Download Salafism and jihadism in the Netherlands

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The nexus between salafism and jihadism in the Netherlands
Beatrice de Graaf 1
1. Introduction
Immediately after the horrendous attack of Al Qaeda on the Twin Towers in Manhattan, on
September 9, 2001, CNN broadcasted images from the Dutch city of Gouda, of groups of
youngsters from Moroccan descent gleefully cheering and shouting over the apparent blow
that had been dealt to the United States. Shaykh Fawaz Jneid, a well known imam from a
salafist mosque, cursed president George Bush, Ariel Sharon, Dutch parliamentary Hirsi Ali
and filmmaker Theo van Gogh and begged Allah ‘to destroy the enemies of Islam’. 2 Another
imam refused to shake hands with a Dutch female minister, and a third advised his followers
to throw homosexuals from the roof. On November 2, 2004, two months after Fawaz had
cursed Van Gogh, a young Dutch Muslim, Mohammed Bouyeri, murdered and slaughtered
Van Gogh, quoting passages from the medieval salafi cleric Ibn Taymiyya. 3 These incidents,
and especially the terrorist attack committed by Bouyeri, brought the salafist movement to the
centre of the Dutch public outrage and debate, and prompted the Dutch Intelligence and
Security Service (AIVD) to warn against the damaging influence of salafist ideology on the
Dutch Muslim community. 4
This is where our article starts. How exactly should we describe and explain the nexus
between salafism and jihadism in the Netherlands? Is it a causal relationship? Does salafism
function as an ideological hotbed for potential radicals, providing them with the intellectual
and moral tools to start jihadi activities? Is there a sliding scale of activities flowing from
passive orthodoxy into violent orthopraxy, and is salafism as such ‘anti-integrative, antidemocratic and isolationist, as the Dutch Intelligence and Security Service stated in 2007 and
2009? Or does salafism more correctly put a brake on too enthusiastic jihadi emotions
amongst Muslim youths by steering them into more apolitical and especially non-violent
action modes, as others claim? 5
The genealogy between salafism and violence is much more complex than we can
explore here. We will however try to give some preliminary answers to the above questions
by 1) saying something on the general typology of salafist currents, of which jihadism is only
a very marginal one, by 2) describing the emergence of salafism in the Netherlands and by 3)
focusing on the nexus of salafism and jihadism in the Netherlands in three stages from 2001
until the present. We make use of recent reports by the Dutch intelligence and security
services, the outcomes of some research projects that have been carried out amongst local
Muslim communities, as well as newspaper clippings or other secondary sources that have
been published recently. Salafism is a relatively new phenomenon in the Netherlands and as a
movement, it is very closed to the outward world. We therefore do not pretend to give an in
1
Dr. Beatrice de Graaf is associate professor at the Centre for Terrorism and Counterterrorism/Campus The
Hague, Leiden University, [email protected]. The author wishes to thank Daniël Meijer for his
indispensable assistance in writing this article.
2
‘Imam beticht van opruiing tegen Van Gogh’, NRC Handelsblad, 23 October 2003.
3
Cf. for example, ‘Laveren tussen de wet en Allah’, NRC Handelsblad, 19 September 2005.
4
AIVD, De radicale da’wa. De opkomst van het neo-radicalisme in Nederland (The Hague: AIVD, 2007);
AIVD, Weerstand en tegenkracht. Actuele trends en ontwikkelingen van het salafisme in Nederland (The Hague:
AIVD, December 2009).
5
Buys, Hamdy and Demant were the first to address this question: Frank J. Buijs, Froukje Demant and Atef
Hamdy, Strijders van eigen bodem. Radicale en democratische moslims in Nederland (Amsterdam: Amsterdam
University Press, 2006); ‘Laveren tussen de wet en Allah’, NRC Handelsblad, 19 September 2005.
2
depth analysis, but we present this article as a well-informed snap-shot of the present
situation, taken rather from a security studies’ point of view, than a theological or
anthropological one. 6
2. Salafism and jihadism: a typology
A lot has been said and written about the salafi movement (also referred to as Wahhabism)
since 9/11. It has been made clear that it is not a unified movement, it displays various
currents, historical trajectories and genealogies. 7 Moreover, it is often rather used as a
normative self-descriptor, used by religious factions to claim religious and political
legitimacy, than as an objectifying term. 8 However, in academic literature there is a general
understanding that ‘salafism’ – even as a ‘diverse community’ – displays some common
characteristics.
To begin with, the word ‘salafism’ derives from ‘salaf’, which translates as the ‘pious
ancestors’ from the patristic period of early Islam. Salafi’s thereby claim adherence to the first
three generations of exemplary followers of the prophet Muhammad. As Wiktorowicz has
described in his seminal text from 2006, salafi’s are united around the strict adherence to the
concept of tawhid (the oneness of God, or monotheism), the rejection of innovations of the
Islam creed (bid’a), they condemn polytheism or all other forms of venerating humans or
objects (shirk) and maintain the belief that this is the only legitimate religious interpretation of
the Qur’an and Sunna. To them, Islamic pluralism, let alone subjective individual
interpretation without being an accepted authority, does not exist. 9
In practice, salafism is a container concept, including all different kinds of Sunnite,
traditionalist Islamic creeds. Wiktorowicz identifies three important strands of salafism: the
‘purists’, the ‘politico’s’ and the ‘jihadi’s’. It started in modern history with three important
reformers of the Islam, Jamal al-Din al-Afghani, Muhammad Abdu and Rashid Rida, who
lived and preached in the late 19th century and called upon Muslims to withstand the
seduction of westernization and colonization. Their reformist approach merged with the
activities of the Muslim Brotherhood and the Saudi form of Islam, Wahhabism. 10 Wahhabism
is predominantly influential on the Arabian peninsula and advocates an antiwestern,
antimodern purification of Islam. After 1945, Wahhabism gained considerable influence in
the Islamic world thanks to the steep rise in oil prices, which enabled Saudi leaders to
promote their branch of ‘petro-Islam’ to all Muslims in the Middle East and abroad. 11 This
spread of influence was moreover sustained through American support, since the United
6
The first in depth field study of the salafist movement in the Netherlands is soon to be published, however:
Ineke Roex, Sjef van Stiphout and Jean Tillie, Salafisme in Nederland. Aard, omvang en dreiging (Amsterdam:
IMES, 2010); Another very good overview offers a report drafted by the Dutch National Coordinator for
Counterterrorism: NCTb, Salafisme in Nederland. Een voorbijgaand fenomeen of een blijvende factor van
belang? (The Hague: NCTb, March 2008)/ National Coordinator for Counterterrorism (NCTb), Salafism in the
Netherlands. A passing phenomenon or a persistent factor of significance? (The Hague: NCTb, 2008). See also
Martijn de Koning, Zoeken naar een ‘zuivere’ islam. Geloofsbeleving en identiteitsvorming van jonge
Marokkaans-Nederlandse moslims (Amsterdam: Bert Bakker, 2008).
7
See for an overview: Roel Meijer, ‘Introduction’, in: Idem (ed.), Global Salafism. Islam’s New Religious
Movement (London: Hurst & Company, 2009), p. 1-32.
8
Thomas Hegghammer, ‘Jihadi-Salafis or Revolutionaires? On Religion and Politics in the Study of Militant
Islam’, in: Meijer (ed.), Global Salafism, p. 244-266, here: 248-249.
9
Quintan Wiktorowicz, ‘Anatomy of the Salafi Movement’, in: Studies in Conflict and Terrorism, (2006), Nr.
29, p. 207-239, here: 207.
10
Martijn de Koning, Zoeken naar een ‘zuivere islam’, p. 367-370.
11
Gilles Kepel, Jihad: The Trail of Political Islam. (Cambridge: Belknap Press of Harvard University Press,
2002), p.69-75.
3
States perceived this Islamic creed as a dam against communism. The centre of global
Wahhabism is the Islamic University of Medina. Many Dutch youngsters went here to study
as well since the 1990s. Wahhabis usually refrain from politics, focusing on interpreting
Islamic jurisprudence, unconditionally surrendering themselves to the religious and political
authority of the Saudi monarchs. To these ‘purists’, salafism is a theological set of doctrines,
that is used both descriptive and normative, in the sense that by appealing to the ‘pious
ancestors’, they bestow their religious and political legitimacy onto themselves.
In the 1960s, another salafist current emerged in Saudi Arabia: the ‘politico’s’ in
Wiktorowicz’s words, or the movement of al-Sahwa al-Islamiyya (Islamic Awakening). This
denotes an amalgam of conservative Wahhabism and the ideas of the Muslim Brotherhood,
producing a movement that is much more politically aware and better organised. The
movement profited from the influential Egypt ideologue Sayyid Qutb’s writings, from other
refugees (members of the Muslim Brotherhood that were repressed under Egypt’s Gamal
Abdel Nasser) and supported the Saudi regime as the only true Islamic state in the region.
Only when the Saudi Kingdom accepted the presence of American forces in 1990 to wage a
war against Iraq, the Sahwa movement split apart. To the former members of the Muslim
Brotherhood, the Kingdom forfeited its rights as the one pure Islamic state in allowing nonMuslims to occupy the lands of the holy places and they began to criticize and oppose the
monarchy. This in turn led to a severe crack down on the movement, the Saudi government
imprisoned many of its leaders, prompting others to flee the country and seek asylum in
Europe, amongst other places, in the Netherlands. 12 The Syrian Shaykh Fawaz Jneid, for
example, who became imam in the United Arab Emirates, was compelled to leave the country
after protesting against the influx of American troops in 1991. He found asylum in the
Netherlands, where he became one of the main figures in political branch of the Dutch salafist
movement (see below). 13
Connected to this period, Martijn de Koning adds another current to Wiktorowicz’s
list, which he brands as ‘neosalafist’, connoting a salafi reformist branch that is highly
apolitical, that focuses on individual devoutness, orthodox morality and religious practices,
contrary to both the Sahwa-reformists whom they blame for being too politicized, or the
traditional salafists, whom they accuse of being to docile and lax towards the Saudi leaders.
Their ideas on moral decadency, social excesses and their tenacity to cling to the most literal
interpretation of the hadith are very persistent amongst radical Muslims in the West. 14
The fourth (or, in Wiktorowicz counting, the third) influential current within salafism
is the creed of salafist jihadism, which dates back to the participation of young Saudi Muslims
in the war against the Soviet Union in Afghanistan, in the 1980s. In that decade, the Afghan
theatre of war became the dumping ground for all radical elements in the Middle East,
encouraged by the religious establishment, that proclaimed fighting the holy war in
Afghanistan a collective duty (al-fard al-kifaya) – and which was more than happy to distract
energetic jihadis to the rugged country of Afghanistan rather than have to cope with their
zealotry at home. After the Russians left in 1988, many of these ‘Arab Afghans’ could not (or
did not want to) return to their own countries for fear of persecution and fled to Europe or the
United States. The first Gulf War pushed many of the Sahwa-salafi’s and neosalafi’s in the
12
Cf. Stéphane Lacroix, ‘Between Islamists and Liberals : Saudi Arabia’s New Islamo-Liberal Reformists’, in:
The Middle East Journal, Vol. 58 (2004), No. 3, p. 345-365.
13
‘Laveren tussen de wet en Allah’, NRC Handelsblad, 19 September 2005.
14
De Koning, Zoeken naar een ‘zuivere’ islam, p. 369; ICG, Saudi Arabia Backgrounder. Who are the
Islamists? (Amman/Riyadh/Brussels: International Crisis Group, 2004), Middle East Report no. 31, p. 3.
4
direction of the jihadists as well, like Abu Qatada) and Abu Hamza al-Masri, who both took
refuge in London. 15
The label ‘jihadi-salafism’ became widely known after 9/11, although it is unclear
who coined it. Its popularity started in the Islamist community in London in the early 1990s.
Kepel claims that he first came across it in an interview with Abu Hamza al-Masri in London
in 1998. 16 In most of the academic literature since 2001 the term implies a dogmatic
adherence to salafi religious traditions combined with a militant political attitude, which
expresses itself in a more extremist and intransigent attitude, a more internationalist and antiWestern outlook and a propensity for violence. Jihadists draw their sources from the Egyptian
Muslim Brotherhood, from Neo-Wahhabism, from Jordanian-Palestinian clerics who
graduated from Saudi Islamic universities, as well as from veterans from the wars in
Afghanistan, Chechnya and Iraq. Jihadi-salafists want to purify Muslim society through
fighting a diversity of enemies (near and/or far ones), by excommunicating every infidel and
every Muslim who does not follow their doctrines and by creating elitist fighting groups. 17
Hegghammer however problematizes this description, since it messes up short-term,
mid-term and long-term strategy, theology and underlying intentions. Indeed, the theological
concepts of salafism and jihadism have limitations when it comes to analyzing Islamist
militancy. In short, labelling someone as jihadist does not say anything about where, how and
against whom he is going to fight. Hegghammer therefore introduces a typology to re-label
jihadism according to its observed mid-term political aims and strategy: there are stateoriented militants (the socio-revolutionary activists of the Groupe Islamique Armée, Groupe
Salafiste pour la Prédication et le Combat or Egyptian Islamic Jihad), nation-oriented ones
(Hamas, Lashkar-e-Tayyiba), umma-oriented (Al-Qaeda, Al-Qaeda on the Arabian
Peninsula), morality-oriented (unorganised vigilantes attacking deviant moral behaviour of
fellow Muslims) and sectarian jihadists (Al-Zarqawi followers in Iraq, Lashkar-e-Janghvi,
attacking competing sects).
This set of rationales provides for useful descriptors to discern different types of
jihadists and explains their political behaviour, and gives us something to hold on in the
nebulous and slippery discourse on salafism and jihadism. 18
3. Salafi-jihadism in the Netherlands
Given the above typologies and labels, we can now start to describe the salafi movement in
the Netherlands. No authorative or exhaustive history of the emergence of salafism in the
Netherlands has been written so far, nor has the salafi population or groups have been mapped
out meticulously. We therefore rely on the reports by the NCTb and AIVD, newspaper
clippings and the extensive field work of some anthropologists and social scientists that
carried out research projects amongst salafi youths in the Netherlands in the last few years. 19
1986-2001: The creation of a salafist infrastructure in the Netherlands
15
Idem; ICG, Saudi Arabia Backgrounder, p. 3-5; Omar Nasiri, In het hart van Al-Qaida. Mijn leven als spion.
(Amsterdam: Balans, 2006), p. 314-385; Steven Brooke, ‘The Preacher and The Jihadi’, in: Hillel Fradkin (eds.),
Current Trends in Islamist Ideology, Hudson institute, Vol. 3 (2006), p. 52-66
16
Gilles Kepel, Jihad: Expansion et déclin de l’islamisme (Paris : Gallimard, 2000), p. 395, as found in
Hegghammer, ‘Jihadi-Salafis or Revolutionaries ?’, p. 252.
17
Reuven Paz, ‘Debates within the Family. Jihadi-Salafi Debates on Strategy, Takfir, Extremism, Suicide
Bombings, and the Sense of the Apocalypse’, in: Meijer (ed.), Global Salafism, p. 267-280.
18
Hegghammer, ‘Jihadi-Salafis or Revolutionaries?’, p. 251-263.
19
Most notably Buys, Demant and Hamdy, Strijders van eigen bodem, 2006 and De Koning, Zoeken naar een
‘zuivere’ islam, 2008.
5
The Saudi non-governmental missionary organisation Al Haramain was responsible for the
creation of the El Tawheed Foundation in Amsterdam in 1986 (led since the mid-1990s by the
Egyptian imam Mahmoud El-Shershaby), thereby laying the foundations of the salafist
infrastructure in the Netherlands as a whole. Three years later, another Saudi private
missionary organisation with headquarters in Riyadh, Al Waqf, initiated the establishment of
the Foundation Al-Waqf al-Islami in Eindhoven. The Al-Fourqaan mosque in Eindhoven, led
by the Sudanese imam Eisha Bersham) became the centre of this foundation’s activities. In
1990, also with Saudi support, the Foundation Sounna was created in The Hague (in 1998
renamed in the Foundation As-Soennah/Centrum Sheikh al Islam Ibn Taymia), led by the
Syrian imam Fawaz Jneid and preacher Jamal Ahajjaj (Abu Ismail), who both play an
important part in the dissemination of salafism in the Netherlands. The Foundation ISOOK 20
in Tilburg (led by the Syrian imam Ahmed Salaam) was created in 2000, through indirect
interference from Saudi Arabia. Salam is considered a highly educated cleric, who published
many religious works; Fawaz Jneid and Mahmoud Shershaby are said to be his pupils. Some
other organisation came into existence as well, such as the Foundation for Islamic Youths in
Breda, founded in March 1990, or the Al-Haramain Humanitarian Aid Amsterdam (which
was dissolved in 2006). However, the salafist movement was still a minor current within the
Muslim communities in the Netherlands, according to an AIVD report from 1998. 21
The abovementioned foundations and mosques in Amsterdam, Eindhoven, The Hague
and Tilburg constitute the most prominent salafi hubs in the Netherlands, drawing some 1500
(As-Soennah) or even 2000 visitors (Al-Fourqaan) each Friday (on a population of about
850.000 Muslims in the Netherlands). 22 In comparison with other countries like the United
Kingdom, Germany or France, these salafist groups became much more popular and rooted
within the Muslim communities than other related radical Islamist currents such as Hizb utTahrir or Takfir wa al-Hijra. The salafist mosques moreover have mobilised a multinational
crowd of visitors. Muslims from the Maghreb, the Horn of Africa, Pakistan, Afghanistan,
Turkey, the Middle East and Dutch converts are amongst the attendants. 23 Although the
salafist movement in general consists of Saudi, Egyptian or Syrian members, Dutch
Moroccans constitute the predominant group, in particular the Muslim youth of Moroccan
descent (40 per cent of the Dutch Moroccan population is under 30). 24 The Moroccan
community was also responsible for the establishment of the As-Soennah and the AlFourqaan mosques.
2001-2002: Salafism as empowerment
In the Netherlands, jihadi-salafism is a latecomer compared to the other salafist communities
in Europe, where political refugees from the Middle East and veterans from the wars in
20
ISOOK stands for the Islamitische Stichting voor Opvoeding en Overdracht van Kennis (Islamic Foundation
for Education and Dissemination of Knowledge).
21
AIVD, De politieke islam in Nederland (The Hague: AIVD, 1998).
22
NCTb, Salafisme in Nederland, 2008, p. 65.
23
Cf. NCTb, Salafisme in Nederland, 2008.
24
Ten per cent of the immigrant population is Moroccan (ca. 345.000 in 2009), after the Turkish minority (11
per cent), the largest ethnic group from a muslim country in the Netherlands, if we leave the former Dutch
colonies, such as Indonesia which could also be counted as a muslim dominated country, apart. Centraal Bureau
voor de Statistiek, ‘Allochtonen per 1 januari naar geslacht en herkomstgroepering, 2009-2050’,
http://statline.cbs.nl/StatWeb/publication/?DM=SLNL&PA=71876NED&D1=0-13&D2=a&D3=0&D4=0-1,34&D5=1,11,21,31,l&VW=T [24 February 2010];V. van den Maagdenberg, ‘Jaarrapport Integratie’, in:
Onderzoek verricht in opdracht van het Sociaal en Cultureel Planbureau (SCP) (Rotterdam: Instituut voor
Sociologisch-Economisch Onderzoek, 2004), p. 13-14.
6
Afghanistan, Bosnia and Chechnya imported militant experiences to the West as early as the
late 1980s, like in France or the United Kingdom. From the late 1990s, but especially after
9/11 these salafist groups extended their religious infrastructure: they built new mosques,
websites and informal networks. De Koning discerns three groups amongst them: ‘Selefies’,
politically involved salafis and the jihadi/takfiri salafists. 25
Selefies, as they label themselves, are the most apolitical, pious group, and claim to be
non-violent. Their main preacher is Abdillah Bouchta, a salafist teacher from Tilburg. The
second group includes more politically oriented salafist who are non-violent as well, but
engage more in local and international politics. This strand develops its mobilizing power
through central nodes within the Muslim community, most of them financed or inspired by
Saudi organisations. 26 A third, very marginal, strand, can be described as the jihadi/takfiri
branch of salafism, according to De Koning, and comprised a small number of Muslims,
especially those connected to the former Hofstad group (see below). 27
These groups differ, for example, regarding the status of Islamic clerics, attitudes
towards parliamentary democracy and the desirability of the resurrection of a caliphate. 28
Although the first two branches of salafism are non-violent, they nevertheless imported
theological doctrines on the war against infidels, the search for a pure Islam and the tools for a
radical form of Muslim empowerment to the Netherlands. These radical ideas grew in
popularity within the Muslim community after 2001, when the so-called ‘Fortuyn-revolt’ in
the Netherlands gained momentum and started to attack ‘Muslim immigration’. The
charismatic right wing politician Pim Fortuyn and its effervescent populist party entered the
political stage in August 2001 and linked Islam, immigration, integration and terrorism
together, discursively framing them into a security issue, which of course made much
impression immediately after 9/11. The salafist movement in particular became the focus of
political and public attention, since the salafis – with their emphasis on purity, hatred against
‘infidels’ and revulsion against supposedly low moral standards in the West - posed the mirror
image to the Dutch defenders of national security, western liberalism and secularization.
Thus, after years of benign neglect, Moroccans, Turks and other immigrants were now
framed as ‘Muslims’ and were held responsible for jihadist attacks elsewhere. The
consequence of this application of religious frames of identity in mainstream Dutch discourse
was, that youngsters with Moroccan parents, but born and raised in the Netherlands, embraced
this stigmatization and fell back on this new collective, post-ethnic Muslim identity. They
adopted the same set of mechanisms that can be found within other youth cultures: they
appropriated a negative identity that frightens and provokes the main stream population by
incorporating violent and dangerous symbols and discourses in their group identity. 29 They
took these symbols and discourses from the jihadi-salafist movement, since this provided
them with the tools to transform themselves into superior and militant human beings with
direct access to the Truth. 30
25
De Koning, ‘Changing Worldviews and Friendship. An Exploration of the Life Stories of Two Female Salafis
in the Netherlands’, Meijer (ed.), Global Salafism, p. 404-432, here: p. 408-410.
26
NCTb, Salafisme in Nederland, 2008.
27
De Koning, ‘Changing worldviews’, 410.
28
Cf. Buijs, Demant and Hamdy, Strijders van eigen bodem, 2006.
29
Cf. Martijn de Koning, ‘Een wekelijks portie burgerschap 8 – Wat meer radicalisering graag’, 22 February
2010, posted by Martijn de Koning on: http://religionresearch.org/martijn/2010/02/22/een-wekelijks-portieburgerschap-8-wat-meer-radicalisering-graag/ [retrieved 22 February 2010].
30
Martijn de Koning, ‘Changing Worldviews and Friendship: An Exploration of the Life Stories of Two Female
Salafis in the Netherlands’, in: Roel Meijer (ed.), Global Salafism. Islam’s New Religious Movement (London:
Hurst & Company, 2009), p. 404-423.
7
From 2002/3 onwards, a very small part of these alienated second-generation
immigrants from Moroccan descent entered the path of violent radicalization. Amongst them
were the members of the so-called ‘Hofstad group’.
2002-2004: The Hofstad group, or salafism as a hotbed for home grown jihadism? 31
From December 2001, the Dutch Intelligence and Security Service (AIVD) had been
monitoring the radical salafist El Tawheed mosque in the north of Amsterdam for suspicion of
Egypt and Saudi influences, since the mosque had financial relations to a Saudi
nongovernmental organisation, Al Haramain International. 32 In the summer of 2002 the
service identified a group of Muslim youngsters, who met in and around the mosque and
gathered around Redouan al-Issar also named ‘Abu Khaled’ or ‘the Shaykh’, who had ties to
radical Muslims in Spain and Belgium. Abu Khaled was an illegal immigrant from Syria, a
former member of the Syrian Muslim Brotherhood and an al-Takfir wa al-Hijra adherent, who
came to the Netherlands in 1995. For a number of radical Muslims, he became a mentor. 33
He inspired, amongst others, 17-year-old high school student Samir Azzouz, of
Moroccan origin, but born and raised in the Netherlands. Samir Azzouz came to the notice of
the AIVD in January 2003, when he took the train to Berlin, bound for Chechnya, to join local
jihadists in their fight against the Russian forces, together with his friend Khalid (or Hussam,
age 17), but they were arrested and put back on a train to the Netherlands again. After his
return Azzouz’s status rose; he started his own Islamic book company and began only
associating with Moroccan youngsters. 34
Ismail Aknkikh was another Hofstad Group member with international aspirations.
Aknikh, born in Amsterdam in 1982 from Moroccan immigrant, regularly attended the AlTawheed Mosque in Amsterdam where he got acquainted with Azzouz and helped to form the
Hofstad Group in the fall of 2002. In the summer of 2003 he travelled with Azzouz to
Barcelona to meet with Abdeladim Akoudad for guidance and instructions. This Abdeladim
Akoudad (or ‘Naoufel’), a Moroccan living in Spain, was suspected by the Moroccan security
services of involvement in the Casablanca attacks of March 16, 2003. 35
After temporary arrests in October 2003, Akhnikh, Azzouz and Walters further
developed their skills as jihadists and urged other Muslims to go abroad to wage jihad. 36
Aknikh went to Pakistan that year, as did Zakaria T. and Jason Walters (who even went twice,
in July and December 2003). Walters and Akhnikh even bragged about contacts with Maulana
31
This paragraph is partly based on the chapter ‘The Van Gogh Murder: a New Threat from Homegrown
Terrorism in The Netherlands’, to be published in the forthcoming book: Bruce Hoffman and Fernando Reinares,
Leader led Jihad (New York: Columbia University Press, 2010).
32
NCTb, Salafisme in Nederland (The Hague: NCTb, 2008), p. 25; NOVA broadcast, ‘De omstreden El
Tawheed-Moskee’, 9 November 2004. http://www.novatv.nl/page/detail/uitzendingen/3011 [accessed in June
2009]. According to NOVA, Saudi businessman Aqeel Alaqeel financed the El Tawheed mosque with 1.3
million Euros. Al Haramein was blacklisted as an Al Qaeda charity, but the accusations were not substantiated,
and the mosque continued to operate. With thanks to Dennis de Widt for these references.
33
“Feitenrelaas”, attachment to the Letter to Parliament (ministers of the Interior and Justice), 10 November
2004, Handelingen van de Tweede Kamer, Nr. 29854.
34
See for an account of this story: ‘Samir A. Staatsvijand nr.één’, KRO Reporter, October 1, 2006,
reporter.kro.nl. The documentary includes interviews with Azzouz and his wife; Eric Vrijsen, ‘Van Samir A tot
Marad J’, Elsevier, December 1, 2005; Arjan Erkel, Samir (Amsterdam:Uitgeverij Balans, 2007).
35
Cf. Petter Nesser, ‘The Slaying of the Dutch Filmmaker. Religiously motivated violence or Islamist terrorism
in the name of global jihad?’ FFI/Rapport-2005/0376 (Kjeller/Norway, 2005), p. 17-19.
36
Cf. National Prosecutor’s Office (Landelijk Parket), ‘Repliek van de officier van justitie in de strafzaken tegen
Nadir A. etc.’, Amsterdam, 6 February 2005, p. 7, 13.
8
Masood Azhar, a core Al Qaeda member – something they later downplayed in court – but no
evidence of concrete preparations was found. 37
Then, on the early morning of November 2, 2004, Mohammed Bouyeri, a 26-year old
Dutch Moroccan, born and raised in Amsterdam, awaited publicist Theo van Gogh in an
Amsterdam street, shot him off his bicycle and slaughtered him with a ritual knife in the
middle of the street in front of many witnesses. 38 Under the new Dutch anti-terror laws passed
in August of 2004, Bouyeri was arrested and tried for murder, with “terrorist intent.” 39 On
July 26, 2005 he received a life sentence, without parole - unusually harsh in Dutch judicial
history. 40
Bouyeri’s action had taken the security services by surprise. From 2002, the AIVD
had monitored a group of some jihadi radicals whom Bouyeri was acquainted with, a network
the service internally dubbed as ‘the Hofstad Group’, since it operated in the nation’s capital,
Amsterdam (Hofstad translates as ‘capital city’). 41 Its core members were under surveillance,
but Bouyeri did not belong to them. He did not take part in the foreign trips some of the
members made and was not considered a main actor in the Netherlands jihadi scene. 42
Bouyeri’s radical texts calling for violent jihad, disseminated under the name ‘Abu Zubair’,
were only noticed after the police and the AIVD stepped up their investigation into the
Hofstad Group after the murder of Van Gogh on November 2, 2004. 43
After the attack, it became clear that Bouyeri sought legitimacy for his atrocity in
religious arguments. With him, he had a farewell letter, titled Drenched in blood. This versed
text read as an incitement to holy war and was signed Saifu Deen al-Muwahhied, according to
Ruud Peters, a Dutch Islam expert and witness for the prosecution, a combination of two
Arabic terms “sword of religion” (Saif al-Din) and “confessor of Tawhid” (al-Muwahhid). 44
In the “Open letter” he directly threatened Dutch-Somali liberal politician, Ayaan Hirsi Ali,
37
‘Dutch radical Islamic group planned Euro 2004 attack in Portugal’, AFP press release & ‘Dutch Islamists
planned Barroso attack’, Reuters press release, 15 November 2004; Cf. Ministry of Justice, Letter to Parliament,
with a report on the assassination of Theo van Gogh, 10 November 2004. Handelingen van de Tweede Kamer
(HTK) 2004–2005, 29 854, Nr. 3; See also the parliamentary debate on this report on 11 November 2004. HTK
2004–2005, Nr. 22, p. 1278–1332.
38
A highly informative account of the assassination of Van Gogh and the development of the Hofstad Group can
be found in: Albert Benschop, ‘Jihad in the Netherlands. Chronicle of a Political Murder Foretold’, lastly
modified, June 2009, http://www.sociosite.org/jihad_nl_en.php [accessed in June 2009].
39
Cf. the verdict against Bouyeri, Court of Amsterdam, 26 July 2005.
40
In the Netherlands, life sentences are very rare. Bouyeri was the 28th person to receive such a sentence since
1945, war criminals included. Capital felonies, such as murder, usually result in sentences of 10-15 years. The
new terrorism law, however, states that, if there is a terrorist motive for a crime, the sentence can be increased by
half. Imprisonments ordinarily in excess of 15 years can be upgraded to life imprisonment, as was the case with
Bouyeri.
41
Description of this case is based, amongst others, on the requisitory of the National Prosecution in the Hofstad
Group case. National Prosecutor’s Office, ‘Requisitoir van de officier van Justitie’, part I, 23 January 2006 and
part II, 25 January 2006; District Court of Rotterdam, verdict in the Hofstad Group case, 10 March 2006;
Transnational Terrorism, Security & the Rule of Law (ed.), ‘The “Hofstadgroep”’, working paper, April 2008
(www.transnationalterrorism.eu).
42
The Review Committee on the Intelligence and Security Services officially established in March 2008, that
this had been a serious intelligence failure, as evidence surfaced prior to the attack that Bouyeri was at least
affiliated with Dutch jihadist groups. See the official report by the Review Committee on the Intelligence and
Security Services: Commissie van Toezicht betreffende de Inlichtingen- en Veiligheidsdiensten (CTIVD),
‘Toezichtsrapport inzake de afwegingsprocessen van de AIVD met betrekking tot Mohammed B.’, Nr. 17,
March 2008.
43
Siem Eikelenboom, Niet bang om te sterven. Dertig jaar terrorisme in Nederland (Amsterdam: Nieuw
Amsterdam, 2007), p. 23-27; Cf. also National Prosecutor’s Office (Landelijk Parket), ‘Repliek van de officier
van justitie in de strafzaken tegen Nadir A. etc.’, Amsterdam, 6 February 2005, p. 4-5, 9-10, 17-23.
44
National Prosecutor’s Office, ‘Repliek van de officier van justitie in de strafzaken tegen Nadir A. etc.’,
Amsterdam, 6 February 2005, p. 4-5.
9
and blamed politicians for allowing Jewish influences in politics. According to Norwegian
researcher Petter Nesser, the conclusion of the letter shows “the essence of ‘al-Qaidaism,’” by
prophesising the defeat of the enemy on the individual, local, regional and global levels in
order of priority:
And like a great prophet once said: "I deem thee lost, O Pharaoh.” (17:102) And so we want to
use similar words and send these before us, so that the heavens and the stars will gather this
news and spread it over the corners of the universe like a tidal wave. "I deem thee lost, O
America.” "I deem thee lost, O Europe.” "I deem thee lost, O Holland.” "I deem thee lost, O
Hirshi Ali” "I deem thee lost, O unbelieving fundamentalist.” 45
These two texts showed that Bouyeri’s attack was the outcome of an ideological turn to
violent jihad that evolved from the Hofstad Group, since Bouyeri wrote these texts in spiritual
support for this network. 46 In one of Bouyeri’s last writings, the “Open Letter to the Dutch
Population” dated August 12, 2004 (which he left on a USB-stick for other Hofstad Group
members to disseminate within “the Umma”, 47 he announced attacks against Dutch public
places, justifying the attacks due to the support of the Dutch government for the United States
and Israel. His argument echoed a fatwa announced by dissident Saudi Shaykh Hamud Ibn
‘Uqla Al-Shu’aybi, legitimizing the September 11 attacks. 48 A translation of this fatwa was
found on computers of other Hofstad Group members. 49
Bouyeri and the Hofstadgroup drew inspiration from several salafi sources. They took
from the neosalafi cleric Abu Muhammad al-Maqdisi the principle of al-wala’ wa al-bara’
(loyalty and disavowal, also translated as to love and to hate for Allah), which dictates true
jihadists to isolate themselves from the non-Muslim world and to hate those who threaten
Islam. 50 From the London based salafi imam Abu Hamza Al-Masri they took the principle of
takfir, e.g. declaring fellow Muslims to be infidels that can be killed according to sharia law. 51
And it is argued that Bouyeri acted in line with Fawaz Jneid’s malediction of Theo van Gogh
and Hirsi Ali. 52
The Hofstad group was not the only centre of ‘umma-oriented’ (Hegghammer’s
typology) jihadi-salafist activity in the Netherlands. From 2002 onwards the AIVD also
monitored other salafist centres, such as the Al-Fourqaan mosque in Eindhoven, that was
45
Translated by Petter Nesser, ‘The Slaying of the Dutch Filmmaker. Religiously motivated violence or Islamist
terrorism in the name of global jihad?’ FFI/Rapport-2005/0376 (Kjeller/Norway, 2005), p. 25.
46
National Prosecutor’s Office, ‘Requisitoir van de officier van justitie’, part I & II, 23 & 25 January 2006.
47
National Prosecutor’s Office, ‘Repliek van de officier van justitie in de strafzaken tegen Nadir A. etc.’,
Amsterdam, 6 February 2005, p. 31-32
48
See a Dutch biography of this shaykh on a website of ‘Marokko Community’, in which references to the
September 11 fatwa are found: ‘Sheikh Hamoud bin Uqla as-Shu’aybi. De levensloop van een groot geleerde’,
posted on 24 July 2008, on: http://forums.marokko.nl/showthread.php?t=2092457 [accessed on July 11, 2009];
al-Shu’aybi’s fatwa in English can be found on http://www.tawhed.net/a.php?a=hmodUkla [accessed on
February 26, 2010]
49
National Prosecutor’s Office, ‘Requisitoir van de officier van justitie’, part I & II, 23 & 25 January 2006.
50
Al-Maqdisi has revolutionized this theme in jihadi-salafism, and since Dutch scholar Joas Wagemakers is
writing his Ph.D. on al-Maqdisi’s writings, some of his recent articles can provided further explanations of this
central theme. Joas Wagemakers, ‘A Purist Jihadi-Salafi: The Ideology of Abu Muhammad al-Maqdisi’, British
Journal of Middle Eastern Studies, Vol. 36 (2009), No. 2, p. 287-297; Joas Wagemakers, ‘Framing the "threat to
Islam": al-wala' wa al-bara' in Salafi discourse’, Arab Studies Quarterly, Vol. 30 (2008), No. 4, p. 1-22; Joas
Wagemakers, ‘Abu Muhammad al-Maqdisi: A Counter-Terrorism Asset?’, CTC Sentinel, Vol. 1 (2008), No. 4,
p. 7-9
51
De Koning, Zoeken naar een ‘zuivere’ islam, p. 374; See also R. Peters, ‘De ideologische en religieuze
ontwikkeling van Mohammed B. Rapport van het deskundigen onderzoek in de strafzaak tegen Mohammed B.’;
Idem, ‘Overzicht teksten geschreven of vertaald door Mohammed B.’.
52
‘Imam beticht van opruiing tegen Van Gogh’, NRC Handelsblad, 31 October 2006.
10
suspected of recruiting young Muslims for the international jihad. 53 In 2002, two Dutch
Moroccans were killed in Kashmir, Khalid el Hasnoui and Ahmed el Bakiouli, both
supposedly recruited in the Al-Fourqaan mosque in Eindhoven. And some months later, 13
individuals were arrested for terrorist activities, some of whom were regular visitors of the AlFourqaan mosque as well. 54
After these connections became public knowledge, the whole salafist movement was
put on trial in the eyes of the Dutch population. The members of the Hofstad group had been
visitors of the As-Soennah and El Tawheed mosques in The Hague and Amsterdam. The El
Fourqaan mosque in Eindhoven was accused of recruitment activities and radical salafist
imams had on many occasions leashed out against the Netherlands, homosexuals and liberal
intellectuals such as Hirsi Ali or Theo van Gogh. In the perception of large parts of the Dutch
population, the November attack showed that every orthodox Muslim could be a potential
terrorist, 55 and opinion polls showed that 80 per cent of the population wanted ‘tougher
policies against immigrants’. 56 Jihadist terrorism became a public nightmare: In the autumn of
2004 12 percent of the Dutch population listed it as one of the two most important issues
facing the country, and this figure grew to 40 percent one year later.
2004-2010: Salafist resilience against the jihadists
After the murder of Van Gogh and the public outrage that followed suit, a process of
reorientation seemed to set in within the salafist movement in the Netherlands, partly due to
the increasing monitoring and control activities conducted against them by the security
services and local authorities. In February 2005, Minister for Immigration and Integration,
Rita Verdonk, for example declared three imams from the Al Fourqaan mosque in Eindhoven
unwanted aliens, and started the procedure to expel them from the country. 57 These more
repressive measures were flanked by all kinds of other central and local deradicalization
programs, directed against so-called ‘hotbeds of radicalization’. 58
Consequently, due to these forms of external pressure, Muslim resilience against
jihadism increased. 59 Immediately after the murder of Van Gogh various salafist leaders
warned their followers against interpreting radical texts without consulting clerics.60 In 2005,
it was revealed that the Amsterdam imam Fawaz had urged some young Muslim women that
were under the influence of the Hofstad group to report to the police. Thanks to their
statements, the case against the Hofstad group in 2005/2006 became much stronger. 61 And in
2006, the Islamic Foundation for Culture and Welfare in Tilburg, headed by the apolitical
53
‘OM: moskee Eindhoven werft strijders’, NRC Handelsblad, 3 May 2003.
Siem Eikelenboom, Jihad in de polder. De radicale islam in Nederland (Amsterdam: Veen, 2004); AIVD,
Annual report 2002; AIVD, Saoedische invloeden in Nederland. Verbanden tussen salafistische missie.
Radicaliseringsprocessen en islamistisch terrorisme (The Hague: AIVD, June 2004).
55
Eyerman, p. 11. In reality, research revealed that probably less than 2 % of the Dutch Muslim population of
Amsterdam was susceptible for ‘radicalization’. See Marieke Slootman and Jean Tillie, Processen van
radicalisering. Waarom sommige Amsterdamse moslims radicaal worden (Amsterdam: IMES, 2006).
56
Justin Sparks, ‘Muslim mole panics Dutch secret service’, The Times, 14 November 2004.
57
NCTb, Salafisme in Nederland, p. 43; ANP, ‘Ook tweede Eindhovense imam terecht uitgezet’, 10 October
2007.
58
Cf. Report ‘Lokale en justitiële aanpak van radicalisme en radicalisering’. Kamerstukken 2004–2006 29754
No. 5, 24, 60, 73, 94; Ministerie van Binnenlandse Zaken, Actieplan polarisatie en radicalisering 2007-2011
(The Hague: MinBZK, August 2007).
59
Cf. AIVD, Saoedische invloeden in Nederland. Verbanden tussen salafistische missie.
Radicaliseringsprocessen en islamistisch terrorisme, June 2004.
60
De Koning, Zoeken naar een ‘zuivere’ islam, p. 372.
61
‘Laveren tussen de wet en Allah’, NRC Handelsblad, 19 September 2005.
54
11
Selefie imam Bouchta, published a booklet in which it condemned suicide attacks, warned
against preachers of hate and accused salafist that turned to violence of sinful aberrations. 62
Indeed, salafist leaders such as Fawaz realized, that jihadist activities such as the
murder of Van Gogh could only backfire against Muslims in the Netherlands. His warnings
against the takfiri-ideology of Bouyeri cs were however not only inspired by strategic
musings. To salafist clerics, individual takfiri-activities are a real danger and an aberration
from pure Islam, since they ignite ‘fitna’ (chaos and sedition) within the Muslim community
itself. Takfir can only be pronounced by qualified religious authorities under very special and
restricted circumstances, it otherwise severely damages the unity (tawhid) of the Islam. 63
In 2007, the AIVD signalled a development to more unity of the different salafist
branches, amongst which the strand of political, non-violent salafism was gaining the upper
hand. 64 The National Coordinator for Counterterrorism underlined this estimate and identified
trends of moderation and adaptation to the outside world. The increasing resilience against
jihadi-thinking within the salafi movement was supported by a decreasing fear of home grown
terrorism within the broader Dutch society that felt more at ease since there had been no
further jihadi attacks since November 2004 and no other substantial home-grown networks
had been uncovered. 65
In its annual report of 2008 (published in April 2009), the AIVD concluded that ‘the
terrorist threat increasingly emanates from transnational and local networks with an
international orientation, but less from local-autonomous networks’. Activities of ‘homegrown’ radicals and their networks had been effectively disrupted. 66 In December 2009 the
level of security alertness regarding terrorism was therefore lowered from ‘substantial’ to
‘restricted’, since terrorist attacks against the Netherlands as target did no longer seem to be
imminent. 67
Radicalisation of Moroccan youngsters is still taking place, according to the AIVD.
These young Muslims meet on the Internet or during sermons of travelling youth preachers,
translate and exchange jihadi texts. 68 However, radicalization remained marginal and should
be viewed more as part of a radical Islamist youth counterculture and a way of expressing
their identity within the Dutch context. Moreover, the service noticed that Dutch Moroccan
Muslims increasingly found ways of articulating their grievances and frustrations through
democratic and activist channels. The Israeli bombing of Gaza, in December 2008/January
2009 for example led to an explosion of non-violent initiatives, such as demonstrations,
petitions, fund-raising activities, and appeals to boycott certain produces. In comparison, the
anti-Islam movies of right-wing parliamentary Geert Wilders (Fitna, 2008) and the
politician/publicist Ehsan Jami (An Interview with Mohammed, 2008) attracted much less
response and indignation than suspected. Within the Dutch salafist milieu the AIVD therefore
noted a ‘self-cleansing power’ and an increased resilience against (violent) radical tendencies
within the Muslim community. 69
62
‘Folderen in strijd tegen aanslagen’, Brabants Dagblad, 10 June 2006.
Hegghammer, ‘Jihadi-Salafism’, p. 246-248.
64
AIVD, De radicale da’wa. De opkomst van het neo-radicalisme in Nederland (The Hague: AIVD, 2007).
65
Transnational Terrorism, Security & the Rule of Law (ed.), ‘The “Hofstadgroep”’, working paper, April 2008
(www.transnationalterrorism.eu), p. 16; AIVD, Annual Report 2006 (Den Haag: AIVD, 2007), p. 33 (in Dutch).
66
AIVD, Annual report 2008, (The Hague, April 2009), p. 20-22.
67
NCTb, Letter to Parliament with the Eleventh counterterrorism progress report, 15 December 2009.
68
NCTb, Salafisme in Nederland, 2008.
69
Cf. AIVD, Weerstand en tegenkracht. Actuele trends en ontwikkelingen van het salafisme in Nederland (The
Hague: AIVD, December 2009); See also A. Olgun, ‘Nuance keert terug in Nederland’, NRC Handelsblad, 13
februari 2008; ‘Bijna 3000 digitale knuffels voor PVV-voorman Wilders’, Metro, 30 januari 2008; B. Heijne,
‘Waarom ik Geert Wilders dankbaar ben’, NRC Handelsblad, 26 januari 2008.
63
12
4. Concluding remarks
Can we now answer our question on the nexus between salafism and jihadism in the
Netherlands? We have seen how salafism emerged in the Netherlands, to a large extent the
consequence of a Saudi crackdown on Sahwa salafists that opposed the presence of foreign
troops on the Arabian Peninsula. Many salafi clerics consequently fled to Europe, amongst
them for example Fawaz Jneid. After 2001, the orthodox salafist creed gained popularity,
because it offered alienated Dutch youths of Moroccan descent the critical perspective on
their own society they were looking for. It enabled them to identify with the umma and
suffering Muslims elsewhere (in Iraq, Chechnya or Palestine), whose plight, in their view,
mirrored their own discriminated position in the Netherlands. Salafism moreover provided
youths that felt caught between on the one hand their traditionalist parents and on the other
hand the modern, secularized Dutch society a clear set of beliefs and a means of (re)gaining
pride and self-esteem. 70
Only a tiny group amongst them went a step further, embraced the lifestyle and
symbols of jihadists abroad as the only answer to their perceived sense of injustice and
insecurity, and even put them into practice in the Netherlands. 71 The members of the
Hofstadgroup legitimized their terrorist intentions with thoughts they took from notable
jihadi-salafi clerics such as Abu Hamza al-Masri or Abu Muhammad al-Maqdisi.
However, this still does not entitle us to define this connection as a causal relationship.
Salafist mosques did indeed function as an ideological hotbed for potential radicals. The AlFourqaan mosque in Eindhoven was identified as a playground for jihadi recruiters. However,
the members of the Hofstad group were no passive victims of salafist ‘hatemongers’ from
abroad. On the contrary, militant Muslims like Samir Azzouz, Jason Walters or Mohammed
Bouyeri were actively seeking for jihadist guidance once they had embarked on their course
of radicalization. At some point, they even stopped visiting their salafist mosques, because
they did not found there what they were looking for: instructions to wage jihad in the
Netherlands. They therefore constructed their own brand of umma-oriented jihadism through
texts and principles they found on the internet.
The Dutch security service, the AIVD, defined salafism as ‘anti-integrative, antidemocratic and isolationist’ in 2007 and again in 2009. 72 However, this cannot be equated
with terrorism. Salafism is not a sliding scale from passive orthodoxy into violent orthopraxy.
On the contrary, from 2005 onwards salafist imams, including Fawaz Jneid, have tried to put
a brake on too enthusiastic jihadi emotions amongst Muslim youths by steering them into
more apolitical and especially non-violent action modes and sometimes even reported them to
the police. 73
In sum, the salafi movement in the Netherlands is still controversial. The strand of
political salafism indeed is responsible for antiwestern, isolationist and radical opinions.
However, according to De Koning, political salafi’s and apolitical selefies hold a very
different view on violence and attitudes towards ‘infidels’ compared to the jihadi’s. Salafi
criticism on the war in Afghanistan or on the exploitation of women in the western media and
society should not be equated to terrorism, but could be viewed as the voice of a group very
70
Cf. Buys, Demant and Hamdy, Strijders van eigen bodem, p. 228-231.
Kees van den Bos, Annermarie Loseman, Bertjan Doosje, Waarom jongeren radicaliseren en sympathie
krijgen voor terrorisme: Onrechtvaardigheid, onzekerheid en bedreigde groepen (The Hague: WODC, 2009);
72
AIVD, De radicale da’wa. De opkomst van het neo-radicalisme in Nederland (The Hague: AIVD, 2007);
AIVD, Weerstand en tegenkracht. Actuele trends en ontwikkelingen van het salafisme in Nederland (The Hague:
AIVD, December 2009); See also Hans Moors en Menno Jacobs, Aan de hand van de imam. Integratie en
participatie van orthodoxe moslims in Tilburg-Noord (Tilburg: IVA beleidsonderzoek en advies, 2009).
73
Buys, Demant and Hamdy, Strijders van eigen bodem, 2006; ‘Laveren tussen de wet en Allah’, NRC
Handelsblad, 19 September 2005.
71
13
critical and religious citizens that are searching for a self conscious position within the Dutch
society. 74 Moreover, both the NCTb and the AIVD signal a trend of adaptation and
moderation (inspired by external pressure from Dutch security services and local authorities
as well as from the Saudi regime) of salafist excesses and a growing resilience and resistance
against the seeds of violent jihadism. 75
74
De Koning, Zoeken naar een ‘zuivere’ islam, p. 378.
NCTb, Salafisme in Nederland, p. 70; AIVD, Weerstand en tegenkracht. Actuele trends en ontwikkelingen van
het salafisme in Nederland (The Hague: AIVD, December 2009).
75