonian Uprising.
In this article (part IV) I will start where I left off in part III and cover the 1903 Ilinden aftermath
with special focus on the atrocities committed by the Turks and by the so called Greek-Bulgarian
"religious wars".
Before I get into the details of the uprising I would like to make a few points very clear. Many
village civilians died in the aftermath of the 1903 uprising and they were ALL Macedonian.
Brailsford in his book "Macedonia Its Races and their Future" and Dakin in his book "The Greek
Struggle in Macedonia 1897-1913" as well as many other authors provide statistics that show
Greek and Bulgarian civilian casualties. Let me assure you that beyond some high-ranking Greek
and Bulgarian clergy (bishops) and consuls most of whom lived in the larger cities, there were no
Greek or Bulgarian civilians living in the Macedonian villages at that time. Everyone who died in
the villages was Macedonian. The people that were (forcibly) Hellenized and pledged allegiance to
the Greek Orthodox Church were Macedonian. The people that were lured by Bulgarian
propaganda and fooled into joining the Bulgarian Orthodox Church were Macedonian. The
informants that were killed by the Cheti (Macedonian armed revolutionary bands) were
Macedonian. The Greek informants who informed on the Exarchists were Macedonian. The
Bulgarian informants who informed on the Patriarchists were Macedonian. The Patriarchate priests
who preached in Greek in the Churches were mostly Macedonian. The teachers who taught Greek
in the Patriarch sponsored schools were mostly Macedonian. The Exarchate priests who preached
Old Church Slavonic in the Churches were Macedonian. The teachers who taught Bulgarian in the
Exarchate sponsored schools were Macedonian. Even some of the Patriarchate and Exarchate
sponsored hoodlums and brigands were mostly Macedonian.
What makes this sad affair bizarre is that while Macedonians were dying at the hands of the Turk,
Albanian, Greek and Bulgarian armed bands the Greeks were falsifying statistics claiming the
victims to be Greek and Bulgarian. Since there were no Greek or Bulgarian civilians living in the
Macedonian villages then there could be no Greek or Bulgarian victims. Brailsford, Dakin and
others obtained their information through "politically correct" official channels. Unfortunately, the
official channels were quoting biased and unchallenged Greek sources, which supported the Greek
interests and the Greek political point of view. There were no official channels to represent
Macedonian interests or the Macedonian point of view.
The Macedonian people were exploited by the Turks and the Europeans and despised for
complaining. They were forcibly Hellenized then profaned for not being model Hellenes. They
were punished by the Bulgarians for accepting Hellenism then forcibly Bulgarized. Those
Bulgarized were then violated and murdered by the Greeks for switching allegiance. Such was the
fate of the Macedonians greeted by the 20th century. But this was only the beginning, for a new
force, Serbian chauvinism was about to be unleashed.
44
It was dawn August 2nd, 1903 and the men could see their breath in the cool, still morning
mountain air. Darkness was finally giving way to dawn. Not a soul had slept all night. The fervor
and business of the night before had died down. There was only silence now as darkness slowly
yielded to dawn and each man reconciled his thoughts and comforted his fears. The stillness was
interrupted by what seemed like a thunderbolt, when the Cheta chief soberly announced, "It's time".
Like Olympic sprinters, the men rose to their feet ignoring the stiffness of the long night's
motionless rest. Hearts pounding, they picked up their gear and rifles and began the descent down
the mountain towards the chiflicks (estates) below. It was still dark and there was no one in sight.
The men crept up on the barracks in silence. The chief motioned with his hand and the men quickly
scattered and took their positions. The barracks were now surrounded. When a guard inside the
barracks stepped out, the crackle of rifle fire broke the silence of the new day. Black smoke of
gunpowder greeted the first rays of the sun and the cries of the wounded disturbed the serenity of
the morning stillness. It was August 2nd, 1903, Ilinden, a new dawn for the Macedonian people.
By mid-day the Western Region of Macedonia was on fire as church bells rang, rifles crackled and
bellowing smoke enveloped mountains and valleys alike. Five thousand strong had assembled to
show their distaste for Turkish rule. They had no cavalry and no artillery except for the few
cannons made of cherry wood which were more dangerous to them than to the enemy, but they had
faith, spirit and trust in each other. They were the Macedonian Komiti (freedom fighters).
Following Damjan Gruev's orders from Smilevo, the village Cheti combined forces to form the
following: the Smilevo and Gjavato Region Cheta of 650, the Krushevo Region Cheta of 400, the
Kichevo Region Cheta of 350, the Bitola Region Cheta of 250, the Ohrid Region Cheta of 880, the
Resen Region Cheta of 450, the Demir-Hisar Region Cheta of 420, the Prespa Region Cheta of
300, the Kostur Region Cheta of 700 and the Lerin Region Cheta of 450.
I am proud to say that my own great-grandfather Philip at age 53 participated in the Ilinden
uprising. He was issued a rifle and a single shell and told to stand guard at Mount Preol at the
entrance of Prespa. At the first sight of the Turkish militia he was required to fire a warning shot to
let the Cheta know that the Turks were approaching. He survived his bout and lived to the ripe old
age of 92 to tell about it.
The Cheti under the command of capable leaders such as Damjan Gruev, Vasil Chakalarov, Petar
Pop Arsov, Pitu Guli, and others faired well and enjoyed considerable success in the few weeks
before the Turkish militia began to amass. The local villagers also joined the movement giving
moral support to the fighters. Even men from others regions that had not yet risen left their homes
and came to fight.
All in all the Macedonian people possessed the will to fight but lacked the rifles and the
ammunition with which to do it.
When the rebellion began, as a precaution, most villages were evacuated. People who left the
villages took up residence in secluded places up in the mountains. They took with them whatever
they could carry and set up camp with temporary shelters constructed from tree branches and
covered with vegetation. The animals they took with them were fenced out of sight in wooded
areas. They even built underground ovens to cook food and bake bread in safety.
45
Some villages that did not join the rebellion felt it was unnecessary to evacuate because they posed
no threat to the Turks. One such village was Neokazi near Lerin whose residents stayed home
thinking they would be safe. When the Turkish militia passed by, not only did they raze the village,
they also turned on the civilian population. Not being satisfied with just burning the village, the
Turks summoned about 60 Macedonian men and placed them under arrest. On their way to Lerin
the Turks, instead of taking the men to jail, tortured and massacred them in cold blood.
Eyewitnesses reported observing the Turks lining up the men in rows and firing at them to see how
many one bullet could kill.
Three days later, it was Armensko's turn. After losing a skirmish to Chakalarov, Haireddin
Bimbishi's (the butcher of Smrdesh) troops, defeated, angry and embittered were heading for Lerin
when they came across a welcoming committee at Armensko. The priest and other members of the
village went out to greet and welcome the Turks, but the Turks were not pleased and murdered the
welcoming committee on the spot. Bambishi's men then turned on the defenseless village and
pillaged, burned and satisfied their brutal lust undisturbed. Sixty-eight of the villagers were
massacred and ten women and eight girls were violated. "Several women who managed to crawl
out of their burning houses were afterwards caught as they lay dying, and violated repeatedly until
they expired". (page 160, Brailsford, Macedonia its Races and their Future, taken from the "Blue
Book" P. 319.).
The Turkish soldiers had orders to burn down all empty villages because it was a sure sign that they
belonged to the families of the insurgents, and to spare the rest. As it turned out however, those
who didn't join the rebellion and didn't want any trouble not only lost their homes but some even
lost their lives. It was a choice between having your village burned or having it burned and being
massacred as well. It was a hard lesson learned but it didn't help the sick and bedridden who were
burned alive where they lay.
As battles raged on throughout Western Macedonia, the Cheti put down most of the local Turkish
garrisons. They destroyed bridges, railway lines and communications centers, captured most
chifliks and briefly liberated some regions such as Kichevo, Demir-Hisar, Kostur, Lerin, Klisoura
and Neveska. The cities of Kostur and Lerin themselves were not liberated. The most successful
and highly celebrated of all battles however, was the storming of the town of Krushevo. Nikola
Karev led the Cheti in the attack and defeated the local Turkish garrison with ease. The
Macedonians quickly took over the most strategic points like the Post Office, Town Hall and local
Police Station and declared Krushevo liberated. True to their democratic commitments, the leaders
of the liberating force constituted the Krushevo assembly which appointed a committee of sixty
members, twenty from each of the community's Macedonian, Vlach and Albanian population. The
committee in turn elected an executive body of six delegates, two from each community, which
operated as a provisional government. The government in turn established a financial, judiciary and
police force. "At Krushevo, under the rays of temporary liberty, fraternity and equality, national
hatreds were dispelled and peace and concord reigned. For eleven whole days Krushevo lived as a
little independent state, and although in miniature, clothed with flesh and blood that idea which
spurred Macedonians to fight, against tyranny up to the Ilinden rising". (page 193, Vasil Bogov,
Macedonian Revelation, Historical Documents Rock and Shatter Modern Political Ideology).
46
True to his socialist ideals, Nikola Karev drew up the famous Krushevo manifesto, a document
aimed at eliciting support from all the communities including the Muslim Turks and Albanians.
(You can read the full text of the Krushevo manifesto in appendix 3B, staring on page 275, in
Michael Radin's book IMRO and the Macedonian Question. It is most inspiring to learn that in
spite of what the Turks and Albanians had done to the Macedonian people, the Macedonian leaders
still found it within their hearts to show compassion for them.) I also want to add that Brailsford in
his book "Macedonia its Races and their Future" has nothing but praise for the Macedonian Cheti
for their more than exemplary conduct during the uprising.
The "Krushevo Republic" unfortunately, lasted only two weeks, but it was a glorious Republic that
will forever remind the Macedonian people of their eternal struggle for independence and of their
thirst for freedom. The liberation of Krushevo imprinted on the new Macedonian generations the
legacy of a timeless and irreversible march towards self-determination. IMRO came a long way
from a group of academics deliberating what to do in the face of repression to delivering, in a true
revolutionary fashion, a democratic Republic with all the socialist trimmings.
Here again, we see the Macedonian desire for multi-culturalism and for a new multi-ethnic society
waiting to re-surface. The Republic was constituted on a multiracial basis in accordance with the
wishes of the majority of the Macedonian people.
Next to Krushevo, Kostur, under the command of Lazar Pop Trajkov and my favourite hero, Vasil
Chakalarov who faired second best in the tactical mobilization of the Cheti. These brigades staged
successful raids and liberated Klisura and Neveska then returned southward and with the support of
over three thousand villagers, attacked Kostur but without success. In the meantime other Cheti
attacked and liberated Ohrid, which remained free for almost three months. The Ohrid attack was
the most successful in terms of advance planning and administering the establishment of medical
aid, underground workshops, secret bakeries and securing foodstuffs. Ohrid later became the center
for establishing refugee camps for many displaced persons.
Uprisings outside of Western Macedonia were limited to swift guerilla actions consisting mostly of
attacks against Ottoman institutions, bombings of railway lines and the occasional skirmish with
the Turkish militia. Many Cheti were successful in capturing important Turkish officials with aims
of constructing dialog for prospective negotiations but in actuality they met with little success.
Vrhovist involvement, as expected, was minimal during the uprising and brought to light once
again the true nature of Vrhovism (Macedonia for the Bulgarians).
As the Cheti fought gallantly putting down garrison after garrison in the larger towns many of the
smaller villages were left unprotected and open to Bashi-bazouk and Turkish militia attacks.
Keeping in mind the Neokrazi and Armensko incidents, many of the Cheta chiefs felt compelled to
return home to repel such attacks. Due to this and the fact that the Cheti were overpowered by the
numerically superior Turkish militia, in the short term, a large-scale operation against the Turks
never materialized. Unfortunately, as time passed so did the opportunities for a decisive strike, as
an even larger Turkish force was amassing.
47
The initial success of the rebellion was a surprise to the Turks especially since the Turkish forces
were numerically superior to those of the rebels. The Cheti however, demonstrated their abilities in
battle and more than matched the numbers with will. Turkey unfortunately, was determined to put
down the rebellion and amassed additional forces deploying a total of 167,000 infantry, 3,700
cavalry and 440 pieces of artillery (all cannons). Krushevo alone was surrounded by 20,000
Turkish troops with 18 cannons against an encircled force of no more than 1,200 rebel fighters. The
battle to retake Krushevo began on August 12th with the Macedonians crying out "Sloboda ili
Smirt" (liberty or death) against the onslaught of Turkish cannon fire. Pitu Guli and his men fought
gallantly and provided stiff opposition to the Turkish advance but was no match for General
Baktiar Pasha. Baktiar was a skilled war veteran who overwhelmed the Cheti by attacking the
entire region simultaneously. The region was surrounded by soldiers, encircled by cannon fire, and
every Macedonian stronghold inside was attacked simultaneously cutting off all reinforcements and
all outside support.
After the mountains lit up with gunfire and smoke filled the skies, no Super Powers came to the
rescue. Macedonia was left alone to feel the full fury of the Ottoman Empire's army and to pay for
all of Europe's sins committed against the Turks.
Serbia, Greece and Bulgaria were now free, their freedom guaranteed by the Super Powers. When
Greece got into trouble, the Super Powers wasted no time to come to her rescue. Where were the
Super Powers when Macedonia needed their help? Why did they not respond to the cries of the
burning villagers? Why did they not intervene to stop the killing, razing and pounding? Where was
Britain when the European-made Turkish cannons pounded Krushevo to dust?
Once Krushevo fell, one by one other IMRO strongholds began to yield winding down the tenweek-old rebellion. In Krushevo Baktiar Pasha allowed his troops to kill, pillage and rape for three
days, permanently devastating the town. 117 civilians were murdered, 150 women were raped and
159 houses were burned.
In the Ilinden aftermath, according to Radin, in total 4,694 civilians were murdered, 3,122 women
were raped, 12,440 houses were burned, 201 villages were razed, 75,835 people were left homeless
and about 30,000 people left the country for good becoming permanent refugees (page 105, IMRO
and the Macedonian Question). Besides the atrocities committed against the civilian population in
Macedonia, the most significant impact of the uprising was the loss of so many great IMRO
leaders.
Despite the negative attitudes of the European Governments, there was much press about the
Ilinden rebellion. World opinion was generally sympathetic to the Macedonian cause and highly
critical of the Ottoman atrocities. Emigrant Macedonians the world over bombarded the Western
Press with scathing attacks on the British, French and Austrian governments for supporting Turkey,
militarily and financially. Even emigrants as far as the United States, staged large rallies in support
of the rebellion. In New York alone more than 100,000 gathered to show support.
A Chicago newspaper reported that a Macedonian regiment had formed in that city and was
preparing to take part in the rebellion. Closer to home, south Slav Nations such as Slovenia and
Vojvodina held public meetings in support of the Macedonian Revolution. Even the European press
48
featured sympathetic headlines when covering the rebellion. "It was a bitter struggle between the
tortured slaves fighting on masse, often without weapons, but on spirit alone, for life and liberty;
and the sadistic Pasha and his cohorts, murdering and plundering with rabidity" (Giorgio
Nurigiani).
British official policy however, was less than sympathetic. According to the Daily News,
September 14, 1903, Prime Minister Balfour told the House of Commons "...the balance of
criminality lies not with the Turks, but with the rebels". The paper was critical of this attitude and
recorded the following editorial: "The balance of criminality is surely here in our own land. Britain
had denied Macedonia freedom at Berlin, knowing that (continued) Ottoman rule was synonymous
with cruelty and tyranny, and by adopting a laissez-faire attitude at the juncture, Britain is a
consenting party to all the ghastly murders and massacres in Macedonia..." (Radin, page 107,
IMRO and the Macedonian Question).
While there was public outcry in the streets regarding the treatment of Macedonians, the British
Government cared less about Macedonia's suffering than about Bulgarian threats to their precious
Ottoman Empire. Being weakened by the Macedonian rebellion, the thinking in London was that
Turkey was now ripe for a Bulgarian invasion. Balfour used the Macedonian rebellion as a pretext
to move Britain's Mediterranean Fleet into the Aegean Sea fearing that war between Bulgaria and
Turkey was now inevitable.
At about the same time Greek-Turkish relations began to warm up. The souring relationship
between Turkey and Bulgaria was seen as a new opportunity by Greece to accelerate her
Hellenization activities inside Macedonia. Making her way to Turkey, Greece had to first prop up
her cool relationship with Germany. Her first attempt was initiated by inviting German help to reorganize the Greek military. After that, Greece began to grant industrial and commercial favours to
German businessmen including the re-organization of the Greek telegraph.
The Turks on the other hand, were looking for allies. The loss of Ottoman Crete to the Greeks was
only a bruise to the Turkish ego, so the Turks were willing to forgive and forget. Losing Macedonia
however, was serious business, and bolstering the friendship with Greece was one way of staving
off Bulgarian advances.
To preserve whatever they could from a failing rebellion, IMRO turned its attention to diplomacy.
In September 1903, Pere Toshev of IMRO took a trip to Tsari Grad (Constantinople) to elicit some
guarantees from official representatives of the Super Powers. Toshev's only request was that
Macedonia be governed by a Christian governor. Unfortunately, his request was rejected in favour
of the status quo. Later however, when statistics of Turkish atrocities started pouring in, the Super
Power attitude softened a little. In October the Super Powers re-considered Toshev's request, but
instead of appointing a Christian governor each nation agreed to send a small "peace-keeping"
force. This did not help the Macedonian position at all, in fact it hindered IMRO from self-defense
initiatives even against Bashi-bazouk attacks.
Turkish atrocities committed against the Macedonian villages in the eyes of the world created bad
publicity for Turkey and for her allies the Western Powers. As a result Turkish popularity started to
decline and so did Turkey's favour with the Super Powers. Being financially strapped and having
49
her hands tied, Turkey turned to her neighbours for assistance. By declaring Macedonia a "multiinterest-zone" and inviting armed propaganda from Greece, Bulgaria and Serbia to counter the
IMRO insurgence, Turkey was hoping to turn the tide of the rebellion in her favour. Again, Super
Power inaction put Macedonia and the Macedonian people into peril.
At the end of August, after the fall of Krushevo, Nasir Pasha was appointed to take over command
from Omar Rushdi Pasha. Rushdi was blamed for the flare-up of the rebellion and Nasir was
chosen to put an end to it. Nasir Pasha was a favourite of the Sultan, spoke German and was
considered civilized by many who had high hopes for a quick end to the rebellion. Unfortunately,
Nasir's plans involved the burning of ALL revolting villages and quickly cornering and rounding up
all those doing the revolting. He certainly had the "right men" with the "right courage" to execute
such a barbaric plan, unfortunately, Nasir Pasha's plan did not involve pursuing the Cheti. "...the
regiments which should have been pursuing the Insurgents found it more agreeable and interesting
to pillage the defenseless villagers and make war on the women and children" (page 155 Brailsford,
Macedonia its Races and their Future). Nasir Pasha's strategy forced IMRO and the Cheti to rethink
their plans and change their tactics. Henceforth, organized Cheti attacks on the Turks subsided and
the Cheti regrouped to take up defensive positions. Concerned for their families and villages some
of the Cheti broke up and returned to defend their own homes. After that, fighting became
disorderly and on November 2nd, 1903, the insurrection was declared at an end.
According to Brailsford, the Cheti fought about 150 battles in total with 746 casualties, which
amounted to about 15 % of the total fighting force. In most of these encounters the Cheti were
outnumbered by at least 10 Turks to 1 Macedonian. (Page 155 Macedonia its Races and their
Future). Before it was all over, the Turks were attacking everywhere, even in secluded areas that
once were beyond militia reach. To save themselves, many civilians resorted to camping among the
fighters and even following them in wild battles. Their only safety was to be with the Cheti.
"...sometimes the battle raged about the lair where the women and children lay, the men fighting
with all their manhood to defend some shallow trench, knowing that behind them cowered wife and
child expecting massacre if their courage failed or their bullets missed the mark". (page 162,
Brailsford, Macedonia its Races and their Future).
Before I finish with the Ilinden uprising I want to mention that even though not much action was
seen in Eastern Macedonia, the Endene (Macedonian Dardanelles or Andrianople) region had also
risen in 1903 to join the Macedonian rebellion. This forgotten region, that once ruled the world,
belonged to Macedonia at one point in time because Macedonians to this day still live there. What
the world calls Pomac (converts from Christianity to Islam) Bulgarians are in fact Macedonians that
converted to Islam. It is believed that the Christians of Endrene initiated the revolt but could not
sustain it for too long due to the numerical superiority of the Muslim militia and the fact that the
region was without mountains and there were no places to hide.
There is no good time to wage war in any society let alone inside a self-sufficient agrarian
microcosm. The leaders of the Ilinden rebellion knew that. They also knew that they would be
risking more than their own lives when they called for a revolt. The crops would not be harvested
and people would starve to death. "Fleeing incessantly, they soon left behind them their stores of
food and their herds of beasts. They were now shelterless under cold skies. There were villages
which lived for days together on roots and salad grasses. The young children died in large numbers,
50
and men and women graduated for the epidemics which were to decimate those whom the Turks
had spared". (page 162, Brailsford, Macedonia its Races and their Future). Those who came back
from the mountains alive didn't fair well either. People from the burned villages crowded in towns
where helpless masses of starving women begged for bread door to door. They lost everything,
home, crops, cattle and hand made clothing that were to last them for half a lifetime. It was through
the generosity and charity of neighbours that most of them managed to survive. Macedonians
possess a unique compassion for all living things. Love and respect for life flourishes from
generation to generation and is part of the Macedonian tradition.
IMRO leaders that survived the rebellion responded decisively to the new crisis by establishing
temporary centers to distribute urgently needed food and medical supplies to the displaced
population. While doing that, they were also fighting a political battle with the Vrhovists for
control of IMRO itself. The Bulgarians had dispatched Komitadjis (assassins) to eliminate the "old
guard" but the legendary Yane Sandanski and his Cheta remained active and fought back fearlessly.
When word got out that Sandanski was still active he gained a large following and was able to
successfully repel all the assassination attempts.
History, in a sterile sense, tends to remark on the numbers of casualties directly associated with the
conflict but shies away from the true ugliness of a war's aftermath. The real casualties of a conflict
are the innocents that through no fault of their own are left to bear the consequences of the war. The
most unfortunate are those in whose homes the war is waged. For them, there is no escape. It is
easy to show numbers and statistics of the dead, wounded, homeless, raped, orphaned, maimed,
etc., but it is hard to imagine their horrific experience. History has a way of separating "us from
them" and distancing our feelings from theirs. But that hardly does them justice if we can't even
imagine their pain, anguish, frustration, fear, despair, hunger, humiliation and hopelessness. Many
innocent children died a horrible death in the Ilinden aftermath and their sacrifices must not be
forgotten.
"The young women fared the worst, for, when the troops (Turks) could catch them, they were often
carried off to the Turkish camps and there kept for some days until the last brute who desired them
had had his will". (page 163, Brailsford, Macedonia its Races and their Future). Many of these
young girls that survived returned to their village but instead of finding a home they found
abandoned ruins and again fell prey to prowling soldiers or marauding Bashi-bazouks.
The story of the Macedonian fallen becomes more tragic when "history books" written by
Macedonia's enemies or by those influenced by "politically correct propaganda", claim the
Macedonian dead to be Greeks, Bulgarians and Serbians. It seems that the injustices committed
against the Macedonian people do not end with the living but continue to haunt even the dead. Is it
not enough that the living are robbed of their dignity, must the dead also be robbed of theirs? As
long as authors neglect to mention the "Macedonians" in the "Macedonian epic struggle for
independence" there can be no rest for the living or the dead. Those fallen men and women were
Macedonians and died in a courageous struggle to free Macedonia. They were NOT Greeks, they
were NOT Bulgarians and they were NOT Serbians. Let's not allow their enemies who robbed their
children of their future to also rob them of their dignity. It is imperative that historians understand
that anyone who unwittingly or willingly is alleging Macedonians to be Greek, Bulgarian or
51
Serbian is propagating the "Greek lie" and committing a moral wrong against the Macedonian
people.
The Ilinden rebellion had no happy ending for Macedonia. The Macedonian people lost their bid
for freedom and paid the ultimate price. Henry Brailsford in his book "Macedonia its Races and
their Future" describes the Ilinden aftermath in some detail by providing specific accounts of some
of the worst horrors perpetrated. Brailsford was an aid worker inside Macedonia during the conflict
and was witness to some of the accounts in his book. The book is worth reading, as long as you
keep in mind that when he talks about Bulgarians and Greeks he means Macedonians who
belonged to the Exarchate or Patriarchate Church.
I also ran into an article on the Internet by Blagoj Stoikoski, Sixth International Congress on SouthEast Europe, Sofia, 1989 (MANU, Skopje 1991), "THE POST-ILINDEN EVENTS IN
MACEDONIA DURING 1904 ACCORDING TO NORWEGIAN REPORTS" posted at
www.makedonika.org/STOICOVSKI1.htm
The author of these reports is Karl Ingvar Nandrup, who wrote on seven separate occasions to His
Majesty Oscar II, king of the Norwegian-Swedish union during his stay in Macedonia, from the
beginning of 1903 to December 30, 1904. In fact, this Norwegian officer had been sent to
Macedonia under the sponsorship of Sweden and Norway to work as an inspector in the Turkish
Gendarmerie (as a result of the "Padar's Reforms" of February 1903).
The author of the above article has succeeded in finding two of Nandrup's reports, one from May
16th, and the other from December 30th, 1904. The original reports were written in Norwegian and
sent to the king in dispatches from Skopje.
In addition to being documents of value, the reports are also worthwhile reading.
"Every village which joined the revolt did so with the knowledge that it might be burned to the
ground, pillaged to the last blanket and the last chicken, and its population decimated in the
process. That the Macedonians voluntarily faced these dangers is a proof of their desperation."
(page 159, Brailsford, Macedonia its Races and their Future).
The Macedonian rebellion did not succeed because there were too many factors working against it.
The Macedonian people showed will and determination and rose to the task in spite of all odds.
Compared to the Serbian, Greek and Bulgarian rebellions, the Macedonians were the most
determined, well organized, and most desperate but they were not ready. The Serbians, Greeks and
Bulgarian had only one enemy, the Turks and received a lot of help from friends in high places (the
Super Powers). In contrast no one, outside of the Macedonians wanted the Macedonians to succeed.
The Greeks and especially the Bulgarians went out their way to create obstacles. The Super
Powers, believing that they had nothing to gain, also abstained from helping Macedonia. The
Serbian, Greek and Bulgarian struggle for independence prepared the Turks and made them more
determined to deal with the Macedonians. "The Turks had made war upon the women and children,
and the men dared not prolong the unequal conflict with starvation". (page 163, Brailsford,
Macedonia its Races and their Future).
52
When the conflict was over, the people that returned to their villages were devastated to find their
homes destroyed. On top of all their ills, winter was fast approaching and no food or shelter was to
be found. "The villages were mere heaps of charred wood and blackened stone, buried beneath a
red dust which the rain converted to mud. A few walls still stood upright, the only hope for the
winter". (page 164, Brailsford, Macedonia its Races and their Future). To make matters worse, a
curfew was placed on travel and those away from home found themselves stranded. Those in need
of work were no longer allowed to leave their vilayets. This was the first time in Macedonian
history that Macedonians ever considered permanent emigration. Many early Macedonian
emigrants to Canada, the USA and Australia were refugees from the Ilinden aftermath.
When reports of the uprising could no longer be contained and filtered out to the foreign media, it
became clear that the Turks were not as successful as they claimed in keeping peace and
maintaining the status quo in Macedonia. The Great Powers, Britain in particular, were disturbed
by the atrocities committed by Turkish soldiers. On Britain's insistence the Super Powers
recommended European officers take over command of the Turkish gendarmerie. Unfortunately,
the European officers were Christians and the Turks refused to take orders from them. The German
officers had some success because they had trained the Turks but not enough to make a difference.
To prevent the situation from deteriorating further, Britain pushed for high-level reforms which
resulted in the appointment of two Turkish inspectors. One was Hilmi Pasha, former governor of
Yemen. Hilmi Pasha was dispatched to Solun as Inspector General with orders to reform the
Turkish administration. But as usual nothing was done. "Hilmi Pasha issued a proclamation in
Monastir saying that the law courts had been reformed, that the police and gendarmerie had been
reorganized, that Christian village guards had been appointed, that the schools had been reopened
and that roads and bridges had been repaired. He went on to announce that if indeed all was not
working smoothly it was because evil people endeavoured to impede the Government". (page 112,
Dakin, The Greek Struggle in Macedonia 1897-1913). No one was deceived by Hilmi Pasha's
words.
Before the uprising, Russia and Austria proposed "The Vienna Scheme of Reform" which basically
required the Turks to appoint an Inspector General to each of the Macedonian Vilayets for a
minimum of three years. In short, the reforms proposed local control of troop enlistment, local
control of finances and appointment of foreign specialists inside Macedonia. The gendarmes were
to enlist from local sources that would reflect the proportion of the population. General amnesty
was to be given to all under arrest or exiled and all pending law cases were to be settled without
delay. Obviously these reforms did not work and their failure was blamed on Russian and Austrian
neglect.
After the uprising, as the situation in Macedonia worsened, Britain, fearing that Bulgaria would
imminently declare war on Turkey, pushed for more reforms. As a result on October 2nd 1903, the
Murszteg Reform Program was drafted and on October 23rd it was proposed to the Turks. The
reforms in part read as follows:
1. Two Civil agents, one from Russia and the other from Austria were to be attached to the
Inspector General (of police) Hilmi Pasha for two years to accompany him everywhere and call to
53
his attention the abuses and recommend remedies. They were also expected to report all activities
to their respective governments.
2. The Ottoman gendarmerie was to be reorganized by a "general of foreign nationality" and to him
were to be attached military officers from the armies of the Super Powers to lead, supervise,
instruct and report on the activities of the Turks.
3. As soon as the rebellion was put down, the Super Powers would demand an administrative
reorganization of the Macedonian territory based on "nationalities".
4. Administrative and Judicial institutions were to be reorganized allowing Christian employees to
run them.
5. Mixed committees with consular membership from Russia and Austria were to be formed in the
vilayets to inquire into political and other crimes.
6. The Turkish Government was to allot a special budget to pay for the return of refugees and for
re-building the damaged houses, schools, churches, etc. The money was to be distributed under the
supervision of the Austrian and Russian consuls.
7. Christian villages burned down by Turkish troops and Bashi-bazouks were to be exempt from all
taxes for one year.
8. The Turkish Government was obliged, without delay to implement the "Vienna Scheme of
Reforms" introduced in February of 1903,
9. The Turkish second class reservists were to be disbanded and the Bashi-bazouks were to be
prohibited from banding together.
The Murzsteg Reform Program, like its predecessor the Vienna Scheme of Reforms clearly did not
have the Macedonian people's interests in mind. The priority here was to keep Turkey out of
trouble and in control of Macedonia.
On November 24th 1903, the Turkish Government accepted the nine point Murszteg Reform
Program in principle, reserving the right to negotiate the details later. Noting that there was a twoyear limitation on provision 1, the Turks haggled over the details, introducing delay after long
delay while the Super Powers continued to show indifference. Precious time was wasted as the
Turks were claiming credit for the relative quietness in Macedonia, which was largely due to winter
weather. In time the Murzsteg Reform Program, like its predecessor the Vienna Reforms entered
the "annals of empty promises".
As I mentioned earlier, determined to eradicate IMRO influence, Turkey turned to her neighbours
for help. By declaring Macedonia a "multi-interest-zone" Turkey invited armed propaganda from
Greece, Bulgaria and Serbia to counter the insurgents.
54
The failed uprising, the loss of so many great IMRO leaders, the Turkish backlash and now the
foreign influence was too much for IMRO. The close links with the villages and the ideological
differences between isolated IMRO branches widened. Although IMRO continued to live, it lacked
direction and was on the verge of an ideological collapse. In time however, it managed to muster
two more congresses. With the advent of Krste Misirkov's book a new tide of opinion was
spreading throughout Macedonia. Misirkov warned against falling under the influence of the
chauvinistic elements and recommended taking a more nationalistic approach in order to weed out
Vrhovist and conservative elements. At the Prilep Congress held in May 1904 IMRO was revitalized and its independence reasserted (this time with a socialist character). The most significant
developments to emerge from this Congress were IMRO's ability to shed itself of its conservative
elements and to adopt a resolution to decentralize the organization and give more power to the subdistricts. This Congress literally split IMRO into two ideologically polarized halves.
While leftist IMRO adopted a defensive strategy, the right wing conservative Vrhovists pursued a
policy of renewed confrontation. The two factions continued to masquerade under the same banner
and were headed for a showdown. The showdown materialized in November of 1905 at the Rila
Monastery, near the Macedonian-Bulgarian border and took the form of a General Congress. There
was a single item of paramount importance on the agenda, to determine the direction of the
Organization. Twenty-two elected delegates in total attended the Rila Congress and by secret vote
the left came out victorious.
As a result of the Rila Congress, a rulebook was issued proclaiming the aims of the Central
Committee, which basically called for:
a. "creating an autonomous and independent Macedonia,
b. achieving this by means of a united national front, over a long period of revolutionary activity,
and
c. resisting all foreign interference".
There was one more safeguard added that is worth mentioning. IMRO now possessed the capacity
to recall a rebellion by a 75% majority vote of its delegates who could only be nominated from
regional sub-committees within Macedonia. A safeguard that guaranteed there would be no more
interference from Sofia and the Vrhovists.
Defeated at the Rila Congress, the Right wing Vrhovists took up permanent residence in Sofia and
continued to wage terrorist war on the IMRO leadership. Both Nikola Karev in 1905 and Dame
Gruev in 1906 were indirectly eliminated by terrorist acts of the Vrhovists.
Bulgarian interference in Macedonia did not only damage the revolutionary movement but also put
fear in the civilian population, ripening conditions for Balkan intervention.
Greece and later Serbia were quick to take advantage of a weak IMRO and a frightened population.
With the assistance of the Turkish military they were able to step up armed propaganda campaigns
inside Macedonia. The aim was to kill two birds with one stone. By being the eyes and ears for the
55
Turks, the Greek clergy spied on the Macedonians and disclosed information to the Turkish
authorities. The Turkish military in turn, stepped up activities to eradicate the remnants of the Cheti
and their leaders. At the same time, in the midst of terror, the same Greek spies were offering
Macedonians Hellenism as a way to salvation. "No one can deny that the Greeks owed much to the
Turks. Indeed the victory of the Turks in 1903 was the salvation of Hellenism in Macedonia. From
the outset the Greek clergy and notables devised means of passing information to the Turks. The
Turkish authorities on their side welcomed this support." (pages 118,119, Dakin, The Greek
Struggle in Macedonia 1897-1913).
The most notorious of the Greek clergy was the Metropolitan of Kostur, Archbishop Germanos
Karavangelis. Karavangelis was sent to Macedonia by the Patriarch Constantine V who favoured
the Athenian (the most nationalist) style of Hellenism and selected Karavangelis as the right man to
do the job. Dakin portrays Karavangelis as a charismatic and capable figure of a man that is a credit
to the human race (pages 119-127, The Greek Struggle in Macedonia 1897-1913). That however, is
far from the truth. Karavangelis was a ruthless killer and a disgrace to the Christian religion.
Karavangelis was personally responsible for the assassination of hundreds of Macedonian patriots
including priests, notables, teachers and IMRO leaders. He was also personally responsible for
Hellenizing by force and by sheer terror hundreds of Macedonian villages. If you wish to know
more about Karavangelis' terrorist actions in Macedonia read his biography (the original version)
"Arheio Makedonikou Agona, Pinelopis Delta, Apomnimoneymata, Germanou Karavaggeli,
Georgiou Dikonymou Makri, Panagioti Papatzanetea". Karavangelis' first priority after accepting
the post as Metropolitan of Kostur was to raise an army. He couldn't import one, the Super Powers
were watching so he resorted to purchasing one. The most pliable and feeble-minded man who
would sell his soul for gold was the self styled brigand Kote of Rula ("the darling of Athens"). Kote
sold out his own people for Greek gold. From being the most revered Cheta leader Kote became the
most hated man in Macedonia. When Karavangelis decided who was to die, Kote became the
executioner. In addition to regular pay for murder, Kote and his band of no-goods received
additional rewards of gold coins for turning in desired body parts from their victims.
While Kote was doing the murdering in the Macedonian villages, Karavangelis, in person with
Turkish escorts, was doing the Hellenizing. Nothing and no one could stand in his way. Those who
Karavangelis couldn't buy or bribe he had killed.
"By containing and fragmenting the Internal Organization in Western Macedonia, Kota (Kote) and
Karavangelis not only caused the projected rising to be continually postponed but they also caused
it to be undertaken prematurely; and eventually they both contributed towards its defeat and failure.
True, most of the recorded action (the arrests, searches and attacks on villages and bands) were
carried out by the Turks, but the Turks nearly always acted on information supplied by
Karavangelis or his agents. It was Karavangelis again who prevailed upon the Turks to attack
Smardeshi (Smurdersh) on 9/22 May 1903". (Page 132, Dakin, The Greek Struggle in Macedonia
1897-1913)
"After the Ilinden rising of August 1903, it was Karavangelis who, escorted by 600 Turkish
soldiers, visited the villages, celebrating mass, speaking to the villagers and calling upon them to
surrender arms. The result was that even such strongholds as Aposkepos (Aposkep), Zagoritsani
(Zagoricheni) and Gabresi (Gabresh), which only a few months before had declared themselves
56
Exarchist, now returned to the Patriarchist fold. Without the support of the Turks, it is doubtful
whether Karavangelis's work would have been successful. It is equally doubtful, however, whether
but for the activities of the Patriarchist counter-movement, the Turkish authorities could have dealt
such a decisive blow to the Internal Organization (IMRO)". (Page 135, Dakin, The Greek Struggle
in Macedonia 1897-1913)
Even my own small village didn't escape the hand of Karavangelis. It was a Sunday morning when
Georgios Tsantos (Varda) and his gang came to Oshchima looking to murder Pop Giorgi Popov.
On the way they ran into a young man named Yane Zhigerov who was taking his mule to pasture. It
is unknown what transpired but the young man was found dead with his throat cut. After killing
Yane, Varda broke into Oshchima's Church of Sveti Nikola and killed Pop Giorgi, by stabbing him
multiple times. He then skinned the beard off his face and cut off his blessing finger. Varda was
prepared to kill many more had it not been for the Oshchimian Cheta lead by Bozhin Temov who
drove Varda and his hoodlums out of Oshchima at gunpoint.
Pop Giorgi Popov's beard and finger were delivered to Karavangelis in exchange for gold.
With regards to Kote from Rula, greed was stronger than loyalty. Lazo Papatraikov, an usher at
Kote's wedding and a man who twice saved Kote's life, was on Karavangelis's hit list. After a
skirmish with the Turks in Mariovo, word was out that IMRO leader Lazo Papatraikov had
received a wound on the head and was on the run. Kote caught up to him at Turska Polena in
Oshchima and after a long chat the two men said their good byes and Kote left. On his way to
Zhelevo, Kote sent some Zhelevtsi to kill and decapitate Lazo. Lazo's head was taken to
Karavangelis to collect the reward. Lazo's headless body was buried behind the altar of the Sveti
Nikola Church in Oshchima.
The ultimate disgrace for Karavangelis came after the massacre of the village Zagoricheni.
Refusing to bend to Hellenism, Zagoricheni on direct orders from Karavangelis, was massacred to
the last person the Greeks could lay their hands on, including the unborn children inside the wombs
of pregnant women. Witnesses reported finding bodies of pregnant women with their abdomen cut
open. The survivors that escaped the atrocity refused to bury the dead bodies of their neighbours.
For days the dead were guarded until the European consuls in Bitola came to witness the atrocities
for themselves. Here is what Brailsford had to say. "The chef d'oevre of this Hellenic campaign was
achieved at Zagorichani, a large Bulgarian village (author's note: Macedonian village, there were
no Bulgarian villages inside Macedonia) near Klisoura, which, like Mokreni, took a leading part in
the uprising of 1903, and like Mokreni was burned by the Turks. A Greek band, which is said to
have numbered over two hundred men under three Greek officers in uniform, surprised it by night
(April 6-7, 1905) by using bugle calls which led the villagers to suppose that Turkish regulars were
manoeuvring in the neighbourhood. They burned ten houses, and twenty-eight of the temporary
homes erected amid the ruins of the last conflagration. They wounded seven persons and killed no
less than sixty, among them seven women, twenty-two persons over sixty years of age, and five
children under fifteen. There was a good deal of evidence to show that the local Turkish authorities
were privy to this massacre, and some circumstances seemed to include the Archbishop of Kastoria
(Kostur). It is quite clear that no conflict or provocation preceded what was simply a deliberate
massacre, and the only reason for choosing Zagorichani was that it was an eager and patriotic
57
Bulgarian center, and that it disobeyed the summons of the Greek Archbishop to return to the
Patriarch fold". (pages 216-217, Macedonia its Races and their Future).
After the massacre when it was discovered that Karavangelis was implicated, to escape
punishment, the cowardly Archbishop of Kostur fled to Sveta Gora (Holy Mountain) where he
spent two years in hiding before fleeing to Austria. Today, there is a statue of Karavangelis in
Kostur to commemorate his great contributions to Hellenism.
The Roumanie of Bucharest has published the text of a circular found by the Turks in some
documents seized on the person of a Greek prisoner. It reads like a genuine Greek document, and
its authenticity has not been questioned by the Greek organs. It is said to bear the seal of the Greek
Committee. (Remember there were no Bulgarians or "Bulgars" in Macedonia). It read like this;
"Brave defenders of Hellenism, I address you today in order to express the gratitude which the
entire nation feels for all you have done and will yet do on behalf of the Fatherland. Continue the
struggle against the Bulgarian assassins, and neglect no means of proving to the whole world that
Macedonia is purely Greek. Exterminate the priests, the teachers, and the notables who compose
the Bulgarian Committees. It is at length time to put in practice the saying: an eye for an eye, a
tooth for a tooth. When it is a question of taking vengeance we must not spare the Bulgarians, even
when they hide under the robes of a priest. Burn, shoot, assassinate, and purify the soil of
Macedonia from all that is Exarchist. The Supreme Panhellenic Committee has decided to intensify
the struggle by making use of your arms, O valiant combatants, and if for some time past the
Committee has hardly seemed equal to the occasion, the reason is that official Greece hesitates. But
what is official Greece to us, when we have the approbation of the whole Hellenic world? Forward,
then, until you have wiped out the last Bulgarian in our Macedonia. Your names will be inscribed
in letters of fire in the annals of the race. May Heaven grant that the day be near when the sun of
Hellenism will shine on Macedonia; then there will be peace for us and for the Turks, with whom
we stand on the best of terms. Let our motto be: Purge Macedonia of the Bulgars." I quote from M.
Gaulis' admirable paper, La Macedoine. (page 217, Brailsford, Macedonia its Races and their
Future).
Macedonians were well acquainted with the murderous activities of the Bulgarian Vrhovists whose
new waves of terrorist bands began to penetrate the Eastern borders of Macedonia in March of
1904. Fortunately, Yane Sandanski's forces were still in control of the Pirin district and more often
than not, successfully repealed Bulgarian advances. In the West, bands of young Turks who
deserted the army during the Ilinden rebellion, joined Albanian gangs and were looting and killing
indiscriminately. From the north Serbian bands began to penetrate Macedonian territory. By mid
1905, there were eleven bands numbering almost 100 men pillaging, murdering, even razing entire
villages, wreaking their own special brand of terror.
The most violent campaign was waged by the Greek terrorists who penetrated the south-central
regions of Macedonia. By 1905 the Greeks imported a contingent of Cretans, a thousand-strong,
reinforced by Turk deserters who roamed unhindered razing and slaughtering entire villages. By
1906, eight bands numbering over 400 men were operating in the Solun district alone and another
twelve bands (600 men) around Bitola.
58
Along with the intrusions of armed bands in Macedonia there reappeared the foreign schools and
propaganda institutions directed by non-other than the Greek and Bulgarian churches. The terrorist
bands instilled fear in the Macedonian population and the Churches were quick to take the role of
protectors setting the stage for the partitioning of Macedonia. Unfortunately for them, something
else was brewing within Turkey, liberalism, headed by a small group of European educated young
Turks.
59
Part V: The Young Turk Uprising and the Balkan Wars of 1912 - 1913
In the previous article (part IV) I covered the 1903 Ilinden uprising aftermath and the interference
IMRO received from Greece and Bulgaria.
In this article (part V) I will cover the Young Turk uprising and finish with the Balkan wars of
1912-1913.
The Murszteg Reform Program was the last hope for the Super Powers to salvage the Ottoman
Empire in Macedonia. While the Murszteg Reform Program proved fruitless for the Macedonians,
it raised hopes for Greece, Bulgaria and Serbia.
Item 3 of the Murszteg Reform Program, which stated "as soon as the rebellion is put down, the
Super Powers would demand an administrative reorganization of the Macedonian territory based on
nationalities", caught the eye of the Greek, Bulgarian and Serbian protagonists.
It was well known that there were no Greek, Bulgarian or Serbian nationalities living in Macedonia
but that did not stop the new Balkan States from inventing some. The wheels of the protagonists
were turning when they attempted to kill two birds with one stone by cleverly substituting
"nationality" for "religious affiliation". By the end of the 19th century, the Christian Millet of
Ottoman Macedonia was already divided into two millets (the Greek Patriarchist Millet and the
Bulgarian Exarchist Millet). First, since there was no Macedonian Millet there was no "governing
body" to represent a Macedonian religious denomination. Second, since all Christians in
Macedonia already belonged to one millet or another, it was easy to make "nationality" claims on
behalf of "religious affiliation". In modern terms, all Macedonians that belonged to the Patriarchist
fold were considered to be Greek by nationality. Similarly, all those Macedonians that belonged to
the Exarchist fold were considered to be Bulgarian by nationality. By introducing Serbian Churches
and Schools, Serbia later used similar tactics to claim the existence of a Serbian nationality inside
Macedonia.
All Macedonians that belonged to the Patriarchist church were given Greek or "Hellenized" names.
Similarly, all Macedonians that belonged to the Exarchist church were given Bulgarian names. In
many instances brothers born from the same mother and father were given different last names
because they happened to go to different churches. Their choice of church had nothing to do with
loyalty to one faction or the other, but rather with the church's location relative to home. Each
brother attended the church nearest to his house as he had always done for many years before. The
sad part was that now with every spoonful of religion came a dose of venomous propaganda.
Brother was pitted against brother, one fighting for "Hellenism" and the other for "Bulgarism".
At the beginning of the Ilinden rebellion most Macedonian villages belonged to the Exarchate
Church. With increased Greek activities through Karavangelis and others like him however, the
tide was turning. The Greek success was mainly due to the Turkish-Greek alliance and the Turkish
militia's assistance. The Macedonian people were frightened to a point where they were willing to
do anything to escape further punishment.
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The alliance, which gave the Greeks the upper hand, did not go unnoticed by the Bulgarians.
British fears of a Turkish-Bulgarian war were alleviated when Bulgaria on April 8th, 1904 signed a
peace agreement with Turkey. Bulgaria promised to reduce subversive actions in Macedonia in
exchange for Turkish promises to implement the Murzsteg Reform Program and to extend it to the
Endrene (Macedonian Dardanelles) region. Russia was not too happy about the agreement
especially since Bulgaria herself was beginning to make moves towards Endrene. Being of strategic
importance, Russia was hoping to eventually annex Endrene for herself.
The prospect of declining Bulgarian intrusions inside Macedonia was welcome news for
Karavangelis. The Greeks could now import fighters from Crete to fight the Macedonian Cheti side
by side with their Turkish allies, without Bulgarian interference. Unfortunately, while they reduced
military intrusions, the Bulgarians stepped up Exarchist activities creating stiff competition for the
Greeks. The clergy on both sides were going after the same flock as both sides appointed
themselves protectors and guardians of the people. In the eyes of the world, they became
ambassadors of the Christian flock in Macedonia. This competition to attract parishioners created
friction between the opposing factions. Friction turned to violence in villages where both groups
existed and fought for control over the village church. The Turks were indifferent to the squabbling
due to its religious nature, and remained neutral in church disputes. When fights erupted, the Turks
padlocked the Church so neither group could use it. As competition for control of the village
churches intensified so did brigand warfare.
Local squabbling never went unnoticed and both Patriarchists and Exarchists sent their hatchet men
to eliminate the so-called "troublemakers". Many priests, teachers, notables and community leaders
lost their lives this way.
The Western Powers had little faith in the Turks and their old Ottoman conservative Islamic values
but preferred the status quo maintained in Macedonia. There were two factors at play that hindered
the Powers from taking action. The first was the lucrative Ottoman import-export markets upon
which the Ottoman consumer was dependent for a variety of goods, and a moneymaking venture
for the Western Capitalists which they did not want to lose. The second was the power struggle
between the Super Powers themselves over Balkan domination. The Powers were locked in a
diplomatic embrace where none could freely maneuver without upsetting the others. Each of the
Super Powers knew that a sudden or massive shift in any one's policies would result in an
engagement that would involve all of them. No one wanted a "world war" on their hands.
Britain at one point contemplated creating an Autonomous Macedonia but knew that Russia and
Austria would be against it. "It was fortunate for Greece at this juncture that Lansdowne's plans
foundered in a sea of European politics and that both Russia and Austria opposed Macedonian
autonomy". (page 152, Dakin, The Greek Struggle in Macedonia 1897-1913). This is an important
fact for ALL to know which goes contrary to "Greek propaganda" that no Macedonians existed
before 1945. Here is documented proof that a Macedonian nation did exist prior to the 19th century
and came very close to achieving independence. The Ilinden rebellion was ALL about Macedonia
and about Macedonians asserting their desire to live as equals in the world. The Super Powers,
especially Britain and Russia, owe it to the Macedonian people to come clean and put an end to the
incessant "Greek propaganda". It no longer makes any sense to keep the Macedonian people from
taking their rightful place in the world. They are certainly not a threat to anyone. Those that
61
committed crimes against the Macedonian people and continue to deny their existence obviously
have a problem. But why punish the victims for being victims?
The Western powers were not happy with the way Turkey was dealing with the reforms in
Macedonia but at the same time they could not agree among themselves about finding a viable
solution. The Ilinden uprising was a wakeup call of how urgently reforms were needed.
"During the later part of the C19th new social forces had emerged within Turkey. Given the
conditions of absolutism within the Empire, the emergence of liberalism seemed inevitable. This
new creed took the form of political agitation, calling for a broad spectrum of reforms. It was
headed by an embryonic Turkish bourgeoisie, and supported by an European-educated
intelligentsia". (page 125, Radin, IMRO and the Macedonian Question).
The Young Turk movement had been active for at least thirty years, ever since Turkish students
were allowed to attend European schools on mass. Among other things, the Young Turks were in
favour of granting self-government to Macedonia, Thrace and Albania and believed that the
Ottoman Empire could be salvaged via reforms. When the 1903 Ilinden rebellion started many of
these European educated students had already joined the ranks of the Turkish military as junior
officers. The atrocities committed and the methods used in dealing with the rebels during the
Ilinden aftermath however, went against these young men's principles and many deserted the
Turkish army. Some joined Albanian roving bands in hopes of eliciting their assistance to form
opposition against the Sultan. Some attempted to establish contacts with IMRO in hopes that IMRO
too would join them to rise against the Sultan.
By 1905, the Young Turks organized under the banner of "Union and Progress" and established
themselves in Solun away from the grasp of the Sultan in Tsari Grad (Constantinople). It was not
too long before they gained some measure of control over the local Turkish army, especially in
Macedonia. It was not difficult to convince soldiers serving in Macedonia that anything was better
than killing and murdering women and children.
After observing the actions of the Young Turks, the IMRO leadership was convinced that it was
better to work with them than against them. The Young Turks also offered self-government and
significant agrarian reforms, if they gained power, which was attractive to most IMRO leaders.
Dame Gruev and Nikola Karev were already dead which left the IMRO helm in the hands of
Gjorche Petrov who favoured a policy of urban-led insurrection. Popularity and the strength of the
rebellion however, lay in the hands of the legendary Yane Sandanski who was in favour of
supporting the Young Turk regime, especially their prospective agrarian reform programs.
The actions of the Young Turks did not go unnoticed by the Sultan who complained to the Super
Powers but did not receive an immediate reaction. The coup d'etat did not materialize until "rising
star" Enver Beg from Albania was summoned to Tsari Grad to receive a military promotion from
the Sultan. Fearing it was an assassination attempt, Enver Beg and his followers fled to the
mountains and called for the revolution to begin.
62
The rebellion first materialized in the larger cities in the form of demonstrations. On June 22nd,
1908, Solun alone drew over 20,000 protesters. By July 3rd, the Young Turk officers took control
over most of the Sultan's forces and by July 22nd all of Macedonia was free.
True to their word, the Young Turks released all political prisoners and began to work on reforms.
Their first act was to send the Sultan an ultimatum to re-instate the 1876 Constitution. Being in no
position to resist, Sultan Abdul Hamid II reluctantly obliged. As soon as the constitution was reinstated, amnesty was proclaimed for all those under arms including the Cheti and all foreign
bands. The Macedonians, Serbians and Bulgarians took advantage of the amnesty and came down
from the mountains and surrendered their arms. The Greeks who had the most to lose were at first
hesitant but warmed up to the idea. They had dreams that they might re-claim their former glory in
the Phanar.
As it turned out however, the Young Turks were very suspicious of the Greeks and watched them
with caution. The Greek dream to rule from the Phanar did not materialize.
In time, by deactivating and expelling armed bands, the Young Turk regime brought some stability
to Macedonia.
The Young Turk regime, headquartered in Solun, survived unobstructed for over six months. Then,
with support from Yane Sandanki's Cheta, the Young Turks attacked and successfully took Tsari
Grad. Unfortunately, by now it was becoming evident that the Young Turk regime was too
dependent on the Turkish establishment and bureaucracy for its survival. As a result, it had to
subordinate most of its reform programs to safeguard its own power. In actual fact after all this time
in power, the Young Turk regime did very little to alleviate the social and economic problems in
the Macedonian villages.
To prompt the Young Turks to deliver on their promises, Sandanski had a plan of his own. He
proposed that in exchange for IMRO's help, the Young Turks were required to redistribute much
needed land in favour of the poor (landless) Macedonians. Additionally, to ensure the land reforms
were put in place according to agreements, Sandanski requested that he personally be given the task
of organizing a peasant militia to supervise the implementation. Unfortunately, while Sandanski's
proposals were widely accepted by the Macedonian peasants, they attracted negative attention
abroad. The first to complain were the Greeks as follows; "The consequences of Sandanski's plan,
as unfortunately confirmed by events, would be terrible (for us). Unless something else, like a war,
or an agreement between the European Powers, settles the Macedonian question in our favour, it is
my opinion that there can be no doubt that settlement of the agrarian question would create
possibilities for the final settlement of the Macedonian question...". (page 127, Radin, IMRO and
the Macedonian Question).
Sandanski's move for cooperation with the Young Turks was a radical departure from IMRO's
policies (seizure of power by revolutionary means). To take advantage of the new situation and stay
on course, IMRO created an offshoot branch dubbed the "National (or Peoples') Federative
Party"(NFP). The NFP was officially launched in early 1909 and worked with (pressured) the
Young Turk regime to develop a quasi-parliamentary system and to preserve the national and
territorial integrity of Macedonia within an Ottoman Federation.
63
By the time the NFP was organized and ready to deal with the issues at hand, the Young Turk
regime was losing momentum and stagnating. By now it was obvious to IMRO that without "grass
roots" support from the Turkish establishment, the regime was fighting a losing battle. Its rise to
power resulted from a coup and the regime itself was no more than a "dictatorship".
The Young Turk regime was a "Western backed idea", an "alternate solution" to a problem with no
end. The majority of IMRO leaders could no longer agree to provide continued support and were
contemplating breaking off relations with the Young Turks. To make matters worse, a class
struggle (socialism) was brewing in Europe causing unrest between the rich and the poor and
dividing people along class lines. The so-called "religious wars" between the Patriarchists and
Exarchists were also having their effects, further dividing IMRO and the Macedonian people.
By 1910, armed propaganda in Macedonia was replaced by Greek, Bulgarian and Serbian "Political
Clubs" which continually worked against NFP agendas and the NFP leaders.
While Russia was having mixed feelings about the Young Turk regime, the European powers,
especially Britain who through intrigue created the regime, were relieved to be rid of the old reform
programs. Britain approved of the cooperation between NFP and the Young Turks which caused
further fracturing between the NFP (who wanted to create an autonomous Macedonia inside an
Ottoman Federation), and "grass roots" IMRO (who wanted independence by armed rebellion).
Unfortunately, the Young Turk regime with all its promises did not meet expectations and reverted
to the old Turkish way of rule. To stave off coup attempts by extremist factions, the Young Turk
regime resorted to dictatorial rule in place of fostering liberal programs. This clampdown
manifested itself in a number of repressive laws in Macedonia including the laws on strikes,
political associations and armed bands. This policy reversal again destabilized Macedonian society
by bringing back the old oppressive political climate. The NFP and all other political, cultural and
professional organizations were effectively banned, forcing IMRO to go underground. The
Macedonian people in the meantime were thrown back into anarchy and things went downhill from
there on.
The Young Turk regime predicted its own demise and to save itself, between 1910 and 1911, it resettled almost a quarter of a million Turks in Macedonia as it hoped to maintain control of
Macedonia if it was ejected from Tsari Grad. Faced with several fronts however, including the
Albanian revolution in 1909-1912, the Italian-Turkish war in Libya in 1911, domestic opposition,
the resurgence of armed bands, and finally the Sultan's new loyal army. The Young Turk regime
could no longer maintain a hold on power and on July 13, 1912, capitulated to the Sultan.
In the meantime the Super Powers were locked in a struggle of their own where none could
maneuver without upsetting the delicate balance of the status quo. While the Super Powers were
held in balance by their own political vices, the new Balkan nations were flexing their economic
and military muscles. Alliances like the Serbian-Bulgarian league against Greek-Turkish collusion
or the Greek-Rumanian league against Bulgarian aims at Macedonia came and went. On the surface
it seemed that everything was normal but deep inside a rift was starting to develop.
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The rift became apparent when Russian-Austrian relations began to seriously cool. Dividing lines
were drawn as Russia began to warm up to Britain and France while Austria began to warm up to
Germany. Italy remained neutral for a while and took a few shots at Turkey but was prohibited (by
the other powers) from attacking the centers of Turkish power. (It was through these campaigns
that Italy occupied the Dodecanese).
Even though Italy was restrained from further campaigns, it weakened Turkey enough for the three
new Balkan States to consider campaigns of their own.
Italy's actions were also a sign of things to come and created an atmosphere of urgency for the new
states to expedite their own plans for territorial annexation.
Everyone wanted a piece of Macedonia but no one alone dared stick out his neck to get it. The three
wolves of the Balkans with Russian help, realized that each alone could not accomplish what the
three could do together. They swallowed their pride, put their differences aside and by the end of
1911 they started negotiations.
As a way of preventing Austrian aspirations in the Balkans, Russia invited the idea of a SerbianBulgarian league. Russia had hopes that jointly Serbia and Bulgaria would be able to withstand
Austrian advances in Macedonia without her involvement. After getting them to agree to talk,
Serbia and Bulgaria listed their terms but could not reach an agreement. Autonomy for Macedonia
was one major issue of contention that they could not agree upon. While Sofia supported the idea of
autonomy Belgrade opposed it. Finally, for the sake of expediting the negotiations, all parties
agreed that the "autonomy question" would be left separate and would be dealt with after the
annexation of Macedonia.
Russia made it clear to both parties that they couldn't invade Macedonia without Russia's
permission and only if Turkey became a threat to the Christian population. In the meantime, Serbia
was encouraged to take steps to annex Albania and Kosovo.
A draft Serbian-Bulgarian agreement was reached and signed on March 13th, 1912. Included in the
agreement was a crude delineation of prospective boundaries and suggestions that the final
boundaries might be settled by force of arms. The Russians also insisted that Tsar Nikolas II would
arbitrate any disputes regarding the exact territorial limits.
Even before the Serbian-Bulgarian agreement was finalized, Greece was already having discussions
with Bulgaria about negotiating a Greek-Bulgarian agreement. The Greek-Bulgarian negotiations,
like the Serbian-Bulgarian negotiations, were conducted in secret known only to the Greek King,
Prime Minister Venizelos and their negotiator "The Times" correspondent J. D. Bourchier, an old
friend of Venizelos. Like the Serbs, the Greeks had always opposed the idea of Macedonian
autonomy but the Bulgarians were unwilling to proceed until Greece agreed to the autonomy. The
Greek-Bulgarian treaty was signed on May 30th 1912, both parties promising not to attack one
another and to come to each other's defense should Turkey attack them.
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The "Balkan League of Nations" was spawned in June 1912 and shortly after Turkey was given a
signed ultimatum bearing the League's signature, which in short, read "deliver the promised
reforms in Macedonia or prepare to be invaded".
There was much intrigue, agreements, counter agreements and secret deals between the League of
Nations (Greece, Bulgaria and Serbia) but from the outset each was determined to exploit any
situation that developed, purely for its own gain. "The League of Nations in fact was simply a
device for synchronizing a military effort upon the part of the four powers (Greece, Bulgaria,
Serbia and Montenegro) who had come to realize that the simplest way to settle the Turkish
question, before it was too late and while circumstances were favourable, was to attack Turkey
simultaneously and present the European powers with a fait accompli". (page 440, Dakin, The
Greek Struggle in Macedonia 1897-1913). All that remained now was to provoke Turkey into
committing an offence against the Christian population and the invasion would become a reality.
Using proven techniques of terrorism to prepare the battleground, Vrhovists, masquerading as
IMRO agents, conducted many raids inside Macedonia murdering, raping and plundering villages
in hopes that the Macedonian bands would be blamed. When the Turks investigated the
disturbances, both Patriarchist and Exarchist authorities corroborated their stories and pinned these
acts on the Macedonians.
As expected, the Turks responded swiftly and dealt with the situation in the usual manner.
Unfortunately for the Turks, their actions were welcome news to the League's spies who dispatched
them to the European press.
The Turks, in the eyes of the world, committed atrocities against the Christians in Macedonia and
something had to be done. It was now up to the Super Powers to decide the course of action.
Along with documents of Turkish atrocities, the foreign press was also receiving well-camouflaged
League propaganda. The League had commenced extensive propaganda campaigns against the
Turks, detailing every Turkish act for European consumption.
A war was imminent but according to the League's propaganda, it was a necessary war to "liberate"
the enslaved Christians from Turkish oppression. The League, through extensive media campaigns,
called on all Christians in Macedonia to join the League and oust the oppressive Turk.
Here is what Yane Sandanski had to say; "We ought to work on the awakening of the
consciousness of the Macedonian masses that they are an independent nation...because those who
seek to 'liberate them'... will actually be coming to enslave them..." (page 134, Radin, IMRO and
the Macedonian Question).
As I mentioned earlier, the Western Powers had not exhausted the full potential of the Ottoman
markets and were unwilling to let the Ottoman regime in Macedonia collapse. At the same time
Britain, France, Italy and Russia were greatly concerned about the aggressive attitudes of Germany
outside of the Balkans. More importantly, they were concerned with the Turkish regime's leaning
towards a Turkish-German alliance.
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When Russia proposed the idea of a "Balkan League of Nations" it was welcome news for Britain,
France and Italy. The League was viewed as an anti-German front, a way of ejecting the Ottoman
regime from Europe and at the same time, safeguarding (British, French and Italian) interests and
expansionary ambitions. The not so obvious Russian motive for sponsoring the League, was to
guarantee its own influence in the Balkans perhaps through Serbia, or Bulgaria or both.
On October 18th, 1912 Montenegro declared war on Turkey with the League following suit. The
battles that ensued were fought almost entirely on Macedonian soil, once again causing the
Macedonians to suffer from someone else's war.
Russia, the architect of the Balkan League was against a war in 1912 and so were France and
Britain. A war at this point might throw off the delicate diplomatic balance and escalate into a
"world war". Russia feared that the half-millennium old Ottoman Empire might not be as easy a
target as the League had estimated. Britain and France feared a backlash from Germany and Austria
now that Turkey was warming up to them as a prospective ally. To stop the League's aggressive
actions, both Britain and France threatened them with economic sanctions but that was not enough
to suppress the appetites of the three hungry Balkan wolves.
The League's plan was to surround the Turkish army in Macedonia and force it out to Tsari Grad.
To everyone's surprise however, the League won a crushing and unexpected victory in just six
weeks. Five Ottoman divisions were surrounded and defeated in two battles in Bitola and
Kumanovo. With the exception of Sandanski and a force of 400 Macedonians who fought back and
liberated Melnik and Nevrokop, the League received no opposition from the Macedonians. In fact
the enthusiasm created by the "liberators" not only helped the League fight harder but also
encouraged thousands of Macedonians to enlist in the League's armies. "A Macedonian Militia
force of 14,000 fought under the Bulgarian command in the East. The 'Volunteer regiment',
directed by IMRO veterans, consisted of a thousand Macedonians, Turks and Albanians. In the
Serbian and Greek armies, Macedonian detachments such as the 'National Guard' and the 'Holy
Band', were given the task of encircling the Turks to fight their retreat." (page 143, Radin, IMRO
and the Macedonian Question). Even Chakalarov, the protector of the Lerin and Kostur regions,
joined the fight to help the League get rid of the Turks. The League's victories and intense
propaganda were so convincing that the entire Macedonian nation welcomed the "liberators" with
open arms.
The moment the three wolves evicted the Turkish army from Macedonia, they quickly worked out a
partitioning strategy along the following lines;
Serbia was to receive the northwestern portion of Macedonia, which included Skopje, Bitola, south
to the west of Lerin, east to Gevgelija and west to the Albanian Mountains.
Bulgaria was to receive all of Thrace, west to Gevgelija, south to the Aegean Sea and east from
Solun.
Greece was to receive north to Lerin, west to the Albanian Mountains, all of Epirus and east to
Solun. "To ensure their hegemony and quell any dissent, the occupying forces set up the apparatus
of government and, by legislative decrees, extended their own constitutions to these new bodies,
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from which Macedonians were absent. Indeed, in many provincial centres, such as Gevgelija, a
double or triple condominium was established, much to the detriment of the Macedonian citizens"
(page 143, Radin, IMRO and the Macedonian Question).
In view of the Macedonian contribution to the League's success in evicting the Turks, in December
12th, 1912, Sandanski called for Macedonian autonomy. The League's occupying armies however,
refused to budge and initiated a violent assimilation program. The Macedonian fighters that fought
side by side with the League's armies found themselves policed by a joint League command
ensuring that no resistance or independent action would arise. The League also pursued Sandanski
and his men but Sandanski resisted and stayed active in the Pirin Region until his assassination in
1915 by Bulgarian agents.
The changing conditions inside Macedonia forced the IMRO leadership to seek refuge in foreign
cities away from home. Some of the more prominent leaders moved to St. Petersburg and joined the
Macedonian community living there. This small group of Macedonians consistently lobbied for
Macedonian Statehood and in the war's aftermath, acted as a government in exile. The most
outspoken advocate of the Macedonian leaders was Dimitar Chupovski who published the
"Macedonian Voice" and continuously protested to the Super Powers against Macedonia's partition.
In June 1913 he wrote; "The division of Macedonia among the brother nations is the most unjust
act in the history of these nations - it is trampling on the rights of man, and a disgrace for the entire
Slav race.". (page 145, Radin, IMRO and the Macedonian Question). In total, eleven issues of
"Macedonian Voice" were published and distributed all over Europe.
"A great terror reigns in Macedonia now. The 'freedom' of the allies has no frontiers, no-one from
Macedonia has the right to travel outside, to protest or complain before the European states.
Whoever disturbs this order is either killed or imprisoned. The allies surround Macedonia with a
Chinese Wall..." (page 145, Radin, IMRO and the Macedonian Question).
The Macedonian people must not stand idly by and accept the unworthy fate of being divided so
that others may profit from it. "In the name of the Macedonian people, we demand that Macedonia
remain a single, indivisible, independent Balkan state within its geographical, ethnographic,
historical, economic and cultural frontiers...Macedonia represents a unified body both from the
historical and natural viewpoints, and cannot voluntarily end its many centuries of existence by
agreeing to be broken up...Can we allow a people to be, at one and the same time, Bulgarian, Serb
and Greek? Is it not simpler to assume that the nationality attributed to us is dictated by the big
power politics of the interested parties who wish to take over Macedonia?". (page 145, Radin,
IMRO and the Macedonian Question).
By November it was becoming apparent that Turkey was running out of options and on November
12th, 1912, called on the Super Powers to bring about an armistice. To deal with the situations, a
peace conference was scheduled for December 16th, 1912, to take place in London. Having some
time to adjust to the new situation, the Super Powers, for the first time, opted from the usual "status
quo" recommendations and considered making concessions to the victors. Austria however, was
not too happy at the prospect of a "large Serbia" let alone allowing Serbia access to the Adriatic
Sea. Austria was eyeing the Adriatic region as a prospective sphere of influence for herself. Being
unable to make concessions by herself however, Austria did the next best thing and agreed with
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Britain to the idea of "creating" a new State (Albania). Another reason why Austria did not want
Serbia to have access to the Adriatic Sea was because a "Serbian port might become a Russian
port".
This attempt to deny Serbia access to the Adriatic not only left Serbia landlocked but upset Russia
causing her to break relations with Austria. Italy too was affected by this diplomatic power play
which pushed her to improve her relations with Austria.
This, as it turned out was the crucial historic moment that gave birth to the "Triple Alliance"
(Germany, Austria-Hungary and Italy) and the "Triple Entente" (Britain, France and Russia), a
division that would have future consequences.
As a result of this sudden change of events, Austria began to amass troops along the Serbian
border. At the same time, fearing German intervention, Russia ordered a halt to Bulgarian and
Serbian advances towards Tsari Grad.
To fully curb Serbian and Russian expansionism, France, Britain and Italy voted to grant the newly
created Albanian State, full independence. This did not only save Albania from partitioning by the
Greeks and Serbians, it also made her a Super Power protectorate, which Albanians enjoy to this
day.
I want to emphasize that by 1912, it was well known that a Macedonian Nation with a Macedonian
consciousness existed and demonstrated its desire for independence. These actions were well
documented and familiar to the Super Powers, yet even after pleading their case, the Macedonians
were NOT ALLOWED to attend the London Peace Conference of December 16th, 1912.
Numerous petitions were made by IMRO affiliates from St. Petersburg, all ignored. Also,
Chupovski's memo, to the British delegation, was not tabled. Here is what Chupovski (in part) had
to say; "In the name of natural law, of history, of practical expediency, for the Macedonian people,
we ask that Macedonia's right to self-determination be admitted, and that Macedonia be constituted
within its ethnic, geographical and cultural borders as a self-governing state with a government
responsible to a national assembly." (page 147, Radin, IMRO and the Macedonian Question).
The London Conference adjourned on August 11, 1913 officially declaring an end to the First
Balkan War. In spite of all the wheeling and dealing that went on during the conference the
resolutions left all parties dissatisfied. Serbia was dissatisfied with losing the Albanian territory.
Serbia appealed to Bulgaria to grant her access to the Aegean Sea via Solun and the Vardar valley,
but her appeals fell on deaf ears.
Greece also was not happy with Bulgaria's invasion and annexation of Endrene (Macedonian
Dardanelles). So to balance her share Greece wanted Serres, Drama and Kavala as compensation.
That too fell on Bulgarian deaf ears.
Bulgaria, frustrated with not achieving her "San Stefano Dream" (fiction), was bitter about Russia
deserting her during the London Conference negotiations.
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Seeing that Bulgaria was not going to budge and the fact that neither Greece nor Serbia alone could
take on Bulgaria, should a conflict arise, Greece and Serbia concluded a secret pact of their own to
jointly act against Bulgaria. In short, the objective was to take territory from Bulgaria west of the
Vardar River, divide it and have a common frontier.
After stumbling upon this Greek-Serbian pact, despite Russian attempts to appease her by offering
her Solun, Bulgaria remained bitter and in a moment of weakness, was lured away by Austria. By
going over to Austria, Bulgaria in effect broke off all relations with the Balkan League.
The Bulgarian shift in loyalties disappointed Russia who made it clear to Bulgaria that it could no
longer expect any help.
In what was to be termed the "Second Balkan War", the Bulgarian army, unprovoked, attacked its
former allies on June 30th, 1913, again on Macedonian soil. Preferring the element of surprise,
Bulgaria turned on her former allies and renewed the conflict, officially turning the Macedonian
mission from "liberation" to "occupation". There were two things that Bulgaria didn't count on,
Romanian involvement and Austrian treachery. The bloody fight was short lived as Rumania,
Montenegro and Turkey joined Greece and Serbia and dealt Bulgaria a catastrophic blow. The
promised Austrian support did not materialize as the risks for Austrian involvement outweighed
any benefits. The real surprise however, was Rumania's break with neutrality. Up to now Rumania
had remained neutral and refused to get involved. No one, not even Bulgaria anticipated this attack
from the north. On the other hand however, this was a once in a lifetime opportunity for Rumania
to regain lost territory.
Even Turkey was able to re-gain some of what she recently lost to Bulgaria. Being involved in too
many fronts at the same time Bulgaria was unable to repel Turkey and prevent her from taking back
the Endrene region.
The biggest winners however, were Greece and Serbia, both of whom got exactly what they
wanted, virtually unabated.
The Macedonians fared worst in the conflict mainly due to their own enthusiasm. One faction
misinterpreted Macedonian assistance to another, as disloyalty. As frontlines shifted positions,
Macedonian citizens were exposed to the various factions. Those Macedonians that assisted one
faction were butchered by another faction for showing sympathy to the enemy. "The Carnegie
Relief Commission, dispatched to the Balkans in late 1913, reported the incredible story of human
suffering. In Macedonia alone, 160 villages were razed leaving 16,000 homeless, several thousand
civilians murdered, and over 100,000 forced to emigrate as refugees." (page 149, Radin, IMRO and
the Macedonian Question). This genocidal tragedy was committed in a relatively short time and by
those who marched in and were welcomed as "liberators". Worst and most unexpected was that
"Christians" committed this genocide against "Christians" reminiscent of the 1204 tragedy
committed by the Western Crusaders.
After a great deal of jockeying for position, deliberating and negotiating, the warring factions
agreed to an armistice and peace between Rumania, Bulgaria, Greece and Serbia was negotiated in
August, 1913 in Bucharest. The map of Macedonia was again redrafted without Macedonian
70
participation. The new boundaries ignored previously agreed upon considerations such as lines of
"nationalities" (not that any existed), the Macedonian people's democratic desires, etc., as the
Bucharest delegates imposed their artificial sovereignty upon the Macedonian people. With the
exception of one minor change in 1920 in Albania's favour, these dividing lines have remained in
place to this day. 50% of the total Macedonian territory went to Greece, 40% to Serbia and 10% to
Bulgaria. August 10th, 1913 became the darkest day in Macedonian history.
Not since Roman times has Macedonia been partitioned in a way where three brothers were forced
to assume three different (imposed) identities, forced to speak three different foreign languages in
their own homes and treated as strangers in their own lands. The future will show that where half a
millennium of Turkish suppression and a century of forced Hellenization / Bulgarization couldn't
erode Macedonian consciousness, Greek, Bulgarian and Serbian aggression, in less than a decade,
will. The once proud Macedonian nation that long ago conquered the world, bridged the gap
between East and West, introduced Christianity to Europe, safeguarded all ancient knowledge and
protected the West from Eastern Invaders has now been beaten and reduced to a shadow of its
former self. The force of this latest intrusion transformed the Macedonian Nation into a shy
creature seeking homes in foreign lands and hiding in the twilight while its enemies dance on the
heads of its dead and to the world, proclaimed them as their own. It was not enough that they
consumed the Macedonian lands, these new depraved creatures spawned by Western greed, have
consumed all Macedonian treasures such as history, culture, religion, literature, folklore, ancient
knowledge stolen from Holy Mountain (Athos), etc., and regurgitated them as their own. Without
hesitation, they would lie to the world, even to their own people about "their true identities" and
blame their ills on the innocent. Their propaganda will turn "lies to truths" and "truths to lies" until
all people are poisoned with hatred, an artificially created hatred, which will haunt Macedonians for
all time and render them mute. Silence will fill the air and children will not dare cry, for if they
utter anything Macedonian a terrible curse will befall them which can only be partially lifted if they
leave their lands or submit to the will of their new masters. The proud name "Macedonia" which
echoed through the centuries and outlasted time itself, will become a "dirty word" never to be
spoken. The Macedonian language, the mother of all Slav languages, the "Voice of Eastern
Christianity" will be "muted" to be spoken only in the shadows, in fear that "enemy ears" may be
lurking. In time it will become known as "our language" spoken by "our people" a mute language
spoken by a nameless nation. In time the Macedonian nation, the Macedonian people and the
Macedonian language will become "an anomaly" in its ancestral land.
This is the fate that awaits the Macedonian people in the 20th century all with the blessings of the
Super Powers (Britain, France, Russia, Germany, Austria-Hungary and Italy).
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Part VI: 1912 - 1939
In the previous article (part V) I covered the period 1903 to 1913 including the Young Turk
uprising and the First and Second Balkan Wars.
In this article (part VI) I will cover the effects of Macedonia's partition and the practices and
policies of its subjugators.
The jubilance of liberation died down quickly as the fires of burning villages lit the night skies.
Macedonia was in flames again, liberators turned to occupiers and rained havoc on the Macedonian
population. The political, economic and ethnic unity of Macedonia was no more. Greek soldiers
who came to liberate their Christian brothers from the oppressive Turks and terrible Bulgarians
were now burning, torturing, and murdering people. In the words of Sir Edmond Grey, "the Balkan
war began as a war of liberation, became rapidly a war of annexation, and has ended as a war of
extermination"(Page 294, Vasil Bogov, Macedonian Revelation, Historical Documents Rock and
Shatter Modern Political Ideology).
The Greek atrocities were revealed to the world when a lost mailbag was discovered containing
letters from Greek soldiers in Macedonia to their families in Greece. The mailbag was turned in to
the Carnegie Relief Commission and the contents of the letters were made public. Expecting to
fight for the glory of the fatherland, the soldiers instead, found themselves torturing, murdering,
burning houses and evicting women and children from their homes in a most vile way. The letters
revealed that the soldiers were acting on direct orders from the Greek authorities and the Greek
king himself. Macedonian families of known Exarchists (Macedonians belonging to the Bulgarian
Church) were ordered by force to "take with them what they could carry and get out". "This is
Greece now and there is no place for Bulgarians here". Those that remained were forced to swear
loyalty to the Greek State. Anyone who refused to take the loyalty oath was either executed as an
example of what would happen to those disloyal, or was evicted from the country. To explain the
mass evacuations, Greek officials were claiming that the inhabitants of Macedonia were leaving by
choice or becoming Greek by choice. The truth is, no one was given any choice at all.
"A thousand Greek and Serbian publicists began to fill the world with their shouting about the
essentially Greek or Serbian character of the populations of their different spheres. The Serbs gave
the unhappy Macedonians twenty four hours to renounce their nationality and proclaim themselves
Serbs, and the Greeks did the same. Refusal meant murder or expulsion. Greek and Serbian
colonists were poured into the occupied country... The Greek newspapers began to talk about a
Macedonia peopled entirely with Greeks-and they explained the fact that no one spoke Greek by
calling the people 'Bulgaro-phone Greeks' ... the Greek army entered villages where no one spoke
their language. 'What do you mean by speaking Bulgarian?" cried the officers. 'This is Greece and
you must speak Greek'" (Page 104, John Shea, Macedonia and Greece, The Struggle to define a
new Balkan Nation).
In 1913, professor R.A. Reiss reports to the Greek government: "Those whom you would call
Bulgarian speakers I would simply call Macedonians...Macedonian is not the language they speak
in Sofia...I repeat the mass of inhabitants there (Macedonia) remain simply Macedonians."
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"The Carnegie Relief Commission, dispatched to the Balkans in late 1913, reported the incredible
story of human suffering. In Macedonia alone, 160 villages were razed leaving 16,000 homeless,
several thousand civilians murdered, and over 100,000 forced to emigrate as refugees." (Page 149,
Radin, IMRO and the Macedonian Question).
History again turned its eyes away from the Greek, Bulgarian and Serbian atrocities in Macedonia
to focus on new events that were about to unfold and engulf the entire world.
After losing Bosnia and Herzegovina to Austria in 1908 and the Albanian territories in 1912 (again
because of Austria), Serbia became bitter and resentful. "To the nationalist Serbs the Habsburg
monarchy (Austria-Hungary) was an old evil monster which prevented their nation from becoming
a great and powerful state. On June 28, 1914, a young Serbian nationalist, Gavrilo Princip,
assassinated the heir of the Habsburg monarchy, the Archduke Francis Ferdinand, and his wife at
Sarajevo" (Page 104, Felix Gilbert, The End of the European Era, 1890 to the Present).
Within two weeks of the assassination the First World War broke out engulfing all of Europe. It
was inevitable and a matter of time before a "world war" would break out in the Balkans. The
Super Powers were incapable of exercising diplomacy either between themselves or with the new
Balkan States they helped create. Macedonia was sacrificed in order to appease the new Balkan
states but that did little to satisfy their ferocious appetites for lands and loot.
While World War I raged on consuming the lives of millions of young men and women, Greece,
Bulgaria and Serbia were serving their own brand of chauvinism in Macedonia. For the next five
years, with the world busy with its own problems there was no one to hear the cries of the
Macedonian people at the hands of the new tyrants. If the gravestones of the dead Macedonians
could speak they would tell tales of torture and executions, deception and lies. They would say,
"our Christian brothers came to liberate us but instead they killed us because we were in their way
of achieving greatness. We were labeled 'criminals' because we would not yield to their demands. I
ask you is it a crime to want to live as free men? Is it a crime to want to be Macedonian? Is it a
crime to want to exercise free will? It is they who are the criminals for befouling everything that is
Christian, for their lies and deception, and for murdering us to possess our lands. History will
record August 10th, 1913 as the darkest day in Macedonia, the day our future died".
The triple occupation worsened living conditions in Macedonia but the fighting spirit of the
Macedonian people continued to live underground and abroad. Three generations of fighting for
liberty, freedom and an independent Macedonia came to a close. The Ilinden generation and IMRO
were defeated, not by the Turks, not by Muslim oppression but by Christian cruelty and deception.
Soon after the occupation, underground societies sprang up everywhere urging the Macedonian
people to refuse their new fate and oppose the partition. Accordingly, many Macedonians did so by
refusing to obey the new officialdom and by not participating in the new institutions. This however,
did not phase the military regimes occupying Macedonia from systematic denationalization and
violent assimilation.
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The battle for "dominion of the world" which started over Balkan affairs, soon took a sinister turn
to again involve Macedonia. As the Entente Powers (Britain, France, Russia and Italy) were
'fighting it out" with the Central Powers (Germany and Austro-Hungary), Bulgaria, smarting from
her losses at Bucharest, remained neutral. In a turn of events and to the amazement of the Greeks,
the Entente Powers approached Bulgaria with an offer of a substantial portion of Macedonian
territory in exchange for her alliance. Bulgaria however, seemed to prefer the company of the
Central Powers, perhaps they offered her a bigger portion, because by late 1915, her armies
marched in and invaded Macedonia. To quote the Bulgarian War Minister General Nikolaev " we
care little about the British, Germans, French, Russians, Italians, Austrians or Hungarians; our only
thought is Macedonia. Whichever of the two groups of Powers will enable us to conquer it will
have our alliance!" (Page 154, Radin, IMRO and the Macedonian Question).
While the Serbs were being engaged on their northern border, the Greeks were debating which side
to take. Their hesitation or "National Schism", as it was later called, lay in the differences that
emerged between the Greek Prime Minister Venizelos and the Greek King Constantine I, over
which side to join. Venizelos was a strong supporter of the Entente and within days of the outbreak
of hostilities, was ready to offer Greek troops to fight alongside the Entente. King Constantine on
the other hand, did not share Venizelos' zeal and believed that Greek policies would be served best
by staying neutral. Being married to Sofia, the sister of Kaiser Wilhelm II however, predisposed
Constantine towards the Central Powers. The tug of war between Prime Minister and king divided
the people of Greece into two camps and the country slid towards a state of virtual civil war.
Having the authority to do so, Constantine replaced Venizelos with a pro-German Prime Minister
and to end the impasse, called for an election. Unfortunately for the King, Venizelos once again
came out victorious with a clear majority. Bulgaria's attack on Serbia however, due to a GreekSerbian treaty, predisposed Greece to offer Serbia assistance, but the King's camp refused to
comply on the grounds that it was not Bulgaria alone who was committing the aggression and
insisted on remaining neutral. Venizelos on the other hand, called on parliament and won support to
send Greek troops to fight alongside the Serbs and to allow landings of Entente troops in the Solun
region. Venizelos was again forced to resign. "But whatever the constitutional rights and wrongs of
the situation Venizelos’ second resignation on 5 October 1915 signified a total breakdown in
relations between the king and his elected prime minister. Britain and France, however, had not yet
given up Greece for lost and held out to Venizelos’ successor, Alexander Zaimis, the prospect of
the cession of Cyprus to Greece in return for aid to Serbia, whose forces were now under severe
pressure" (Page 109, Richard Clogg, A Short History of Modern Greece).
Soon afterwards, Zaimis too was forced to resign. New elections were held in December but were
boycotted by the Venizelos camp. Events came to a head when the Royalists refused to allow
evacuated Serbian troops to cross over from Corfu and join the Entente forces on the Solun front.
Backed by the Entente, a group of pro-Venizelos officers launched a coup in Solun against the
official government and created a provisional pro-Entente government with its own army. Once
again many Macedonians, deceived by Balkan propaganda, joined the war with hopes of being
liberated only to end up as "cannon fodder" used by both sides at the front. Macedonian casualties
mounted and towns and villages only recently reconstructed were again bombarded to dust.
Soon after establishing the Solun front, the occupation of Greece was complete. France had
dispatched 60,000 troops in the Balkans with hopes of safeguarding the Skopje to Solun rail links.
74
By late 1917, Entente troops were emerging victorious over the Bulgarians and Germans in
Macedonia. No sooner was the battle over than a problem developed between British and French
commands in Macedonia. While the British General Milne supported Venizelos and his attempts to
constitute a pro-British provisional government in Greece, the pro-Macedonian French General
Sarrail opposed Venizelos and sought to drive the Greek army out of Macedonia. "The ambitious
plan for Macedonian autonomy drafted by the French command in 1915 and 1916 were but mere
progressive steps to ensure France a strategic outpost for capital expansion" (Page 155, Radin,
IMRO and the Macedonian Question).
Once again, Macedonians were caught in the middle of someone else's war. To save face, France
recalled Sarrail and replaced him with a pro-Greek commander, thus avoiding a diplomatic disaster.
After establishing a government in Athens and consolidating his power in Greece, Venizelos
committed a total of nine divisions to the Macedonian front to assist the Entente forces on the
Solun front. To further prove his devotion to the Entente, Venizelos committed two more divisions
to fight the Bolshevists in Russia.
When the war was over, on November 11, 1918, a general armistice was signed and a Peace
Conference was convened in Versailles France. Venizelos arrived in Paris as the principle
negotiator for Greece, determined to reap his reward for his solid support to his victorious allies.
One of Venizelos' objectives was to resurrect the "Megali Idea" by annexing parts of Asia Minor,
Smyrna (Ismir) in particular. He convinced the world that the Christians living in Asia Minor were
Greek and should be part of Greece. Unfortunately for Venizelos, Italy had prior claims in Asia
Minor (Anatolia) which created a problem for the peacemakers. Greek ambition was viewed with
suspicion by Italy so to strengthen her claims, in March 1919, she began to build up troops in the
region. The Greeks viewed this as a threat to their own claim and before a final territorial solution
was reached, they demanded concessions. The reasons given were that the Greek people in Asia
Minor were endangered by Turkish aggression and needed protection. After much protest on the
Greek side, Britain, France and the Americans finally gave them permission to send a small defense
force. Under the protection of allied warships, on May 15, 1919, Greek troops began their landing
in Smyrna. Instead of staying put however, as per prior agreements, they began to occupy Western
Asia Minor (more on this later).
No sooner were the Central Powers driven out of Greek territories than the Greek Government, by
passing LAW 1051, inaugurated a new administrative jurisdiction for governing the newly acquired
lands in Macedonia.
When it started to become clear that the Entente Powers were winning the war, encouraged by
Woodrow Wilson's principles of nationality, many Macedonian lobby groups placed their faith in
the Peace Conference in Versailles. Wilson's fourteen principles of nationality implicitly asserted
the right of all nations to self-determination.
In his address to the Pan Slavic Assembly in Odessa in August 1914, Krste Misirkov called for
achieving autonomy by diplomatic means. An article was written and extensively circulated in May
1915, which specifically dealt with the autonomy call.
75
The student organization "Independent Society", in Geneva Switzerland under the slogan of
"Macedonia for the Macedonians", demanded the application of Wilson's principles to create an
autonomous Macedonia based on the principles of the Swiss Federative model.
Remnants of the IMRO also took action in the rally for an Autonomous Macedonia. After the
Bulgarians murdered Yane Sandanski in 1915, his supporters fled the Pirin region to save their own
lives and later regrouped in Serres to form the "Serres Revolutionary Council". "Having noted the
impetus for unification of the Southern Slavs against the Central Powers, the Council issued a
'Declaration of Autonomy' in October 1918, in which it appealed for membership of a Balkan
Federation on the basis of Macedonian territorial integrity. This plea was ultimately rejected by the
ruling cliques of the Kingdom of the Serbs, Croats and Slovenes, which later became known as
Yugoslavia". "By striving for political and economic hegemony over the Balkans, Balkan
nationalism has thrown the Balkan peoples and states into deep contradictions and conflicts which
must be begun by war, and finished by war and always war". (Page 158-159, Radin, IMRO and the
Macedonian Question).
Once again the Macedonian people came to the forefront to plead their case and once again they
were shut out. How many more wars must be fought and how much more blood must be spilled for
the world to realize that there is no end to Balkan conflicts without involving the Macedonian
people in resolving the Macedonian question?
The Peace Conference, which was supposedly "the tribunal of international conscience", had no
place for "Wilsonian Justice" or the opportunity for self-determination. Instead of practicing what
they preached, the so called "peace makers of Versailles" rewarded aggression in exchange for selfinterest.
With the stroke of a pen, in 1919 at the Treaty of Versailles (Paris), England and France sealed
Macedonia's fate by ratifying the principles of the Bucharest Treaty and officially endorsing the
partitioning of Macedonia.
This gave Greece the license she needed to pursue forced expulsion and denationalization of
Macedonians and to begin a mass colonization by transplanting "potential Greeks" into the annexed
territories of Macedonia. The Neuilly Convention allowed for forced exchanges of populations.
About 70,000 Macedonians were expelled from the Greek occupied part of Macedonia to Bulgaria
and 25,000 "so called Greeks" were transplanted from Bulgaria to Greek occupied Macedonia.
"Macedonia's fate has been the subject of every kind of political combination, negotiation and
treaty since 1912, each more immoral than the last, each ignoring completely the local interests and
desires of a population which, with the stroke of the statesman's pen, can be condemned to national
dissolution, and denied the right to a free national life while Armenians, Albanians and Jews
receive political freedom" (Page 160, Radin, IMRO and the Macedonian Question).
The Super Powers did not dare lose the strategic importance and untapped wealth in Macedonia or
dare disappoint their trusted allies in the Balkans. Think of the endless bickering and complaining!
76
What was surprising, especially to the Balkan delegation, was the raising of the Macedonian
question by Italy. On July 10, 1919, Italy along with the USA made a proposal to the "Committee
for the Formation of New States" for Macedonian autonomy. France flatly opposed the motion
while Britain proposed establishing a five-year Macedonian Commissary under the auspices of the
League of Nations. Greece and Serbia, by refusing to acknowledge the existence of a Macedonian
question, literally killed the motion.
Another item that came out of Versailles was Article 51, the League of Nations' code to "protect
national minorities". Article 51 of the Treaty of Versailles espouses equality of civil rights,
education, language, and religion for all national minorities. Unfortunately, article 51 was never
implemented by the Balkan States or enforced by the League of Nations which Greece and
Bulgaria to this day, violate and ignore. Why is this? Because to this day, Greece and Bulgaria
claim that "the Macedonian nationality" does not exist and has never existed. So, what minorities
should they be protecting? In response to the Greek claim I would like to ask the Greeks the
following questions;
1. To what minorities were you referring when on September 29, 1924 your Minister of Foreign
Affairs Nikolaos Mihalakopoulou signed an agreement with the Bulgarian Foreign Minister
Kalkoff?
2. To what minorities were you referring when on August 17, 1926 you made an agreement with
Yugoslavia regarding the nationality of the "Slavophones in Greece?
(Pages 159-161 G.A.L. I Kata Tis Makedonias Epivouli, (Ekdosis Deftera Sympepliromeni),
Athinai 1966).
On September 29, 1924, Greece signed an agreement with Bulgaria declaring that the Macedonians
in Greece were Bulgarians. Not to disappoint the Serbians, when they found out about the GreekBulgarian agreement, the Greeks changed their mind and on August 17, 1926, declared that the
Macedonians in Greece were in reality, Serbs.
As it turned out, the loudly proclaimed "Wilson principles" at the Paris Conference were only for
show. The real winners at the end of the conference were the "players", the biggest one of all being
Venizelos of Greece. "The entire forum was a farce, and its offspring the Versailles Treaty, the
ultimate insult to the dignity and self-esteem (what remained of it after continuous war and
bloodshed) of the long-tormented Macedonian people. Those Macedonians prodded by conscience,
by the mistrust gained after generations of suffering, and by the desire for freedom, thereafter
treated the Versailles Treaty, and all political treaties, with the contempt they deserve" (Page 166,
Radin, IMRO and the Macedonian Question).
At the conclusion of the Treaty not only did Greece get back what she had previously annexed but
additionally she received a large portion of Epirus, Western Thrace, Crete and the Aegean Islands.
It is important to mention here that when Albania's affirmation for independence was signed at the
London Conference in February 1920 more of Macedonia's territory was partitioned. A narrow strip
of land running through Lake Ohrid and southward along Macedonia's western boundary was
awarded to Albania.
77
Soon after arriving victorious in Greece, Venizelos in a speech in Solun, announced his plans for a
"Greater Greece" (Megali Idea) and for the bringing of all "Greek peoples" together under a single
Greater Greek State.
I remember as a child listening to old men in my village, sitting on the porch telling tales of bygone
wars when as young soldiers they chased the Turks to Ankara yelling "two Turks to a bayonet".
They also told stories of how it took them sixty days to gain sixty miles and how they lost them in
one day of retreat. I didn't understand what they were talking about then but they were talking about
the Greek exploits in Asia Minor. As I mentioned earlier, after building up a large military presence
in Asia Minor, a major offensive was launched in March 1921, and by the end of the summer, the
Greek armies reached the Sakarya River about forty miles from Ankara.
The assault on Asia Minor was an "exclusively Greek initiative" without the blessing of the Entente
Powers and as a result they found themselves alone and running out of ammunition. They knew
they couldn't count on Italy or France for help but the realization of their predicament sunk in when
Britain too refused to help them. By early autumn the Greeks were pushed back beyond the
halfway point between Smyrna and Ankara, reaching an uneasy military stalemate. Realizing that
they couldn't possibly win militarily or politically, the Greeks turned to the Paris Conference of
March 1922 looking for a compromise. The compromise called for the withdrawal of the Greek
armies and placing the Christian population under the protection of the League of Nations. Sensing
a victory, Mustafa Kemal of Turkey insisted on an unconditional evacuation of the Greek forces, a
demand unacceptable to the Greeks. Still counting on British kindness, in July 1922 the Greeks
unsuccessfully attempted to get permission from their allies to enter Tsari Grad (Istanbul).
Turkey launched a full-scale offensive on August 26, 1922 (a dark day for Greece and her Megali
Idea), near Afyonkarahisar and forced the Greeks into a hasty retreat back to Smyrna. On
September 8, the Greek army was evacuated and the next day, the Turkish army invaded Smyrna.
The worst came on the evening of the 9th when outbreaks of killing and looting began followed by
a massacre of the Christian population, in which 30,000 Christians, mostly Armenians, perished. As
a result of the violence 250,000 people fled to the waterfront to escape the catastrophic disaster.
The Asia Minor campaign was over along with the "Megali Idea" of a Greater Greece. Worse yet,
as a result of this "catastrophic Greek fiasco, over one million Turkish Christians were displaced,
most of them into Macedonia. Their settlement affected the demography of the Macedonian
landscape as well as the morale of the Macedonian population.
An entire generation of Macedonian young men that were drafted into the Greek military, were sent
to the Asia Minor campaigns and many lost their lives. The Greek authorities never acknowledged
their services and no compensation was ever paid to the families of those "breadwinners" who lost
their lives. The reason for the omission, according to the Greek authorities, "they were Bulgarian".
It is, I am told, noble to die for your country. Would it not be "nobler" to die for someone else's
country? And how did the Greeks repay those nobler enough to die for Greece? They let their
widows and children live in poverty. This is how Greece treated its noblest citizens!
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By the Treaty of Lausanne in July 1923, the Greco-Turkish war came to an end. Greece and Turkey
signed a population exchange agreement using "religion as the basic criterion for nationality".
(page 120, Richard Clogg, A Short History of Modern Greece).
The November 1925 issue of National Geographic Magazine best illustrates the magnitude of the
human wave, the audacity of the Greek and Turkish authorities and the total disregard for human
life. "History's Greatest Trek, Tragedy Stalks the Near East as Greece and Turkey Exchange Two
Million of their People. ...1922 began what may fairly be called history's greatest, most spectacular
trek-the compulsory intermigration of two million Christians and Muslims across the Aegean Sea."
" ...the initial episodes of the exchange drama were enacted to the accompaniment of the boom of
cannon and the rattle of machine gun and with the settings pointed by the flames of the Smyrna
holocaust." (page 533, Melville Chater, National Geographic, November 1925).
"Stroke of the Pen Exiles 3,000,000 People. It is safe to say that history does not contain a more
extraordinary document. Never before in the world's long pageant of folk-wanderings have
2,000,000 people-and certainly no less than 3,000,000 if the retroactive clause is possible of
complete application-been exiled and re-adopted by the stroke of the pen." (page 569, National
Geographic, November 1925). "Even if regarded as a voluntary trek instead of a compulsory
exchange, the movement would be without parallel in the history of emigration." "One might just
add that history has never produced a document more difficult of execution. It was to lessen these
difficulties that exchangeability was based in religion and not race. Due to five centuries of Turkish
domination in Greece, the complexities in determining an individual's racial status are often such as
would make a census taker weep." (page 570, National Geographic, November 1925).
"Greece with one-fifth Turkey's area has 1,5000,000 more people. Turkey with a population of
5,000,000 and naturally rich territory contains only 15 people to the square mile...Greece, with less
than one fifth of Turkey's area, emerges with a population exceeding the latter's for the fist time by
1,500,000 people averaging 123 to the square mile." (page 584, National Geographic, November
1925).
"History's Greatest Trek has cost 300,000 lives. Conservative estimates place it at 300,000 lives lost
by disease and exposure." (page 584, National Geographic, November 1925).
"The actual exchange was weighted very heavily in Turkey's favour, for some 380,000 Muslims
were exchanged for something like 1,100,000 Christians." "The total population in Greece rose
between 1907 and 1928 from 2,600,000 to 6,200,000." "After the Greek advances of 1912, for
instance, the Greek elements in Greek Macedonia had constituted 43 percent of the population. By
1926, with the resettlement of the refugees, the Greek element has risen to 89 percent." (page 121,
Richard Clogg, A Short History of Modern Greece).
After all this, surprisingly (and shamefully) Greece still claims her population to be homogeneous
and direct descendents of the peoples of the ancient City States.
"If Greece exists today as a homogeneous ethnos, she owes this to [the Asia Minor Catastrophe]. If
the hundreds of thousands of refugees had not come to Greece, Greek Macedonia would not exist
79
today. The refugees created the national homogeneity of our country. (Antonios Kandiotis,
Metrpolite of Florina, page 141, Anastasia Karakasidou, Fields of Wheat, Hills of Blood).
According to Karakasidou, almost half of the refugees were settled in urban centers and rural areas
in Macedonia. "Searching for locations in which to settle this mass of humanity, the Greek
government looked north to the newly incorporated land in Macedonia..." "...by 1930, 90 percent of
the 578,844 refugees settled in rural Greece were concentrated in the regions of Macedonia and
western Thrace. Thus Macedonia, Greece's newly acquired second 'breadbasket' (after Thessaly),
became the depository for East Thracian, Pontic, and Asia Minor refugees." (page 145, Anastasia
Karakasidou, Fields of Wheat, Hills of Blood).
While Greece was contemplating re-populating Macedonia with alien refugees, new developments
were boiling to the surface in Macedonia.
"A book of great importance to Macedonian linguistics and historiography was published in
Athens; that was the primer entitled ABECEDAR (A B C), printed in the Latin alphabet, and
intended for the children of the Macedonian national minority in Greece - the 'Slav speaking
minority' as Sir Austin Chamberlain, British diplomat and delegate to the League of Nations, and
Sir James Erick Drumond, General Secretary to the League of Nations, referred to the Macedonians
in Greece". (Voislav Kushevski, 'On the Appearance of the Abecedar' in Istorija magazine, 1983,
No. 2, p. 184).
"In 1920 Greece signed before the League of Nations a treaty obliging it to grant certain rights to
the minorities of non-Greek origin in Greece. Four years later, in 1924, at the suggestion of the
League of Nations, Greece and Bulgaria signed the well-known Kalfov-Politis Protocol under
which Bulgaria was obliged to grant the Greek minority in Bulgaria their minority rights (language,
schools and other rights), while Greece, recognizing the Macedonians from the Aegean part of
Macedonia as a 'Bulgarian' minority, was to grant them their minority rights. This agreement was
seemingly very much in favour of Bulgaria, but when in 1925 the Greek government undertook
certain concrete steps towards the publication of the first primer made for the specific needs of that
minority, it made it clear that there were no grounds on which Bulgaria could be officially
interested in any 'Bulgarian minority' or expect the primer to be in Bulgarian, for that minority though speaking a Slav language - was neither Bulgarian nor Serbian.
The very fact that official Greece did not, either de jure or do facto, see the Macedonians as a
Bulgarian minority, but rather as a separate Slav group ('Slav speaking minority'), is of particular
significance. The primer, published in the Latin alphabet, was based on the Lerin - Bitola dialect.
After Gianelli's Dictionary dating from the 16th Century, and the Daniloviot Cetirijazicnik written
in the 19th century, this was yet another book written in the Macedonian vernacular. The primer
was mailed to some regions in Western Aegean-Macedonia (Kostur, Lerin and Voden), and the
school authorities prepared to give Macedonian children, from the first to the fourth grade of the
elementary school, instruction in their own mother tongue (Grigorios Dafnis, 'Greece between the
two world wars', 'Elefteria' newspaper, March 15, 1953, Dionisios Romas in 'Elefteria' newspaper
of October 9 and 12, 1954 and Dimitrios Vazuglis in Racial and religious minorities in Greece and
Bulgaria, 1954).
80
The Greek governments, however, have never made a sincere attempt to solve the question of the
Macedonians and their ethnic rights in Greece. Thus, while measures were being undertaken for the
opening of Macedonian schools, a clash between the Greek and the Bulgarian armies at Petrich was
concocted, which was then followed by a massacre of the innocent Macedonian population in the
village of Trlis near Serres, all this with the aim of creating an attitude of insecurity within the
Macedonians, so that they would themselves give up the recognition of their minority rights, and
eventually seek safety by moving to Bulgaria. The Greek governments also skillfully used the
Yugoslav-Bulgarian disagreements on the question of the Macedonians in Greece, and with
organized pressure on the Macedonian population, as was the case in the village of Trlis, tried to
dismiss the Macedonian ethnic question from the agenda through forced resettlement of the
Macedonian population outside of Greece.
The ABECEDAR, which actually never reached the Macedonian children, is in itself a powerful
testimony not only of the existence of the large Macedonian ethnic minority in Greece, but also of
the fact that Greece was under an obligation before the League of Nations to undertake certain
measures in order to grant this particular minority their rights" (HRISTO ANDONOVSKI).
Even before Greece had secured her grip on Macedonia, officials were sent to administer "the new
lands". The first official Greek administrator arrived in Solun near the end of October 1912
accompanied by two judges, five customs officials, ten consulate clerks, a contingent of reporters
and journalists and 168 Cretan soldiers. Among other things, the first order of business was to
"Hellenize the New Lands". "After the Greeks occupied Aegean Macedonia, they closed the Slavic
language schools and churches and expelled the priests. The Macedonian language and names were
forbidden, and the Macedonians were referred to as Bulgarians, Serbians or natives. By law
promulgated on November 21, 1926, all place names (toponyms) were Hellenized; that is the
names of cities, villages, rivers and mountains were discarded and Greek names put in their place.
At the same time the Macedonians were forced to change their first and surnames; every
Macedonian surname had to end in 'os', 'es', or 'poulos'. The news of these acts and the new, official
Greek names were published in the Greek government daily 'Efimeris tis Kiverniseos no. 322 and
324 of November 21 and 23, 1926. The requirements to use these Greek names is officially binding
to this day. All evidence of the Macedonian language was compulsorily removed from churches,
monuments, archeological finds and cemeteries. Slavonic church or secular literature was seized
and burned. The use of the Macedonian language was strictly forbidden also in personal
communication between parents and children, among villagers, at weddings and work parties, and
in burial rituals." (page 109, John Shea, Macedonia and Greece, The Struggle to Define a New
Balkan Nation).
The act of forbidding the use of the Macedonian language in Greece is best illustrated by an
example of how it was implemented in the Township of Assarios (Giuvezna). Here is a quote from
Karakasidou's book Fields of Wheat, Hills of Blood.
"[We] listened to the president articulate to the council that in accordance with the decision
[#122770] of Mr. Minister, General Governor of Macedonia, all municipal and township councils
would forbid, through [administrative] decisions, the speaking of other idioms of obsolete
languages within the area of their jurisdiction for the reconstitution of a universal language and our
national glory. [The president] suggested that [the] speaking of different idioms, foreign
81
[languages] and our language in an impure or obsolete manner in the area of the township of
Assirios would be forbidden.
Assirios Township Decision No. 134, 13 December 1936". (page 162, Anastasia Karakasidou,
Fields of Wheat, Hills of Blood).
By 1928, 1,497 Macedonian place-names in the Greek occupied Macedonia were Hellenized (LAW
4096) and all Cyrillic inscriptions found in churches, on tombstones, and on icons were destroyed
(or overwritten) prompting English Journalist V. Hild to say "The Greeks do not only persecute
living Slavs (Macedonians)..., but they even persecute dead ones. They do not leave them in peace
even in the graves. They erase the Slavonic inscriptions on the headstones, remove the bones and
burn them."
The years following World War I (The Great War), the Macedonian people underwent extensive
measures of systematic denationalization. The application of these "denationalization schemes"
were so extensive and aggressively pursued that in the long term, they eroded the will of the
Macedonian people to resist.
"In Greece, in 1929 during the rule of Elepterios Venizelos, a legal act was issued 'On the
protection of public order'. In line with this Act each demand for nationality rights is regarded as
high treason. This law is still in force.
On December 18, 1936, Metaxsas' dictatorial government issued a legal Act 'On the activity against
state security' on the strength of which thousands of Macedonians were arrested, imprisoned,
expelled or exiled (EXORIA) on arid, inhospitable Greek islands, where many perished. Their
crime? Being ethnic Macedonian by birth.
On September 7, 1938 legal Act No. 2366 was issued banning the use of the Macedonian language.
All Macedonian localities were flooded with posters: 'Speak Greek'. Evening schools were opened
in which adult Macedonians were taught Greek. Not a single Macedonian school functioned at the
time." (page 8, What Europe has Forgotten: The Struggle of the Aegean Macedonians, A Report by
the Association of the Macedonians in Poland).
Many Macedonians were fined, beaten and jailed for speaking Macedonian. Adults and school
children alike were further humiliated by being forced to drink castor oil when caught speaking
Macedonian.
In Vardar Macedonia, the Yugoslav government attacked the problem of denationalization and
assimilation by enacting Laws such as the September 24, 1920 "Resolution for the Settlement of
the New Southern Regions" designed to effectively exclude Macedonians from owning any
property. The Macedonian language was banned along with cultural institutions through a uniform
code known as the December 30th, 1920 EDICT which was aimed at persecuting all political and
trade union associations.
82
The bulk and most arable Macedonian land was awarded to Serbian army officers who survived the
World War I Solun front. Land was also awarded to the Serbian administrators of Macedonia
including government bureaucrats, judges and the police.
The denationalization measures were complemented with aggressive re-education programs
producing "little Serbs" out of the Macedonian children. As for the unwilling adults, they were
given two options - "live as a Serb" or "die as a Macedonian"!
In Pirin Macedonia, the Bulgarian government enforced compulsory name changes and through
repressive political and economic means, stepped up the assimilation process. Initially, land
reforms favoured the poor, including the Macedonian peasants, later however, that too changed and
exposed the Macedonians to a similar fate as the Macedonians in Aegea and Vardar.
The Macedonians in Albania, posing little threat to Albania's authority, faired relatively better than
their kin in Greece, Bulgaria and Serbia. The village inhabitants were not persecuted or subjected to
any comprehensive denationalization programs. As a result, the Macedonian culture flourished,
original names remained and the people spoke Macedonian uninhibited.
As I mentioned earlier, many of the IMRO regional leaders, fooled by the Balkan League's
propaganda, voluntarily joined the Leagues armies in 1912 to help oust the Turks and liberate
Macedonia. When it was over and the so-called "liberation" turned into an "occupation", they found
themselves as prisoners of the Leagues soldiers. The ones fortunate enough to have escaped fled to
the Pirin region and joined up with Yane Sandanski's Cheta which was still active at the time. After
Sandanski's assassination in 1915 however, many of his followers went underground and later reemerged in Serres to form the "Serres Revolutionary Council". The left wing of IMRO re-emerged
prior to the 1919 Paris Peace Conference with high hopes of settling the Macedonian question by
lobbying the peace delegates. After realizing that their efforts were futile, they gave up and merged
together with the Provisional Mission of Western Macedonia to form IMRO (United). Macedonia is
alive, "United" in spirit if not in substance. Unfortunately, because of Macedonia's division and the
impenetrable barriers erected, putting up a "united" national front was difficult if not impossible.
Even though there was much desire to achieve a 'united autonomous Macedonia', no form of
mobilization was practical. So how was IMRO going to achieve its objectives? Some leaders
believed that by internationalizing the Macedonian question and by working with the supportive
political elements of each Balkan State, the denationalization process could be slowed down, even
reversed, and a climate for reunification created. The barriers erected in Macedonia, IMRO
believed, could be penetrated by employing new, revolutionary, and non-nationalistic tactics. By
joining the "international class struggle against a common oppressor", IMRO believed selfdetermination could be achieved. The only political elements that sympathized with IMRO's
objectives at the time were the Communist Parties of the respective Balkan States. IMRO called on
the Macedonian people to join the class struggle and support those sympathetic to the Macedonian
cause. Many Macedonians did rise to the task but found they had very little in common with the
exploited working class in their respective new countries. Macedonians felt they were exploited
first because they were Macedonians and second because they were a working class. To win them
over, the Communist International (Comintern) was obliged to consider concessions like offering
Macedonians autonomy and the right to self-determination or at least recognize the Macedonian
nation with full rights and privileges. The Comintern saw the Macedonians as a potentially strong
83
ally that could be persuaded to rally for its cause. Unfortunately, there were problems, many
problems. First there were disagreements between the various Balkan State Communist Parties
regarding the degree of concessions to be awarded. Then there were fears of losing Macedonian
territory, if autonomy was considered. Moscow, the leading Comintern figure favoured a Balkan
Federation with the whole of Macedonia as one of its republics. Bulgaria, unfortunately, still
dreaming the San Stefano dream, backed out of the deal.
Without a way of breaking the "artificial impenetrable barriers" imposed on Macedonia by the
Balkan States, IMRO was never again able to rise to the glory days of the Ilinden Rebellion. As a
consequence, its role slowly diminished and it became extinct after the German occupation of the
Balkans in 1941.
After the Great War there was peace in Europe, unfortunately, Macedonians continued to endure
denationalization, forced assimilation, forced emigration, and economic neglect at the hands of the
new masters. As time will tell, Europe will not have a lasting peace, a new menace with greater
ferocity is emerging and will engulf the entire world. Once again someone else's war will be fought
on Macedonian soil and once again it will prove even more devastating, almost fatal to the
Macedonian people.
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Part VII: 1939 – 1949 - WWII & The Greek Civil War
In the previous article (part VI) I covered the effects of Macedonia's partition and the practices and
policies of its subjugators.
In this article (part VII) I will cover World War II, the Greek Civil War and their effects on the
Macedonian people. This article contains first hand accounts of people who lived through the
ordeals of World War II and the Greek Civil War.
After the conclusion of the Great War and the Soviet Bolshevik revolution the Super Powers were
in ruins and began their lengthy process of rebuilding.
Russia's desires for imperialist ventures and her obsession with destroying the Ottoman Empire
brought immense economic suffering to her people.
While the Macedonians in the Balkans were suffering from denationalization and oppression, the
world around them was changing.
Lenin's rise to power put an end to Russian imperialist ambitions in the Balkans, especially the
Tsarist desires for annexing Tsari Grad (Constantinople) and Endrene (Macedonian Dardanelles).
Germany on the other hand, bitter about her latest defeat, began to rebuild her economy. Smarting
from their latest bouts with Germany, France and Britain too began to rebuild their economies and
military strengths.
Germany as the vanquished party and instigator of the Great War was forced to pay restitution for
damages to the victorious nations.
In spite of all efforts made to recover from the Great War, the economic situation in Europe was
worsening and came to a climax in October 1929 when the stock market crashed in the United
States.
The economic collapse of the 1930's and the "Great Depression" polarized the world into "left and
right" economic camps. On the left were the supporters of the working class and Communism,
while on the right were the supporters of industry and capitalism.
The tug of war between left and right came to a climax when civil war broke out in Spain in July
1936. Germany was in support of the right and sent troops to fight on the side of the Spanish
Government. Germany at the time was only allowed to have a small army, so to compensate for her
limited numerical capability she focused her efforts on producing a superior force. Germany's small
but capable army was field-tested and battle hardened in the Spanish conflict. This explains her
numerous victories during the course of World War II.
Russian and German influences did not escape the Balkan States and they too felt the pull from the
two camps.
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To maintain control of his kingdom, King George II of Greece made his state a dictatorship and in
1936, after the Greek premier's death, appointed General Metaxas to take charge of Greek affairs,
who at the time was minister of war.
While there were some prospects for basic human rights for the Macedonian people in the Greek
State in the early 1920's, those prospects died as Greece tightened her grip on Macedonia by
implementing more racist assimilation policies. If that was not enough, on December 18, 1936 the
Greek Government issued a legal act concerning, "Activities Against State Security". By this act
thousands of Macedonians were arrested, imprisoned, and expelled from their homeland.
Among other things Metaxas, on September 7, 1938 by legal act 2366, outlawed the Macedonian
language and prohibited people from speaking it by imposing heavy fines and imprisonment.
In 1938 Australian author Bert Birtles in his book "Exiles in the Aegean" wrote, "In the name of
'Hellenization' these people (Macedonians) are being persecuted continually and arrested for the
most fantastic reasons. Metaxas' way of inculcating the proper nationalist spirit among them has
been to change all the native place-names into Greek and to forbid use of the native language. For
displaying the slightest resistance to the edict-for this too is a danger to the security of the Statepeasants and villagers have been exiled without trial." (page 112, John Shea, Macedonia and
Greece The Struggle to Define a New Balkan Nation).
Once in control of the Greek State Metaxas acted against the labour unions and their leaders and
declared strikes illegal. He then turned to suppressing all political opposition, outlawed all political
parties and imprisoned the leaders who would not pledge their loyalty. The communist party too
was outlawed and driven underground. The press was also heavily censored.
Being a military man himself, Metaxas dedicated much of the State's finances to modernize the
Greek army in both manpower and military hardware. In the sphere of education, he re-wrote
Greek history to support his own ideologies declaring that there were three great periods in history:
the classical, the Byzantine and his own regime, which was then known as the "Regime of the
Fourth of August". He created a National Youth Organization to bring together the children of the
various social classes and provided military training for boys and domestic skills for girls.
Even though the Metaxa regime was ideologically similar to that of Spain and Italy, the Greeks
were always loyal to Britain.
In Yugoslavia, events were progressing in a similar manner to those in Greece. After King
Alexander declared himself dictator of Yugoslavia in 1929, he suspended the constitution and
subdivided his kingdom in such a way that the Serbs would be a majority in all districts. He also
abolished trade unions and removed personal liberties.
The Serbian occupied territory of Macedonia was referred to as "South Serbia" and the Macedonian
language was forbidden from being spoken in public. The history of the Macedonian people and
their surnames were changed as well, to give Serbian emphasis. Place names too were changed and
replaced with historically Serbian names.
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Unlike the Metaxa regime, after the 1930's the Yugoslav regimes began to relax their tight grip and
allowed unofficial and limited use of the Macedonian dialects to be spoken in the streets of
Macedonia and in plays and drama clubs.
In Bulgaria, events followed a similar course as in Yugoslavia and Greece. A military coup was
imposed in May 1934, the 1879 constitution was abolished, and political organizations and trade
unions were suppressed. In 1935, King Boris III, in a bloodless coup, overthrew the old dictatorship
and replaced it with his own Royal one.
Bulgarian governments since Bulgaria's inception in 1878 have officially and adamantly denied the
existence of the Macedonian nationality arguing that Macedonians are Bulgarians.
Thousands of Macedonians who over the years tried to express different views were jailed or
exiled. The attitude that Macedonians are Bulgarians was used to justify violent assimilation acts
and to deny Macedonians their basic human rights.
Ever since her inception in 1878, Bulgaria has been obsessed with possessing Macedonia and has
caused immense suffering for the Macedonian people.
The downfall of the Tsarist Russian Imperial Empire, the break-up of the Hapsburg AustroHungarian Empire and the demise of the Ottoman Empire, removed three of the Super Powers from
internal Balkan influence. While Britain played a less active role, France and Italy attempted to
form competing alliances in the Balkans but did not have the military might to enforce them. The
Balkan governments on the other hand, for the first time, had an opportunity to adjust their relations
with each other and form alliances to protect their mutual interests. Unfortunately, their hatred for
each other and fear of losing Macedonia always prevented such an alliance and allowed outsiders to
again play a role in their internal affairs.
Germany's humiliating defeat in the Great War, coupled with her economic plight in the 1930's,
gave rise to a new kind of German radicalism. Hitler exploited that and turned it to his own
advantage. Hitler, in the short term, also gave the German people what they desired most, work and
hope for a better future. Unfortunately, in the long term, he delivered disaster not only to the
German people but also to many other nations, including the Macedonians.
As a new-world order emerged, new alliances began to form. On one side stood the Axis partners,
initially consisting of Germany, Italy and Japan, then as war broke out, Albania, Bulgaria,
Romania, Hungary, Finland and Thailand joined in. On the other side were the Allied partners
consisting of Britain, the Soviet Union, the USA, and China. As the war progressed, more and more
nations joined the allies, totaling about fifty before the war was over.
In September 1940, Germany, Italy and Japan signed a cooperation agreement, which basically
identified their intentions with respect to each other’s spheres of influence, and defined their
political, economic, and defense strategies as well as their obligations to each other. The agreement
came to be known as the "tripartite pact".
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After war broke out in the Balkans, the first to fall to fascist aggression was Albania. By an
ultimatum delivered to Albanian King Zog on March 23, 1939, Italian troops landed in Albania and
occupied her territory on April 7, encountering little resistance.
Soon after consolidating control in Albania, on October 28th, 1940, Italy declared war on Greece.
Greece however, turned out to be a tougher nut to crack and Metaxas’ foresight in arming his state
paid off.
Official history praises Greece and the Greek soldiers for their bravery and fighting spirit but
neglects to mention Macedonian contributions and sacrifices made to keep Greece safe.
Macedonians were the first to be dispatched to the front lines in Albania and took the full brunt, not
just of the offensive, but of the winter cold as well. More Macedonian men suffered from gangrene
than from Italian bullets and bombs. Unprepared for the frigid temperatures, many men lost their
fingers, toes, limbs and even their lives to frostbite. Food too was in short supply and the brave
Macedonian soldiers had to fight off starvation as well as the Italians. They did this to protect a
country that refused and still refuses to recognize them.
All their sacrifices were in vain anyway because six months later, on April 6th, 1941, the German
army marched into Greece. Again the Macedonians fought bravely but they were no match for the
well-trained, well-disciplined German army. (If you wish to learn more about World War II,
specifically about events that involved Greece, Yugoslavia, Bulgaria and Albania, please read
Volume 4 of "The Marshal Cavendish Illustrated Encyclopedia of World War II, but don't expect to
find anything about the Macedonian contribution).
There is a story I am told of a Macedonian soldier, a real old coot, who refused to surrender to the
invading Germans and continued to fire at them in spite of orders to cease. He held his position
until he ran out of ammunition and the Germans practically grabbed him by the neck. Expecting to
meet his maker, he stood up and bravely faced his enemy. But instead of killing him, the German
soldiers, one by one, shook his hand and praised him for his bravery, then let him go. (I don't want
to give you the wrong impression about the Germans. This is how they behaved in the beginning,
later however, during the Partisan days, their policy was to "kill ten innocent civilians for each
German soldier killed").
When the Germans reached Athens, the Greek government capitulated and the soldiers on the
Albanian front were left on their own. Some were told to go to Epirus and regroup, expected to
make the long trek on foot. Others were told nothing and were left to roam the countryside.
Eventually they were all picked up by German patrols, disarmed and sent home.
At home, the returning soldiers were given a hero's welcome. Unfortunately for those who were
wounded and lost fingers, toes and limbs to frostbite, there was no compensation or solace for their
pain.
The German invasion was a welcome relief for the soldiers from the Italian front, but at the same
time it posed an uneasy uncertainty as to what was going to happen next. No one was certain how
the new invaders were going to react. The Macedonian people, having ample prior experiences with
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being occupied were expecting the worst. As time would show however, the new invaders were a
mixed blessing for the Macedonian people.
After the war broke out in Europe, Bulgaria allied itself with the axis powers and on March 1,
1941, joined the German led pact. The entry of German troops into Bulgaria put Yugoslavia in a
difficult position. To avoid the German wrath, on March 25, 1941 the Regent, Prince Paul, also
joined the German led pact. This did not sit well with young King Peter however, who with the
help of the Yugoslav military, staged a coup and deposed the Regent. This meant that again Hitler
had to negotiate with Yugoslavia. Hitler was counting on Yugoslavia to allow him passage to attack
Greece. The new situation angered Hitler and instead of negotiating, he signed directive number 25
declaring Yugoslavia an enemy of Germany and ordered her destruction. Hitler wanted a swift
strike so he withdrew troops from the Russian campaign.
It took Hitler's army 12 days to demolish Yugoslavia, a small diversion in his destructive career,
but there are those who believe that this little diversion changed the course of history. To begin
with it gave the Soviet Union just enough time to adequately prepare for an offensive, which
ultimately led to Germany's defeat. Secondly, the violent nature of the attack created the right
conditions for a Partisan uprising, which ultimately helped to establish the Republic of Macedonia.
The battle for Yugoslavia and Greece was swift and effective. When it was over the Germans, as an
ally to the axis powers, allowed Bulgaria to occupy Vardar (Yugoslav occupied) Macedonia and
the eastern region of Aegean (Greek occupied) Macedonia. Later, after the Italians left, Germany
allowed Bulgaria to occupy western Macedonia as well.
Many Macedonians from the Vardar region who had suffered under the Yugoslav regime
welcomed the Bulgarian invaders as saviors and liberators. Their euphoria was unfortunately short
lived as the Bulgarians quickly began to oppress and forcibly Bulgarize the Macedonian
population. If there had been any pro-Bulgarian sentiment before, it quickly disappeared after the
occupation.
Germany's violent entry into Yugoslavia, coupled with Bulgarian oppressive attitudes towards the
Macedonian people, gave birth to an underground Macedonian resistance movement.
In Aegean Macedonia, after the Germans settled in, life for the Macedonian people took on an
uneasy normalcy. The Greek police that had supported the Metaxa regime before the occupation
now cooperated with the German military and again became active in Macedonia. To counter its
oppressive tactics, the old Komiti (Ilinden revolutionary guard) rearmed and went back to active
duty. The "old timers" were angered by Greece's oppressive laws and were spurred back into action
by Bulgarian propaganda condemning the Greek oppressive tactics. The Bulgarians were well
aware of the unfavourable conditions the Greek Government had created in Macedonia and used
the opportunity to agitate the Greeks. Komiti actions were limited at best and were restricted to the
Italian zones, as the Germans would not tolerate armed actions in their zones.
The Partisan movement in Yugoslavia was more organized and progressive than that in Greece.
Led by Tito, the Communist partisans in Yugoslavia organized a war of national liberation in which
the Macedonians, led by General Tempo, fought on an equal footing. Macedonians formed their
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own section of resistance even before they were recognized and accepted by Tito. The first antifascist war of national liberation began in the Republic of Macedonia on October 11, 1941. October
11th is the "Second Ilinden" for the Macedonian people. Since 1941 they have celebrated it as
"Macedonian Revolution Day". The Macedonian people by their actions, loyalty, and patriotism
earned their place in the world. By hardship, determination, and the spilling of blood the
Macedonian people demonstrated their desire for freedom and the willingness to rule themselves.
The Super Powers in 1829 (by the London Protocol) satisfied the Greeks by making Greece a
country. Similarly, in 1878 (by the congress of Berlin) Russia liberated the Bulgarians making
Bulgaria a country. Unlike the Greeks and Bulgarians however, the brave people of Vardar
Macedonia had to fight by themselves and for themselves to earn their place in the world among
the free nations.
For just over a year the Macedonians of Vardar endured enough Bulgarian treachery to last them a
lifetime. Then in April 1942 they rose up and demonstrated their displeasure. Macedonian Partisans
took up arms against the Bulgarian army but were massacred in a bloody battle. Unarmed
Macedonians then took to the streets to protest the massacre and they too were cut to pieces.
To escape persecution, sections of the Macedonian Partisan force fled into Aegean Macedonia.
Some entered the Italian zones near the village of Besfina and the rest penetrated the German zones
in the region around the village Sveta Petka and quickly went underground. The Besfina force,
before it had a chance to make contact with the local population, was spotted by the Komiti who
quickly sprang into action. Seeing uniformed men on the Besfina hillside startled the old Komiti.
Thinking that it was a Greek police (Andari) invasion force, the Komiti appealed to the local Italian
garrison and were given arms and permission to attack. When the Komiti started the offensive, the
Partisans backed off and sent representatives to negotiate. They went from village to village and
spoke with the local chiefs. The strangers wore handsome uniforms and conducted themselves
seriously with charm and charisma. They spoke long and well about freedom, liberty and the
treachery of the Bulgarian Fascists.
When the Komiti found out that the uniformed men were Macedonians, they accepted them with
open arms, gave them their weapons and many voluntarily joined their cause. The Partisans of
Sveta Petka, because of a German presence, had to work under cover and they too succeeded in
recruiting volunteers from the local population. After the Partisan penetration, the Macedonian
people of Aegean Macedonia learned about Bulgarian atrocities and ceased to believe the Bulgarian
propaganda. The old Ilinden guard was demobilized and replaced by a Partisan movement.
Partisan organizers took extraordinary measures to explain to the Macedonian people that they
were fighting for freedom and for the liberation of the Macedonian people from the tyranny of the
oppressive states. The Macedonian involvement in this war and later in the Greek civil war was not
about "Communist ideologies" or about alliances or obligations to the Super Powers. It was simply
the next stage in the long struggle for "liberation from oppression" and to fulfill a longing for
freedom, re-unification, and self-rule. The Macedonian contribution to fight against Fascism is not
only under emphasized, but historians also misinterpret it. I will once again say that the
Macedonian people during the Second Great War (WWII) rose on the democratic side and fought
against fascism and for the liberation of the states in which they lived. The Macedonian people, like
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other people in the Balkans fought to liberate their homeland and thus earned their place in the
world. This cannot be ignored and must be recognized and recorded in the annals of history.
Word of a Macedonian Partisan movement in Aegean Macedonia spread like wild fire. People
came out to the streets to freely speak their native Macedonian language, to sing songs and write
Macedonian plays and poetry. The Partisans even set up Macedonian schools and taught children
patriotic songs, poems and Macedonian history using the local Macedonian dialects. The younger
generations, for the first time, saw written words in their beloved, sacred Macedonian language.
The newfound freedom brought happiness to the lives of the oppressed Macedonian people who
welcomed the Partisans into their villages as "our own boys and girls". The newfound confidence
and strength projected by the Macedonians, terrified the Greeks especially the Andari and their
collaborators. For a while they were no longer a threat.
The Germans and Italians did not care one way or another about Macedonian affairs as long as
there was no trouble for them.
Macedonian interest in Partisan activities continued to climb, bringing new recruits and volunteers
to the cause. Youth organizations (NOMS) were created with young men and women recruited to
be the eyes and ears of the community and to help defend the villages. Many young volunteers of
military age were recruited and trained to perform policing and civic duties in the newly formed
organizations. The famous "all Macedonian" organization SNOF (Slaven Naroden Osloboditen
Front or Slavic Macedonian People's Liberation Front) was formed and recruited fighters from the
Kostur, Lerin and Voden regions. SNOF even cooperated with Greek organizations with similar
ideologies. Later, there was talk about re-uniting Macedonia, possibly through a Balkan
confederation. Britain unfortunately, was against the idea and discouraged Greece from taking part
in such matters. Bulgaria too could not agree and withdrew support. As usual, the Bulgarians
wanted to become rulers of Macedonia, which was unacceptable to the Macedonians.
There is a story told that about five hundred young Macedonian civilian men gathered at the village
of D'mbeni eager to join the Partisan movement. Word of this reached the Greek Partisan
leadership who appeared to be terrified at the prospect of a strong all Macedonian force. There is
nothing the Greeks fear more than losing Macedonia. The Greeks by this time had formed their
own Partisan movements (outside of Macedonia) and began to negotiate with the Macedonians
about combining forces. For some time Greek Partisan representatives tempted the Macedonians to
join them. When negotiations failed to achieve results, the Greeks tried ordering the Macedonians
to surrender their arms. Macedonians were well aware of Greek treachery and refused to join them
or surrender their arms. Instead they sealed the borders from Bigla to Korcha, rendering them
inaccessible to Greeks. Initially the Macedonians acted alone but later they joined a wing of the
EAM, the Greek Popular Liberation Army.
The leadership of the Macedonian force in Western Aegean Macedonia was shared between
Voivoda Ilia Dimov code named "Goche" and our own Oshchima Voivoda, Mito Tupurkovski code
named "Titan". Both commanders were loved by their men for their fighting abilities and respected
for their leadership.
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I briefly want to mention at this point that in an ironic twist of events, while Mito Tupurkovski
engaged the Germans in bitter battles, his mother Sulta was accidentally killed by a stray German
bullet.
It was an ordinary summer day in 1944 and for some time now the local people had become
accustomed to German patrols making their routine rounds, inspecting the road conditions and the
communication lines between Zhelevo and Breznitsa. Early each morning two German soldiers left
Zhelevo on foot for Breznitsa and a pair left Breznitsa for Zhelevo. When the patrols met they
reversed direction and continued this routine all day long.
On this particular day, ten Partisans came to Oshchima and decided to attack one of the patrols and
take the soldiers as hostages. They set a trap in a ditch near Ternaa and sat in wait. While they were
waiting, two men from Oshchima, Paso Boglev and Giro Keleshov went to a nearby mill. Paso left
his donkey to graze on the road above and stepped inside the mill. When the Germans passed by
they borrowed the donkey and one of them rode it as they made their way. When they reached the
Partisan trap, the only armed Partisan fired a rapid-fire volley in the air. Unfortunately, after the
initial burst, his gun jammed. The Germans quickly took cover in the ravine and started to fire
back. Discouraged by their failed attempt the Partisans quickly fled into the mountains. The loud
gunfire alerted the German garrison in Zhelevo and reinforcements were quickly dispatched. Paso
and Giro also heard the gunfire and came out of the mill to investigate. Seeing a rushing vehicle
with armed soldiers headed towards them startled the two men and in panic they fled. Paso ran
down to the river and hid out of sight. Giro unfortunately, ran up the hill and was in full view of the
German patrol. The Germans, thinking he was the culprit, gave chase. Giro was a fast runner and
the Germans couldn't catch him so before he could disappear into the woods, one of the soldiers
fired a rapid-fire volley at him. Who would have expected that a bullet from that round would
mortally wound Mito's mother Sulta who was quietly sitting in her yard enjoying a beautiful
summer's day? Giro escaped unharmed but unfortunately Sulta died from her wound on August
20th, 1944.
In September 1944 German troops began to withdraw from the Balkans. Fearing reprisals, many
Macedonians evacuated their villages and set up temporary homes in the mountains in seclusion.
As it turned out the Germans were not a threat, so after a month or so villagers returned to their
homes. The people that lived near main roads were afraid to return and took up residence with
relatives in secluded villages and stayed there until all the Germans were gone.
There was one incident that I know of where the Germans did do damage. This was in the Village
of Ternaa where returning Germans found their "host village" empty, became enraged and stoned
two old people to death.
To protect soldiers from being attacked out in the open at night, the Germans assigned them
residences inside the villages among the locals. Each house was identified with a marker and
returning soldiers used it for shelter. In Oshchima, as in other villages, identification numbers were
stamped on the outside door of each house. Time and time again the same soldiers came back to the
same house. According to stories my family told me, several German soldiers used to spend the
night at our house. When someone was missing my grandfather would motion "what happened"
and point in the direction where the man had last sat. The Germans would then motion back
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"sleep", meaning that he was killed or would say "mama" for gone home on leave to visit his
family.
After all the German and Bulgarian occupying forces withdrew from Yugoslavia, the Partisans
numbering about 800,000 men were in full control. There were no outside invasion forces (Allied
or Russian) inside Yugoslavia, so foreign interference was not a problem. At that time the
Macedonian Partisans possessed a sizeable force and wielded considerable influence in the ranks of
the Tito regime. The Macedonian people did their share of fighting for the liberation of Yugoslavia
from the Fascists and earned their place as equals among the Yugoslav people.
On August 2nd 1944, Macedonia was officially proclaimed a Republic within the Yugoslav
Federation. A Bitola-Lerin dialect was chosen and adopted as the official language of the Republic
and the city of Skopje was chosen as the new Republic's capital.
No sooner had the Germans withdrawn from Greece than the British military arrived in Athens.
Athens was evacuated on October 12, 1944 and a British occupation force entered the city a few
days later.
While Britain entered Greece with only four thousand troops, most unfit for combat, ELAS (Greek
Partisans) in contrast had seventy thousand men armed and ready for combat. Even the British
admit that if the Greek Partisans wanted to, they could have seized power. The conditions were
certainly right. The question is why didn't they, and what was the Civil War all about? Official
history provides no answers, only more questions.
It took the British a couple of months to get organized and by mid December 1944 they had fifty
thousand soldiers of their own and some loyal Greek troops to back them. The local Greek troops
came from the ranks of the Andari (National Republican Greek League), the same men who fought
alongside the Germans. They switched their German gear for British uniforms and they were back
on the streets again attacking the Partisans.
As Greece started to collapse, before Germany invaded in 1941, King George II fled and formed a
government in exile in London, which was recognized by the Allies as the official Government of
Greece. Also, the British in advance of the German departure established a centre of Greek activity
in Cairo where a Greek army, navy and air force operated under British command.
After the British consolidated power in Greece, they were able to support the British appointed
Greek Government and ordered the Partisans to demobilize. What is interesting here is that before
the British were able to militarily enforce a disarmament they ordered the Partisan forces to
disband. What is more interesting and noteworthy is that EAM agreed to demobilize its own forces
with hardly any conditions. The only condition worthy of mention is the request for Britain to
disarm the "Government support units" EAM's main opposition. Knowing full well that Britain
would never allow communist rule in Greece and also knowing that the Soviet Union signed an
agreement with Britain not to interfere in Greece, EAM still believed it could come to power with
no outside help.
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When the British went ahead with the original plan, ignoring EAM's request to disarm the
Government Support Units, EAM withdrew from the government. EAM then protested against
British actions by organizing demonstrations and general strikes. When the Athens square began to
flood with thousands of demonstrators, the police were ordered to fire on the crowds killing fifteen
people. To make matters worse, Churchill approved a plan for Britain to occupy Athens by any
means necessary if required. ELAS still held more than three-quarters of Greece but because it
could no longer count on outside (Soviet) support, it had to re-evaluate its own position.
Under these conditions, EAM on January 1945 accepted an armistice, trading guns for votes. The
Varkita agreement was signed on February 12, 1945 requiring all bands to demobilize and
surrender their weapons. The British, once again confirmed their allegiance to the Greek
Government by giving Athens full political and military support, committing their willingness to
fight to prevent a Partisan victory. The biggest losers of the Varkita agreement were the
Macedonians. As soon as EAM signed the agreement, all anti-Macedonian laws were back in force
and the Macedonian people lost all that they had gained during the German occupation. EAM/KKE
(Greek Communist Party) made absolutely no effort to safeguard Macedonian rights in the
agreements with Britain and as a result began to lose favour with the Macedonian leadership. When
the Macedonian Partisan forces were ordered to demobilize as part of the Vartika agreement, the
Macedonian leadership refused. Goche and Titan refused to disarm and disband without guarantees
that no harm would come to their men or to the Macedonian people.
The question of "what will happen to Aegean Macedonia under Greek communist rule", was still
unclear. Greece unfortunately was determined to rid itself of the Macedonians one way or another
and outlawed the Macedonian forces. A strike force was assembled by ELAS (the Greek Partisans)
and sent north to intervene and arrest the Macedonian outlaws. Instead of putting up a fight
however, the Macedonian brigades crossed over the Yugoslav border and entered Vardar
Macedonia where they were a welcome addition to existing Macedonian forces fighting the
Albanian Balisti (German allies) in Tetovo and Gostivar. The Macedonian leadership could have
stayed and fought the ELAS but it would have made no sense to bring the war home to Macedonia.
They knew very well that British troops would soon follow and they would be fighting a senseless,
bloody war in their own backyard.
With the Macedonian force out of the way, the Greek police were back and up to their old tricks.
This time it wasn't only the Macedonians who were their victims. They hated the Greek Partisans
just as much. With practically no one to stop them, the Greek police escalated their terror activities
arresting, torturing and murdering people indiscriminately. This included the EAM, ELAS and
KKE (Communist Party of Greece) leadership. By the time the elections were convened most of the
Partisan leadership had disappeared. They were either in jail serving hard time on fabricated and
trumped up charges or they were dead.
The elections were scheduled for March 31st, 1946 but instead of voting, the Greek Partisans rearmed themselves and rebelled against the Greek Government. The rebellion manifested itself as an
attack on Greece in the village of "Lithohorion" situated East of Mount Olimp (Olympus) directly
south of Katerini in Thessaly.
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Other attacks soon followed and in no time the conflict escalated into a full scale Civil War,
engulfing not only Greece but Macedonia as well.
In a bizarre turn of events the same ELAS, who less than a year ago turned their guns on the
Macedonian fighters now extended their hands in friendship. All was forgiven and forgotten when
the ELAS leadership asked the Macedonians for their help. This time they came with offers of
"equal rights", "recognition" and even possibilities of "re-unification with Vardar".
Now tell me what Macedonian could resist that?
Many Aegean Partisan fighters who had crossed over to Vardar Macedonia only the year before
came back. On their return they organized themselves under NOF, the Macedonian National
Liberation Front and fought side by side with the ELAS. Many were well aware of the saying
"beware of Greeks bearing gifts", and knew that the Greek offer was too good to be true, but there
was always that small ray of hope that perhaps this time the outcome for Macedonia might be
different. Besides, their families, homes and lives were in Aegean Macedonia, so what other choice
did they really have? They returned because they were lonely, because they loved their families and
because they had to live with the guilt of leaving their loved ones in dire straits. Every Macedonian
born in Macedonia, even in the most desolate places, knows the feeling of homesickness and yearns
to return.
The new alliance between ELAS and NOF opened many opportunities for the Greek Partisans
beyond the Greek borders. While the Greek government controlled the big cities and towns, the
Partisan strength was in the villages and mountains. Most of the Partisan recruits came from the
peasant population and showed themselves to be idealistic, hopeful and determined to fight. Camps
were set up in mountainous seclusion where new recruits were given combat training. There were
also training camps and supply depots set up outside Greece, in Albania and Yugoslavia. One such
camp was the town of Bulkes located in northern Yugoslavia. Bulkes was a beautiful town with
neat rows of lovely houses and fertile lands that could feed an army. The Germans built Bulkes to
house German families but after the German armies retreated, some residents of Bulkes were
kicked out while others left voluntarily. The empty town was loaned to the Greek Partisans to use
as a supply depot for warehousing food, uniforms and weapons. Bulkes was also a training centre
for officers, and an administrative centre for propaganda. During the Partisan days the town of
Bulkes was administered in the true spirit of socialism.
By early 1947, the Partisan force was showing real strength in military capability and promise for
delivering on its commitments to the Macedonian people. About 87 Macedonian schools were
opened in the Lerin and Kostur regions. A record number of students (10,000) were reported
attending school. Macedonian literature and culture seemed to flourish. The Greeks, unfortunately,
were never at ease with the Macedonian gains and there was visible resentment and mistrust
between the two peoples. Greek chauvinism seemed to flourish even at the best of times.
Macedonians on the other hand were never at ease about revealing their real names or identities,
especially to the Greek Partisans. One Macedonian explained it to me this way, "If they knew that
you were Macedonian then you had to watch both your front and back, because you never knew
where the next bullet was going to come from".
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In Macedonia the ranks of the Partisans were swelling mostly with volunteers from the patriotic
Macedonian villages. Some who had combat experience were promoted to the rank of officer. The
Greeks were hesitant and careful not to promote Macedonians to high ranks. Those they reserved
for Greeks only. In addition to enlisting men, the Partisans also drafted women as nurses, field
medics, tailors, menders, launderers, cooks, supply organizers and even armed combatants. For a
while the Partisans grew their own food in donated and abandoned fields. The workforce managing
the harvests and delivering food to the Partisan camps was made up mostly of women volunteers.
Britain was not happy with the new developments and squeezed the Greek Government to expand
its military capability and to arm itself with heavy arms. "Up to 1947 the British Government
appointed and dismissed Greek Prime Ministers with the barest attention to constitutional
formalities. British experts dictated economic and financial policy, defence and foreign policy,
security and legal policy, trade union and unemployment policy". (page 306, Barbara Jelevich,
History of the Balkans, Twentieth Century).
For her interference inside a Sovereign State's affairs and for allowing heavy-handed tactics, Britain
received criticism from the United States whose dollars were used to rebuild Greece.
Both the Greek Government and the Partisans were recruiting fighters from the same population.
While young men were drafted to fight for the Greek Government, their wives, sisters, brothers,
mothers and fathers were drafted to fight for the Partisans. There were heavy propaganda
campaigns conducted on both sides poisoning the minds of the young and impressionable, dividing
and tearing the community apart and pitting brother against brother.
This was the Greek legacy passed on to the Macedonian people for offering their help. This was the
"Greek curse" that many Macedonians must bear for partnering with the Greeks. To this day many
Macedonians harbour hard feelings and struggle to make amends. To this day the Macedonian
community remains divided on this issue.
Ever since the day the British set foot in Greece, they were adamant about ridding themselves of
the Partisans by any means possible, even condoning acts of violence and terror. From mid-1945 to
May 20th, 1947, the Partisans reported that "in Western Macedonia alone, 13,529 Macedonians
were tortured, 3,215 were imprisoned, and 268 were executed without trial. In addition, 1,891
houses were burnt down and 1,553 were looted, and 13,808 Macedonians were resettled by force.
During the war, Greek-run prison camps where Macedonians were imprisoned, tortured, and killed
included the island of Ikaria near Turkey, the Island of Makronis near Athens, the jail Averov near
Athens, the jail at Larisa near the Volos Peninsula, and the jail in Thessaloniki. Aegean
Macedonian expatriates claim that there were mass killings on Vicho, Gramos, Kaymakchalan, and
at Mala Prespa in Albania." (page 116 John Shea, Macedonia and Greece, The Struggle to Define a
New Balkan Nation).
In 1946 the Greek police attacked a band of musicians from Oshchima and Ternaa at Popli while
they were on their way to play at a wedding in Rudari. The musicians were severely beaten and
their musical instruments were destroyed. For one young man his trumpet was his only means of
support.
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In 1946, a Greek policeman shot and killed Sofia Ianovska from Zhelevo for fun. The woman,
whose husband was in Canada at the time, was standing on her front porch waiting for her children
to arrive from work. The crazed policeman fired at the woman because she was looking in his
direction, instantly killing her. According to local accounts, no inquiry was made regarding the
shooting nor was the policeman ever questioned about his actions.
In 1945-46, in retaliation for one of their own being killed, the Prosfigi (people that Greece
imported from Asia Minor during the 1920's) of Popli killed Nikola Cholakov, an innocent man
from Orovnik. The only connection Nikola had with the dead man was that he was a supporter of
the opposite side in the conflict.
I have been told that the Prosfigi in Macedonia committed atrocities against the Macedonian
people, and were never punished for their crimes. I also want to emphasize that the Macedonian
Partisans had the strength and opportunity to round up all the Prosfigi in north-western Macedonia
and massacre them to the last one but instead they used sound judgement and left them alone.
Macedonians understand that the Prosfigi are also victims of Hellenism.
The Greek Government in Macedonia worked closely with local collaborators and enlisted from the
Macedonian population only those who could be proven trustworthy. The collaborators worked
hard to identify all those who were sympathetic to the Partisans and reported on their activities on a
regular basis. Anyone reported aiding the Partisans was severely punished and sometimes executed.
In the spring of 1947, all those who were on the "bad guys" lists were rounded up, arrested and
locked up in the Lerin jails. Those accused of aiding the Partisans were taken out and executed. The
rest, after spending one hundred days in jail, without a trial, were sent to various concentration
camps in the most desolate Greek Islands.
I want to mention something very important here because I believe the Greek Government, even
before the Greek civil war, had plans "to deal with the Macedonians in Greece". "In 1947, during
the Greek civil war, the legal act L-2 was issued. This meant that all those who left Greece without
the consent of the Greek government were stripped of Greek citizenship and banned from returning
to the country. The law applied to Greeks and Macedonians, but in its modernized version the act is
binding only on Macedonians. It prevents Macedonians, but not former Communist Greeks who
fought against the winning side from returning to Greece and reclaiming property. On January 20,
1948, the legal act M was issued. This allowed the Greek government to confiscate the property of
those who were stripped of their citizenship. The law was updated in 1985 to exclude Greeks, but
still binding on Macedonians." (Pages 116, 117 John Shea, Macedonia and Greece, The Struggle to
Define a New Balkan Nation).
Clearly acts L-2 and M were designed to work against the interest of the Macedonian people. Even
innocent Macedonians who left before the Civil war were not allowed to return. The question now
is, "What was Greece planning to do with the Macedonians?" The way acts L-2 and M were
enforced over the years brings another question to mind. If there were no Macedonians living in
Greece, as the Greeks claim, then what nationality were these people the Greek Government
refused to allow back? Why is it that Greek law makes the distinction between Macedonians and
Greeks when it suits Greece and not when it benefits the Macedonians?
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By the end of 1947 battles were raging everywhere and the war was slowly moving north into
Macedonia. Clearly this was a "Greek War", yet again the Macedonian population was being
sucked into it. The heavily armed Greek Air force and mechanized artillery gained control of most
cities and main roads. The Partisans were literally trapped and continued their strictly defensive
campaigns mainly from the mountains of Vicho and Gramos.
As the situation became critical, both sides stepped up their recruitment campaigns and again were
drawing from the same population. The Partisans could no longer count on volunteers alone and
began to enlist fighters by force and drafted anyone they could get their hands on, male or female.
In addition to support roles, women were now armed and given combat duties to fight alongside the
men against the well trained, well disciplined and heavily armed Greek Army. Such was the fate of
the Macedonian daughters, sisters, and mothers most of whom were taken by force to fight in
someone else's war.
As the war intensified, the Greek air force regularly bombed Macedonian villages putting the
civilian population, including the children, in danger.
To save the children, in the spring of 1948 a temporary evacuation program was introduced and
implemented on a voluntary basis. It is estimated that about 28,000 children from the ages of 2 to
14 were rounded up and taken across the border into Yugoslavia (more on this in part VIII). From
there they were sent to various Eastern Block countries.
Again, I want to point out that the evacuation program was sponsored and organized by the Greek
Partisan Leadership which was fully versed in "Greek Law"(act L-2), yet they carried out the
children's evacuation program and lied to the trusting mothers that the evacuation was only a
temporary measure. Almost all the Macedonian children who were evacuated in 1948 are still not
allowed entry into Greece.
By the spring of 1949, the Greek Civil War became a "killing field" consuming the Macedonian
population. Some of the children who were previously evacuated were brought back to fight against
the battle hardened Greek army. Children that were strong enough to carry a rifle, regardless of age,
were snatched from the child refugee camps in Romania and brought back to Greece. Two of the
three groups that were brought back were instantly massacred upon engaging the Greek Army.
They were all under the age of fifteen and had no combat training and no idea of what to expect.
The third group was spared only because mothers protested against such barbaric acts. The
Partisans demobilized the third group before it reached the battlefields and sent the children home.
By the twisted hand of fate, Zachariadis the supreme commander of the Partisan forces and his
cronies, in their wisdom, decided to make a final stand against Greece that would make or break the
Partisan movement. Their rationale was that the Partisans needed to occupy a large town or city to
serve as their base. This would make them worthy of consideration and perhaps gain the attention
of the Super Powers, especially the Soviet Union. There are many who share my belief in believing
that the Partisan attack on Lerin on February 12, 1949 was nothing more than an attempt to
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exterminate the Macedonian fighting force and terrorize the rest of the Macedonian population into
leaving Greece. I can say that with certainty now because that is exactly what happened.
In one last-ditch attempt to gain composure and legitimacy the Partisans attacked the city of Lerin
attempting to create a base of operation and show the world that they were a force worthy of
recognition. Their effort however was not rewarded. They did not capture Lerin and lost most of
the force in the attempt. Seven hundred young Macedonian men and women died on that fateful
day, their bodies buried in a mass grave. The Partisan leadership waited until dawn before ordering
the attack. Wave after wave of innocent young men and women were slaughtered, cut down in their
prime by Greek machine-gun fire. The horror of the slaughter became visible at the crack of dawn
when the first light revealed the red stained terrain. The fresh white snow was red with the blood
and bodies of the fallen.
To this day opinions are divided on the rationale of attacking Lerin so late in the war. The war was
almost over and the Greek Army, supported by Britain, was unstoppable. In retrospect, some
believe that gaining control of Lerin would have given the Partisan leadership a bargaining chip for
surrender. Looking at the facts however, reveals a more sinister plan. By now it was well known
throughout the world that Britain would not allow a communist influence in Greece. Britain's
decision was supported by the Soviet Union and by Stalin himself. The Partisan leadership was
well informed that it can no longer depend on support from the Communist Block countries under
Soviet influence. Relations with Yugoslavia had broken off and the Greek-Yugoslav border was
closed (more on this later). The Communist Party that promised Macedonians human rights and
freedoms slowly began to distance itself from its commitments. Most of the Partisans who fought in
the battle for Lerin were new recruits and inexperienced fighters. Most of the force was made up of
Macedonian men and women under Greek leadership. The Partisan command hesitated when it was
time to launch the offensive thus giving the enemy extra time to prepare its defenses. The hesitation
demoralized the Partisan combatants who were not prepared for the prolonged outdoor winter cold.
A cursory analysis of developments prior to the Lerin assault and a post-mortem of the aftermath
led to one inescapable conclusion. As I mentioned earlier, the assault on Lerin was designed to
destroy the Macedonian Partisan force. By offering the Lerin offensive instead of surrendering, the
Partisan leadership "sacrificed its own force". By accident or by design the assault on Lerin
contributed to the demise of many Macedonian fighters and to the mass exodus of the Macedonian
population. Many believe that the Greek civil war succeeded in "ethnically cleansing" the
Macedonian people where many years of assimilation had failed.
Fearing reprisal from the advancing Greek army, in August 1949 waves of refugees left their homes
and went to Albania to save themselves. When the war was over, Greece did not want them back.
As a result, they were sent to Eastern Block countries that were willing to take them.
Years later some tried to return but Greece (act L-2) would not allow it. Even innocent
Macedonians, who did not participate in the conflict, including the evacuated refugee children,
were refused entry (again act L-2). Years passed and still they were refused entry again and again.
They were not even allowed to visit ailing relatives. Finally in 1985, as I mention earlier, a
repatriation policy was introduced and amnesty was given but only to those of "Greek origin". This
again excluded the Macedonians.
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As the Macedonian terrain was rained upon by bombs from the air and from cannon fire, the
frightened Macedonian people, mostly made up of old men and women and mothers with young
children, took with them whatever they could carry and left their homes for the safety of the
mountains. From there they were told to go to Albania and meet up with their relatives.
"One such group left the village of Kolomnati and was headed down the mountain towards Rula
when it was spotted by a young Greek officer. The young man immediately telephoned his general
and informed him of the situation. 'Should we intercept?' inquired the young officer. 'No, let the
troublemakers go, we don't want them here,' replied the old general." (story told by the general's
assistant who asked to remain anonymous).
When the Greek Army broke the Lerin front the Partisan force that survived the onslaught fled for
Albania. The fighters closest to the city were captured and imprisoned. Those who confessed to
having voluntarily joined the Partisans were all executed. The others were either exiled in the
Greek Islands or released after serving their sentences in local jails.
In its pursuit of the fleeing Partisans, the Greek Army managed to cut off the escape route of a
group of Partisans who were manning the cannons and artillery fire at Bigla (the cannons after the
war were put on display in the city of Lerin). Being unable to flee for Albania, the Bigla group
attempted to cross into Yugoslavia near Prespa Lake. At the Yugoslav border they were stopped by
the Yugoslav army, which agreed to allow them passage only if they voluntarily disarmed.
Expecting to continue the war from Albania, the Partisans were reluctant to disarm and chose a
different escape route. Unfortunately, they attempted their escape during the daytime and were
spotted by the Greek Air force. Many were killed by machinegun fire from above and some
drowned attempting to swim across Lake Prespa. Only a small group made it to Albania.
When they arrived in Albania, to cover for their own blunders, the leaders of the Bigla group
concocted stories claiming that Tito's forces attacked them and would not allow them entry into
Yugoslavia. Later the same men changed their stories and told the truth about what happened.
Unfortunately, by then Greek Partisan and Yugoslav relations had deteriorated. Even though
Yugoslavia was one of EAM's strongest supporters, the Greek Partisans used this story in their
propaganda campaigns to discredit Tito in the eyes of the Soviet Union.
When the Greek Civil War was over, the Partisan leadership assembled in the abandoned Italian
camp of Bureli in Albania to assess what went wrong and why they lost the war. After some
deliberation, they came to the conclusion that it was Tito and the Macedonian collaboration that
sabotaged the war effort. The failure was blamed on the Macedonian Partisan leadership for cooperating with Tito's Partisans. Seven of the most loyal Macedonian leaders were accused of
sabotage and sentenced to death. Fortunately, Ever Hodzha (Albania's highest State Leader) did not
want atrocities committed in his country and would not allow the executions to take place. The men
were then taken to the Soviet Union, tried for treason and sentenced to life imprisonment to be
served in the prison camps of Siberia. After Stalin's death, Krushchev re-opened the case and found
the men innocent of all charges and released them.
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After the Greek Civil War was over, life in Aegean Macedonia was no longer the same. The
smaller villages were evacuated (some permanently) and the people were relocated to the larger
towns under the watchful eye of the Greek police. The familiar joy and laughter was gone and the
streets were barren of children. The proud Macedonian people, who only a few years before had
revelled in life, were once again joyless.
Through the conflict of the Second Great War a new-world order emerged. Two industrial giants,
the Soviet Union and the Unites States, rose above the rest and with their opposing ideologies
would dominate the future world.
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Part VIII: The Plight of the Macedonian Refugee Children
In the previous article (part VII) I covered World War II, the Greek Civil War and their effects on
the Macedonian people.
In this article (part VIII) I will cover the evacuation of the Macedonian children and the
consequences of the Greek Civil War. The entire article is based on information obtained from
interviews.
It was a dreary spring day on March 25th, 1948 when it all began. It was a day filled with high
emotions, tears and heartbreak for the mothers and children of western Aegean Macedonia. It was
the day the Detsa Begaltsi (Refugee Children) left, and for most it was the last time that they would
ever see their beloved family and home.
The idea of evacuating the children was proposed by a sympathetic group of young men and
women at a Youth Conference in 1947 in Belgrade, Yugoslavia. The escalating conflict in the
Greek Civil War posed a threat to the civilian population, which was a concern for the "progressive
youth". Although they couldn't do anything for the civilian adults who were needed to support the
war effort, there was a way to help the children. They proposed a temporary evacuation whereby
the children would be sent out of the country to pursue their education in safety with the intent of
being returned once the conflict ended. Although it was a good idea, the Greek Communist Party
(KKE) saw no immediate need for such a plan and as a result it didn't give it much support. Partisan
General Markos Vafiadis however, saw merit in the proposal because he believed that the conflict
would escalate and concentrate in western Aegean Macedonia. He was, at the time, responsible for
the defense of parts of western Macedonia that included the territories of the Lerin region and parts
of Kostur and Voden regions. In 1947 the Partisans were at their peak strength and with the
exception of the large cities were in control of all territories in western Aegean Macedonia.
When the Greek Government began to use heavy artillery and aerial bombardment, the idea quickly
gained KKE support and the "save the children" program was born. Before the program was put
into action it gained approval from the Macedonian Liberation Front, the Women's Antifascist
Front and the Red Cross. The host countries, willing to look after the children, were contacted to
gain their approval and information campaigns were begun to inform the people about the program.
The district and village organizations were also asked to participate and were eventually given the
responsibility of organizing and implementing the actual evacuations. When the authorities in the
Greek Government heard of this program they began the so-called "pedomazoma" (collect the
children) campaign. The Greek army, upon capturing Macedonian villages, was ordered to
evacuate the children, by force if necessary. After being gathered at various camps, the children
were eventually sent to the Greek Island of Leros. There, they were enrolled in schools to study
religion and became wards of the Greek Queen, Fredericka. After the conclusion of the Greek Civil
War (1951-52) some children were returned to their homes in Macedonia while most, especially
those whose parents were killed or fled the country as refugees, became wards of the Greek State
and remained in dormitories until adulthood. All the children that remained at Leros were
completely Hellenized and were never heard from again.
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Pressure from the community prompted organizers of the "save the children" program to expedite
the evacuation process to stop the "Burandari" (nickname for Greek Government soldiers and
policemen) from taking more children.
The evacuations carried out by the Partisans were done strictly on a voluntary basis. It was up to
the child's parents or guardians to decide whether the child was to be evacuated or not. No child
was ever evacuated by force or without consent. The evacuation zones were selected based on the
severity of the conflict and the degree of danger it posed to the children. Central command
organizers decided on the selection criteria and qualifications of which children were to be
evacuated. The lists included all children between the ages of two and fourteen as well as all
orphans, disabled, and special children. Before the evacuation was put into effect, women over the
age of eighteen were enlisted from the local population and from the Partisan ranks to be trained to
handle young children. Widows of fallen Partisans were also recruited as "surrogate mothers" to
accompany and assist the children through the evacuation process and during their stay in the host
countries.
The evacuation program began to gain momentum in early March of 1948 starting with the
recruitment and training of the special teachers. The actual evacuations were carried out on mass,
starting on March 25th through to March 30th, 1948 until all the designated villages were
evacuated. Most children were transported through Yugoslavia and were sent to Hungary,
Romania, Czechoslovakia and Poland. Some were evacuated through Albania and Bulgaria. As the
numbers of the evacuated rose, children were also sent to East Germany and to the USSR. It is
estimated that about 28,000 children in all were evacuated, most of them from northwestern
Aegean Macedonia. Although smaller in number some orphans, children of Partisans, and children
of families that were in trouble with the Greek Government authorities were also evacuated. When
their turn came the children from each village were summoned and escorted by Partisan guides to
the closest designated border crossing. For their safety, the children traveled under the cover of
darkness and away from the main roads. In some cases, due to heavy aerial attacks and falling
bombs, some villages evacuated their children in haste without escorts and they became stranded in
the snow-covered mountains without shelter.
Mothers prepared luggage, a change of clothing, food and eating utensils before escorting their
little ones to the designated meeting places. With eyes tearing mothers said goodbye to their loved
ones before sending them into the hands of destiny. Their cries could be heard for a long time as
they disappeared into the distance. It didn't take too long before the emptiness was felt and many
mothers could not stop crying and contemplating the fate of their little ones.
The children walked in single file behind their surrogate mothers holding hands. The older children
comforted the young as they moved into seclusion. Under the cover of darkness they silently
slipped over the terrain, avoiding roads and open spaces being constantly reminded by their
Partisan guides to keep quiet. They crossed over high mountains and steep slopes ever mindful and
vigilant of the flying Greek menace above as they made their way to the borders. The lucky ones
spent the nights indoors in designated villages. The others however slept outdoors in the open
spaces of the frigid mountains questioning the wisdom of their elders and wondering which was
more dangerous the falling bombs or the freezing cold.
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During their trek, one group came across a dangerously steep slope laden with loose rocks leading
directly into the rushing waters of a river. Being too dangerous for the children to cross alone each
mother had to make several trips carrying children on their shoulders one at a time. Expediency
was in order as the slope was exposed to aerial view. One child was lucky that day as a tragedy was
narrowly averted. In her haste to get across one mother tripped over a thorn bush, losing her
balance. As she stumbled she managed to take the child off her shoulders and toss her up the slope.
Luckily, the girl didn't panic and was able to brace herself. The mother then grabbed the child's feet
and regained her own balance. It was a frightening experience for everyone in the group.
Another group, frightened by the heavy aerial bombardments, left their village under the cover of
darkness at one thirty in the morning. It was cloudy and raining that night, ideal for escaping the
bombers but a disaster for the morale of the children. It rained all night and through to the next day
as the group hid in the mountains. They couldn't risk lighting a fire and being seen so they stayed
wet and cold through the day, enduring nature's punishment. When night came they inched their
way through darkness over snow covered, thorn infested terrain to the next village. The children
were in shock and hardly felt the bleeding cuts on their feet. Some had no shoes and their mud
soaked socks offered no protection against the sharp rocks and stinging thorns.
As one group made their way towards their destination one of the surrogate mothers couldn't stop
crying. The person in charge of the group explained that there was no reason for her to be upset
since all of the children were accounted for, fed, and looked after. But the mother was still upset
and kept crying. When asked what was the problem, she explained that she couldn't properly take
care of a six-month-old orphan baby that was left in her care. She only had one spare diaper and
after washing it she had no means of drying it. The best she could do was put the diaper against her
own chest. It never dried and she felt so sorry for the poor child who had to wear a cold, wet diaper
out in the freezing cold.
The borders could only be crossed at night so the children had to wait in seclusion until it was dark.
To prepare them for the journey the children had to leave the villages and head for the mountains
before dawn. As they left they were told to leave their belongings behind, promised that they would
be delivered to them later by wagon. As the children made their way past the border crossing, the
wagon never materialized and they were left without food, utensils, blankets or a change of
clothing. To this day many believe that the Greek Partisans stole their belongings.
After crossing the Yugoslav border the children were taken to the village of Dupeni and from there
to Ljuboino to wait for more arrivals. In the care of their surrogate mothers the children were
placed in designated homes where they spent up to a week sleeping on straw covered floors, fifteen
children to a room. Food was in short supply so each child was only given a slice of cornbread for
supper before being put to bed still hungry. After a few days of hunger some resorted to stealing
food from the village homes. After spending a week in Ljuboino, the children were transported by
military trucks to Bitola where they boarded a train for Brailovo. In Brailovo each group was
assigned to a home where they slept together with their surrogate mother in a room lined with hay
for bedding. Morale was low and the children constantly cried from the enduring hunger and
homesickness. Food was scarce so to preserve rations the children were fed one meal every other
day. Those who lost their belongings had no bowls or spoons to eat with and resorted to using
discarded sardine cans and whatever else they could find. Some found discarded toothpaste tubes
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and fashioned them into spoons. One surrogate mother found a rusty bucket and after cleaning it,
used it as a soup bowl. The warm soup took on a red colour as the rust dissolved and came to the
surface. The children were too hungry to waste it so she skimmed the rust off the surface and
spooned it into all the children. An old woman seeing this felt so sorry for the bunch that she
offered them her portion, preferring to stay hungry rather than having to watch the children starve.
At this point most of the older boys were contemplating escape but their concern for the younger
ones kept them from doing so. Some were so hungry they scoured the countryside looking for food,
eating kernels of grain and corn and even resorting to killing wildlife to satisfy their hunger. After
spending a little over a week in Brailovo, the various groups were transported to the nearest train
station where each child was pinned with a name and destination tag and prepared for travel to the
various host countries. Separating the children was not an easy task as the young clung to the older
children and refused to be separated. Siblings clung to each other with all their might, fighting back
with tears and cries. It took a lot of convincing and reassurances before they could be separated.
The first groups to leave were the younger children aged five to ten. Most of them were sent to Bela
Tsrkva in northern Yugoslavia. These children were the most vulnerable and had to be quickly
rescued before they died of starvation. In Bela Tsrkva, after spending some time in quarantine, the
children were placed in dormitories with proper facilities and plenty of nutritious food. The rest,
after spending a week or so at the train station were sent to Skopje. Life at the train station was
harsh as most children were nearly starving and had no energy to move. Their hunger was so
overpowering that the children had no energy to even complain about the tormenting lice. Many
spent their time resting in the stable cars nestled in the warmth and comfort of the hay. The cars,
left from WW II were used by the Germans to transport horses.
When they arrived in Skopje the children were given milk and food, which seemed like a gift from
heaven after starving for so long. Without much delay, the train wagons were again divided and a
group was sent to Romania while the rest continued on their way to Bulkes. Considering the
episodes from the last separation, this time the authorities decided not to inform the children or the
surrogate mothers. As a result, some children were visiting friends in neighbouring cars and ended
up going to the wrong destination. Many mothers didn't know what had happened and worried
endlessly about the fate of the missing children. When they arrived in Bulkes (Vojvodina) the
groups were supplied with food donated by the United Nations and the children were bathed and
given new clothes. From there they were taken by wagons to a nearby hospital for physical
examinations. Bulkes was a town built by the Germans and occupied by the Greek partisans. It was
teeming with activities geared towards supporting the war effort. Food was plentiful and the
children spent most of their days living in empty schools and warehouses. Besides the
Macedonians, there were also children from Epirus and Thessaly. As soon as they became
comfortable however, the children were again on the move. After spending about a month in
Bulkes, they were again loaded onto train cars, given some food and sent off to various
destinations. Unbeknownst to them, they had been separated again and sent to Hungary, Poland or
Czechoslovakia.
When the group destined for Czechoslovakia arrived, the Czech authorities stripped the children
naked from their lice infested clothing, cut their hair and gave them a bath on mass. It was a new
experience for the Macedonian children to be bathed naked in front of so many people. The local
buildings and baths once belonged to the German soldiers, but since their expulsion, they became a
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haven for the refugee children. After spending time in quarantine, the children were taken to a new
camp to join other refugee children that had arrived there earlier via a different route and were
assigned quarters and schoolmasters. The children were re-grouped into pre-school ages 4 to 6,
public school ages 7 to 12 and technical school ages 13 and over. The surrogate mothers were
responsible for looking after the younger groups consisting of about twenty children each. Their
duties included waking them up in the morning, helping them dress into their uniforms, supervising
their morning exercises and making sure everyone ate a good breakfast. In the evening they
supervised the children playing until they were put to bed. They also had to make sure shoes were
polished and uniforms cleaned and properly hung for the night. Morning started with exercise and a
good breakfast. The Czech teachers were professionals, trained in child psychology, who did their
best to educate the children properly. In addition to the regular curriculum, the children were
expected to learn various languages including Czech, Greek, Macedonian and Russian. On
occasion, mothers and children were sent on work assignments to the farms to assist with gathering
fruits, berries and mushrooms. With time mothers and children began to adjust to their new life
with the exception of the usual fighting between Greek and Macedonian children, especially the
boys. There was friction between the Greek and Macedonian children with frequent verbal insults
sometimes resulting in fistfights. Eventually the Greek children were moved to a new camp, which
put an end to the fighting.
When the group destined for Romania arrived, about one thousand five hundred children were
offloaded and sent straight to the baths and their flea-ridden clothes were washed in boiling water.
After the bath, each child was issued under garments and pajamas and sent to a nearby compound
formerly used by the Germans as a hospital during the war. The children stayed there from April
until October 1948. Then on October 25th, 1948 many of the children were relocated to Poland.
Most Macedonian children wore homemade woolen clothes that shrank during the hot wash.
Fortunately, the good people of Romania donated replacement garments and the children were
clothed before leaving for Poland. After spending six months in Romania in a quasi-supervised
compound without any schooling, the children became wild and undisciplined. With one supervisor
for the entire train, the trip to Poland was a joyride. Some children mischievously climbed through
the windows of the railcars to the roof of the moving train and stood upright pretending to fly.
When the train approached a tunnel they lay flat on their stomachs clinging hard to the roof of the
rail car. As the billowing smoke from the steam engine enveloped them, their faces blackened
beyond recognition. When they crossed into Poland the train was taken over by a Polish crew. A
supervisor, trained to handle children was assigned to each car to deal with the rowdiness. For the
rest of the trip, the children were well fed and rewarded with chocolates and apples for good
behavior. When they arrived in Poland at the city of "Londek Zdrui", the children were placed
under Greek supervision, grouped by age and assigned to various school dormitories. Children of
unknown age were grouped by size and height. Initially the children refused to cooperate,
mistrusting the administrators and fearing separation again. It took Red Cross intervention and
much re-assurance to convince them to cooperate. Unlike the compound in Romania, the dorms in
Poland were well staffed with one director and two or three assistants per dorm. Each dorm had
eight to ten rooms with four children per room. There was no shortage of food, toys or games. The
directors were responsible for supervising morning exercises, breakfast and getting the children to
school on time. After school they made sure the children came back safely, were given supper and
put to bed.
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About 2,000 refugee children were sent to Hungary and assigned to quarters in a military barracks
in Budapest. There each child was undressed, sprayed with pesticide, bathed, dressed in new
clothing and given a package of toiletries that included soap and a tube of toothpaste. The children,
not knowing what the toothpaste was, mistook it for food. The aroma of mint reminded them of
candy and many wasted the toothpaste, attempting to eat it. Initially, Greek and Macedonian
children were mixed together in a single group. But due to fights, the authorities were forced to
split the children into smaller groups, segregated by village of origin. After spending three weeks in
quarantine the groups were adopted by the Hungarian community. Each village community,
supported by a factory complex, adopted a group. Some found themselves among the richest
communities in the region and were privileged to live in quarters made of marble. Nearby there was
a small lake teeming with exotic and colourful fish. Unfortunately, the children were all homesick
missing their mothers and had little appreciation for luxury. Slowly however, routine began to take
over as the children attended school and became involved in school and community activities.
Besides the regular curriculum, the refugee children were expected to learn to read and write in
their native language. Even though Greek officials administered the programs and scoffed at the
idea, the Macedonian children were given the choice of learning Macedonian if they wanted to.
I want to mention here that the Macedonian programs were a direct translation (word for word)
from the Greek programs. Even though the children were learning in their native Macedonian
language, they were learning what the Greeks wanted them to learn. The Macedonian teachers were
not allowed to diverge from the established programs. In other words, Hellenization and Greek
propaganda continued to influence the Macedonian children even outside the Greek borders.
By 1949 casualties were mounting at home and reports were filtering through to the refugee camps
where children received bad news about the fate of their parents and relatives. Morale was so low
that the children became isolated, withdrawn and would not sing, talk, cry or even eat. To boost
their morale the surrogate mothers, who wore black to mourn the deaths of their husbands, resorted
to wearing white and colourful dresses. For the sake of the children, in spite of their own sorrow,
mothers had to appear cheerful and put on happy faces.
As the Civil War in Greece intensified, the Partisans were running out of recruits at home and
began to look at the refugee children abroad as a possible source. Although draftees were recruited
from all the camps abroad, most of the fighting force came from Romania. Initially, two new
groups were formed and brought back for military training. The recruitment campaign and
propaganda was so tempting that the youngsters couldn't resist it and were happy to volunteer. Any
child strong enough to carry a rifle, regardless of age, was good enough for the draft. The first two
groups recruited were instantly massacred upon engaging the battle hardened Greek Army. They
were all under the age of fifteen, had no combat experience and no idea of what to expect. The third
group left Romania and went to Rudary, Prespa via Bulgaria and Yugoslavia. Upon arrival, the
young soldiers were sent to Shterkovo, another village in Prespa, for about a month of military
training and preparation for combat. The young men spent part of March and April 1949
performing military exercises, learning to operate weapons and set explosives. When word came
that the first two groups of young fighters were decimated, there was a loud outcry by the
community against such atrocities, "We did not save our children so you can slaughter them." The
third group was only spared because many mothers demonstrated and voiced their anger against
such a barbaric draft. The group was demobilized before reaching the battlefields and many of the
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children were sent back to the refugee camps. Some were allowed to go home only to end up as
refugees again during the mass exodus in the fall of 1949.
As the Greek Civil War was coming to a close, Western Aegean Macedonia was bombed to dust
and Partisans and civilians alike fled to Albania to save themselves. When the war was over many
wanted to return but Greece did not want them back. Anyone who voluntarily fled was not allowed
to return, regardless of whether they were guilty of any crimes or not. After spending some time in
the camps in Albania, the people of Macedonia, again victims of someone else's war, became
permanent war refugees and were sent to various Eastern Block countries. Before departure, the
refugees were separated into two groups. One, made up mostly of Partisan fighters was sent to the
USSR. The other consisting mostly of civilians and Partisan support staff was sent to Poland. After
the groups were separated they were transported to the port of Durasi, loaded onto cargo ships and
sent westward through Gibraltar to Poland and eastward via the Black Sea to the Soviet Union. The
voyages were long and unpleasant. To avoid detection the refugees were literally hidden inside the
cargo and at critical times ordered to remain immobile and quiet for long periods of time. When
they landed at their destinations, the refugees were stripped and their flea-infested clothes were
burned. After being powdered with pesticide and bathed in hot baths, they were then placed in
quarantine where they spent about a month and a half resting idly before being relocated to
permanent quarters.
After settling down and securing employment in their new countries, many parents who had
refugee children began to look for them and with the help of the authorities were able to bring them
home. As a result, many children left their host countries to join their parents in Poland, the Soviet
Union, Yugoslavia, etc.
Refugees who had relatives in Canada, the USA and Australia through sponsorship made attempts
to immigrate themselves and look for their children or have their relatives look for their children if
immigration was not possible. Initially "the iron curtain" was shut tight and made it difficult to
make inquiries, but as the Red Cross became involved it became easier. In 1953 during a Red Cross
convention in Switzerland the question of the Refugee Children from the Greek Civil War came up
and the various Red Cross agencies agreed to cooperate and exchange information with each other.
After that, anyone requesting help to locate missing persons in Eastern Block Countries was not
refused.
There are instances where Macedonians did experience problems with the Red Cross but these were
due to Greek misinformation. When the Red Cross went looking for refugees in the Greek
administered refugee camps they were told that the Macedonians were "migrant workers" and not
refugees. Here is an actual account of what happened to one Macedonian woman in Poland.
The woman was well liked by her colleagues and in time became a model worker and qualified for
a month's paid vacation. When her turn came, she was sent to a luxurious mountain resort. She was
alone and felt uncomfortable going places but did agree to go and see the nativity in a local church.
There she met two women who suspected that she was not Polish and were curious about how she
had gotten there. After some discussion, it turned out the women were Red Cross workers and
interested in finding people like her. When the women found out that she was a refugee interested
in returning home, and that many others were in a similar situation, they urged her to seek help. She
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was given an address in Warsaw where she could meet with Red Cross officials and tell them her
story. Upon returning from her vacation she and a friend went to Warsaw and after eleven days of
appealing and pleading, their story was heard. Officials were curious as to why this hadn't come up
at the refugee camps during the official Red Cross visits. As she recalls, unbeknownst to her, the
Greek organizers made sure that the Macedonians were sent on day trips on the days of the Red
Cross visits. Even after all this, the woman was still not allowed to leave. Greece would not accept
her without a request from her husband. Her husband at the time was serving a prison sentence in
the Greek concentration camps. It was not until 1954, three years later, that he was able to initiate
the process for repatriation. The woman arrived home in May 1958 but could not stand the
oppressive atmosphere and soon afterwards she and her family immigrated to Canada.
By 1950, Greece was taking extreme measures to close her borders with Albania, Yugoslavia and
Bulgaria. Trusted Albanians from Epirus were brought into Macedonia and seeded throughout the
border villages to act as eyes and ears for the Greeks. Greek authorities clamped down on the
remaining population and no one was allowed to travel without permission. There were strict rules
of conduct put into effect, including curfews. Anyone caught wandering outdoors past dusk was
shot on sight. Many shepherds quit their jobs for fear of being killed and left their sheep wandering
aimlessly. One little boy had an argument with his stepfather and ran away. The authorities were
not at all sympathetic and wouldn't allow the family to go looking for him. The boy's mother and
sister went looking for him anyway and brought him home safely at great risk to their own safety.
When the violence in Greece subsided parents and relatives began to inquire about repatriating their
children. Those who displayed some loyalty to the Greek cause were told that their children would
be allowed to return if decreed by the Greek Queen Fredericka. Unfortunately, this process required
connections with the local Greek authorities and a lot of money, money that most Macedonians did
not have. Those considered for repatriation had to meet a number of conditions including the
willingness to accept permanent Hellenization. Children from Partisan families were automatically
disqualified. Those who weren't willing to change their names or weren't liked for some reason
were also disqualified. As the years passed fewer children were allowed to return and requests for
repatriation continued to be ignored. Parents and relatives died and still their children were not
allowed to return, not even for a visit.
After travel restrictions to countries behind the iron curtain were lifted, parents in spite of the
expense, old age and ill health made their way to visit their children.
One woman on her deathbed made her husband promise her that he would visit their daughter in
Poland before he died. Feeling his own mortality the man, in poor health, made the long trek and
after thirty years of separation saw his daughter for the first time. She will never forget her father's
sacrifice.
Another woman who let all four of her children (two sons and two daughters) leave during the
dreaded May 1948 evacuation, also made the trek to Poland to see them for the last time. The
woman was crippled from a war wound and could hardly walk but knew that soon she would die
and wanted to see her children one more time. She traveled by train and in spite of her condition
made it to Poland in good spirits. When she arrived, two of her children, a son and a daughter came
to greet her. The daughter recognized her mother and after a long and emotional hug asked her if
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she knew which daughter she was. Her mother would not answer because she didn't know and
didn't want to make a mistake. That deeply troubled the adult daughter who began to weep
uncontrollably. She did recognize her son and called out his name but would not answer her
daughter's pleas. After a while she finally recognized her, wiped her tears and with a wide smile
called out her name. It was an emotional but happy ending for that family. Unfortunately for every
happy ending there are dozens of sad ones. One old couple did not have enough money or the
strength to make the trip to visit their children. Since then, both have passed on heartbroken, with
their desires to see their children unfulfilled.
Many of the people I interviewed don't know why the Greek authorities wouldn't allow the children
to return. In spite of pleas, even on humanitarian grounds, the Greek authorities decade after
decade, government after government, maintain the same policy and will not allow the Macedonian
refugee children to return home.
After all the remaining Partisans were captured or killed, people were slowly allowed to go home to
their own villages. While many returned to their old homes, a few families decided to make their
home in the new village. Some lost their farm equipment, tools, livestock and personal belongings
to looters. For most, life had to start all over again. As tensions began to ease, those held in
concentration camps were released and began to arrive home only to find their property gone. The
Greek authorities, in addition to confiscating the properties of many of those who fled as refugees
during the mass exodus of 1949, also confiscated the properties of those held in concentration
camps. People were demoralized and constantly lived in fear of the authorities and retributions
from their collaborators. There was a certain stigma attached to the relatives of Partisans or their
supporters that caused them to withdraw from society and keep to themselves. Those who served in
the Greek concentration camps were constantly harassed with curfews, restricted mobility and
suspicion of espionage. Many were followed by plainclothes policemen and pressured themselves
become informants and spy on their neighbours. Strangers were viewed with suspicion and
automatically assumed to be foreign spies.
As radios became affordable people began to purchase them and listen to various programs,
including broadcasts from Eastern Europe and the Federal Republic of Macedonia. The Greek
police became vigilant and on many occasions they were observed outside people's yards listening
to hear what programs were playing. Those caught listening to foreign programs were accused of
espionage. The Macedonian language was once again banned from use and the "M" word became a
dirty word even if it was spoken on the radio. Ever since Greece invaded the Macedonian territory,
successive Greek Governments refused to acknowledge the existence of the Macedonian language.
One by one, all those who came back from the Eastern European countries left for Canada, the
USA and Australia because they could no longer stand the Greek oppression. They had tasted
freedom and wanted more even if it meant abandoning their beloved ancestral homes. They
remembered how life was before the latest Greeks clampdown and now it was not the same. The
people too had changed, they were still courteous and kind but their spirits were broken. Everyone
was afraid, careful not to say anything incriminating as if every word was going to be judged and
punished. Children born during this time were brought up believing that this was how life was and
it was supposedly the best life one could have. They were taught to understand that Greece was the
cradle of democracy and no one in the world was freer than the Greeks. Those who knew better did
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not dare speak otherwise. There were certain things that could not be done or discussed, especially
the Greek Civil War. Children were taught Greek chauvinist songs in school and sang them at
home in front of their parents who didn't dare say anything. Even their children could unwittingly
betray them. The Macedonian language became "our" language and could only be spoken in
secrecy with relatives and trusted friends. The word "Macedonia" or "Macedonian" was banned
from the peoples' vocabulary and could not be spoken, especially in public. Pre-school children
who learned "our" language at home from their grandmothers spoke Greek with a heavy accent and
were constantly teased and scolded for not knowing how to speak properly. If a child was caught
speaking "our" language in class or in the yard, punishment ensued which varied from being
publicly told not to speak "those filthy words" to being given a good dose of castor oil. Sometimes
children sang Greek songs about the deeds of the Greek heroes and broke their parents' hearts.
Their precious children were unknowingly idolizing the true criminals and murderers, Macedonia's
worst enemies. Some parents, when their children were old enough to keep a secret, taught them
that they were a different people, that they were Macedonian and not Greek. Other parents
however, thinking that it was in the best interest of the children not to know their true identity,
allowed them to believe that they were Greek. Their loyalties however were never rewarded since it
was very rare for a Macedonian child to be accepted in Greek society. It was not because
Macedonian children were incapable of being intellectual, as the Greeks would have us believe, but
because the Greek Government systemically discriminated against Macedonians. Discrimination
was common practice especially at the individual level. Macedonians were constantly put down and
as a result kept to themselves. Sometimes however, during heated discussions or unavoidable
arguments Macedonians did show discontentment but the arguments always ended with the lethal
insult of being called a "Bulgar", the lowest form of life known to Greeks. The highest level of
education a Macedonian child was permitted to achieve was grade six. Junior high was possible
only for the children of those who had shown and continued to show loyalty to the Greek cause.
One young man whose parents were killed during the Greek Civil War joined the Greek military
and afterwards considered the army to be his only family. He was very loyal, studious and hard
working but was constantly denied promotions. During a military exercise he saved a high-ranking
officer from drowning and for saving his life the officer promised to help him if he ever needed it.
After years of frustration, finally the young soldier went to the officer with his complaint. After
some investigation, the officer advised him that his requests for a promotion were turned down
because he was not Greek, more specifically because his parents were of Slav origin. This unfair
treatment angered the young soldier enough to leave the Greek military, the only family he had
ever known. Disheartened he left Greece altogether and joined his aunt in Toronto, Canada where
he is currently learning to speak Macedonian. Even though he speaks no other language, he refuses
to speak Greek.
After the fall of the dictatorship in Greece in the mid-sixties, many Macedonians were publicly
encouraged by the Greek politicians to leave Greece because "there was no future for them there".
Many of the empty villages in western Macedonia were filled with Albanians from west central
Greece. Vlahs who originally lived in the highlands of Thessaly and spent summers in the
Macedonian mountains took up permanent residence there. Many applied for and were granted the
properties of post-Greek Civil War migrant families.
Macedonians that immigrated to Canada, the USA and Australia at the start of the 20th century
organized village associations that assisted fellow immigrants in adjusting to their new countries.
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As post-Greek Civil War immigration accelerated, these village associations became a haven for
new immigrants and their membership grew. Encouraged by their newfound freedoms, many of the
new émigrés enjoyed their Macedonian culture and language in the diaspora. This was perceived as
a threat to Greek influence both at home and abroad. As the associations grew in strength so did
their threat to the Greek chokehold. To counter this, with help from the Greek Embassies and
Consulates, pro-Greek factions began to infiltrate the Macedonian associations. The weaker
associations were overpowered and rendered ineffective. Those that resisted managed to survive
and preserve their unique Macedonian identity. For the ones that the Greeks could not subdue,
parallel and competing pro-Greek associations were formed. The day a Macedonian association
held an event, the pro-Greek association held a similar event, to divide the people. Macedonians
wishing to participate in events and prone to blackmail were discouraged from joining the
Macedonian organizations and encouraged to join the pro-Greek ones. To this day many
Macedonians will not go to any of the events fearing retribution from both the Greeks if they went
to Macedonian events or fearing disappointment and disgust from the Macedonians if they went to
a pro-Greek event. This is precisely why the Macedonian community in the diaspora has become a
silent community. This suits the Greeks perfectly and leaves the Macedonians frustrated and
disappointed.
The most anti-Macedonian organization to surface from all the Greek associations is the Pan
Macedonian Association, which aims to not only divide the Macedonian Nation but also destroy
everything that is Macedonian. To this day this organization preys on the weak, innocent, naïve and
those that can be bought and continues to spread hatred and lies at every opportunity. The Pan
Macedonian Association is a "false organization" fully financed by Greek taxpayers most of whom
are unaware of its discriminatory practices and the friction it creates between fellow Greek citizens.
In addition to disseminating anti-Macedonian propaganda and lobbying for "the Greek cause",
many of these so-called "Greek-Macedonian" organizations spy on Macedonian organizations and
individuals, reporting their activities to the Greek authorities. Many activists and supporters of the
Macedonian cause even though they are Greek citizens are barred from returning to Greece. Their
cause is noble if they serve the Greeks at their own expense, but as soon as one attempts to serve
his or her own cause, they suddenly become traitors.
Macedonians are refused entry into Greece at the border points without any explanation. Without
consent, their passport is stamped "void" and thrown back at them. They do the same to individuals
with foreign passports without respect for the foreign State's property.
After years of living in Australia, one man decided to visit the Republic of Macedonia. Upon entry
his passport was stamped with a beautiful red symbol, a real treasure, which made him very proud
and happy. His visit to Macedonia was so wonderful that he decided to cross over into Greece and
visit the village Nered where he was born. Unfortunately, the Greek customs officials would not
allow him entry. What was most unbelievable is the Greek officer took the man's Australian
passport without his consent, and stamped it "void" all over. They literally destroyed the
Macedonian symbol by repeatedly stamping "void" over and over until it was no longer visible. No
explanation or apology was given.
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The Macedonian Refugee Children wish to express their gratitude to the counties and people who
opened their doors to them at a time of their greatest need. They treated them not as strangers or
immigrants, but as equals. They also wish to express many thanks to the countries and people for
giving them the opportunity of free education in their institutions. Only through their generosity
away from Greek bias did the Macedonian children prove themselves equal to all the children in the
world. Free from Greek oppression they excelled in education and talent becoming professors,
doctors, engineers, poets, playwrights, composers, economists, etc.
Most of the refugee children today are living in the diaspora. A great number of them have
immigrated to Canada, the USA, Australia and the Republic of Macedonia. Some remained in their
host countries (Poland, Czechoslovakia, Hungary, Romania, Germany and Russia) and have made
them their homes. They maintain contact with each other through associations and clubs and from
time to time meet, attempting to gain entry to visit their homeland. Unfortunately, to this day they
have had no success. Greece, after fifty-five years, still does not want them, not even to visit.
I would like to thank all the people who participated in the interviews and made this article
possible.
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Part IX: Conclusion
In the previous article (part VIII) I covered the evacuation of the Macedonian children and the
consequences of the Greek Civil War.
In this final article I will offer my conclusion of what went wrong for Macedonia in the last 200
years.
Even before Alexander's time Macedonia was a single nation. With time she grew and shrank but
always remained a single nation until her partition in 1912-13. Today however, while new nations
spring up and flourish, Macedonia is still partitioned and fighting for her identity. Why? What went
wrong and who is responsible?
In the previous articles (parts I to VIII) I did my best to present an objective analysis of historic
events that took place in the last 200 years. Beyond my own editorializing, I abstained from using
biased and politically motivated sources and tried my best to be as neutral as possible.
The southern Balkan region, which includes present-day Greece, Albania, Macedonia, Serbia,
Bulgaria and European Turkey, was part of the Ottoman Empire and the region had been multiethnic and multi-cultural up until the 19th century when nationalism was introduced. Even though
the Balkans were nationally pluralistic, the Ottomans used religion as the basic criteria with which
to identify their societies.
More than 400 years of Ottoman rule and neglect for basic human rights, halted and reversed the
creative spirit of the Balkan people. Education was nonexistent for the Christians and as a result
there was no progress. Driven away from their fertile lands, Christians moved to secluded villages
away from the Turks. Fear of travel and of strangers isolated them from each other and from the
outside world. As a result, very few new ideas and innovations filtered in or out of their
communities.
Poor roads as well as the fear of being robbed kept communities isolated thus prohibiting the
development of trade. Over time villages developed local economies and became entirely
dependent on local resources and the soil to provide everything they needed to survive.
Prolonged isolation and lack of outside contact also caused language divergence resulting in the
development of many dialects. Outside of the Turkish language, almost the entire Balkan region
from the Peloponnese to Romania spoke the language of the Slavs (Macedonian). There were also
small pockets of people who spoke Tosk, Gheg, Vlach, Roma and some Greek around the Aegean
and Adriatic coastlines.
Under Turkish occupation, the region survived relatively uninterrupted having almost no contact
with the outside world up to the 18th century. The Turkish ruling class and Turkish military lived
exclusively off the Christian working class through land ownership and by farming taxes. Having
no need to develop economically or militarily, the Ottoman Empire remained static for many years
in comparison to the rest of the world.
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With the advent of technology and regional economies, Western Europe and Russia began to
modernize and by the late 18th century began to expand their empires and infiltrate the Ottoman
world. Russia was first to come into contact during the Russian-Turkish war of 1774. After Russia
defeated Turkey, she gained access to the Black Sea and became protector of the Christians inside
the Ottoman Empire. This was also the first time Turkey ever allowed foreign diplomats (Russian
consular agents) inside her empire.
The weakening Ottoman Empire alarmed the Western Powers and for the first time raised the
"Eastern Question". What will happen to the Balkans when the Ottoman Empire is gone?
As the Western and Russian economies expanded, the Imperial Great Powers began to compete
with each other for territorial expansion and economic influence. Being the last frontier for
Imperialist penetration, the Balkans became the "apple of discord".
While the Super Powers were jockeying for a cut of the Balkan pie, Turkey was finding it more and
more difficult to maintain her territorial integrity. Having fallen behind in technology and military
capability, Turkey found it very expensive and increasingly difficult to defend herself. Having no
economy or any other means of supporting her defense budgets, waging war became an added tax
burden for the working Christians.
In addition to supporting the Turkish establishment, the Balkan Christian also had to contend with
corruption and lawlessness. With the army away fighting wars, Muslim outcasts and professional
criminals preyed upon the defenseless Christians. The Christians could not defend themselves
because they were not allowed to bear arms.
By the turn of the 19th century, the Balkan peasant population was so oppressed that it could no
longer bear the burden and began to rebel.
The first rebellion manifested itself in 1804 when a group of Ianitsari attempted to take control of a
region in present day Serbia. In the absence of the Turkish army, bandits and unruly Ianitsaries
attacked the unguarded villages killing Christians including priests and prominent village leaders.
Those that fled to the forests took matters into their own hands, organized themselves into fighting
units and retaliated by attacking the bandits. The Sultan's army eventually put down the peasant
uprising but fear of Russian wrath prompted him to reconsider his actions, giving the rebels
autonomy.
The success of the rebellion in Serbia and the willingness of the Super Powers to entertain uprisings
inside the Ottoman Empire, prompted another group of people, the Phanariots to consider a
rebellion of their own. This particular rebellion was a planned conspiracy designed to oust the
Sultan from power and install a Patriarch in his place. In other words, the Phanariot plan was to
remove and expel the Muslim Turks out of the Balkans and replace them with Christian rulers,
leaving the Empire intact.
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The Phanariots were a nationally diverse class of Christian people who served in the Turkish
administration. They were called Phanariots because their home was in the Phanar (lighthouse)
District of Tsari Grad (Constantinople). In today's terms, the Phanariots were a class of Christian
businessmen, professionals and clerics who worked in the Ottoman administration. They were
employed by the Sultan to fill the necessary positions that, due to cultural and religious restrictions,
could not be filled by Muslims. Subservient to the Muslims, the Phanariots were also rulers of the
Christian world.
Due to class differences and being poorly organized, the Phanariot rebellion of 1821 failed to
achieve its objectives. It did however, spark an uprising in the Morea district in modern
Peloponnese. This uprising was not a call for independence as the Modern Greeks claim it to be but
rather a reaction brought on by fear of Turkish retribution.
By the early 1820's it was apparent that the Ottoman Empire was seriously crumbling. Up to now
no Powers other than France had economic interests in the Ottoman Empire. The Morean incident
however, opened the door for new opportunities. In their eagerness to influence the outcome of the
Morean uprising in their favour, the Powers sank the Ottoman fleet at Navarino Bay, thus
preventing the Turks from retaking Morea.
Up to the turn of the 19th century France was the dominant power in the west and Russia in the
east. With Napoleon's defeat however, Britain was emerging as the dominant power in the west.
Unfortunately when it came to Balkan matters Britain and Russia found themselves at odds with
one another. Britain had vested interests in her eastern colonies and wanted her shipping lanes
secure. Russia on the other hand had ambitions of expanding her shipping into the Mediterranean
Sea. This Britain viewed as an intrusion into her interests.
Another matter, which surfaced by the mid 1820s, was the Eastern Question. By 1826, it was
becoming obvious that no Super Power wanted a single large state in the Balkans. Super Power
strategy was to encourage the formation of a number of smaller states, perhaps on the basis of
nationality, following the western model.
With the help of the Super Powers, the first small state to emerge and become independent was the
Kingdom of Greece. The Super Powers created Greece and the British took it upon themselves to
protect her. A German King and administration were chosen to rule her because the Greeks were
incapable of ruling themselves. The distrust among the Powers prevented any one of them ruling.
The Germans, who at the time had no vested interest in the Balkans, were viewed as neutral. When
Greece became a state for the first time, her people had no notion of a national identity or a national
language. Morea was as multinational and multicultural as any region in the Balkans.
The multilingual population of the region was made up mostly of Albanian Tosks, Vlachs, Slavs
and some Greeks along the Peloponnese coastline. The idea that these people were Hellenes and
descendents of the old City States came later, after an exhaustive search for a national identity.
Finding a national language was also a problem that was not solved until the 20th century.
At one point the people of the Greek fledgling nation went as far as considering the Albanian Tosk
as their national language. Hellenism was an afterthought, an academic idea imported from Britain
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and France. When the nation builders created the Greek nationality, they did not follow the natural
progression of the national evolution. Instead, they opted for creating an identity with a 2,300-year
break in continuity. In other words, the national consciousness of the 19th century Greek is a myth
created for the sake of assimilating the various nationalities into a single nation.
Britain's desire to keep Russia out of the Mediterranean Sea created a "non-Slavic" mythical State
that would be loyal to Britain and not to Russia. The idea of "a Greek State" satisfied some of the
people in the Balkans but left most, especially the Phanariots who wanted to rule the entire
Balkans, disappointed.
By the early 1850's, the West European economies were experiencing an economic explosion and
the Imperial Powers found themselves competing with each other to win favours from the Ottoman
authorities. The power struggle peaked in 1853 and developed into the Crimean war.
On the surface the issue of controversy was who was responsible for controlling access to Christian
Holy places in the Ottoman Empire. The real struggle, however, was about who had the most
influence over the Ottoman domain. While Russia pitted herself against Turkey and the West in this
power play, she failed to see the strength of the British influence over the other Powers. Russia also
failed to see that Britain would never accept a Russian victory. As tensions mounted, the Russian
armies invaded the Ottoman Empire and occupied Romanian Principalities.
Austria, Romania's neighbour, reacted and demanded that Russia get out of Romania. Encouraged
by the Western powers, Turkey refused to negotiate any terms with Russia and in 1853 declared
war on her. Others followed and in 1854 Austria forced Russia to evacuate Romania. Then in 1856
Allied Western Powers attacked Russia and took Sevastopol (a chief Russian port on the Black
Sea).
Tsar Alexander II could not repel the invaders and gave in to their demands, including opening up
the Danube River to shipping for all nations. For the first time Imperial Eastern Europe was opened
to capitalism. As a direct result of losing out to the Western allies Russia lost her political influence
in Romania and her clout as a power broker in the region.
The Russo-Turkish Crimean war drained Turkey economically. To avoid economic collapse the
Western Powers stepped in and helped Turkey, with loans. Turkey, unfortunately, was incapable of
properly managing her finances and as a result was unable to manage paying back the loans. Most
of the State's income was diverted to military campaigns in order to contain the uprisings. Taxes
were raised again and again causing more uprisings and further instability.
Fed up with Turkey's inability to pay off her loans, in 1875 the Western Powers created the
Ottoman Public Debt Administration. This allowed foreign investors to take over management of
the Ottoman State budgets for the first time. Much needed funds were now diverted to paying off
the debt instead of helping the local economy. The local population was overburdened with taxes
causing even more discontentment among the peasants.
The situation reached the boiling point in 1875 and manifested itself by many independent
uprisings in Bosnia, Montenegro, Serbia, Bulgaria and Macedonia (Razlog uprising). The growing
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peasant discontentment "disturbed" the Great Powers and in the same year a conference was
convened in Tsari Grad to discuss how to handle the problem. The Great Powers decided to place
Bulgaria and Macedonia under Great Power control but Turkey disagreed and rejected their
demands and again found herself at odds with Russia.
Humiliated by the defeat in the Crimean war, upset over the economic plight of the Balkan people,
alienated by the Western Powers, frustrated by the violent demonstrations in Serbia, Montenegro,
Bulgaria and Macedonia, Tsar Alexander II of Russia again attacked Turkey and invaded Bulgaria.
The Turkish armies were decimated and on March 3, 1878 Russia alone negotiated the San Stefano
Treaty with Turkey, which called for the creation of a Greater Bulgaria. The area in question
included roughly all of present-day Bulgaria, Macedonia, western Thrace, part of Albania, and a
district of Serbia.
The San Stefano Treaty sent shock waves through the Western world including Greece and Serbia,
who both had ambitions for future conquests in the region.
Greatly disturbed by the Russian move, the Western Powers convened a conference in July 1878 in
Berlin. The San Stefano Agreement was revised giving independence to Serbia, Montenegro and
Romania. Bosnia was given to Austria-Hungary (Britain did not want more Slavic States to form in
the Balkans). Northern Bulgaria was given autonomy while southern Bulgaria, Macedonia, Thrace,
Kosovo and Albania were given back to the Turks.
On the verge of bankruptcy, Russia could not resist the Western Powers and gave in to all their
demands.
The decisions made during the Berlin conference of 1878 reshaped the Balkans and set the stage for
future events including both World Wars, the Cold War and every Balkan conflict that has since
taken place.
At the Berlin Conference of 1878, the Great Powers could have freed Macedonia and given her
autonomy, it was within their power to do so but they didn't. Why? There are two obvious reasons.
First, by 1878, with the exception of Russia, all other Super Powers had vested economic interests
in the Ottoman Empire. Besides collecting interest on loans, they owned government bonds, shares
in road construction, interests in infrastructure projects and investments in the lucrative Ottoman
import-export business. Allowing the Ottoman Empire to collapse at this time made no economic
sense.
Second, if Macedonia was allowed to become a state, what would have happened to the smaller
states like Serbia and Greece? Greece for certain would not have been able to survive economically
without the fertile lands of Macedonia.
With Macedonia back in Ottoman hands, the "Eastern Question" became the "Macedonian
Question". What would happen to Macedonia after the eventual collapse of the Ottoman Empire?
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While Macedonia's future was being decided, to ease the pain of oppression, the Super Powers
squeezed Turkey to implement some "reforms". Recommendations were made to reform
government institutions, the military, educational institutions as well as to reform the tax system.
As part of the reforms, the Super Powers also requested that the Ottoman authorities identify the
"various nationalities" living inside Macedonia and define the "regions they lived in". One of the
options contemplated in solving the Macedonian question was to break up the Macedonian territory
based on "nationality" groupings and then merge "like" groups with the neighbouring States of
similar nationality.
There were two problems with that idea. First, Turkey had no statistics that identified people by
"nationality". Turkish statistics were based solely on religious affiliation. Second, since no such
statistics existed there was motive for the neighbouring States to invent them.
Once the Greek State was created, the Greek Church began to intrude inside Macedonian territory
and by 1850 had taken over the administration of all Macedonian Churches. Secure in their position
inside Macedonia, the Greek clergy began disseminating Greek nationalist propaganda with aims of
"Hellenizing" the Macedonian population.
This unfair practice prompted Russia to intervene and in 1870 they convinced the Sultan in Tsari
Grad to allow the creation of the Exarchist Church. Initially, the Exarchist Church was not
affiliated with any State and was probably administered by a Slav faction of the Phanariots. With
the emergence of the Bulgarian State in 1878 however, the Exarchist Church began to identify
more and more with the Bulgarian State and to vigorously compete with the Patriarchist Church for
Macedonian parishioners.
After the conclusion of the Berlin Conference, and with the emergence of the Bulgarian
Autonomous State, the Ottoman Empire's decline had passed the point of no return. From then on it
was a matter of time before it completely collapsed. For Macedonia, this set the stage for a long and
painful struggle.
After 1878, realizing the mortality of their Empire, the Ottoman authorities began to take rebellions
seriously. Unfortunately, instead of taking measures to ease tensions, the Turks further tightened
their oppressive grip, ignoring the Great Power call for reforms. With Macedonia back in the hands
of the Ottoman Empire, Macedonian territory was again available for the taking.
As the 19th century was coming to a close Macedonia was facing many enemies on many fronts.
The Macedonian people came to the realization that no one was going to help them and it was time
they took matters into their own hands.
On October 23rd, 1893, in Solun, Damjan Gruev, Anton Dimitrov, Petar Pop Arsov, and Hristo
Tatarchev gathered together in Ivan Nikolov's house to discuss the plight of the Macedonian people
and how to help them. On February 9th, 1894 a committee was formed and a constitution was
drafted with the following resolutions:
1. The committee would be revolutionary in nature and would remain secret.
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2. Its revolutionary activities would be confined to inside Macedonia's borders.
3. Irrespective of nationality or religion, any Macedonian could become a member of the
committee.
The committee also set out the following objectives for itself, which were later ratified at the first
Revolutionary Congress held in Resen in August 1894:
1. Destroy the Ottoman social system.
2. Remain an "independent" organization.
3. Seek Macedonian autonomy.
The organization became known as Vnatrezhna (Internal) Makedonska (Macedonian)
Revolutsionerna (Revolutionary) Organizatsia (Organization), VMRO (IMRO).
Initially, IMRO had a single enemy, Turkish oppression. With the rise of "nationalism" and with
the increased activities and intervention of foreign churches in Macedonia, three more enemies,
Greece, Bulgaria and Serbia were added to the list.
The "religious wars" of the late 19th and early 20th centuries in Macedonia were fought between
the Greek Patriarchists on one side and the Bulgarian Exarchists on the other. Greece intended to
solve the "nationality" question by proclaiming that all Orthodox Christians in Macedonia were
Greek because they belonged to the Greek Church. Bulgaria and later Serbia followed suit by also
claiming "nationality" rights by church affiliation.
Since Macedonia was predominantly Christian Orthodox all three factions were claiming rights to
the same people at the same time. When diplomacy no longer worked, the factions resorted to
coercion, violence, blackmail, and armed propaganda campaigns. Prior to the 1903 Ilinden
rebellion the Turks were against such action. After the rebellion however, they welcomed the
interventions and allowed anti-Macedonian brigands to operate uninhibited.
By 1900, IMRO was facing several fronts in defending the Macedonian people. On one front it was
fighting the Turkish army trying to prevent it from attacking and burning Macedonian villages. On
another it was fighting foreign incursions sponsored by the Patriarchist and Exarchist Churches. At
the same time it had to deal with the conditions of lawlessness and Bashi-bazouk attacks on the
civilian population.
On top of that, IMRO was also fighting ideological battles against the Bulgarian Vrhovists who
were attempting to sabotage the uprising effort. Unprepared for a full-scale uprising due to lack of
arms and ammunition, in the spring of 1903, the IMRO leaders were faced with an important
decision. They knew that they were not ready for a full-scale attack against the Turkish army. In
fact some believed that a rebellion under those conditions would be suicidal.
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They also knew that the Turkish army would destroy Macedonia, village by village, if they didn't
do something soon. When the matter was put to a vote the majority voted in favour of an uprising.
In Damian Gruev's words it was "better an end with horrors than horrors without end".
Unlike the Greek, Bulgarian and Serbian rebellions which flared up at random reacting to Turkish
oppression, the August 2nd, 1903 Macedonian Ilinden uprising was a "planned rebellion". The
Macedonian uprising was a well-organized fight for independence that involved the entire
Macedonian community at the grass roots level. Greece, Bulgaria and Serbia were liberated with
outside help from the Super Powers while Turkey was weak and disorganized. Macedonia, on the
other hand, fought with no outside support against Turkey, which was strong and well organized.
Macedonia's bid for independence failed in 1903 not because of a lack of courage or desire for
freedom on the part of the Macedonian people, but because of a lack of outside support. Ignoring
the Macedonian people's desire for self-determination, the Super Powers allowed Turkey to take
back Macedonia. Why? Official history offers no answers.
According to European press accounts, when Westerners received news of the Macedonian
uprising they cared more for their investments than for the independence of the Macedonian
people.
In 1903, Macedonia reached the crossroads of her destiny and failed to gain independence. Why?
What else could have been done?
There are those who believe that the qualities that made IMRO successful also made it weak.
Instead of working with the bourgeoisie class of Macedonia, IMRO aligned itself with the poor
village peasants who did not have the finances or the means to support an armed insurrection.
Others believe that not enough lobbying was done to solicit outside (Super Power) help. If IMRO
had assured foreign investors that their investments would be secure the outcome may have been
different. It is true that IMRO made little effort to solicit outside help.
I believe that after the 1878 Berlin Conference, Macedonia's fate was decided. First, Greece could
not have survived economically without the Macedonian territory, Britain was well aware of that.
Second, Britain at that time was not prepared to allow another Slav State to emerge in the Balkans.
If Macedonia was not allowed to become an independent State, then she should have at least been
allowed to merge with another Balkan State. Unfortunately, no Power wanted a "Large State" in the
Balkans that had the potential of overpowering the others and dominating the region. The balance
of power was best assured with equal sized States.
Prompted by Italian Imperial ventures, Greece, Bulgaria and Serbia expedited their own plans for
conquest and in 1912 on the pretense of liberating the Macedonian people, declared war on Turkey
and invaded Macedonia.
What was to be a liberation quickly turned to occupation in 1913 when the liberating forces set up
the apparatus of government and, by legislative decrees, extended their own constitutions to the
new Macedonian territories they occupied. Not only was Macedonia illegally partitioned by
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imposing artificial borders on its territory but worse than that, over time, the Macedonian people
were either forcibly assimilated into the new folds or forcibly expelled from their own ancestral
lands.
By the treaty negotiated in August 1913 in Bucharest the map of Macedonia was redrafted ignoring
previously agreed upon boundaries as the Bucharest delegates imposed their artificial sovereignty
upon the Macedonian people.
With the exception of one minor change in 1920 in Albania's favour, these dividing lines have
remained in place to this day. 34,603 square kilometers or 51.57% of the total Macedonian territory
went to Greece, 25,714 square kilometers or 38.32% went to Serbia and 6.789 square kilometers or
10.11% went to Bulgaria. August 10th, 1913 became the darkest day in Macedonian history.
Macedonia's hopes were dashed again at the conclusion of the Great War (WW I) in November
1918, when Macedonians were not allowed to attend the Versailles France Peace Conference. Up to
this time Macedonia's partition was illegal and not sanctioned by the Powers. With the stroke of a
pen in 1919 by the Treaty of Versailles (Paris), England and France sealed Macedonia's fate by
ratifying the principles of the Bucharest Treaty and officially endorsing the partitioning of
Macedonia.
This unfortunately encouraged Greece to further pursue forced expulsions and denationalization of
Macedonians, to begin mass colonization of Macedonia and by the Neuilly Convention, transplant
"potential Greeks" into the Macedonian territories. About 70,000 Macedonians were expelled from
the Greek occupied part of Macedonia to Bulgaria and 25,000 "so called Greeks" were transplanted
from Bulgaria to Greek occupied Macedonia.
By the Treaty of Lausanne in July 1923, the Greco-Turkish war came to an end. Greece and Turkey
signed a population exchange agreement. By the stroke of the pen some 380,000 Muslims were
exchanged for something like 1,100,000 Christians. The total population in Greece, between 1907
and 1928, rose from 2,600,000 to 6,200,000. After the Greek occupation of Macedonia in 1912, for
instance, by their own accounts the Greek elements in Greek occupied Macedonia had constituted
43 percent of the population. By 1926, with the resettlement of the refugees from Asia Minor, the
Greek element has risen to 89 percent.
The next major event in Macedonia's history started with high hopes but unfortunately ended with
tragic consequences for the Macedonian people. While the Macedonians in the Vardar region of
Macedonia had gained some concessions and were re-building their lives after the conclusion of
World War II, the Macedonians in Greek occupied Macedonia were engaging in someone else's
war. World War II rekindled Macedonian hopes for freedom but the Greek Civil War shattered
them. The oppressive aftermath was too much for most Macedonians to bear so they abandoned
their beloved villages and immigrated to Canada, the USA and Australia.
As I mentioned earlier, throughout the 19th century the Western Powers, Britain in particular, were
in competition with Russia for political and economic influence of the Balkan region.
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The Western Powers feared Russian Imperial expansion into the West and exercised every means
to keep her at bay.
Early in the 19th century, the Southern Balkans including Romania, were dominated by Slavs. The
Western Powers feared that with Russian influence, an Eastern Slav alliance (Panslavism) was
possible and did everything in their power to prevent it.
To prevent the Slavs from uniting, the Western Powers encouraged the creation of "easily
manageable Slav opposing" States. These Slav opposing States would not only counter Russian and
Slav influence, but they would also remain loyal to their benefactors. And that is exactly why
Greece and Albania were created. Being Christian Orthodox and loyal to Russia, Greece, perhaps
under a different name, could have easily become a "Slav State".
Hellenism did not exist in the Balkans when the Kingdom of Greece was created for the first time
in 1829. The idea of relating modern Greeks to those of 2,300 years ago came from Britain and
France as a way of giving the newly created Greek nation a different "national character" from that
of the Slavs to the north. This was a reliable way of ensuring Greece would not become a Slav
State. Similarly, Albania was also a Western Power (Austrian-Hungarian) creation designed to
counter Russian and Slav influence in the Adriatic.
Not all people of newly created Greece were happy with the idea of becoming Hellenes. Many
wanted to pursue their Christian roots and maintain a "Christian character". Unfortunately, as
nationalism gripped the Balkans, the Hellenic forces gained momentum and slowly extinguished
the "multinational and true character" of Greece. With the creation of Bulgaria, competition for
influence in Macedonia intensified. By the turn of the 19th century Macedonia became the "apple
of discord" between Greece and Bulgaria, two states with diametrically opposed national ideals.
Not to be outdone, Serbia too laid her own claims insisting that the Slavs of Macedonia were Serbs
and not Greeks or Bulgarians. So, were the 19th and early 20th century Macedonians "nationally"
connected to the Greeks, Bulgarians and Serbians all at the same time?
The 19th and early 20th century questions of what nationalities lived in Macedonia had little do
with the "real nationality" of the Macedonian people and a lot to do with the Greek, Bulgarian and
Serbian assertion of it. This was done purely for the purpose of laying claims to Macedonian
territory. Attesting to her long history, Macedonia has always been and still is multinational and
multicultural with a Macedonian majority. Greece on the other hand discarded her "true national
identity" and opted for an ideal one.
Bulgaria and Serbia followed suit by claiming "homogeneity" but remained "Slav". In addition to
claiming ties to ancient Greek ancestry, Greece went a step further and claimed "racial purity" and
"homogeneity". By superficially connecting herself to the ancient people of the Balkans, Greece not
only laid territorial claims to their lands but also intentionally excluded all others from making
similar claims, including the "most recent owners". Additionally, without proof of "bloodline"
Greece also claimed ties to ancient Macedonian ancestry and with that proceeded to take possession
of Macedonian territory from its Modern Macedonian owners.
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Greece is occupying 51.57% of Macedonia's territory today because according to Greek claims, it
belongs to the Modern Greeks. Modern Greeks further claim that they are a pure race descended
from the "ancient owners of the land" and thus the land is rightfully theirs by inheritance.
Conversely, Modern Greeks claims that the 51.57% of Macedonian territory they occupy today
does not belong to the Slavs (Modern Macedonians) because the Slavs are newcomers who
migrated to the region only 1,400 years ago. They also claim that today only "pure Greeks" live in
"Greek Macedonia".
Let's put these assertions to a test. Is a Modern Greek a "pure Greek with ties to the ancient Greeks"
if he or she is a direct descendent of Modern Macedonian, Turk, Albanian or Roma parentage?
If "yes", then Modern Macedonians, Turks, Albanians and Roma MUST ALSO have roots with
links to the ancient Greeks and ancient Macedonians.
If "no" then Modern Greeks are NOT "pure Greeks descended from the ancient Greeks" and
therefore cannot "EXCLUSIVELY LAY CLAIMS" to Macedonian territory on the basis of
"inheritance by bloodline".
Let's take a look at some facts.
1. It is a well-documented fact that between 1907 and 1928 the population of Modern Greece grew
from 2,600,000 to 6,200,000. Where did these people come from?
2. It is also a well-documented fact that any Christian Orthodox, be it a Slav, Turk, Albanian, Vlach
or Roma, regardless of race, who assumed a Greek name and spoke the Greek language was
considered to be Greek.
3. History has recorded that millions of people were assimilated and added to the Greek fold,
regardless of race, some willingly some forcibly, between 1907 and 1928. Today, Greece claims
that these people are "pure Greeks descendents of the old Greeks".
Based on the above facts does Greece have the following rights?
1. To discriminate against those who assert their non-Greek (Macedonian) identity?
2. To "exclude" Macedonians from "their own" heritage on the basis that they are Slavs and not
"Hellenes"?
Here is a summary of what past Greek Governments have done to the Macedonian people in the
name of Hellenism.
1923. Greece and Turkey signed a population exchange agreement and by the stroke of the pen
some 380,000 Muslims were exchanged for something like 1,100,000 Christians. Most of the
Christians from Asia Minor were settled in Macedonia on the lands of those Macedonians killed
and exiled in 1912-1913.
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1926. Legislative Orders in Government Gazette #331 ordered the names of Macedonian towns,
villages, mountains, etc to be changed to Greek. The Macedonian people, under duress, were
ordered to abandon their Macedonian names and adopt Greek ones assigned to them by the Greek
State.
1927. Cyrillic inscriptions on churches, tombstones, and icons were destroyed or overwritten. Law
prohibited Church services in the Macedonian language.
1928. From 1926 to 1928 1,497 Macedonian place-names in Greek occupied Macedonia were
Hellenized.
English Journalist V. Hild reveals, The Greeks do not only persecute living Macedonians, but they
also persecute dead ones. They do not leave them in peace even in the graves. They erase the
Cyrillic inscriptions on the headstones, remove the bones and burn them.
1929. The Greek government enacted a law whereby any demands for national rights by
Macedonians were regarded as high treason.
LAW 4096 directive on renaming Macedonian place-names.
1936. From 1936 to 1940 Fascist dictator General Metaxas REIGNED TERROR. Macedonians
suffered state terrorism and pogroms. Thousands of Macedonians were jailed, sent to internal exile
(EXORIA) on arid, inhospitable Greek islands, where many perished. Their only crime was being
ethnic Macedonian by birth.
LAW 6429 reinforces Law 4096 on Hellenization of toponyms.
DECREE 87 accelerated denationalization of Macedonians. The Greek ministry of Education sent
specially trained instructors to accelerate the conversion to the Greek language.
1938. LAW 23666 banned the use of the Macedonian language and strove to erase every trace of
the Macedonian identity. Macedonians were fined, beaten and jailed for speaking Macedonian.
Adults and school children were humiliated by being forced to drink castor oil when caught
speaking Macedonian.
LAW 1418 reinforced previous laws on renaming.
1940. From 1929 to 1940 another 39 place-names were Hellenized.
1945. LAW 697 had more regulations on renaming toponyms in Greek occupied Macedonia.
1947. LAW L-2 decreed that Greek citizens suspected of opposing the Greek government during
the Greek Civil War were arbitrarily and without due process stripped of their citizenship.
1948. LAW M allowed confiscation of properties from Greek citizens who were accused of
assisting the opposition or who fought against the Greek Government.
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28,000 CHILD REFUGEES, mostly from Macedonia were evacuated to Yugoslavia,
Czechoslovakia, Poland, Hungary, Bulgaria and Romania. To this day Greece denies their right to
return.
DECREE 504 continued property confiscation of exiles and colonization of Greek occupied
Macedonia with people from Turkey, Egypt and other parts of Greece. Parcels of land were given
to colonists along with financial incentives.
1959. LAW 3958 allowed the confiscation of property of those who left Greece and did not return
within five years.
Several Macedonian villages in Greek occupied Macedonia were forced to swear LANGUAGE
OATHS to speak only Greek and renounce their Macedonian mother tongue.
1962. DECREE 4234 reinforced past laws regarding confiscated properties of political exiles and
denied them the right to return.
1968. The EUROPEAN COMMISSION ON HUMAN RIGHTS accused Greece of human rights
abuses.
1969. The COUNCIL OF EUROPE declared Greece undemocratic, illiberal, authoritarian, and
oppressive. Greece was forced to resign from the Council of Europe under threat of expulsion.
A Military Junta continued the policy of colonizing the confiscated lands in Greek Occupied
Macedonia. Land was handed over to persons with a proven patriotism for Greece.
1979. 135 more Macedonian place names were renamed in Greek Occupied Macedonia since 1940.
1982. The Greek internal security police urged an intensive campaign to wipe out the remaining
Macedonian language and Macedonian consciousness in Greek occupied Macedonia.
LAW 106841 allowed political exiles, who fled during the Greek Civil War and were stripped of
their citizenship, to return providing they were Greek by ethnic origin. The same rights were denied
to Macedonian political exiles born in Greek occupied Macedonia.
1985. DECREE 1540 stated that political exiles, provided they were Greeks by ethnic origin, who
fled during Civil War were allowed to reclaim confiscated lands. The same rights were denied to
Macedonian exiles who were born in Greek occupied Macedonia.
In the 1990s Greece made every effort possible to block the formation of the Republic of
Macedonia.
IT IS TIME TO EXPOSE GREECE FOR WHAT SHE REALLY IS AND PUT AND END TO
HER TYRANICAL WAYS. IT IS TIME TO STOP THE SENSLESS PERSECUTION OF HER
CITIZENS WHO WISH TO ASSERT THEIR TRUE NATIONAL IDENTITY.
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The world is becoming a small place and in order to achieve peace and harmony, exclusion,
oppression and discrimination must end. I believe that Europe is on the right track in its support for
human and minority rights. Greece must also recognize her past mistakes and make amends to the
Macedonian people. If history has taught us anything, it has taught us that there is no peace and
harmony as long as there is exclusion, exploitation and oppression.
For the unbelievers and for those who think that the "Greeks can do no wrong", I offer you the
following books, written in Greek by Greek authors;
1. If you wish to know more about Karavangelis' terrorist actions in Macedonia read his biography
(the original version) "Arheio Makedonikou Agona, Pinelopis Delta, Apomnimoneymata,
Germanou Karavaggeli, Georgiou Dikonymou Makri, Panagioti Papatzanetea". By his own
accounts and through his bragging you will learn what an upstanding religious figure, a Bishop no
less, he was and how many people he had killed for the good of his country and for Hellenism.
2. If you wish to learn what the Greeks did in Macedonia from 1903 to 1905 during and around the
time of the Ilinden Uprising, read the book "Ellinikos Antimakedonikos Agonas, Apo to Ilinten Sto
Zangoritsani (1903 - 1905), Megali Popeza, 1998" by Dimitris Lithoxoou.
3. For the lady who told me to "be ashamed for writing such lies" and for the gentlemen who asked
me "are there no ends that you Skopians will go to propagate your propaganda and attempt to steal
our Greek Heritage?" I offer you this two volume book. "Istoria Tis Makronisou, Meros Proto,
Meros Deftero, Athina 1966" by Nikou Margari.
4. For those of you who do not believe Macedonians exist and therefore no Macedonian language
exists, I offer you this book. "I Apagorevmeni Glossa, Kratiki Katastoli ton Slavikon Stis Eliniki
Makedonia, Mavri Lista, Athina 2000" by Tasos Kostopoulos.
On a more personal note!
As a result of distributing this article series on the Internet I received a fair number of comments
both positive and negative. Your comments were well appreciated.
While your positive comments gave me the encouragement to continue to write, your negative
comments reminded me why I started writing in the first place. Thank you.
For those of you who have referred to me as Skopian or an agent of Skopie, I would like to set the
record straight.
1. I am not Skopian, have never been to Skopie or to the Republic of Macedonia.
2. I am a Greek Citizen of Macedonian descent.
3. You can't just turn a blind eye and assume Greece is problem free and that people like me don't
exist or are agents working for someone else.
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Unlike many of you, I have found the truth that I am a Macedonian and not a Greek and have
accepted it. I know who I am and no longer wish to live a lie for the sake of propagating more lies.
On the subject of the Greeks calling Macedonians "Albanian half-breeds", "Gypsies" and
"Bulgars", you speak as if those people are not human. Calling them derogatory names does not
change them from who they are. By doing so you only expose your own contempt for those people
that think differently than you. In democratic societies like Canada we have laws against such
practices.
And finally, I would like to take the opportunity to thank everyone for showing interest in the series
of articles and for providing me with your comments.
In the near future, I will be starting a new series of articles on Macedonia, which will cover the
period from ancient times up to the 19th century. Again as always, I will strive to provide you with
an objective and unbiased analysis of the historic events with the aim of countering the Greek
position on Macedonia and setting the record straight.
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References:
1.
A Study of History, Oxford 1975
2.
Anastasia N. Karakasidou, Fields of Wheat, Hills of Blood, Passage to Nationhood in
Greek Macedonia, 1870 - 1990, Chicago
3.
Arnold J. Toynbee, A Study of History, Oxford 1975
4.
Barbara Jelavich, History of the Balkans, Twentieth Century
5.
Benefit Society Oshchima 75th Anniversary 1907-1982 Toronto-Canada
6.
British History in the Nineteenth Century (1782 - 1901), Longmans 1927
7.
D. Fishwick, B. Wilkinson, J. C. Cairns, The Foundations of the West, Clarke, Irwin
8.
David Holden, Greece Without Columns, The Making of Modern Greeks, J. B. Lippincott,
Philadelphia & New York
9.
David Thomson, Europe Since Napoleon, Pelican
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