Download Grammar of the Classical Newari [SCANN]

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H istorisk-fllologiske
Meddelelser. X X V I I , 3.
A GRAMMAR
OF THE CLASSICAL NEWARl
BY
H A N SJ0R G E N SE N
K0BENHAVN
EJN A R MUNKSGAARD
1941
TABLE OF C O N TEN TS
P reface.................................................................................................................. ' ■P"g*3
Introduction...........................................................................................................
The main Characteristics of the NewSrI Language....................
.
The Peculiarities of MS N .........................................................................."‘ O
^
Phonology ............................................................................................................... g
The Sounds of the Newfiri L anguage.................................................... g
Sound C hang es................................................................................................ jj
Accidence and Syntax......................................................................................... jg
N o u n s.................................................................................................................. jg
Form etc. of the N o uns........................................................................ jj
Meaning and Use of the Cases........................................................... 2 ]
Pronouns .. ..................................................................................................... 29
Personal Pronouns............................................................................... . 29
Demonstrative P ro n o n n s...................................................................... 32
Reflexive and Reciprocal P ronouns.................................................. 37
Interrogative P rononns.......................................................................... 38
Indefinite P rononns................................................................................ 39
Pronom inal Adjectives............................................................................ 41
N u m erals........................................................................................................... 42
V erbs.................................................................................................................... 47
Form and Inflection of the V e rb ...................................................... 47
Conjugation of the V erb........................................................................ 55
A uxiliaries.................................................................................................. 57
Meaning and Use of the Verbal F o rm s......................................... 59
Auxiliaries and Periphrastic Forms of the V e rb s ..................... 75
Adjectives........................................................................................................... 89
Form of the Adjectives.......................................................................... 80
Verbal Forms from Adjectival Bases...............................................
A d v erb s............................................................................................................. 81
Postpositions.................................................................................................... 89
Nouns w ith Postpositions ................................................................... 89
Verbal Forms w ith Postpositions...................................................... 91
C onjunctions.................................................................................................... 93
Additional Chapters on S y n ta x ...............................................................
Index.......................................................................................................................... 103
Printed in Denmark.
Bianco Lunos Bogtrykkeri A/S.
PREFACE
he present gram m ar is a quite independent w ork, biased
exclusively on original NewSrl m anuscripts. W here I
have in this w ay arrived at the sam e conclusions as m y
predecessors1, they m ay seem fairly well corroborated;
and where m y views differ from theirs, I m ay urge in
my favour th at I have had access to m uch m ore copious
materials, and th at I have pursued the study of the
language for a considerably longer space of tim e.
It is a descriptive gram m ar, not a com parative one. I
have entirely abstained from references to the cognate
languages. O n the other hand, it w as to a certain degree
bound to becom e a historical gram m ar, since the m anu­
scripts, on w hich it is based*, range from the fourteenth
to the nineteenth century, an d the natural changes in the
language during this period have to som e extent been
reflected in them .
T
1 For the authorities on New&ri I refer the reader to the list in
L'ngu. Survey of India, vol. Ill, part 1, p. 215, and to my Vicitrakarnikivadinoddhrta (Royal Asiatic Society. Oriental Translation Fund. New
Series, vol. XXXI), p. 1 f.—Since then I have published: A Dictionary of
U>e Classical Newiri. D. Kgl. Danske Vidensk. Selskab. HisL-fil.Medd. XXIII,
!■1936.—Linguistic remarks on the Verb in NewSrl. Acta Orientalia, vol.XIV.
Pp-280—5.—BatfoaputrlkSkathS. A Newflrf recension of the ShphasanadvSWmsatlkS. D. Kgl. Danske Vidensk. Selskab, HisL-fil. Medd. XXIV, 2.1939.
’ See Dictionary, introduction pp. 4—6. Instead of MS B 0- c. p. 5)
edition of It is quoted in this grammar.
1*
4
N r. 3. H ans J orgensen :
I have aim ed at brevity, and I hope th at this has not
too m uch interfered w ith clearness and com pleteness. In
the introduction I have sum m ed up the characteristic
features of the language, and I beg the reader to make
him self acquainted w ith it before turning to the gram­
m ar itself.
It is m y pleasant duty to offer respectful thanks to the
T rustees of the Carlsberg F oundation for financial aid, by
w hich this institution has rendered possible the collection
of the m aterials for the present w ork and the treatment
of it.
Oksbel Mark, den 17. August 1940.
H ans J org ensen .
A Grammar of the Classical NewSri.
5
IN T R O D U C T IO N
The main Characteristics of the Newari Language. —
Preliminary Remarks.
ary roots of the language are m onosyllabic.—
T heC omprimpounds
are frequent, bu t derivations are rare.—
Inflection is effected by m eans of suffixes. T hose of the
verb have to som e extent fused w ith the final consonant
of the root; form s like kah, yak, biwo and others cannot
be analysed from a NewSri point of view.— T here are tw o
numbers, singular and plural.— T here is no gram m atical
gender; bu t the language distinguishes between living beings
and inanim ate objects by m eans of generic particles, -hma
for living beings, and -gu, -guli, rarely -gwo, for inanim ate
objects. T hese m ay be added to adjectives, pronouns,
numerals, and the nom inal form s of th e verb. M oreover
nouns denoting inanim ate objects are indifferent as to
number, and certain case-endings, as e. g. gen. in -s, loc.
in -yake, are found only w ith nouns denoting living beings.
—The pronoun of the first person has both an exclusive
and an inclusive plural.— T he higher num bers are counted
by tens. T he num erals are com bined w ith nouns by m eans
of class-w ords.— T he adjectives are closely related to the
verb. T here are no form s of degree.
T he verb states, th at an action takes place. W hen the
action is transitive, the agent is expressed by m eans o f the
6
N r. 3. H ans J brgensbn :
agential or instrum ental case; w hen it is intransitive, the
pure stem serves as subject. T he sam e form expresses the
object or end-point of a transitive action. An exam ple may
illustrate this, rajan dhu syatam “ through the king ligerkilling (took place)” ; raja wonam “ king-going (took place)” ;
— or, according to ou r m ode o f expression “the king
killed the tiger” ; “the king w ent'’.— T here are no personal
endings; th e different persons, how ever, as subject or agent
in som e degree prefer different verbal form s; the 1st and
2nd persons, singular and plural, as opposed to the 3rd
person prefer the 1st form in -o and the 6th form .—There
is no clear distinction of the various tenses, bu t more so
of the aspects and m odes of action.— A passive voice
does not occur, and w ould hardly be com patible with the
nature of th e language. T he first o f the above examples
m ight as well be understood to m ean “th e tiger w as killed
by th e king” . T he indifference of th e verb as to voice is
evident also from the use of the nom inal form s, which,
w hen attributive, m ay qualify both the subject and the
object of an action. E. g. cala nawo dhu “the tiger which
eats the gazelle" and dhun nawo cala “the gazelle which
the tiger eats”, or “ w hich is eaten by the tiger”. The
form s A 6 and A 7 are m ostly, but not exclusively, used
in the latter w ay; hence their apparently passive character,
w hich is not inherent in them .— F inite form s are rare, but
the verb abounds in adverbial and nom inal form s. The
rath er com plicate use of the latter m ay be further illus­
trated by th e following exam ples, dhun cala nawo “the
tiger eats the gazelle”, dhun cala nawo thay “ the place
w here the tiger eats the gazelle” , dhun cala nawoya phal
“the result of the tiger’s eating the gazelle” .
T he structure of the sentence is characterized by an
A Grammar of the Classical Newari.
7
almost total absence of subordinate clauses. O nly relative
clauses occur.
The Peculiarities of MS N.
In N, a MS of the N aradasm fti from AD 1699, are found
traces of w hat seem s to be a different dialect.— T he chief
instances are as follows, a (noun). T he ending -san of the
agential, is m ore frequent th an in the other MSS.— b (pro­
noun). A dem onstrative thwolo “ th is”, thwolota “ all th is”
only occurs here.—c (verb). T he form A 4 has som etim es
the endings I -mja, II -ca, III -ja besides the usual ones;
the form A 8 of I m ay have the ending -nd, -tjid for -n;
the conditional of the sam e class -ipdasa for -nasa. T he
conjunctive participles in -afian and -kale only occur here;
likewise the causative in -ka-ka-I. Once a causative semjake
occurs for sinake .— T he form A 5 is m ore frequently found
as nom en actoris, and A 6 as nom en actionis.— F o r the
auxiliaries da-t, kha-t, pha-t are frequently found the alter­
native form s doa-t, da-t; phva-t, pha-t, and, rarely, kha-t.
— d. F or the postposition sinwoqi is used penivoqt; for the
conjunction nwoni often arp. — O ther peculiarities have
been pointed out in the gram m ar.
8
N r. S. H ans J 0 r g e n s b n :
§ 1— 2
PHONOLOGY
The Sounds of the Newari Language.
1
2
T he N ew ari MSS are w ritten in the NaipSlI or Nagarl
characters. But it seem s evident th at the phonetic system
of the language is only approxim ately expressed in this
w ay. Not all sounds, represented by the characters used,
are found; on the other hand, the language no doubt pos­
sesses sounds w hich are not, or only very imperfectly,
expressed in the MSS. From the inconsistencies of the
spelling, the m odern notes, and MS AH in latin characters
(Diet. p. 6) it is to som e extent possible to form an idea
of the actual phonetic system of the language.
Note. For what follows cf. Conrady’s Grammatik ZDMG Bd.
XLV, pp. 9-18, and his Wflrterbuch, ib. Bd. XLVII, pp. 545 ff.
Consonants.
A occurs as an independent sound before vowels: iia
“five”, yana “doing” .— In som e w ords, w here in the younger
MSS it m ay be represented by ng o r n, it seem s to denote
a kind of palatal nasal. See § 10 c.
Note 1. it I have found only once before a vowel, V*54b.4 kana
for kanga (i.e. kane).
Cerebrals, s, and s are not found. In loan-w ords they
are interchangeable w ith dentals, s, and kh, and in Ne.
w ords they are som etim es w ritten instead of these letters.
§ 3 -4
A Grammar of the Classical NewSri.
9
Mote. 2. It seems that, at least dialectically, s is pronounced i
before i, e, y. Cf. Kirckpatrick sheema for simS, sheni for
sine, sheatd for syato.
t and I are freely interchangeable, also in loan-w ords.
The m odern notes and AH have only I in Ne. w ords, so
this will be the sound actually spoken. A som ew hat
different sound perhaps occurs w here the older MSS have
(ft d for /, r. See § 10 c.
v, w hich in som e MSS is not distinguished from b, is
no doubt really w, as it is spelt by H odgson and in AH.
Vowels.
3
a seems to be the only vowel w hich is found both
short and long. 7, Q are used in the MSS, b u t they are
freely interchangeable w ith i and u, also in loan-w ords.
In AH, w here the length of a is carefully m arked (ri), the
other vowels never have the m ark of length; only / is
written initially (Imd, ltd), w here the MSS frequently have
.yi for i.
~ Note. In V1 one frequently finds a (besides aip) for a before
nasals; a in this position might be supposed to have a
sound differing from that of the usual a. On the whole,
it seems evident that the difference between a and U is
not merely one of quantity.
.
D iphthongs.
4
ai and aa do not occur in Ne. w ords; bu t other d ip h ­
thongs seem to exist, as m ay be inferred from the spelling
(Conrady, Gramm.' p. 11). W hile m any w ords have an
Unchangeable e and o (e. g. me “a tongue” , cone “ to sit”,
too-ca “a child”), in not a few e alternates w ith ya , ye,
and o w ith va, or (esp. in V1 and N) do. Such w ords are
g. thene: th ya n i: thyene “to arrive”, p et: pyat “a belly”,
'ten: -syan: -syen suffix of the agential; soya:sivaya “ to
10
Nr. S. H ans J 0rg b n sb n :
§5
look”, jone : jvane “to seize”, one: vane : vone “ to go”, the
suffix -o : -va : - do.
F or e : ya AH has alw ays e, H P 82 m ostly e, but note
dhunkyi p. 20° for dhunake.— F or o : Da AH has mostly o
after consonants (so alw ays tho “th is”), wa after vowels,
rarely wo. In the notes to H P 82 wo, wa occur, rarely o
( thwohmo “th is” , womha and wamha “th a t”, wono “went”,
wand “ to go”, khoye “ to w eep” . Cf. also Kirckpatrick
soo-6n “three” = so, soa).— I w rite e and wo. e will be a
variety o f e (ie?), w hich cannot be defined m ore closely,
wo a diphthong, consisting of u and a m ore obscure vowel
(cf. M inayeff uo, ua, ue).
In som e o f th e MSS in NaipSlI characters a combin­
ation of o and a occurs initially and after vowels, where
the other MSS have va. In these cases I w rite wa (i. e. ua).
AH has m ostly woa. But it is possible, th at Da has the
sam e sound also after consonants; at least it is worth
noticing th at d is found only before a; and cf. godlicha
“ a heel” AH 41a.
Note. In some words e: ya seems to denote a sound like 6
(Conrady, Worterbuch p. 556). Cf. also Kirckpatrick beushe
= bese(m), peumpa = pen-pval.
5
According to the foregoing the
as follows.
V o w e ls.
a a i a e o. D iphthongs e wo
C o n s o n a n ts .
G utturals k kh g gh n hfi
P alatals c ch j jh (n An?)
D entals t th d dh n hn s
L abials p ph b bh m hm
sounds of NewSrI are
wS.
y
hy
v (?)
h
I hi (/?)
5 6 -7
A Grammar of the Classical Newari.
11
All vowels m ay be found w ith an a n u s v 9 r a , no do u b t 6
denoting a nasalization. It is used in a som ew hat irregular
way. In V1 it is very frequent; here every vowel has the
jnusvSra before a nasal (b u t cf. § 3 note), and it often
occurs finally, w here th e other MSS have no anusvSra.—
A final nasalization, though m ostly the w eakened form of
a particle (§ 202), seem s to be inherent in som e w ords
and suffixes, as e. g. latp “a ro ad ”, sirp “ w ood”, therp “as,
like”, nwom “even, also”, -sem the suffix o f the agential
and of the 10th form o f the verb. B ut these w ords are
frequently found w ithout the anusvara. See also §§ 9. 76.
118. 132 note.
F in a l a a n d i. M odern form s like khipa “ rope”, jhango 7
"bird”, khva “ ho t” m ake it highly probable th at th e w ords,
spelt khi po ta, jhaqi ga la, khva ka in th e MSS, were
pronounced khipot, jhaipgal, khvak. So also the endings of
the instrum ental and locative w ere •n and -* ( khipotan ,
lahatas; cf. khipatS LSI, Idhdti H P 82), th a t of the 5th
form of the verb -k (cf. jilhd "p ro ud " AH = jehlSk, lit.
“saying I”). In a few w ords and form s, how ever, w here
the MS V1 has -a, the final -a w as no doubt pronounced;
e. g. ana, thana, gana “there, here, w here” , sala “a horse”,
ieta “to m e” (and so also -yata, the ending of the dative),
cona “he sat", th e 1st form of the verb.
Form s like pochi “naked”, chhengoo “ skin”, imung
"name of a plant” (in AH) for pwocili, cheguli, imuni (or
unun) seem to prove th at a final i w as silent or only
slightly pronounced in som e words.
Note. That a final a was mostly silent, is corroborated by the
few instances w hereaviram a is found: sat,“100” (N 15b.2),
ur, sima “ficus Indica” (H'52b.ll), and a few others. Note
also hna shma “seven” C’299.
12
8
9
N r. 3. H ans J brgbnsbn :
§ 8 -10
I n i t i a l a n d f in a l C o n s o n a n ts . Initially only single
consonants occur, or consonants + y or v before a. E.g.
jya “ w ork”, syaya “ to kill” ; kvak “h o t” , mvaya “to live”.
At the end of a w ord are found only single consonants
(k, t, p, ri, n, m, y, I, s) and in N nd,(only in the 8th form
of the verb, § 100, 8).
Note. In Ne. words ks and jn sometimes occur; but the former
stands for khy or ch, the latter for gy.
Sound Changes.
P arallel form s.
a : e. lane : lene “ to w ait”, h a l: hel “ a leaf”, nane: fiene
“to hear” .
a : a. tane : tane “to vanish” (rarely found, but cf. § 3
note).
S :v a or ya (rare), m ale: moale “ to be necessary”.
hma-ca : hmya-ca “a daughter” .
i : yi. O nly initially: ita : yita, im unl : yimuni “a plant”.
See § 3.
s : c. sas: sac “a sinew ”, kw os: kwoc “ a bone".
c : t. sacan: safari “ a falcon”, ci-jak: ti-jak adv. “quiet”.
In the causative o f verbs of the II. class: yacake: yatake.
A spiration of consonants, j i : jh i “ ten”, kanas: kahnas
“to-m orrow ”, Ivat : loath “ bill of a b ird”.
N asalization of vowels, ecu : emca “ bright”, sala, satfa:
saipla, satjida “ a horse”.
Note. In some of these cases we may have to do with forms
from different dialects.
10 O lder and younger form s, a. V o c a lic c h a n g e s.
o > a . pot> -pat, e .g . khipot> khipat “a rope”. tole>
tale “as long as”, hm os-kha> hm as-kha “ a peacock”.
w o> a. nugtvod > nugal “a h eart” (on <j>l see below).
jq
A Grammar of the Classical NewSri.
13
iafpkhwo > lamkha “ w ater” , nworji > natji “ even, also” (less
frequently nurrt).
e> i • ie> j* " I” * me > mi “fire” .
e> i- sega > siya “to know ” , pega > piga “ to sow ".
o> u. hmoga> hmuya “ to dig”, sole>sule “to hide”.
lote>tute, tuti “ a leg” .
jvo> u. thwole > thnle “to possess”, w o > a "th a t”,
a > 0. Certain form s, like khaqiti for khanati “a hoe”,
fWoinke for twonake “to cause to d rin k ” seem to show th at
„ may disappear.
Note. This change, and that of o, wo > a, takes place only
under certain conditions (in unstressed syllables?).— In
certain words, as me “a tongue”, dine “to sleep”, coai “to
sit”, jwone “to seize” the vowel does not change.
b. fin a l c o n s o n a n ts .
k, t, I are dropped. m alak> mala “lightning”. lahat>
ifflia “a han d ”, bahal> baha “ a shoulder”.
Nasals becom e an anusvara. svan > svam (rare) “a
flower”. T he ending of the instrum ental case is som etim es
■ifi (e. g. samudrarji H* 69b.3).
s, c, and (only in loan-w ords) g > g . sas> sag “a sinew ”,
Ihnas> hnag (Vi) “ seven”, tuac> tvag “ a friend”, rog> log
disease” .
Note 1. In the younger MSS there is a tendency to substitute
m for other nasals at the end of certain words (e.g.
tutSn: tutam “a stick”, kwolcih: kalOm “a granary”). This
may be due to the fact that the scribe on account of the
said change has become uncertain as to the correct
orthography of these words.
Note 2. ci-bhUs for ci-bhay “a little”, which occurs a few times
in younger MSS, will be a hyper-correct form.
c. o th e r c o n s o n a n ta l c h a n g e s .
c> g . khvaca> khvaya “d eaf”, lgaca> lyaga “young”.
14
Nr. 3. H ans J b r g en sen :
§ 1 1 -1 2
4 ,d > l,r . nugwo4>nugal “ a heart”, mod, mod>mol
“ a head” , twoql-te> twol-ti “to leave”, saijla>sala “a horse”,
dine>lin£ “to cut off” .
ft > w, 0 before o, u. noya > woya “ m ad” . T he adjectival
ending -hu is in the younger language -u(rp): hyanu>
hyau(rp) “red”, khinu> k h i’u “dark".
n > ny, n before other vowels (ny only before a). na > nya
“ a fish” , tiaya > nyaya “ to buy” , nifi > nih “good, healthy”.
T he verbal ending -na becom es in the later language -nya,
na (yanya, yana), -n becom es -n (con ).— In the same
w ay h fi> h n y, hn: hfiaya> hnyaya “ to m ove”, hned>hnel
“ sleep”.— A m ixed orthography is found: nyaya, hnyaya.
Note 1. Owing to the last mentioned changc, the younger MSS
have not rarely erroneous spellings, such as cone, coiiasa,
conaki.—In a few words, like rid “five”, na “horn” n does
not change (see § 2).
Note 2. It must be borne in mind that the older forms also
occur in the younger MSS besides the younger ones.
Some of the latter, especially those showing changes io
the final consonants, are on the whole but rarely found.
11
C h a n g e s d u e to s e n te n c e s tr e s s . Some shortened
form s, as e. g. do, du : dawo, ta : taya, te : taya (§§ 110. 112),
ca, la, ba for ca, la, ba (§ 80), -am for -nioom (§ 202) have
no doubt originated in an unstressed position in the sen­
tence. T o the sam e cause m ust be ascribed the weakening
of daya, phaya, khaya from duaya, phvaya, khaya (§ UO)-
12
T he F o rm of the L oan-w ords.
I shall not here exhaust this subject, but shall give
m erely the m ain peculiarities of form and spelling in the
loan-w ords from S anskrit (tatsam as).
E penthesis (svarabhakti). sanan “a b ath ” (snana), silok
“a verse” (iloka), bisamay “surprise” (vismaya), byakat
§ ‘2
A Grammar of the Classical Newari.
15
“manifest” ( vyakta ). Mostly k becom es g before /: muguti
“release” ( mukti ), ragat “blood” ( rakta ).
r is frequently om itted after, less frequently before
consonants; thus e. g. pa-, pati for pra-, prati-. On the
other hand, a superfluous r is often added before conso­
nants: sarbd “ a sound” ( iabda ), ryas “ fam e” ( yasas ).—
This r is found even in Ne. w ords: rjuyuno “ he will be­
come” (V1 12b.6), laiprkha “ w ater” (ib. 32a.3), darttanava
(note It) “ w hen being” C*84.
Aspiration and loss of aspiration, jaubhan “y o u th ”
(yauvana ), bilambh “ delay” ( vilamba), kator “ difficult”
(ka(hora), adik “ very m uch” (the usual form ; adhika ).
y > j. jatn “exertion” ( yatna ), sarpjukt “ provided w ith”
(samyukta).
k > g . Besides the instances quoted above, aneg “m any” ,
the usual form for aneka.
Shortened form s, bac “a w ord" (vacana), tap “au ­
sterity” ( tapas).
More radical changes occur in saheti “a friend” ( suhrd ),
tadasi “such" ( tadfia ).
The sound changes and orthographical variations of the
Ne. words, also occur in the loan-w ords, jel (Jala) “ w ater”,
Hemalaya (Hi0), opay ( upaya ) “a m eans", purn ( purna )
“full”, mfgyandr ( mrgendra ) “ ruler of anim als”, agyan
(qjfiana) “ ignorance”, khyama ( ksama ) “ forbearance",
pa(m)chi (paksin ) “ a bird”, sikhy ( siksa ) “a pupil”, iari<f
(iarira) “a body”.
More frequently the correct form s are found, especially
more learned and religious texts (as e. g. in Vi). T he
form of the loan-w ords, as found in the MSS, is the ou t­
come of a contest betw een learned orthography and popu*ar pronunciation.
16
N r. S. H ans J brghnsbn :
§ 13—14
ACCIDENCE AND SYNTAX
NOUNS
F orm of the N ouns.
13
Most prim ary nouns consist of one syllable, as ka “yarn”,
me “ fire”, che “ house”, khval “face”. N ouns of more than
one syllable rarely occur, as lusi “a nail", hm utu “a mouth",
bhati “a cat” .
14
N ouns m ay be form ed by
, a. R e d u p lic a tio n (m ostly term s o f relationship); as
dada “elder brother”, kaka “ paternal uncle”, baba “falher”
(besides ba and babu ).
b. D e r iv a tio n by m eans of a suffix. Exx. na-sa “food”
from na-l “ to eat”, ku-sa “an um brella” from ku-l “lo
overshadow ”, la-sa “a bed" from la-l “ to prepare a bed",
gal-sa “a fan” from gal- “to fan” ; Iva-pu “quarrel” from
Iva-t “to qu arrel”, and khwo-bi “a tear” from khwo-l “to
weep”, th e only noun in -bi.
c. C o m p o s itio n . C om pounds are frequent, most of
them are determ inative com pounds (tatpuru$a).— Examples:
che-kha “ house-door”, chu-pual “ m ouse-hole” , lu-sikhal
“ gold th read”, sa-dudu “ cow -m ilk”.— V erbal bases may be
com pounded w ith nouns: de-lasa “a couch to sleep upon”>
hmo-jga “ farm ing”.— ca “child” form s a kind of diminu­
tival nagar-ca “a sm all tow n”, rani-ca “ a princess”. A
characteristic feature is the synonym ous com pounds, con­
sisting of a Ne. word and a loan-w ord, w hich are identical
17
A Grammar of the Classical NewSrl.
in m eaning: la-hat “a han d ”, p&-li “a foot”, bala-thu “an
arrow” .
Note 1. A good many polysyllables are perhaps nothing but
obscured compounds, especially nouns like hnas-pot “ear”,
hni-pot “a tail”, an-gwod “a wall” (besides an), khicQ
“a dog” and similar words.
Note 2. To some nouns, denoting living beings, especially
terms of relationship, may be added -hma, apparently
without change of meaning.
Gender.
15
NewSrl has no gram m atical gender. The natural gender
is expressed by m eans of different w ords or qualifying
affixes, sa “a cow ” , doha “ a bull”, thwo-sa: id.; mes “ a
buffalo”, thu-mes “a buffalo bull” ; ba-cal-khani “a m ale
sparrow”, md-cal-khuni “a fem ale sparrow ”, ma-khicS
“a bitch”.
Note. In Aryan loan-words the original generic forms have
been preserved, though not always used correctly.
N um ber.
16
Nouns, denoting living beings have tw o num bers, singu­
lar and plural; nouns denoting inanim ate objects are in­
different as to num ber. T he usual plural endings are -pani
and -to, -ta.
a. -pani is the usual suffix of loan-w ords and of ad­
jectives and participles, w hen used su b s ta n tia lly (and of
pronouns, see §§ 38.51). raja-pani “ kings”, putr-pani “sons”,
toh-pani “those who are sitting” . It is less frequently found
with pure Ne. w ords: kay-pani “ sons” , jhaipgal-pani “ birds” .
b. -to, •ta is the usual suffix of Ne. w ords: mocSto
"children”, misato “ w om en”, salato “ horses”. In rare cases
^ is added to loan-w ords: majhito “ferry-m en” (H® 99b.3).
0. Kgl. Dunake V ldtnsk. Sclskab. Hlat.-fll. Medd. JtXVll.B.
2
18
Nr. 3. H ans J 0 rg e n se n :
§ 1 7 -i8
c. Rarely, and m ostly in younger MSS, are loan-words
like jan, gan, lok used as suffixes of the plural, even -lokpani, as jan-lok-pani “ people" B 118. 15.
d. W here it is necessary, to m ark the plural of nouns
denoting inanim ate objects, w ords like dakwo, samast,
sakale “ all” , aneg “ m any” are added.
Note 1. The modern form -pim for -pani is found in a few
instances.—Plural forms of words, denoting inanimate
objects, are very rare. B 86.5 has lvahaqi-ca-to “pebbles”.
17
T he plural m ay have the m eaning “ and com panion(s)”,
as Damanak-pani-syarfi H® 60B.3 “ D am anaka and his com­
panion (colleague)”, thva kanya-pani B 88.25 “ this girl
and her com panions”.— In a few instances -pani is used
as a term of respect: Raghupatan-pani “ Laghupatana”
(H 8 47a.5).
T he plural ending is w anting w here plurality is ex­
pressed in other w ays; thus alw ays after num erals, and
m ostly after nouns denoting “m any, all”.
Cases.
18 T he follow ing cases are found: N om inative, Agential,
Genitive, Dative, Locative, Ablative, Instrum ental, Sociative,
Directive.— T he case endings o f nouns denoting living
beings differ to som e extent from those of nouns denoting
inanim ate objects.
1. N o m in a tiv e . T his case has no ending, but repre­
sents the pure stem .
2. A g e n tia l. Form ed only from nouns denoting living
beings. T he ending is -seip, -sen. -sem is the older form;
the n of -sen m ay be due to analogy; the instrum ental in
-n frequently takes the place of the agential.— A few in­
stances of -san are found.
g jg 20
e
k
A Grammar of the Classical Newari.
19
3. G e n itiv e . In the singular the usual ending is -yS;
in the plural the ending is alw ays -s (-panis; -las, -tos).
plouns denoting living beings m ay take -s also in the sin­
gular (rarely -saya); as e .g . rajas H *55*.8, candramas
78".2, brahmanas Ca 101 = brahmanaya C1.
4. D a tiv e . T he ending is -ta, added to the genitive
(-yS-to, -s-la ). In the singular -sta is rarely found, e. g.
raj&sla C1 69.— A few instances of -yatan occur, especially
in N.
5. L o c a tiv e . N ouns denoting living beings, have the
ending -Are, added to the genitive (- ya-ke , -s-ke, -sa-ke). .
Other nouns have -s (see § 7).
6. A b la tiv e . T he ending is -yaken.
7. I n s tr u m e n ta l. T he ending is -n (cf. §§ 7 .10b).
8. S o c ia tiv e . T he ending is -ivo; in a few cases it is
added to the genitive (*ya-wo , -sa-wo). In the plural the
ending is -panisawo.
9. D ire c tiv e . Nouns denoting living beings, take the
ending -Iwom, those denoting inanim ate objects m ostly
-jo(/7j), -ta. The younger MSS have a few instances of -tu.
The ablative, instrum ental, and directive do not occur
in the plural. From the plural in -to only an agential and
a genitive is form ed.
Nouns ending in a consonant have a before case endings 19
beginning with a consonant. T he m, w hich is found at the
end of som e nouns (see § 6) is m ostly dropped before case
endings, but not alw ays, cf. e. g. dahamya “of a lake”
H2 77a.5, luahams “on a stone” B 134.25.
Table of Declension.
20
1. S in g u la r, che “ a house”, lahat “a h an d”, raja “a
king” .
2*
20
Nom. che
Agent.
Gen. cheya
Dat. (cheyata)
Loc. ches
Abl. ( cheyaken)
Instr. chen
Soc. chewo
Dir. ( cheto, -ta )
N r . 3.
H
ans
J
srcensbn
lahat
lahataya
lahatayata
lahatas
( lahatayaken)
lahatan
lahatawo
( lahatato, -ta)
§ 21—22
:
raja
rajasem, -sen, -san
rdjaya, rajas
rajaijata, rajasta
rajayake, rajasake
(rajayaken)
rajan
rajawo, rajasawo
rajatwom
2. P lu r a l, rajapani “ kings", misato, -ta “ w om en”.
misato, -ta
Nom. rajapani
Agent, rajapanisem, -panisen misataserp, -toseijf, -tasen, -tosen
misatas, •tos
Gen. rajapanis
Dat. rajapanista
Loc. rajapanisake
Soc. rajapanisaivo
21
Rem arks. In the pi. -to is preferred in the nominative,
-ta before case-endings.—A few instances occur of a gen.
pi. in -pani, and accordingly a dative and locative in
-panita and -panike.— The following irregular forms of the
instrum , m ay be noted: na'unlnin, na’uninan from na'um
“ the wife of a barber”, lawotininan from lawotinl “a lowcaste w om an”, raksasinan, raksasininan from raksasi “an
ogress”, all of them in B.— To the agential, the locative
in -s, and the instrum ental the particle -a/71 is frequently
added, especially in the younger MSS.
22
T o the above m entioned cases m ay be added a defe­
rential v o c a tiv e in -s; bho rajas “Oh king!” (H l 86b.4).
T atsam as m ay preserve the S anskrit vocative ending: he
sakhe “O friend I” ; rajan is frequent in the younger MSS.
A Grammar of the Classical NewSri.
21
Note- Occasionally other Sanskrit endings are found, as e. g.
deie grQme nag are Vi 49.14 “in a region, in a village, in
a town”.
Meaning and Use of the Cases.
T he N o m in a tiv e , or perhaps better Casus indefinitus, 23
is used.
a. for the subject of intransitive verbs, thva Bikramadit
ntjd thava rajy vanam B 107.4 “king V ikram aditya went
to his kingdom ”.
b. for the object of transitive verbs. 6mo dhu jin mocake
dlmno B 24.15 “ I have killed this tiger".— The following
verbs are transitive in NewSrl: kane “ to tell”, kene “to
show”, bhramalape “ to roam about in ”, adei biya “to give
an order to”, cinta yaya “ to take care o f”, and others.
c. as an Accusative of effect, chan ama rajahams raja
giito H2 75b.l f. “w hy did you m ake this flam ingo a king?”
d. as an Essivus. kutani cha-hrna dayakao. dut chotam
S 147°.2 “they procured a procuress, and sent her as a
messenger” .
e. as an Accusativus m odalis. hmutu jnkva caku Bh 54b.3
“sweet only as to the face” , jim -ni ku bya B 20.5 f. “twelve
cubits w ide” .
f. to denote tim e and space, jim-ne dor da tapasya
yfinava B h * lla.5 “ perform ing austerities during twelve
thousand years” , cibhay bu vahao H l 77a.4 “having gone
some w ay” .
g. as an Allative. Rabanadvip vaiiava Bh 8b.7 “having
gone to R avapadvipa”.— Here, how ever, m ostly the Locative
•'s used.
h. in cases like ba baya “to divide into parts” (cognate
object).
22
N r. 3. H ans J o r g k n s k n :
§ 2 4 -2 6
24
T he A g e n tia l is used for the subject (or agent) 0f
transitive verbs. It is used not only w ith the verbum finitum , but also w ith the other verbal form s. As the lnstru.
m ental frequently takes the place of the Agential, it will
be dealt w ith here, w hen used in th is sense.— Examples:
thathe rajasyam ajna biyava H l 90a.2 ‘‘w hen the king had
said so . . jin suamin doh yak-guli chutfi ma khana Vi
43.6 “ I do not see that (m y) husband has comm itted anv
crim e” , rani-can kva sol oay&va B 130.19 “the princess went
to look dow n, and . . . ” (see below § 205). jen bhasm raksa
m a yatasa. chan gathe mvacake V® 17b.3 ‘‘unless I had
guarded her ashes, how would you have revived her?”
25
A causative m ay take tw o Agentials, as m ostly both the
agent of the causative and that of the sim plex is expressed
by this case, thva raja-can thna thayas sipayipanisen thay
thayas piyakao tayao S 155b.2 “ w hen the prince at this
place everyw here had placed soldiers as guards” (lit. “had
caused s. to guard”), padapya ma salasa. gurunani padapyake P 62".6 “ when he cannot read him self, (he) may
let the guru read”.
Note. B ut also s a r p p a y a l a d u d u tv a n a k u s a r p H ’74b. 5 “even if
o n e m akes a serp en t d rin k m ilk” .
26
T he G e n itiv e m ay he
a. possessive, jhamgalaya che B 59.30 “the nest of the
bird” , mocatos kos Hl 42a.5 “ the bones of the young ones".
mantriya kay B 28.7 “ the m inister’s son".
b. subjective, sicayaken bhatiya bhay H2 103u.6 “the
cat’s fear of the dog”.
c. objective, oya bilahan V1 10b.2 “ through the longing
for her” , dhanaya lobh “greed for riches”, dhuya bhail
^20
A Grammar nf the Classical Newari.
23
p j j 1.2 “fear of a tiger” , mis adin N 39b.2 “dependence on
|he husband” .
d. descriptive, nana prakaraya sastr “ w eapons of m any
kinds”. ?u
karm P 3“.6 “cerem onies lasting six m onths” .
e. partitive. u\ dakinis cha-hma V1 21b.l “one of these
Oakinis” (note the singular!).
f. Genitivus generis, luya sikhal H*34b.l l “a golden
string” (= lu-sisal Ha 65b.5). naya bhandar M 4a.5 “an iron
vessel”.
g. the Genitive is used w ith verbs. W ith daya it deno­
tes “to have, to possess". Ihva baniyaya ekapulri dava
B 19.16 “ this m erchant had one daughter”, rajaya svata
gun dayu C* 67 “a king will have three virtues” . (daya
may be w anting; oya stri pe-hma V1 110".3 “he had three
wives”).— W ith juya it denotes “ to becom e the property o f ’.
rajy dhan sarppatti. thva brahmanaya julo B 27.20 “the
kingdom and the treasures have becom e the property of
this brahm an”. M etaphor, pakfipanis ahaqikar juyao cofia
H*74b.4 “the birds had becom e haughty”.— It is used,
though rarely, w ith verbal expressions like pariksa yaya
“to investigate into”, nirup yaya “ to exam ine”.
h. But frequently the Genitive is found with verbs and
verbal expressions in the following w ay: barakhunis robh
oahava H l 13b.4 “the pigeons becam e greedy, and ..
deblya manas atyant kop ydnSo Vi 53.18 “ the goddess be­
came very angry in her m ind, and . . kufiniya hnetjlan
cayaoa H 333b.10 “ the procuress woke from her sleep, a n d ..
thwo Nidhan gfhapatiya manas bharaparam Vi 106.12
“the householder N idhana thought in his m ind” , simhaya
pya-tyan&va H8 35b.2 “the lion having becom e hungry ..
thoa sabaraya jhayava H 1 94b.2 “ the savage grew tired,
and . . In the last exam ples the genitive plainly is used
24
Nr. 3. Hans J 0 ROBNSEN:
§ 2 7 -2 8
for the subject. Cf. also Vi 87.3 f. “thivopani ni-hmasayarp
thathiha aisvary Ifita “th ese tw o h av e o b ta in e d su ch splend­
our".
i.
F inally the G enitive m ay be u sed a s a derived noun:
thao cheya-pani P 60b.l “h is h o u se m a te s” .
27
T he D a tiv e is used
a. as an indirect object w ith v erbs a n d verb al expres­
sions like biya “to give” , lawo hlaya “ to e n tru s t to ”, dhaya
“to say to”, nvaya “to b lam e” , seba yaya "to ren d er a ser­
vice”, krodh yaya “ to be ang ry w ith ” , bibaha yaya “to
arrange a m arriage fo r” .
Note, bibaha yaya “to m arry” takes a direct objcct, seba yaya
“to be a servant to, to be in the service o r ’ the locative.
b. less frequently, and m ostly in th e la te r language, as
a direct object, thva nauy&ta sasti yaya tena betas B 98.3
“ w hen he w as going to p u n ish th e b a rb e r” , chal-polayala
syanava. chal-polaya dakva rajy kaya M 21a.4 “ I shall kill
you, and take y o u r w hole k in g d o m ” .
c. it m ay have th e m ean in g “ for, for th e p u rp ose of,
to the advantage o f” , chela ka-huna V 2 74a.2 “ ta k e for you!”
nirogiyata au§adhiya chu prayojan H 2 12b.5 “ w h a t is the
use of m edicine for a h e a lth y o n e” , jetaip stri su juyiva
V128a.5 “w ho w ill becom e w ife to m e ? ’* jhajhesta gak
Hl 86a.5 “ sufficient for u s” .
d. in rare instances it is used a s a n A llativ e: rqjayala
oanam B 113.7 “ he w ent to th e k in g ” .
28
T he L o c a tiv e is used
a.
as a locative p ro p er (A dessive, In essiv e). rdjaghalas
khuya thaku B 77.12 “ it is difficu lt to steal in th e king’s
palace” , tadato pusmiyuke con V2 36a.6 “ fo r a lo n g time
g 28
A Grammar of the Classical Newari.
25
s[,e lives w ith her husban d” . Also m etaphor, apadas “in
times of distress” .
b. Verbs, like kaya “to take”, khuya “to steal”, sene
“to learn”, phone “to beg”, nene “to ask” are in N ew ari
constructed w ith the Locative, rajayake beta phonaua B 113.29
‘‘asking leave of the king” , misake bitt kaya N 41b.3 “to
take property from a m an”.
c. it is used as an Allative. asam khy rajapanike dut choyava
M9'’-3 “sending m essengers to innum erable kings”. pvarasam
da hara H l 80®.5 “(the m ouse) w ent into its hole”, m antriya
ches uanam V* 47B.3 “ he w ent to the house of the m inister” .
d. it may denote tim e, ratris “in the night", gvachinam
belas “at som e tim e” .
c. in rare cases it has the m eaning of a Dative, rajayake
m pn bilam V2 60®.4 “ he gave a dream to the king”, thavake
hitan hlak H1 46b.2 “speaking for the benefit of him self".
f. it is used w ith verbs like abhyas yaya “to study”,
udyam yaya “ to apply oneself to”, jojalape “to appoint to”,
bhok puya “ to do reverence to” , sesem taya “to com m it to
one’s charge”, socan yaya “to m ourn for”.— lawo hlaya
“to hand over to” takes the Locative of nouns denoting
inanimate objects, but the D ative of those denoting living
beings (cf. above §2 7 a ): candalaya lahatis lao hlanao bio
Vi 42.7 “deliver him into the hands of the C airfSlas”.—
hlaya “to say to” m ostly lakes the Locative.
g. m iscellaneous instances of the Locative, chanake cofi
ka'uli B 117.18 “ the cow ries, w hich are in your possession".
garbhas daya “to be gravid”, khvalas day a “to beat in the
face", ihava bisvasas con-hma H®68“.2 “living in reliance
on me” , j i stridharmas conao coha Vi 45.27 “ I live accordto the duty of w om en”.— m ikhas khobhi pvapal yanao
Vi 176.1 “ filling her eyes w ith tears” .
26
Nr. 3. H ans J b r u h n s k n :
h.
§ 2 9 -3 0
the Locative m ay be used as a partitive genitive:
ji bos chi bo N 21a.7 “ one part out of ten”.
29
T he A b la tiv e is used
a. as an Ablative proper, thivo-guli tej mebayaken ola
ma khu Vi 90.13 “this splendour cam e from nobody else”.
ak&san meghaySken jarabrsti juyaua co Bh *12a.l “ from the
sky, from the clouds the rain w as com ing” .
b. to denote the cause or reason w hy. lobhay&ken “from
greed” , je punyay&ken Hl 70b.l “on account of m y merits”.
c. in a few instances as a Locative, kumitrayaken bisvas
ma du C1 297 “there is no reliance on a false friend”.
Note. But mostly the instrumental is used for the ablative
(g 30 d.e.f).
30
T he I n s tr u m e n t a l is used
a. to denote the instrum ent of an action, khica chahma sikhalan cifiava B 83.3 f. “tying a dog w ith a rope".
Ivathan kvatu kvanao H2 76a.8 “pecking vehem ently with
their beaks", samastam balabant juyuvam dhanan H l 64b.4
“everyone becom es pow erful through riches”.
b. as a Prosecutivus. meba-gii lanatn boixava B 111.7
“leading him another w ay".
c. to denote state and condition, mrg bera began H l 49a.2
“ the gazelle escaped in a hu rry", chu khoalan thava che
i>ane B 97.14 “ w ith w hat kind of a face will (you) go to
your hom e?” sukhan cone “to live in happiness”.
d. to denote the starting-point (Ablative), pvaran pi-ha
vayava H 126a.2 “com ing out of his hole”, ji paradesan
uaya B 119.12 “ I com e from a foreign country” .
e. to denote the cause and reason, w hy. lobhan “from
greed” , ajhanan “from ignorance” .
f. to denote the term inus a quo. thanin hnas hnu '
'g 31—33
A Grammar of the Classical NewSri.
27
34*.l “seven days from to day” , sii can P 59b.7 “after the
lapse of six nights” .
g. in the following instances: julan buy a “to lose at
play”, bisyatp takon la damja N 38b.4 “to be content with
what is given” , prajnan chn prayojan C* 23 “ w hat is the use
of knowledge?” daman naya B 119.17 “ to buy w ith m oney”.
With the w ords sampann, sam jukt “ provided w ith", saiptnst
“content w ith”, poapal “ full o f”, and the like.
h. the Instrum ental as Agential see §§ 24. 25.
The S o c ia tiv e has the m eaning “ with, together w ith”. 31
lithya. maniripanisava sam adhal yataip V* 33b.l “afterw ards
he held a conference with his m inisters”.— It is used with
verbs like loya “ to be in accordance w ith”, sam bandh yaya
“to have intercourse w ith”, liseip wone “to keep up w ith”
and sim ilar verbs. Also w ith biruddh “ objectionable to”
(V‘ 570.3: lokavo birurddh “ objectionable to people), sam
and tuly “ like”, e. g. chuva sam juro H 1 64b.5 “he becam e
like a m ouse”.
Mostly we find a double sociative. Padmabatioa Mani- 32
cudavo ni-hm a M 28b.8 “ both P adm avatl and M aoicuda”.
miua misaua conanas H2 37b.2 “ w hen husband and wife
are together” , nayava nasava p riti yaya H 1 33a.3 f. “to form
a friendship between eater and food” , putraoa mitraoa tuly
bharaparp C1 21 “considering the son like a friend” , guruua.
sisyayaoa antal-am ib. 255 “the difference between teacher
and pupil”.
The D ire c tiv e seem s originally to have had the m eaning 33
of an A llative: sri Mahadebatvam bi-jyanava B 80.31 f.
“repairing to M ahadava” ; but w ith nouns denoting living
beings it m ostly has the m eaning of a Dative, rajasyarp
Bimusarmatoip . . . rajaputr-pani rava hlaratp Hl 10b.2 “the
28
N r. 3. H ans J orgensen :
§ 3 4 -3 6
king entrusted the princess to the care of Vijriusarm an”,
It m ay also denote a direct object: Kfsnasyam Nandatvarp
bohava Bh 40b.4 “as K{*§pa had fetched N anda”. The form
-tu is m ostly found w ith dhyabalape “ to think of”, swoya
“ lo regard, to look a t” .
34
W ith nouns denoting inanim ate objects, the Directive is
used as follows:
a. of place “ up to, as far as”, gal-potato vas-luimip B
106.2 “w hen he had gone (into the river) up to his neck".
dvalato ten beras V2 27a.6 “com ing up to the door”, yojan
chi bhutvarp yanava Bh 13a.3 “ having led him as far as
one m ile”.
b. of tim e “for, till the end of, during”. Ha dato “during
five years”, gva belato. je. thava svam i mvata. thva belalam
jeip m vak H2 81b.6 “as long as my husband was alive, I
too was alive” (lit. “ for w hat tim e . . . ” ).
Note. It must be said, however, that one may be in doubt as
to whether -hvom etc. is a case-ending and not a post­
position; cf. N 53*. 4 <jayen tharp . syOya-torp “from beating
to killing”.
35 D o u b le C a se s. A case ending m ay be added to an­
other case, raniyava jiva. dharm an ju kva siyiva B 113.14
“ the righteousness of the queen and of me will know it”.
Ihva ne-hmasyaqi dhara. kokhaua mrgavasyatp “ these two
said, the crow and the gazelle” H 1 93b.4. ratrisaya bftlantkha V1 38b.4 “the events of the night" (lit. “of in the night”).
Note, -ynwo may also be the ending of the simple sociative,
cf. iisyayQva % 32.
36
Place of Case ending.
In com plex expressions (noun w ith apposition or at­
tribute), and m ostly in enum erations the case ending is
»37—39
5
A Grammar of the Classical Newari.
29
found only once, ji suami Bikramadatt baniyan cha aparddh
gato Vi 45-23 “w hat w rong has m y husband, the m erchant
yikraniadatta done”, mam babun “ father and m other” (instruni.).—But debaya. brahmanaya. rajaya. thvates bitt
p(41b.8 ‘‘the property of (each of) these, (of) a god, a
brahman, and a king”.
PRONOUNS
Personal Pronouns.
These are je, ji; ja “ 1” ; che, chi; cha “thou” ; wo, u 37
"he, she, it ".— cha “ th ou” is used in addressing inferiors
or equals, che, chi in addressing superiors, ja “ I” is rarely
found, and does not differ in m eaning from je, ji- (Ji, chi,
a are later form s).
The P lu r a l of these pronouns, w ith the exception of 38
che, chi, is m ostly form ed by adding -pani. je-pani, ji-pani;
ja-pani “we” ; cha-pani “ you” ; wo-pani, u-pani “they”.—
Less frequently, and m ostly in the later language, are found
plurals in -mi from ji, chi, and in a few instances che.
For the third person there occurs in a few cases a plural
a-nri. These plurals are never used in the nom inative.
Usually che, chi form their plural by m eans of suffixes, 39
derived from Sa. sakala “all” . T he following form s are
found: che-sakal, chi-sakal; che-skal, chi-skal; che-kal, chikal. To som e of these form s -pani m ay be added: che-kall>ani; chi-sakal-pani, chi-skal-pani, chi-kal-pani. W hereas
these form s from che alw ays have the m eaning of a plural,
the form s from chi are m ostly used as deferential form s
°f the singular (cf. § 47 note).
30
40
N r. 3. H a n s J 0 kgenskn :
§ 40—-43
T he plurals in -pani and -mi of the 1st person are
e x c lu s iv e p lu r a ls “ I and he, I and they”.
T he in c lu s iv e p lu r a l of the 1st person “ I and thou
1 and yo u” show s a great variety of form s, jhaje, jheje
jhiji — jhejhe.jhijhi —jejhe — cha-je, che-je, chi-ji—je-che, ji-chi.
—T he com m onest form s are jhaje etc., cha-je etc. jejhe and
je-che etc. are rarely found; jhijhi is fairly frequent in B,
jhaje is found only in H l.— cha-je etc. and je-che etc. are
no doubt new form ations, m eaning sim ply “you and 1, I
and you” (cf. instrum , jen cheri).
Declension of Personal Pronouns.
41
S in g u la r .
Nom. ja. je; ji
cha. che; chi
Agent.
chisen
Gen. ja, jan- je; ji
chan, che, ches; chi
Dat. jata. jeta; jiia chanata. cheta; chita
Loc.
jeke; jike chanake. cheke; chike
Instr. jan. jen; jin
chan, chen; chin
Soc. jawo. jewo; jiivo chawo. chetvo; chiwo
wo; u
woya, wax
woyafa
woyake
won ; tin
wowo
42
Rem arks. T he genitive form s jan, ches, ivos, (and wosaya)
are rarely found. In the later language there occur genitives
in -gu, -guli. Before sinwom, sinarp “ m ore th an ” is found
a genitive jeya H l 57*.l
H *35b.5 = jitaya H 3 13a.5.—
Note th at the base of cha is chan in all oblique cases ex­
cept the sociative; a m odern form charpta = chanata oc­
curs in M 12b.l .— it is rarely found.
43
P lu r a l in -pani, -mi. T he plurals in -pani are regular,
only the genitive w ithout an ending is m ore frequent here
than w ith nouns; ji-pani-gu “ ou r” occurs in H®74°.7.—Of
the plural in -mi the following form s are found:
g ^ 41)
A Grammar of the Classical Newari.
31
Agent- jimisen
chimisen
chemisen a mi sen
fle11.
7<ni/
chimis, chimi
ami
Dat. i'mita
p lu r a l in - sakala . T his plural is som ew hat irregular; 44
the following form s are found:
Agent- che-sakalaserp, che-skalasem; chi-skalasen, chi-skalGen.
panisen
che-sakalas, che-skalas, che-skalaya, che-kalay6; chiskalaya , chi-kalaya
chi-skalayata
che-skalasake, chi-skalayake
|)a(.
Loc.
For the Nom inative see § 39.
The in c lu s iv e p lu r a l of the 1st person
45
Nom. jhaje jheje jhejhe jhiji
jhijhi
jejhe
Agent, jhajesem jhejesen
jhijisen
Gen. jhajes
jhiji, jhijis jhijhi, jhijhis jejhes
Dat. jhajesta
jhejhesta,
jhijhista
[-sata
jhijisaivo
Nom. cheje
chaje
chiji
jeche
jichi
Agent, chejesem, -sen
chijiserp
jichisen
Gen. chejes
chijis, chiji
Loc. chejesake
jecheke
Instr.
chajen
jen-chen
Exam ples, jen Gandharb-bibaha ySfian. je jula V2 52b.5 46
Soc.
“because I have contracted a G andharva-m arriage, she has
become m ine”, chisen duhkh sirasa. jin-aqi duhkh siya Vi
105.30 “ are you suffering m isery, 1 too shall suffer m isery”
(wife to husband), chanata jin tor-te icchd yaya dhuno ib.
106.2 f. “ I have form ed a w ish to get rid of you" (husband
32
Nr. 3. Hans JencENSEN:
§ 47-—4 ^
to wife), chi-gu gun H s 9b.4 “your virtue”, os mod jui\a0a
Bh 50b.3 “seizing his head”, chan jepanlstam bas biija
Vl l i b.5 “ you m ust give us shelter”, thvan jhajes. p(-llt
phekiva H l 25a.3 f. “this one will tear asunder our snare”.
jim is raja “ou r king”, che-skarasava m itr yaya. yaya H1
81a.2 “ ( 1) w ant to form a friendship w ith you”, chi-skarpanisen. chu kha hlahao diya Vi 22.22 f. “ w hat word arc you
saying?” (wife to husband).
N ote. T h e p ro n o u n o f th e 3rd p e rso n is also used as a demon­
stra tiv e p ro n o u n . See § 54.
47
H o n o r if ic p r o n o u n s ar e chal-pol for (he second, and
wos-pol for the third person. T hey are inflected as follows.
Nom.
Agent,
Gen.
Dat.
Loc.
Instr.
chal-pol
chal-polasem, -polasen
chal-polas, -polaya
chal-polasia, -polayata
chal-polasake, -polaske
chal-polan
wos-pol
wos-polas, -polaya
wos-polan
In the younger MSS chal-pol-pani is also found, but with
the m eaning of a singular.
N ote. T h e p lu ra ls o f c h a , c h e an d esp. c h i m ay also be used
a s h o n o rific fo rm s o f th e singular.
48
T he genitive of the personal pronouns is used as a p » s"
s e s s iv e p r o n o u n , je m itr “ m y friend”, chan svamiyake
huni Vs 45b.l “go to your hu sb an d ”, oya babn “his father”.
— F u rth er exam ples in § 46.
Demonstrative Pronouns.
49
T he bases are thwo, thu; tha. wo, u; a. T he form s with
an initial th are dem onstratives referring to a nearer object,
?
52
A Grammar of the Classical Newari.
33
Ibose with an initial vowel refer to a rem oter object. These
^ seS are used either alone, or w ith derivative suffixes
. i( _//, -thi-, -to, -to).—T he dem onstratives are used both
aS pronouns and as adjectives. W hen used as adjectives,
they d° n°t change for case and num ber.
tliwo, tliu. “ th is” . T he usual dem onstrative of the nearer 50
object.—The generic particles -hma and -go, -guli (see in ­
troduction) m ay be added w ithout change of m eaning. In
H,e younger MSS these form s becom e m ore frequent.—
The younger form thu is rarely found, thu-gu and thu-guli
more frequently than the sim ple form ( thu-hma does not
occur at all).
An honorific form thwos-pol is found in a few instances:
thvas-polaya kalat B 26.31 “ the wife of this one (i. e. the
king)”.
Note, thwo is mostly spelt thva, tho is very rarely met with.
The d e c le n s io n is regular; e. g. Agent, thwoserp, thwo - 51
sen. W hen the pronoun refers to living beings, a genitive
thwos is found now and again, once thwosaya. On the
ablative thwoyan see § 186.— T he suffix of the plural is
always -pani.
Note, thwos seems to occur as a nom inative, cf. H* 35b. 5 Ihos
pujalape jogg “he is worthy of being honoured”.
W hen used as an adjective, the m eaning of thwo ( thwo- 52
hma, thwo-guli) m ay becom e so attenuated, th at it does
not differ m uch from th at of a d e f in ite a r tic le , though
Ihe dem onstrative force is alw ays perceptible .— thwo is
;onunonly used after enum erations, as kokha. kapare. card.
:hu. thva pya-hmasyatp H M lh.S “ the crow, the tortoise,
he gazelle, the m ouse, these f o u r ...” . It m ay resum e a
D. Kgl. D antke V idensk. S tllk a b . Hlal.-AI. Medd. XXVII,5.
3
34
Nr. 3. H ans J uhgknskn :
§ i>3-56
sentence: lyasya hmacamon jyath p u sa m i... aliipgan yg/jg
thvaya hetu ma daya ma phuoa ib. 51b.l ff. instead of
. . . yahaya hetu . . . “there m ust be a reason for a young
wife em bracing an old husban d” .
Note. Like the other simple demonstratives Ihivo may be used
as a pronoun of the 3rd person, thvaya sukh “his luck"
53
tha = thwo is but rarely found, tha kupas V* 21”.1 “in
th is w ell” = thoa kupas V1 32a.3.— tha-gu also occurs.
54
wo, u ( = pers. pron. 3rd pers.) “th a t” . T he usual demon­
strative of the rem oter object, o yaya thoa yaya ma sesyaip
Bh 47a.4 “ not know ing (w hether) to do th at or to do this”.
-hm a, -gu, -guli m ay be added, o-hm a kum al S 160b.6 “that
youth”', o-guya karan Vi 137.4 “the cause of th a t”.—The
later form u is rarely found, but see § 56.
55
a is found in a few instances w ith the m eaning of wo.
But the enlarged form amo, ama, or later ama, amo is
m ostly used.— T he following cases are found: Genitive
am oya etc., Instruni. amon, Sociat. amova. T here is no
plural.
It is a general dem onstrative, som etim es w ith the se­
condary m eaning “the person or thing ju st m entioned” or
“in question” . Gmo rSja chan m itr m a khu B 141.21 f. “this
king is not your friend” . Sm aya nirnay gathya H 8 42a.U
“ w hat is the settlem ent of the affair in question”.
56
u “the sam e” (perhaps the sam e word as u § 54). u-gn
thas “ to the sam e place”.— F or the construction cf. rdjayo
u kvathas taydva B 84.28 “placing (her) in the sam e room
as th at of the king” , tham abo n jdti N 131b.l “of the same
caste as herself”.
A Grammar of the Classical Newiri.
35
Sote* Cf. th e ex p ressio n u laya “to be alik e ”, lit. “ to reach
th e sam e, to am o u n t to th e sam e”.—W ith n o u n s u form s
a kind o f possessive co m p o u n d (b a h u v rlh i) u-nugot} juya
N 4Sb. 4 “ let u s u n ite ” ; lit. .. becom e o f th e sam e h e a rt”.
D em onstratives w ith D erivative Suffixes.
thwole, rarely thwoti, thw ota; later thuti, rarely thute. 57
\ dem onstrative w hich as a rule refers to w hat has ju st
been m entioned, and m ostly to a plurality of objects. T here­
fore it is the usual pronoun after enum erations.—T he follow­
ing cases are found: Agent, thwotesen, Genit. thwoteya, thwotes
(thutiya, thutis), Instr. thwolen (thutiri), Sociat. thwotesawo,
Loc. thwotes (thutis, thutiyake).— Exam ples, thvate rajaya
bacan neiiava V2 67b.6 f. “ having heard this (ju st quoted)
word of the king” (not “ the w ord of this king” ; thwote as
an adjective is never connected w ith nouns denoting living
beings), mam baub kalat thvatesao sam m at yait&o Vi 176.3 f.
"having taken counsel w ith these persons: his parents and
his wife” , thvates “in these (just enum erated) circum stances”
(C29 = thutis C1).
To thwote m ay be added a suffix -ta (thwoteta, thwotita)
giving to it the m eaning “ all this, all these” ; and referring
to inanim ate objects only.
uti, and (only in N) ute “ the sam e”, yana karyy sidha- 58
lasa. uti phal-arp layuoa H2 15b.l f. “ if they succeed in w hat
they have attem pted, they will receive the sam e rew ard”.
In the sense of “the sam e as, like, alike”, uti is con­
structed w ith the sociative. thva m anikaya kh a n sri suryyaya kiranaua uti jusyam con M 3b.8 “ the rays of this ruby
were like the rays of the su n ”, duo. byao uti juyao Vi 51.3
‘‘being alike in length and w idth”.
Note, ute dhare “in eq u al sh a re s ” (N 37b. 7).
S*
36
N r. 3. H ans J o r o k n sk n :
§ 5 9 —6 (
59
T he su ffix '// (ra re ly /e) form s q u a n t i t a t i v e d e m o n ­
s tr a tiv e s . T hey are thwoli (ra re ly fhwole; la te r form thuli)woli, m ore frequently uli, in N also ule ; am a-li (in younger
MSS only, and alw ays w ith a long in itia l a-); all of them
denoting “ so m uch, so m a n y ".— T o th ese fo rm s m ay he
added a suffix - to , -ta w ith o u t c h a n g e o f m e a n in g ; amalito, -lita are m ore freq u en t th a n th e sim p le ama-li. From
thwoli are derived o th er enlarg ed fo rm s, as thwoli-ma-chi
(also thnli-ma-chi) “so m u c h ” , a n d th e ra re form thioolitete (also w ritten thwole-leti, thwole-titi) “ so m a n y ”.— Ex­
am ples. thuli dhayao Vi 63.32 “ h a v in g said so m u c h ” , chan
ama-lito krpa da tanas, je param anand ju ro S 165®. 1 f. “ since
you have so m uch m ercy, I am besid e m y se lf w ith jo y ”.
tlwales “ of so m an y ” (H a 19b.2 = thuaUetes H 1 27b.l) .
60
T he suffix -thi- form s q u a l i t a t i v e d e m o n s t r a t i v e s .
— It seem s th a t originally it h ad th e form -thin, w h e n used
alone, and -thi(ni) before o th e r suffixes (-h m a etc.).
1. thathifi, later thathiqi “ som eo ne o r so m etin g lik e this".
More frequent form s are thathirp-hma, thathiip-givo (note
-gwo for -gu); rare form s are thathin-hfna, thathin-gu, and
also thathirp-gu.— E xam ples, thalhirpnava gathya bisvas ma
chara H l 16a.3 “ how sh o u ld I no t v e n tu re a frien d sh ip
w ith som eone like th is = thathirp-hm ayake gathya hiinas
ma ch&la H2 l l b.2 f. thvaya thathirp-gva sariqian. p i rdto.
jhajesta . . . gak H l 86 ".4f. “su ch a b o d y as h is is sufficient
for us for four m o n th s” , thathirpfi-gii bastuk P 6b.7 “ such
objects” .— A p lu ral is fo u n d P 49”.6 thathi-pani “ such
people”.
2 . amathirp, am athiip-gw o an d a m a th in , dm athirp-gw o,
-gu, -guli seem to be used on ly o f in a n im a te o b je c ts “ so m e­
thing like th a t", am athiip-gu svan B 33.31 “ su c h a flo w er”.
§ 61—©2
A Grammar of the Classical NewSri.
37
a,nalhim~gva hlaya m a tele H2 97a.4 “you m ust not say
such things”.
3. ulhim, uthim-gwo “ the sam e”, “of the sam e kind”.
lhanxabo uthirp-gua jati stri N 34a.7 “a wife from the sam e
caste as him self”.— Not frequent.
4. Hare form s are thwothih, thwothirp-gwo; athim , athin,
athim-givo, of the sam e m eaning as 1.
Note 1. The form thathiqt-gwo-hma really consists of two
words “someone (gwo-hma) like this (thathim.)".
Note 2. There are a few occurrences of -thi- for -thi-: thathyafi
u ratn juyiva B 17.25 “this jewel will be something like
that”.
Note 3. On 1 as adverb see § 186.
The suffixes -lo and -to are but rarely found. W e find 61
thwolo “th is”, thwoloto “all this, all these", thvalata padarth
N 45a.o "the following objects” ; thwoto “th is”.
Reflexive and Reciprocal Pronouns.
thawo is the r e fle x iv e p r o n o u n for all persons. T he 62
following cases occur
Gen.
Dat.
thaw o; thawokeya (N)
thawota
Loc. thawoke
Abl. thawoken
Exam ples, thaua putr-pani. sastr ma sava bharapam
Hl 4a.3 “reflecting th at his sons did not know the sastras” .
avaijd thavake bisuas yacake ib. 34a.3 “ now I will m ake
them trust m e", hhathyam je m urkh jugava. thavata ayogy
bastu. asa yaft&va saiia Bh 141a.6 f. “form erly being a fool,
I longed for things that were beneath m e”.— thawo m ay
Uso m ean “ow n” : je. thava. svam i Ha 81b.6 “m y own hussand”.— It is never used as an object; in this position its
jlace is taken by the following word.
38
Nr. 3. H ans JeHOBNSKK:
s 6 3 -e g
63
tham a “self", thaman ySfia karm aya phal thamu,i-a,„
bhog yanao julam Vi 127.1 f. “ a m an will have (o |aS(e
him self the fruits of the deeds he him self has done”.—
object: tham am hnapa. sik lipa tayava vanaip B ll3 .:$ 0 “iie
w ent along, placing him self at the head, the dead body
in the rear”.
Note, thwowo and thmoma are in a few cases found for Ihuwo
and thama.
64
thethe, younger thithi, is the r e c ip r o c a l p ro n o u n .
thethe ghas puhaua H2 22b.2 “ em bracing each other". thithim
khval svayava B 55.28 “ looking into the face of each other”.
— Even an agential is found: thithirpsyanarp. je sa thva-hma
dhakam . kacar juyava Bh 155a.4 “ a quarrel having arisen,
each saying to the other, it is m y cow ” .
T he loan-w ord anyonyan is found, too; and the com­
binations thithi anyonyan, thithi paraspar; m ostly in the
younger MSS.
65
Interrogative Pronouns.
T here are different w ords for Yivyig beings and for
inanim ate objects; su “w ho?” , chu “ w hat?” .— Besides
these we find gwo, gu “ w hich?”, and form s from the base
ga-.— Used s u b s ta n tia lly the interrogatives are placed at
the end o f a sentence im m ediately before the verb. They
are also used as relative pronouns, see § 207.
66
su “ w ho?”— T he following cases are found
Nom. su
Dat. suyata, suta (?)
Agent, sunan
Loc. suyake
Gen. suya
Soc. suivo
Note the unusual form of the agential, suta is perhaps
an error. A plural occurs B 29.5: su-pani khe “who are
g 07—70
A Grammar of the Classical Newari.
39
. ' —Exam ples, thva kanya sa V1 10b.3 / “ w ho is this
tDv
girl?”; thva rajyeya bhara sunan-am kayio S 168®.6 “ who
wj|| take upon him self the burden o f this kingdom ?";
used adjectivally: su mocatasyanam tya chita B 18.28 “ w hat
boys have decided it?"
dm (in H l also cho) “ w hat?” . Used adjectivally “ w hat 67
a ..., w hat kind o f . . . ”, found also w ith living beings:
c/i« kalat B 132.4 “ w hat kind of a wife”.— T he only cases
found are chuya, chuyata in the sence of “ w hy?, w hat for?”.
gwo, gu “ w hat, w hich?” — M ostly w ith -hm a, -gu, -guli. 68
—gna betas M 30“.8 “ at w hat tim e?” chan purus gva-hm a
S149'‘.3 “ w hich is your husband?” gu-gu prakaran Vi
18.16 “in w hich m anner?” .
W ith suffixes, a. gwote, gute “ w hich”. O nly in N, and
always as a relative pronoun.—b. gwolito; gulito, -ta “how
much? how m any?” sandhiya prakar gvalito H 2 115a.7
“how m any kinds of peace are found?”. In Vi gulita, -to
mostly has the m eaning “ w hich?”.—c. gwolo, gwola-hma,
guioloto, gwolato w ith the sam e m eaning as b.
Note. Combinations of two interrogatives occur, as gadhas.
sunan. goa-hman mi tala H’ 99". 3 “who has set fire to the
fortress?”
ga- is only found w ith the suffix -thi-. gathih; gathiip- 69
hma, -gwo, -gu “w hat kind o f” , gathitfi-gva thay H 1 54b.4
“what kind o f place?”— Before adjectives “ how ” : galhimh
ji bhagy Vi 29.1 “how fortunate I am !”.
Indefinite Pronouns.
T he interrogatives are used as indefinite pronouns either 70
alone, or m ore frequently w ith suflixes. T he suffixes arc
40
N r. 3. H ans J o rg e n s e n :
§
-nworp (younger -nam, less frequently - num ), and the weakened
form -aip (cf. § 202). T hey are added either immediately
to the base or to an interm ediate -chi- or -khi-.—When the
interrogatives alone are used as indefinite pronouns, the suffix
-nivoiji etc. is frequently added to other w ords in the sen­
tence.— In connection w ith ma “no t” the indefinite pronouns
signify “ no, none, nothing” .
71
1. 5ii form s su-nwoip etc., su-chi-nworp etc. “ someone,
anyone” .— In S there occur sunan, sunun.
2. cho, chu form s chu-nwoip etc. and cho-khi-nwom etc.
“ som ething, anything” . (C onrady G ram m . p. 23 has cha-
chinam).
3. gwo, gu. T he following form s are found: gwo-hmam,
gwo-chi-naip, gu-chi-narp “some, an y ” . More frequent are
gwolim, gulirp, and especially guli-chi-nwoip etc.; mostly in
the sense of “ some, an y ”, less frequently w ith the (origi­
nal) m eaning “som e or any quantity o f”.
72
O f c a s e s there occur
Agent, sunan-am; gwo-hmasen-am, puli-chisen-am
Gen. suga-rp, suga-nom
Dat. suyata-nam, su-chiyala
Instr. gwo-hman-am
Soc. suwo-m
73
Exam ples, sugaip svabhab mur H 1 19a.2 “ the character
of anyone is the m ain thing”, meb sunan-am ma twofi-g11
laipkha Vi 35.3 f. “ w ater nobody else d rin ks”, cho upayanarp sebarape mat H2 51b.6 “one m ust honour him in any
w ay” , cho gatn gaipfia-norp N 2a.7 “ m aking any effort”. gu>°
belas-arp . . . ma m eans “never”, gu-chinam . . . guri-chinam
. . . gva-chinarp Bh 55a.2 ff. “ som e . . . , som e . . . . som e ..
F requently gvachinaip cha-guli nagaras “in a certain town”
A Grammar of the Classical NewarT.
41
jh e n u m e r a ls fo r “o n e ” a s I n d e f in ite P ro n o u n s . 74
'j’he forms cha-nam, cha-nutfi, cha-rp ; chi-naip occur in
few instances, m ostly in connection w ith ma: jita adhar
ffltbafa cha-num ma du Vi 51.30 “ I have no other sup­
port’’.—Frequently we find chata(ip) (also chata-naip,
chatafi) • • • ma m eaning “ nothing”, thvatega hun. chata
dhayaip ma chara V2 74b.l “therefore I dare say nothing”.
ratris. chatdm khane ma du V1 95b.6 “ nothing can be seen
in the night”.— See also §80.
Indefinite R elatives.
• 75
“whoever, w hatever, w hichever” is expressed by m eans
of gwona (Instr. gwonan) and gw ona-khu (•Tima). Also by
duplicating the relative pronoun; see §217.
I
Pronominal Adjectives.
dakwo (less frequently daya) “all, w hole” ; m ostly after 76
the noun. Cases: Agent, dakwosen, Gen. dakwos, dakwosaya.
sakale, sakal, and sam ast are the usual w ords for “all” .
When occurring alone or after a noun, they have the form s
sakalem, samast am .—Cases: Agent, sakalasen, sakalasan (N );
samastasen. Gen. sakalasam, sakalasagam; sam astayam . In
the later language shortened form s are found, Gen. sakasya,
Agent, sakasenam.—sakal-tam (later saka-tarp) m eans “all,
whole”, and is used of inanim ate objects only.
tapam “all, w hole” ; alw ays after the noun, w hich takes
the suffix -n (o r -ifi): bayan tapam N 19a.3 “all expenses” .
rajyamn tapam S 156a.4 “the w hole kingdom ” .
aneg (rarely anek), nana “ m any”.— bhati, ci-bhdy “some,
a little”.—tal “ m ore” ; hm o “less” .— adi(n), adipam “and
others” (alw ays after the noun).
42
Nr. 3. Hans J o r g e n s b n :
s
7,
''"7 9
meba, mebu “other” ; -hma m ay be added, mel-hinn (rare^
id.— mebata, mebuta of inanim ate objects only.
jukwo “only” is an adjective in N ew ari; cf.
jukvan H*78b.6 “m erely through a w ord”.
On “each” see § 217 c.
NUM ERALS
77
T he num bers are counted by T ens.—Generally the same
form s are used for cardinals as well as for ordinals.— The
num erals are
1 ch a ; chi
9 gu
50 iiaya
2 ne, ni
10 ji, jh i
60 khuya
3 sworp
11 jim -cha
70 hnaya
4 pe, p i
12 jim -ne, -ni
80 caya
5 fid
20 niya
90 gnya
6 klut
21 niya c h a .
100 sat-chi, sal-chi
7 hnas
30 suya
200 ne sat
8 cya
40 piya
1000 dwol-chi
78
ni, pi, sal-chi are later form s. F or 100 also sa-chi (sacchi) and even sla-chi is found, jh i is perhaps a dialectal
form . On cha, chi see below .—sat “ 100” w ithout chi is
found in a few cases before /n ou ns, sat hasti V1 78b.l “a
hundred elephants” = hasti sat-chi Va 49a.l.— 500 is iia sal.
F or 100000 there occurs the loan-w ord lak, lakh, Inks:
jim -cya rak S 168b.3 “ 1800 000”.— In com position with
other num erals sat-chi and dw ol are put in the s o c ia tiv e ;
sa-chiba niya ha V* 27a.l “ 125” ; jim -su dolava sat-chivu
cya-hm a Bh 185a.l “ 16 108” .
79
T he sim ple num erals are placed before the noun; nyo
moca Bh 106a.6 “tw o children” ; but they are rarely found-
’ g0 -- 8 -
A Grammar of the Classical Newari.
43
^uch ",ore fre(Iuently ^ e y *a ^ e ^ e suffixes -hm a, -guli,
■to,- nr
01 are com bined w ith class-w ords (see § 82. 83).
The n u m e ra ls fo r “o n e ” , cha is used w ith class- 80
words and w ith -hm a, -guli; chi is found after sal, dwol,
laks, and after w ords like kal “ tim e”, bal, hni “day” (also
yojuii ehi “one m *le”)» and after ca “ a night” , la “a m onth”,
ha “a half”, w hich in this case are shortened to ca, la,
ba (cf- S 11).
cha is used frequently in the sense “som e, a certain”,
or with a m eaning not differing essentially from that of an
in definite a r tic le ; then alw ays in the form cha-hma,
cha-guli. mrg cha-hm a rafiaua H 1 72b.4 “having caught a
gazelle”, cha-guli sthanas. Kahcanapuri nam nagar. cha-gurt
dasein con Vi 16.26 “in a (certain) region was a town,
called K”.— Used s u b s ta n tia lly cha-hm a, cha-guli m eans
“someone, som ething” ; w ith ma “nothing” (see also § 74).
—cha-hma m ay m ean “alone, only” , j i cha-hm a “I alone”,
pair cha cha-hm a “one only son” .
Declension of the N um erals.
81
As the sim ple num erals are used before nouns only, we
are merely concerned with the inflection of the form s with
-hma and -guli, of w hich -hm a show s som e peculiarities:
Agent, -hmasent, -hmasen
Gen. -hm aya, -hmasaya, -hm as
Dat. -hm ayala
Loc. -hm ayake
Instr. -hm an
Soc. -hmasawo
-hmas only occurs as a partitive genitive. S 165a.3 occurs
i dative ni-hm astayata.
C lass-w ords.
The m ost frequent are the following.
82
44
Nr. 3. H ans J brgensbn :
gg
gwol (older givotf) for round or b u lk y objects, rain S()(|
gvatf V267a.7 "three jew els” ; gharpt cha gvad H 2 59*>.i "a
bell”.— M etaph. ni gol akhal P 24B.3 “ tw o syllables”.
pa for parls of the body o r ornam ents, found by
ne pa tuti Cl 231 “ tw o legs” .— Also su pa hnas-pot H283b2
“six ears” .
pa(nt)ti id. mikha ni pamli M 33”.2 “ tw o eyes”.
ma for trees, simd cha ma H l 12n.3 “a tree” .
pu for objects of a longish shape, sa cha pu B 131.4
“a h a ir”, ga cha pum V2 8b.3 “ a clo ak” , slok ni pun H1 3h.j
“w ith tw o verses” .
ca, la (cf. § 7 a) are used as class-w ords in ca ca chi
B 76.23 “ one night” , mas la chi Vi 58.28 “ one m onth".
Note also instances like da jh i da Vi 123.10 “ ten years",
cak cha cakan H ^ M “w ith one w heel” .
83
T he suffixes -hma, -guli, -ta, though no real class-words.
are used in m uch th e sam e w ay.
1. -hma is used w ith great frequency for living beings.
brdhmaij-pani sva-hma Vs 17*\l “ three b rah m an s", mes
cyd-hma S 151b.6 “ eight buffaloes”, thva-pani ne-hma
“ these tw o".
2. -guli is rarely found, except in cha-guli (§ 8 0 ). Il refers
by preference to large objects, like sea, tow n and the like.
pe-guri samudr C1 293 “ four oceans” . N ote na-tjuli mikha
“ five eyes” Na 14a.l.
3. -ta is used b y vprgference of ab stract ideas, and after
enum erations of objects w hich w ould require differenl
class-w ords. khu-ta dokh H 1 23a.3 “ six faults” , cha-ta g*11!
C1 21 “one virtue” , mam. babu. thava svabhab. thva sva-la
H l 24b.5 “ m other, father, his ow n nature, these tliree”."
But also pya-ta tisa “four o rn am en ts” B 66.18.
87
A Grammar of the Classical Newari.
45
Note, ne-hma, ni-hma; ne-guli, ni-guli may mean "both” ;
ni-guli also “a pair”. — In instances like rGja mantri nihmast nam Vi 50.3 f. the meaning is something like “both
the king and the minister”.—On cha-ts as an indef. pron.
sec § 74.
In connection w ith num erals nouns rarely take a plural 84
ending (an ex. § 83,l), but pronouns are rarely found
without, thva-pani sivo-hma “these three”, cha-pani ne-hma
“you two”.
Ordinals.
85
As stated above (§ 77) the ordinary num erals are m ostly
used as ordinals also, ra chiya Bh 8".7 “of the first m on th”.
m-guli potal P l l b.2 “ the third hell”.— But in connection
with nouns denoting living beings special ordinals are
formed by m eans of -hm a-hm a. ne-hm a-hm a Indra H* 74b.2
“a second Indra” . iia-hm a-hm a brahmai) M 8b.6 “a fifth
brahman”.
Note. Words like hiiawo, hiiapa, adi may be used to denote
“the first”.
Rarer form s.
86
a. F ra c tio n s . A few instances are found in N. pyatn
bos chi bo 2a.5 “a fourth p art” (lit. “one part out of four”).
b. D is tr ib u tiv a . Form ed by m eans of duplication
chi chi-gudi rasfras N 50a.2 “in each realm ”, ni-hm a ni-khe
nane B 35.15 “ we will both go each in his direction”, pe
hnu hnns (spelt hnu2s) “ once in four days” (Vd 19a.6).
Other num erical D erivatives.
87
a. -de(n), -bol (rare) “ -fold” , buddhi juraiji mi-janayii
pe-dya H2 65b.2 “ (her) cunning is four tim es that of a m an” .
b. -bdl, -pol, -hnatp “tim e” , sat-chi-bar Vi 84.24 “a h u n ­
dred tim es”, sva-pol “ thrice” , cha-polan “ all at once” (Vi
*18.15). cha-hnam “once” N 31b.7.
46
Nr. 3. H ans J o rg en sen :
§ 8 8 - 89
c. -tarin(arji). cha-t&rinarp H* 16b.6 f. “ all at once" (only
exam ple).
d. -khe. cha-khe "aside, ap art” . pe-khen\ “in four direc.
tions” (B 59.31).
e. -bhin. only cha-bhin “ aside, ap art”.
f. D ubious is - te in ne-te sva-te “ thw ice or thrice (?)”
Vd 36a.5.
88
F inally we m ay m ention the w ords ba “ a h a lf , ty<j
“a half added” , dugan-chi (also dugam-, dugun-, dugn-,
dugon- (N )) “double” .— F or ba w hich is alw ays placed
before the noun, is m ostly found ba chi, w hich usually
com es after the noun. F or dugan-chi there occurs in a few
instances the tatsam a dvigun.— E xam ples: ba la H3 27*.6
“ half a m onth” , thava. ayu. ba chi bigava V1 93b.l “giving
h alf his life tim e”, gomutrayarp ba chi gom ay P 65“.6 f.
“ half as m uch cow dung as cow -urine” .— ra tyds H l 49b.l
“in a m onth and a h a lf”.— misajanaya ahar mi-janaya
dugan-chi H *65b.2 “the nourishm ent of a w om an is twice
as m uch as th at of a m an” .
89
S o m e n u m e r ic a l e x p r e s s io n s o f tim e , hn i hni chiya
H2 49b.7 “every day” .—pi lato ib. 45b.5 “ during four months”.
— sva ca pya hnuto B 34.11 “three days and nights” (= Sa.
trirastra).—cha hnu aiptar Vd 19a.5 “every other day”.—
khu ran hna H l 9b.5 “ w ithin six m onths”.—sva dan lithan
V2 64b.7 “ after a lapse of three years” .—thanin pe hnu Vi
82.5 “ four days from to-da\ ”^ d im -k h u daya taruni B 33.27
“sixteen years old”.— hnas da dava-hm a bdrak Bh 36b-l
“a seven years old boy”.—pe-hm a. cya-hm a lok S 160‘*-l
“seven, eight people” (lit. four, eight p.” ).
Note. With numerals the word for “day” is mostly hnu, instead
of hni.
A Grammar of the Classical Newarl.
47
VERBS
Form and Inflection of the Verb.
Newarl verbs are of three kinds, prim ary verbs, verbal 90
p h rases, and derivatives. T he prim ary verbs are all of Ne.
origin, tlie verbal phrases only in p art; there is only one
genuine derivative form, the causative; the denom inatives
are all derived from loan-w ords.
prim ary verba.
91
They have m onosyllabic roots w ith a final consonant,
whicli in m ost verbs appears in som e of the form s only,
whereas in the others it has been am algam ated w ith the
suffix that follows. According to these consonants, the p ri­
mary verbs can be divided into four classes, the first three
having an unstable consonant, the fourth retaining its
consonant through all form s. (O n a 5th class see § 96).
I. C la ss. Verbs in -n. ka-n “to tell”, da-n “to rise”,
ti-ii “to put", pu-n “to cover”, ne-n "to ask", se-n “ to learn” ,
Ao-n "to join together", jivo-n “to seize".
II. C la ss. Verbs in -t. gya-t “to fear”, ya-t “to d,o",
si-t “to die", phti-t “ to perish", be-t "to pass aw ay", co-t
“to write” .
III. C la ss. Verbs in an unstable -/. na-l “ to eat", ha-l
“to bring”, lca-l “to take", ta-t “ to perceive", ti-l “ to adorn
oneself”, bi-l “ to give", bu~l “ to be borne", be-l “to fly",
sujo-1 "to regard".
IV. C la s s. Verbs in an unchangeable -I. chai- “to like” ,
“ to change", sul- “to hide”, hnel- “ to laugh”.
Note 1. Roots with a are not found in the first class (instances
like ta-n : ta-a “to vanish” are merely orthographical
variants. See § 9). In the II. class -a- does not occur,
but -0- is frequent. Verbs of the IV. class are compara­
tively rare. On da-t, pha-t, kha-t see § 110c.
48
Nr. 3. H ans J orgensen :
§ 92 —93
Note 2. There arc some irregularities, and, in the lafe,.
language, fluctuations between the classes (mostly lll:iy
less frequently II: III). See § 108.
’
92
V erbal phrases. T hey are of tw o kinds.
a. preverbs+ prim ary root, ghas pu-n “ to em brace”, cat
ka-n “to blossom out” , cat phu-n “to tear asunder", tap
chya-t id., tok dhul- “ to be broken”, tok pu-l “to cover”,
bhok pu-l “to bend dow n”, lawo hla-t “ to hand over", lu
ma-n “ to rem em ber”, lol ma-n “to forget”. — T he preverbs
are found only in this connection.
b. loan-w ords w ith the Ne. verbs ju -l “ to becom e”, ya-t
“ to do”, ca-l “to aw ake” (rarely ta-l “ to do” , da-t “ to be”).
garjay ya-t “ to th un der”, jila y ya-t “to conquer”, jagart
ya-t “ to keep w atch”, jagart ju -l “to aw ake” (also jagart
dayaka-l “ to aw aken”), mocan ya-t “ to destroy”, mocan
ju -l “ lo perish” ; socana ya-t “ to be sorry, to lam ent” ; ca-l
is found only w ith nouns denoting a state of m ind, and
expresses getting into this state: tam ca-l “ to becom e angry”,
bismay ca-l “ to become astonished” (“to be astonished” is
bismay ga-t).
Note. Verbal phrases of the form b may be used as terms
of respect: bhojan gQ-t “to eat” for na-l; prahdr ya-t “to
beat” for da-l, darian ya-t “to see” for swo-l etc.
93
D erivatives.
D e n o m in a tiv e s are derived from loan-w ords (mostly
the present base of a S anskrit v e e jj^ b y m eans of the suf­
fix -pa-l w ith an interm ediate -la-, ninda-la-pa-l “to blam e”,
cinta-la-pa-l “ to th in k ”, jaya-la-pa-l “to be borne”, bhuktala-pa-l “ to enjoy” , ksam a-la-pa-l ‘‘to agree to”.— In a few’
words the -la- is w anting: pata-pa-l “to read”, yiim-pa-l
“to speak” .
g 94 —96
A Grammar of the Classical NewSrI.
49
The suffix of the C a u s a tiv e is -ka-l. Before it, the 94
base of verbs of the I. class m ostly ends in -na, of the
II. class in -ca, less frequently -ta (§ 9), of the III. class in
.ya, of the IV. class in -la. I khana-ka-l from kha-n “to see” ,
lwona-ka-1 from tivo-n “ to drin k” . II yaca-ka-l or yata-ka-l
from ya-t “ to do”, puca-ka-l from pu-t “to bu rn”. Ill
biya-ka-l from bi-l “to give” , kaya-ka-l from ka-l “to take".
IV pula-ka-l from pul- “to pay” .
Note. In N there occurs one instance of semja-ka-l (12*.3)
for sena-ka-l from se-n “to teach”.
Less frequently the Causative is form ed in the follow- 95
ing way.
a. the suffix is added directly to the root, ya-ka-l (be­
sides ydcaka-l, yataka-l § 94), co-ka-l (besides coca-ka-l)
from co-t “to w rite”, ha-ka-l (besides hayaka-l) from ha-l
“to bring”, na-ka-l from na-l “ to eat” . Note tworp-ka-l from
two-n (cf. § 94).— All these form s seem to belong to the
later language.
b. in N only is found the suffix -ka-ka-l. kha-ka-ka-l
from kha-t “ to cut”, de-ka-ka-l (besides de-ka-l) from de-n
“to cut off”, jiya-ka-ka-l (besides jiya-ka-l) from ji-l “ to
be able”.
Note. Traces are found of an older way of forming the
causative, by aspirating the initial consonant of the root.
gyQ-t “to be afraid” : khyS-l “to frighten”, da-n “to rise”:
tha-n “to arouse” etc.
The D enom inatives and Causatives form a V. C la ss of 96
verbs. In this class m ust be included com pound verbs like
ta-tha-l “to leave behind”, twol-ta-l “to abandon”, bho-pa-l
"to eat”, sal-ta-l “ to call” and others, w hich are actually
verbal phrases, the elem ents of w hich have lost their indeI). Kgl. D anske V idensk. Selskab, H lst.-fll. Medd. XXVII, 8.
4
50
Nr. 3. H ans J b r sen sen :
§ 9 7 -1 0 0
pendence.— T his class w as no doubt originally identical
with th e III. class, but m ost of the form s from the short
base have been w eakened or contracted.
97 T he Causative of (the non-causative) verbs of this class
has usually the form -ga-ka-1. jayalapa-ga-ka-l “ to cause
to be borne” . O ther form s are found, as phalalapa-ka-l “to
cause to bear fruit” (C2 93), bho-pe-ka-l “ lo give to eat”
(V2 47ft.4), chedarapa-ka-l “ to cause to cut off" (N 51 b.2).
T he Inflection of the Verb.
98 T he inflection of the New ari verb is characterized by
the preponderance of nom inal and adverbial forms, and
the scarcity of finite form s. (See Introduction).
99
F or the purpose of inflection we can distinguish two
b a s e s , a shorter and a longer one. As exam ples may be
chosen I ka -n : kana- “ to tell”, M yd -t : yata- “ to do", HI
bi-l:bila- “ to give", IV m dl-: mala- “ to seek”, V naka-l;
nakala- “ to cause to eat” .
From the short base are derived twelve form s (A 1— 12),
from the long base seven (B 1— 7). In addition we find
som e form s (C 1—8), w hich are form ed by a close com­
bination of the root, less frequently a verbal form , and an
originally independent w ord, m ostly an adverb.
Note. I have desisted from naming the single forms, but have
been content to designate them by letters and numbers,
giving parenthetically approximative terms by way of
explanation.
100 A. F o r m s fro m th e s h o r t b a s e (ka-n, ya-t, bi-t,
mal-, naka-l).
1 (a finite verb). T he endings are I -norm, II -taip, HI
'lam , IV, V id. Under certain conditions (see § 118) -a or
-o appears for -aifI, rarely -a. O n -e see § 110.
g j qq
A Grammar of the Classical Newari.
51
2 (an im perative). I -Ao, -na. -wo, II -wo. III -wo, IV
(wanting). V -i, -iwo, -ine, -ina. In I -no is the old form ,
iia (a^so sPe*1 ~na) *s *a,er
§ ! 0 a ) . T he analogical
formation -wo becom es the usual form in the later language-—The usual form in V is -iwo ( la-thiwo “leave!”).
An other ending, -yo, is found in the defective im pera­
tives wayo “com e!”, nuyo (also nuya ) “ let us” , nayo “take!” .
3 (a habitative). I -ni, II, III -yu, -yi, IV -//, V -i. To
Ihese endings m ay be added -wo and -no (younger MSS
have a few cases of -na, rarely -ne); on the m eaning see
§§ 121. 122.
-yu: -yi are alternative form s, in the younger MSS -yi
becomes som ew hat m ore frequent, and is there som etim es
spelt -i (va'lua B 130.29).— F or I -ni -nyu (H 1, N) and
■nayn (N ) occur now and then. In V fuller endings m ay
occur, e .g . mocakayuva B h51°.2 for the usual mocakiwo.
In V1 there are a few instances of -wono for -no (e. g.
43b.5 moyuono ).
Note 1. In some more dubious instances there seems to be
an ending -u, -uo for V. An example see § 206 ( tol-tu).
Note 2. The -i and -u of these forms are very frequently
spelt -I. -a.
4 (a gerundive or infinitive). I -ne, II, III -ya, IV -le,
V -e. In N there occur the alternative form s I -mja, II -ca,
HI -ja (kamja “to tell” == kane, hlaca “ to speak” = hlaya,
seja “to know ” = seya).
5 (a relative participle). I -/>, II -k, III -wo, IV -I, -Iwo,
V -o, -u .— In IV -I is the usual ending, -Iwo no doubt a
new form ation.— In V the (older) form -o is rarely found;
a few instances a fuller form occurs, e. g. khanakava
Hl 3b.3 (for the usual form khanaku from khanaka-l “to
cause to see”).
4*
52
N r. 3. H ans J br g bn sbn :
6 (id .). I, II -iia, III -yd, IV -Id, V -a .— O n -ltd, -„yri
for -na see § 10c.— An alternative form in -liana occurs in
a few cases (error?).— F o r th e form s in -fids, -ndseip see
§ 102 note.
7 (id.). T he ending is -kw o th ro u g h o u t. In IV it seems
added to the longer base, m alakw o. An exam ple of V is
bhalapako (V 1 75b.4, from bhalapa-l “ to th in k ”). In N the
I. class m ay have an anu svara before th e ending, vaipko
(12®.7, from wo-n “ to go” ).
8 (an infinitive of purpose). I -n, II -t, III -I, IV, V id,,
i. e. really the short base w ithout an ending, kan, ydt, bil,
mal, nakal.— N has a few instances o f an ending -nd
(- md ) for I.
9 (an adverbial participle). I -nam , II id., I ll (wanting),
IV -latp, V -am.
10 (id.). T he ending is -seifi.— In I, especially in the
younger MSS, an anusvSra is som etim es in serted before it,
e. g. narpsem from na-n “to h ear” . In IV the final -/ mostly
disappears, e. g. sasyaip B 107.26, from sal- “ to drag". The
V. class usually h as a short a before th e ending, but a
long a m ay be found; in a few cases the vow el is u, e. g.
nakuse Vi 112.13.— In V1 there som etim es occurs an al­
ternative form in -sd (e. g. khasa 78a.l) .— nam m ay be
added ( bisenam “ though he gives”).
Note. The -ip of 9 and 10 may be wanting, in a few cases
-/I is found for it (yahan. bisen).
11 (a conjunctive participle). T h e ending is -le, less
frequently -len.— In I an a'ntRvSra m ay be inserted (e. g.
bhiiple C2 73 from bhi-n “ to be good”).— F rom IV th is form
is not found.
12 (id.). Form ed by reduplicating the sh o rt base, yd-ydm,
na-nam . In IV and V w anting.
|0 1 —102
A Grammar of the Classical NewSri.
53
The 3rd, 4th, 5th, and 6th form s are declinable. T he 101
following cases are found
Agent.
Gen. yayiya
Dat.
Loc.
Instr.
Soc.
Dir.
yakasan (N)
yayaya yakaya, yakas (N)
yayayata
yayas
yayan
yakan
yayawo
yayata
yahaya
yanan
yaiiawo
To the sam e form s may be added the particles -hma,
■gu, -guli, very frequently in the youngest MSS.
B. F o rm s fro m th e lo n g e r b a s e (kana-, yata-, bila-, 102
mSla-, nakala-').
1 (a conditional). T he ending is -sa. Derived from this
form is
2 (a concessive) w ith the ending -sa-mvoift, later -sa-narp
(rarely -sa-naqi). T he usual form in the younger MSS is
•sarp.—T he younger MSS have alternative form s, derived
from A 5, e. g. mvakasarp from m va-t “ to live”, twonakusa
from iwonaka-l “ to cause to drin k” for moatasa, twonakalasa (even byakuasa Bh 14a.l from bya-t “ to agree w ith”).
—Short form s, like dhasa from dha-l “ to say”, osa, omsa
(Vi) from wo-n “to go” m ay occur in the younger MSS.—
N has uamdasa from wo-n (22b.2).
3—6 have a com m on base in -ha (kanana- etc.); 3 has
the ending -ftdsetp, 4 -rids, 5 -nawo, 6 -nan (in N only).
3, 4, 5 are conjunctive participles, 6 a causal.
4ote. The base in -nS alone seems to be found as a con­
junctive participle (sayakarana N 38*. 8). For 3 and 4 short
forms are sometimes found (Ivanas N 42b. 8, punasyam
H’ 49b.2).
54
N r . S. H a n s J s r g e n s b n :
§ 103 -1 04
7. Finally we m ay note a form in -seni ( yataseni, in \
vandasyarpi), but it is doubtful, if this is not merely a nevir
form ation for A 10.
103
C. C o m p o u n d F o rm s .
1 (an im perative). Root + hune, huna (m ore modern
-huni, -huijx, -huwo), w hich is found independently t0
signify “ go!”.— Vi 88.23 has -hvane.
2 (id.). Root + hfian, less frequently -nan (cf. § 9),
M ostly in V1.
3 (a polite im perative). Root + sane (a few cases of -ja);
form ed from a few verbs only, as di-sane “ please!", jhasane “ com e!”
4 Root + -tole, -tale (also -tolen, -talen, -toleip, -tolenom,
-toleya. The form s w ith o are the oldest, cf. § 10 a) “ until”.
Verbs of I m ay insert an anusvSra ( vam-tolen H* 52\5).
— Form s like biva-tola (B 27.21) are new form ations. Note
lava-tolenaifi (B 94.7) from la-t “ to reach”.
5 Root + -tunnm , less frequently -tunaiji “ immediately
after”. Mostly an -s is inserted, e. g. dha-s-tunam V1 39b.4
from dha-l “ to speak” ( = dha-tunam V2 26a.2). In the
younger MSS there occur new form ations like dhuiia-s-tunum
(S 165b.4, from dhu-n “to finish” ), thiya-s-tunum (B74.9,
from thi-l “to touch”), daua-tunurp (P 3a.5, from da-t “ to be”).
6 Root + -kale; in N only. Note khairi-kale from kha n
“to see” (23a.2).
N ote,
juva-kale
B 44.31 is dub ious.
7. Root + -wola; in N onlyi^R -g. mva-vala 37b.4.
8. R o o t+ -/u . Used for form ing Intensives.
104
Finally som e less frequent form ations m ay be notedFor A 1 are found enlarged form s in -gwo and -yo, yo>
g jq5
A Grammar of the Classical Newari.
55
e y<tia'9va H 1 44a.6, yala-go Va 17a.4 (from e-l “ to w ish”);
dhenayo Ha 63b.3 (from dhe-n “ to cut off”).— From co-n
“to sil” (very rarely from other verbs) is form ed coqi-gwo,
being an alternative form for A 5 (con).— Vi has a few in­
stances of bise-ka-l as causative of bi-l “ to flee” , e. g. 119.22.
—The root itself m ay be used w ith the sam e m eaning as
most of the shorter forms.
Conjugation of the Verb.
A. F o rm s fro m th e s h o r t B a se
nakalarp
nakala
kana
kano
nakalo
kafio,
naki, nakiwo,
[&au>o
[nakine
3 kani
yaya,-yi biyu, -yi mali • naki
kaniwo yayuwo, biyuwo. maliwo nakiwo
[-yiwo
[-yiwo
kanino yayuno, biyuno malino nakino
[-yino
[•yino
4 kane
yaya
biya
male
nake
o kan
yak
mal
naku
biwo
6 kana
yaiia
biya
mala
naka
^ ka(rp)kwo yakwo
bikwo
malakwo nakakwo
8 kan
bit
mal
nakal
yat
9 kanaifi yaixam
malam nakam
10 ka(tp)sem yasirp
biseqi
masem nakaseiji
ll ka(tn)le yale
bile
nakale
12 ka-kam ya-yarn bi-birfi
1 kanam
yataip
yata
yato
yawo
bilam
bila
bilo
biwo
mdlani
mala
malo
105
56
106
Nr. 3.
H ans
J brgensbn :
§ 106—IQ8
B. F o r m s fro m th e lo n g e r B a se
bilasa
malasa
nakahsu
1 kanasa
yatasa
2 kanasanworfi yatasanwom bilasanwom malasanwoiji nakalusanwom
kanasam
3 kanahasem
4 kananas
5 kanafiatvo
6 kanafian
7 kanasHqi
1
4
5
6
8
yatasam
yatanasem
yatanas
yatahawo
yatanan
yatasem
bilasa m
bilahasem
bilahas
bitana wo
bilanan
bilasem
C. C om p o u n d F o rm s
ka-hune
ka(rp)-tole
ka(m)s-lunum
ka(m)-kale
ka-tu
ya-hune
ya-tole
ya-s-tunum
ya-kale
ya-tu
maiasam
malafiasem
malafias
malahawo
malahan
malasem
bi-hune
bi-tole
bi-s-tunuip
bi-kale
bi-tu
mai-tu
nakalasani
nakalanasem
nakalanat
nakalanaun
nakalahan
naka-hune
n aka-tote
naka-kak
Note. This is an ideal table. Not all forms given here are
found in the MSS.—Of C I have given only the most commoniy occurring forms.
108
Irreg u larities.
These are of tw o kinds; see § 9 1 note 2.
a.
tb e following instances seem to be old.
wo-n “ to go” : the im perative is expressed by means of
hune etc. (see § I03,i).
hha-t “ to be alike” : 5th form hnak,hhawo, 6th form hnaya.
co-t “ to w rite": 1st form cotam, 5th cok, causative
cocaka-l; th e other form s from a base co-l.
cho-i “ to send": 1st form m ostly chotanx; the longer
base seem s alw ays to be chota
ta-l “ to do” : w hen used as an auxiliary, especially in
N, rarely in other MSS, the following shortened forms
occur, A 2. ti, tiwo, 4. te, 6. ta, 9. lam, 10. iiseip (cf. § !!)•
j 109 —110
A Grammar of the Classical NewSri.
57
twol-ta-l “ to leave behind” : m ostly regular, but the
following anom alous form s are found: A 3 tor-talayiva Vs
^ 3 6 lol-taya V1 120a.6, tol-tuhava M 19b.3.
dha-l “ to speak” : form s w ith a short a are found,
dhayava H3 19b.10, dhamko N 4b.5. F requently dhakarp,
dhakawo, see §§ 210— 213.
na-l “ to eat” : A 2 alw ays niwo, 4 m ostly ne.
mo-l “ to perish” : A 5 mok; causative mocaka-l.
hln-t “ to speak” : usually II. class, but form s from the
HI. class (A/a-/) are found.
swo-l “ to regard” : m ostly regular, but A 1 m ay be
swolain, and the longer base swota-. T he caus. is alw ays
swocaka-l o r swota-ka-l.
ha-l “ to bring” : A 2 alw ays hi, hiwo, 4 m ay be he
(esp. in N).
b. of later irregularities m ay be m entioned: caus. gayaka-l
from gal- “ to fan” , cayaka-l from cal- “ to open” ; A 5
chawo, mdwo from chSl- “ to like” , mSl- “ to be necessary”.
thu-l besides thul- "to possess”, si-l besides sil- “ to w ash” ,
rta-/ besides M -t “ to bite”.
A uxiliaries.
These are da-t “ to be, to exist” , kha-t “to be” , pha-t 109
“to be able” , ju-l “ to becom e”, ji-l “ to be able”, te-l “ to
be proper” , mal- “ to be necessary” (also mval- cf. § 9),
le-n, ta-n “ to be about, to be w illing”.
Of these te-n, ta-n is regular. To the inflection of the 110
others, the following rem arks apply:
a.
after ma “ not” all o f them have an alternative 1st
form in -e (e. g. date.jale, tele), th e 1st form in -o is more
frequent' th an from other verbs.
58
Nr. S. H ans J orgensen :
§ 110—U i
b. te-l and mal- have the short form s te, md for A 5
the form er only after ma, the latter in the younger MSS
c. the first three are quite irregular, being weakened
from fuller form s, w hich are still found in N, and are
regular verbs of the II. class; dva-t, da-t ; phvd-t, pha-t;
kha-t (see § 11).— T he -t is found only in the 1st form
(datam etc.), and in the longer base (data- etc.); the other
form s are, as far as they are regular, form ed from a III.
class base.— After m a the 5th form is m ostly du, khu, phn,
older do, kho, pho. O f kha-t there occur special forms kha,
khe, khas, khes (see §§ 153, 156, 209, 211).— kha-t and pha-t
have alternative form s w ith u in the base (e. g. khuto,
phute, phuwo ), w hich seem to be new form ations.— da-t
• and pha-t have the causatives dagaka-l, phacaka-l.—Other
irregularities are datpnava (C2 141 = datahava C1), dim
(condit.) Vi 122.4; the form dani = dau>o w ith the deriva­
tions daniwo = dayiivo, danisa = datasa, found only in the
younger MSS, seem s to be a contraction of </awo + the
particle ni (cf. V164a.l dava ni ).
Ill
T he shorter form s of da-t, kha-t, pha-t, as far as they exist.
1 datain, -la, -to, khatam, -ta, -to, -te; phataqi, -ta, -to,
-te
3 dayu-, dayi-;
daniwo
4 daya
5 dawo; do, du;
dani
6 daya
7
10 dasem
11 dale
khuto, -te
khaya
khawo; kho, khu
khaya
-te; phute
phayu-, phayi-
phaya; phuya
phawo; pho,
phu; phuuto
phaya
phakwo
V
|] 2 —115
A Grammar of the Classical NewSri.
59
The auxiliaries and som e other verbs, like dhu-n “ to 112
finish”, c°~n < s>t” are used for form ing p e r ip h r a s tic
forms of the verb. See §§ 154 fT.
Finally it m ay be noted th at in Vi verbal endings m ay 113
j,e added directly to S anskrit nouns; e. g. thwote prakarasSiji 79-20 “ under these circum stances” , sumaranayao 84.23
“invoking”.
Meaning and Use of the Verbal Forms.
The Causative.
114
Notably in the younger MSS the C ausative m ay be used
jn a quasi-passive sense, e. g. asaipkhy bhiksu-gananarp
uyakao Vi 101.11 f. “ being surrounded by innum erable
bhik$us”, w hich m ay have developed out of a reflexive
sense “ suffering him self to be s.”— Now and then it has
the meaning of the sim plex, e. g. galaka-l = g&l- “ to fan” .
—Note ka-l “ to h it” , of inanim ate objects, kayaka-l id.,
of living beings; pu-n "to dress oneself” , punaka-l “ to
dress others” .
The negative particle ma before a causative usually
denotes a negation of the sim plex, e- g. thva kanga ma
kQyakalam V1 87b.4 “ he caused the girl not to be taken” ;
ma khanaka-l m eans “ to m ake invisible” , lit. “ to cause not
to be seen” .
On the construction of the causative see § 25.
The Inflectional F orm s.
A 1 is a finite verb, A 2 and C l — 3 are im peratives, 115
A 3—7 are used predicatively as finite verbal form s, attribuiively and s u b s ta n tia lly as relative participles or
relative clause-equivalents, and as verbal nouns; the rest
(including som e of the cases of A 4— 6 (cf. § 101) are used
60
Nr. S. H ans J ohgensbn :
§ 110 jjg
as infinitives of purpose, adverbial and conjunctional par
ticiples, and as subordinate clause-equivalents.
116
All verbal form s are constructed verbally, i. e. with a
subject o r agent, and an object.— T he personal, pronouns
w hen used as subject or object, m ay be om itted, when
they can be inferred from the context; notably this is the
case with the 1st person before the 1st form in -o and
the 6th form .
A. F o r m s fro m th e s h o r t b a se .
117
1 is used only as a f in ite v e r b , and denotes a com­
pleted action.
a. it is the usual narrative form . rak§as tarn cdyaua
vayava maha yuddh ydtant. rithya thva rajan taman lalapalr
khaifgan parava mocakararp B 37.12 ff. “ the ogre became
angry, cam e up, and began a m ortal strife. Then the king
in his rage sm ote him w ith his sw ord, and killed him".
b. it denotes a future action, about th e accomplishment
of w hich there can be no doubt, avalaiji li ji vaija (Ed.
erroneously vaya ) ma khuto. ma vala B 105.15 f. “ hence­
forth it does not befit m e to com e, I shall not cornel”
118
As to the use of the different endings th e following may
be said, -am is the usual form at the end of a sentence;
it is but rarely found after the 1st and 2nd persons; -o
w hich on the whole is infrequently found, m ostly occurs
after the 1st and 2nd persons in the older MSS, in the
younger MSS its use w ith the 3rd person becom es more
frequent; -a is used for both form s, especially at the end
of the oratio recta before dhakam (see § 212), and in re­
lative clauses (§ 207); occasionally also before hanaip
“ further”, thwonam-li “ after th a t” , and sim ilar w ords.-'
g jjg — 121
A Grammar of the Classical Newari.
61
- js rarely found, and is perhaps an error. In V1 it is an
orthograp'1*08* variant for -a, -am.
Note. After the 1st and 2nd persons A 6 mostly takes the place
of 1. See § 126dp.
2 is the usual form of the im p e r a tiv e .— It m ay take 119
a subject, e. g. chen.jeke prahar yava Bh 81a.6 “ you beat m e” .
3 denotes either a custom ary or h a b it u a l a c tio n , or 120
a fu tu re a c tio n .— T he form in -no, -na is only found
predicatively, as it seem s, alw ays as a future. T he short
form, and the form in -wo m ay be used in all instances,
the short form by preference before -hma, -gu and w ith
particles (la, thetji, cf. §§ 197,4. 208). T he short form of
the I. and V. classes is rarely found.
The use of these form s m ay be illustrated by the fol- 12
lowing exam ples.
a. as a finite verb.
a (a habitative). barak ju-tore. babun sisarapiva. yaubanas
purusan sisarapiva H 162b.l f. "as long as (she) is a child,
her father controls her, in her youth the husband controls
her”, sadanarji jiva napa ratris con vaiva B 130.29 “ he
always comes, to pass the night w ith m e”.— Also of the
past: thva dhunakava. sakhi juyava coniva V® 57a.6 “ having
finished this, they lived as friends (for a long tim e)”.
P (a future), prasann ma julasa. ji parus rajava napam
*iyu B 115.24 “ unless (you) have m ercy, m y husband will
die together w ith the king”, thanl prabhat jus-tunam. raja
tooyuuano V1 43b.4 f. ( = . . . moyuno V® 28b.2) “ to-day, as
soon as the day daw ns, the king will die” .
b. as a relative participle.
a (adjectivally), lamkha kal oyio thas S 148b.6 “ at a
place where they used to com e and draw w ater”.— abasyam
62
N r. 3. H ans J brg en sbn :
juyu-guri padarth H l 6“.l "a thing th a t w ill necessarily
happen” .
P (su b sta n tia lly ), nayu “ an (h ab itu al) eater” , dah
kayu-pani N 40a.2 “ the prospective heirs” .
y (w ith verbs, m eaning “ to see, to hear, to know ” and
the like), raja moyuva seva-hma V1 44a.l “ one w ho knows,
that the king is going to die”.
c.
as a verbal noun, apaman layu. ajhSnaya phcd H*
55a.7 “ (constantly) to suffer hum iliation, is the fruit of
ignorance”, srap biyu-guya bhayan M 28b.l “ for fear that
a curse m ight be pronounced” .
122
4 denotes an action, w hich ought to be done, might
be done, or is intended to be done. It is used
a. predicatively.
a w ith th e 1st person as subject it denotes the in te n ­
tio n o f a f u tu r e a c tio n (a “ subjective fu tu re”), dva thva
raja kisi-rupan jin mocake B 110.23 “ I w ill kill the king in
the shape o f an elep han t” .— In qu estio ns: gana vane Hl
54b.l “ w here shall I go?”
p w ith the 2nd and 3rd person it m ay have the same
m eaning, cha vane la. cofte la B 120.28 “ w ill you go, or will
you stay?” But m ostly it has th e m eaning of an o p ta tiv e .
thoa mantraya siddhi seya V1 92b.5 “ (y o u ) m ay know the
pow er of th is spell” , thvateta seva-hmam pandit dhaija H*
54a.2 f. “ one w ho know s all th is, m ay be called a pap(Jit”— thathiiji-hma putr jayarape chay H 2 49b.6 “ w hy should
such a son be bo rn ?”
b. as a relative participle.
a (adjectivally), nyaye miye padarth N 23b.6 “ objects,
w hich are to be bought and sold” (i. e. “ m erchandise’’)chan haya-guli beld Vi 122.32 “ th e tim e w h en you have to
122—123
A Grammar of the Classical Newari.
63
bring’ - ji-ponis duhkh sukh hlaya thas ma du B 52.7 f. “we
have nowhere we can speak of our m isfortunes and suc­
cesses". suci yaya-gu upakar P 58b.4 “ a m eans by which
to purify”.
P (su b sta n tia lly ), du# yaya-panim. apar daua H2 79a.4
“there are a great m any w ho are to be m ade m essengers”.
thva byul vanya-hma. li-ham vaya ma du B 36.22 f. “ he,
who has to go as a victim (?), cannot com e back”.
c.
as a verbal noun, w ith the m eaning o f an I n f in itiv e .
a (w ith verbs and adjectives), ji hned dayakya ma ch&la
B 114.28 “ I dared not go to sleep” , je mocake karj yataip
V* 18".5 “ (she) m ade preparations to kill m e” , sik-hma . . .
mvake saya B 129.25 “ I know how to revive a dead per­
son”. o pujarapya jogy jurasa H l 38a.2 “ if he is w orthy of
being w orshipped” . (M ore exam ples sub “ auxiliaries”
§§ 155 fT.).
£> (as a subject), krodhi juya . . . mitraya dokh H l 53a.2
“to be irascible is injurious to friendship” .
y (as an infinitive of purpose), je mam bicar yaya.
thava desas vane V2 20a.6 “ I will go to my country, to
take care of my m other”.
5 (w ith nuyo “ let us”, and yana(m) “ in order to”).
jhejesen bidya abhyas yat one nuyo V2 64b.l “ let us go to
acquire w isdom ”, bhatin. paksi-cato. naya-yafiarp. thoa
thayas vanam H1 36b.2 “ the cat w ent to this place, in order
to devour the young of the birds” .
Note. In rSnlnam kOya-yS him B 22.12 “bring it, that the
queen may take it”, -yO is most likely a shortened form
of yaha.
Of the cases of this form the following m ay be said. 123
a.
Genitive. Used only w hen dependent on nouns.
'huateta rajy moyaya laksan H2 60b.l “ these are the signs
64
N r. 3. H a n s J 0 RGBNSBN:
that a kingdom w ill perish” , moca buyaya. bedana Vd 26a 4
“ the pain of childbearing”.
b- Dative. Used w ith the m eaning “ for the purpose of"
cha-pani syayayata cantjlal bonakal chotam B 122.25 “he
sent for the C a p i a s to have you pu t to death” (lit. “for
the purpose of putting you to d .”). thwo jubaraja ghat ma
yatakeyata. jin cha jatn yaya mar Vi 55.14 “ w hat efforts
m ust I m ake, th a t this prince m ay not be killed”.
c. Instrum ental. An infinitive of purpose, saty pratipalan
yayan vale Vx 70b.l “ w hen she goes in order to keep her
oath” . Rarely found.
d. Locative. Used w ith the general m eaning “ in doing”.
a (dependent on verbs). It is used w ith verbs like ras
y&ya “ to take delight in” , udyam yaya “ to exert oneself”,
taya “ to appoint to” and the like; also w ith adjectives
like tayar “ ready for” , tatpar “ intent upon” .— Ex. thvaoa
karyyas sunSnaqi udyam ma ySk H2 49b.6 “ w ho does not
exert him self in his own affairs".
(3 (alone), dhan sahas yayas-am raj tol-te mal C2 9 “in
collecting riches . . . one m ust put aside all sham e”. Mostly
it m eans “ in the case of doing, w hen about to do”.
e. Sociative. “ As soon as . . . ”. thva dhaleya pu vayavam
buyava si sava B 85.19 f. “ as soon as you drop the seed
of this date, it will germ inate and bear fruit”, ji khaneo
bise onio Vi 155.9 “ they will flee, at the m ore sight of see’’.
— F ound only in the younger MSS.
Note. ShUr yOyao . m ailhun ySyao . nidrao Vi 34.27 f means
“eating, copulation, and sleep”.
f. Directive. Not essentially different from the dative.
manusy-thiqx syayata. bicar mu mval la. B 112.28 “ is an
investigation unnecessary for the killing of a hum an being?”
siyata su vaniua ib. 36. 27 f. “ who will go to die?” mebayti
§12 4
A Grammar of the Classical Newari.
65
a/i/i nayata . . . chi-skar-pani jam . bhiksum ma khu Vi 22.33 ff.
“you are not a bhiksu, th at you m ay eat the food of others” .
Note to 4. In a few cases there seems to be an ending atp
for 4+fP. e. g. misaya carilr svayakaip khava . bicar yayaip
khava B 114.3 “the right thing to do, is to watch the doings
of women, to examine them ”, where svayakaip must stand
for svayake-ty.
5 denotes an in c o m p le te d a c tio n , an action in pro- 124
gress. It is used
a. as a relative participle.
a (attributively). la-hathas con kamkan H l I6b.2 “ the
bracelet w hich w as in his h an d” , asaty kha hlak misa B 50.11
“a wom an w ho tells lies” , meba sunanam ma Iwoh-gu
lainkha Vi 35.3 f. “ w ater, others do not d rin k ”, nava kvatha
B 101.29 “ a room w here one eats” , raja li-ha bi-jydk-guli
barta Vi 39.7 f. “ the rum ou r th at the king w as com ing
back”, sastran prahar gak-gu bedana M 34b.6 “ the pain of
being hit by a sw ord” .
.
P (su b sta n tia lly ), hetiya bacan bia hen-hma H 146b.2
“one th at does not listen to the w ords of a friend”, sikhmaya mams M l l b.8 “ the flesh of a dead one”, meb
ayatasam coh-hmam muak dhaya ma khu Ha 51b.l “ w ho­
ever is dependent on others, cannot be called living” , saty
ma dhao-panisen jakam. thathirph brtti gayuo Vi 35.26 “ only
liars speak in this w ay” .
y (nom en actoris). thwol “ an ow ner” , jya-po “ an agri­
cultural labourer” . Esp. frequent in N: hyak “ a buyer”,
miivo “ a seller” , bhuktarapu “ an enjoyer”.
b. w ith verbs like “ to see, to hear, to th in k ”, and the
like, thoa bova khahaua H l 24a.3 “ on seeing them fly”.
thaua garbhas jayalapu bhalapava B 124.31 “ thinking th at
he is born from your w om b” . guli m ay be added: jin
D.
Kgl. D aroke V ldensk. S elikab. H lil.-fll. M rdd. XX VII, S.
5
66
N r. 3. H ans J orgbnsbn :
jarp svamin doh gSk-guli chum ma khaha Vi 43.5 f. "I d0
not see, th at m y husband has com m itted any crim e”.
c. as a verbal noun (nom en actionis of an action in
progress), stri purus ne-hmam mokaya pap V133a.3 “the
sin of husband and wife being dead” , dhup thanao hakuyun Vi 19.4 "through the burning of incense” .— syak “pain"
(from sya-t “ to h u rt”).
Note. Properly speaking, we have in these examples an in­
flection of a whole sentence.
d. predicatively, m ostly w ith the 3rd person as subject.
It denotes
a. the p r e s e n t, chatarp ma khan (MS chatam) H14b.2
“ he does not see anything”, basarapam con “ he lives"
(very frequent).— Rarely w ith the 1st and 2nd persons, je
. . . thana naya ma yava V2 47a.4 “ I do not wish to eat
here” , chan sio “you know ” Vi 44.26.
|3. the p a s t; by preference in sentences w hich are closely
connected w ith the following. Bikramadit raja balakhas
babunaip vdftarp tathu. thana mantrinam la hisyam lava
B 109.30 f. “ the father abandoned (or “ had abandoned”)
the king V ikram Sditya, w hen a boy; and then the minister
brought him up”, jeva biioas yak paksi-panisyam je hiiavane. che prasaipia hlak. thvaten . . . H 138b.4 “ the birds
w ho rely upon m e, praised you before m e; and therefore..
Note. In instances like ava je hastas rHk-hma Bh 9*. 4 “now
you have come into my hands", we have really a relative
participle, used predicatively: “(you) are one that ...”
125
T he following cases of this form are used as subordi­
nate clause-equivalents.
a.
Genitive (rarely), ja naranava. saril ma chinaya.
chinake Vd 43b.4 “ if the body does not becom e strong,
w hen one eats food, it is to be strengthened”.
g |26
A Grammar of the Classical Newari.
67
b.
Instrum ental. C onnoting “ by doing”, or “ because”
(causal clause, cf. § 127 a), bhutan hnds ban havan kalaiji
V824".6 “ the ghost took the nose, by biting it w ith his
teeth”. Kesi daity mocakun. Kesab dhakam. Krsnaya nam
chum Bh 62b.6 “ they gave to K fspa the nam e of Kesava,
because he killed the daitya Kesin” .— W ith the particle
.am added, it takes the m eaning “ in spite of, even though*’.
thathe ijakanam. Dhanadattatn bhalapava conam V132b.4
“even though he had acted in this w ay, she kept on th in k ­
ing of D hanadatta” .
Note to 5. The fuller form of V in -auto (see § 100,5) seems
to be used only predicatively.
6 generally denotes a c o m p le te d a c tio n . It is used 126
a. as a relative participle (m ostly to be translated by
the passive, see Introd.).
a (attributively). bhinakarp sasarapam taya stri H1 20a.4
“a well trained wife”, kanya sise taya-hma raja V2 52a.5
‘‘the king the girl had been entrusted to” , mftak cisyaqx
taya khipot V2 4b.5 “the rope the corpse had been fettered
with”, thva hnas dhyaha-hma na'uniya B 97.21 “ of the
barber’s wife, whose nose had been cut off”, yajh yana-gu
puify M 5b.8 “ the m erit of having m ade a sacrifice”.— Rarely
with an agent, janan parapa ilok H2 61b.6 “a verse recited
by a person” .—T his form seem s to be preferred to the 5th
form, when the 1st or 2nd person is the subject, ji-pani
vaya kdry M 31a.l “ the business we cam e for”, ji phale
dtjeiHun conya betas B 26.17 “ at the tim e w hen I w as sleep­
ing in the courtyard” .
P (su b sta n tia lly ), syana-hmaya ra. hi M l l b.8 “ the
flesh of one w ho has been killed” , kal sir byabahar ma
stya-hma Hl 35b.3 “ one w hose fam ily, character, and con­
duct are unknow n”.
5*
68
Nr. 3. H ans J o rgensen :
b. W ith verbs like “ to see, to hear, to perceive” etc
coke hora taya khanava Hl 13b.5 “ seeing that rice had been
strew n” , thathe barakhunin dhaya ixenava Hl 201>.l “ having
heard the pigeon speak th u s” .
c. as a verbal noun (nom en actionis of a completed
action). Frequently in N: daya “ the beating, the having
beaten” ; syanaka “ the destroying, the having destroyed".
— In other MSS only found in the genitive. Citragribaya.
pas. Hiranyakan. phenaya kham H L57b.l “ the story of the
rending of C itragrlva’s snare by H irapyaka (or “ . . . how
Hir. r e n t. . . ”). kumal hneraya arth V® 63b.2 “ the meaning
of the laughing of the boy” .
d. predicatively. It denotes
a.
a p r e s e n t w ith the 1st or 2nd person as subject
(corresponding to the 3rd person w ith 5). yen seya “ I know”,
je vaya “ I com e”, bho mantri-ju. chu ujan dayaka B 85.25 f.
“ o honorable m inister, w hat order do you give?”
p. w ith the sam e persons a p a s t (corresponding lo the
3rd person w ith 1 or 5). raja hiiila. ji hfiila B 139.8 f. “ the
king laughed; (and) I laughed” , che asray. svarggava ture
( = tulya). jen raha H 170b.2 “ I have obtained your protection,
w hich is like heaven”, rajayake khul oita. thva belas rdtaqi
V*59a.3 “ (I) w ent to steal from the king; and then they
caught (m e)”.
y. in som e MSS (esp. H2, Bh, B) this form is used with
the 3rd person instead of the 1st form ; especially before
oratio recta, thana mahananam inalapa. bho maharaja • • •
B 26.8 f. “ then the official said: Oh great k i n g ...” .
Note. Instances lik e babunam lyajalapaqi taya-hma j i B 29.24 fmust be understood in the same way as those m e n tio n e d
in § 124 note: “I am one that has been disowned by her
father”.
^ \2l
A. Grammar of the Classical Newari.
69
The following cases are used as subordinate clause- 127
equivalents.
a. Instrum ental. The literal m eaning is “by, through
m aking. • thva-pani syafian dosan ma lak N 43a.5 "one
does not becom e guilty by killing these” .—It is the usual
form of expressing a c a u s a l clause, jeke chal-pol bi-jyafian.
je dhainny Bh 4 0 \6 “ I am happy, because you have come
to me”, bidija seva dhakam. fiehan. je thana vaya H 1 38b.5
“I come hither, because I had heard that you knew the
arts’*.—W ith -am it m eans “ in spile of, even though” .
Ihava ches cofianam. samudran bigrah yaya ra H2 69“.6 “ is
(lie ocean going to wage w ar, even if I slay in m y house?”
The literal m eaning in kebal pasu cha-hma syananam Vi
38.7 f. “even by killing m erely one anim al”.
Note. In a few cases a later form in -dip is found, e. g. hlaySm
H’ 56b. 7 “though he said”.
b. Sociative. T his is the m ost frequently found c o n ju n c ­
tive p a r tic ip le , and it is used
a.
as a conjunctive participle of the past, sa^a gayaoa
vanatp B 23.26 "after m ounting his horse, he rode off” (or
“he m ounted . . . , a n d . . . ”). thva kanya vamhava. oya bilahan
pidalapava . . . rajaputran mitrayake dhalam V 1 I0b.2 “after
this girl was gone, the prince, being tortured by longing
for her, said to his friend . . . ”. rajan khadgan parava mocakaraip B 37.14 “ the king sm ote him with his sw ord, and
killed him ” .
(3. as an adverbial participle, not differing in m eaning
from 9 and 10. baniya khvayava vanam B 16.27 “ the m er­
chant w ent aw ay weeping” .
y. with interrogative adverbs; thathe su vasenam. safiava
cha H2 52b.5 f. “ though a thief thus com es, w hy look?”—
70
N r. 3. H ans J ohubnsbn :
8 128—13o
and with prayojan. je mvanava. prayojan ma dato V2 22b 4
( = mv&haya V1 34b.5) “ it is of no use th at I am alive".
Note. In a few instances this form is found with the meaning
of a relative participle, c. g. dayak&o-guli “being built*’
(Vi 88.20).—In cases like brahm syanava uli P.52h. 6 "“(ike
killing a brahman”, the sociative is dependent on uti.
On the 6th form as a conjunctive participle see § 130
note.
128 7 is used in m uch the sam e w ay as 6, less frequently
as 5. It is rarely found. It m ay be
a. a relative participle, toyu beran khako hmas V* 45b.7
“ on the body w hich w as hit by the rays of the moon".
biko joiiao vanam ib. 47a.7 “ he took w hat w as given, and
w ent off”, abhyas yakoa Ca 57 “ one w ho studies” ( = co yak
C1 56). “ dead" is in a few cases sikwo besides the usual sik.
b. a verbal noun, karmm yako nisphal P 18a.l “ per­
form ing the rite is fruitless” .
c. very rarely it is used predicatively, e. g. jambnk sikua
H1 74b.3 “ the gazelle died” .
129 8 is an I n f in itiv e o f p u r p o s e , used m ostly in con­
nection w ith verbs of m otion, jinam kal vane B 34.30 “ I will
go to obtain it”, rajanam thava marjitri kofabar maharani
bonakal choyava samadhar yatam B 27.23 ff. “ the king,
having sent (som eone) to m ake him fetch the minister,
the kotw al, and the chief queen, took counsel w ith them ”.
130
9 is an a d v e r b ia l p a r ti c ip l e , conveying the idea of
a close connection between two verbal notions, llva liva.
bvaham vafiava H 1 24a.3 “ following him runn in g”, je pasboyakarp yaha H1 24a.4 f. “ they flew aw ay w ith m y snare”
(lit. “ carried aw ay, m aking it fly”).— In rare instances it
is found w ith the m eaning of a conjunctive participle
g j 3 l — 133
A G ra m m a r
of th e Classical N e w a rl.
71
(mostly th at of the V. class), thathe bharapam. pamksi-pani
merarapain. grdh syatarp H 142b.2 “ thinking so, the birds
gathered and killed the vulture”.
It is used in connection w ith prasann juya. thua-pani
ne.hmam mvacakam prasarnn juya mal V1 58a.2 “ will you
be so kind as to revive these tw o” .
Note. The 6th form may be used in the same way, though
rarely, rani tam cay a dhalam B 72.9 “the queen said
angrily”.
The 9th form of the causative is used as a kind of 131
modalis of the sim plex: “ so t h a t . . . , in a w ay as t o . . . ”
hi luyakam daya N 42b.6 “ beating in such a w ay th at blood
flows” (lit. “ . . . m aking bl. fl.”). khayakam “ openly”, from
kha-l “ to shine” .— F requently w ith m a: ma seyakaip “ w ithout
his know ledge” (lit. “ m aking him not know it”); sunanam
ma khanakam “ w ithout anyone seeing it” ; ma dayakarp
means “ w ithout”.— E. g. ma seyakaip misake bitt kaya N
41b.4 “ to take the property from a m an w. h. kn.”.
10 does not differ in m eaning from 9. besya onarp V* 132
49a.3 “ he flew aw ay” , tam casyaip dhara H1 42b.5 “ he said
angrily”.— thoate sesyatp. madman paifditan thava svasthSn
tor-te ma teva ib. 75b.5 f. “ a wise papcjlit m ust not leave
his abode w hen he know s th is” .—W ith m a : ma nesyatp
vanatn V1 76a.5 “ he w ent aw ay w ithout hearing it”, lamkha
ma tusyam Ha 51a.3 "w ith o u t drinking w ater”.— T he form
in -nam is a concessive, khamsenam “ though he sees” .
11 is a c o n ju n c tiv e p a r t i c i p l e , “ as, w hen”, mrg 133
cha-hma raftava
uare. tava-dhik pha cha-hma khanam
H172b.5 “ as he w ent along, having caught a gazelle, he
beheld a big boar” , li-ha varen. brahman cha-hma napa
ratam V2 33b.4 “ as he returned, he cam e upon a b r”.
72
134
Nr. 3. H ans J o rgensen :
§ 134—
12 is a c o n ju n c tiv e p a r tic ip le w ith the meaning
“ while, as long as”, mva-mva C1 284 “ as long as he j,
alive” ( = mva-mvarp C2). thathge co-coip M 35“.8 “under
these circum stances”.
B. F o r m s fro m th e lo n g e r b a se .
135
1 is a C o n d itio n a l, cha garasa. jen chu opdyanatjt
yanye V*74b.7 “ if you wish it, I will carry (you) away
in som e w ay or ano th er”, jen bhasm raksa ma yatasa.
chan gathe mvacake V2 17b.3 “ unless I had guarded her
ashes, how w ould you have revived her?” (Irrealis ).—is
m ay be added after pronouns and pronom inal adverbs,
e. g. aoa IS k5las8. thva jakva nayo B 77.20 " if you take
it now , accept only this”.
136 2 is a C o n c e s s iv e , brahmanan liva liva. sa khnsyam
jvatia harasanvaip. dan kasyatp hara dhayuva H 1 17a.2 “a
brahm an, even though he takes a cow w ith him , stealing
it, will afterw ards say th at he has accepted it as a gift”.
ta-kar hona conasSrp. cha hnuya dinas bijog juya mal M
29b.l “ even if they live together for a long tim e, som e day
they m ust be separated” .— gathe m ay be ad d ed : yathe selasanam V1 44a.2 “ even if he know s it”.
137 A double concessive is found in disjunctive clauses, chi
hhapa latasarp. ji hhapa latasaip. thva des bahiris con panwas mufiava vane B 28-10 fT. “ w hether you com e first, or
I com e first, we will m eet a t the w atering-place outside
the tow n” .
Note, thava pran molasaqi.tha mola V '60b. 5 “if my life is
to be lost, then let it be lost”.—gana vanasanvam C'45
“wherever he goes”.
138 3 is a c o n ju n c tiv e p a r tic ip le m eaning “ w hen; at
the tim e, at the m om ent”, nadls lukuip bilahasyam. nagal
£ j^(j—142
A Grammar of the Classical Newari.
73
cha-<juH thenam V192b.6 f. “ w hen (o r “ the m om ent) he dived
into the river, he cam e to a tow n”, si-ghali polava soranasyaijr- bhin kapar cha tvak khanam B 20.25 f. “ when
l,e had unlocked the wooden box, and looked into it, he
beheld a bundle of fine cloth”.
4 means “ w hen; as, since; if (only)” , sakale syatanas. 139
pind thava ma dayu B 136.4 “ w hen they kill all (of us),
nobody will exist w ho can place the funeral ball”, thva
bidya datanas. jhijhls chuya bhay ib. 129.26 “since we have
Ihis knowledge, of w hat are we in danger?” dhanabant
jalams. samast lokanarp many yayuva H2 49®.7 f. “ if only
he is w ealthy, all people w ill honour him ".
5 has m uch the sam e m eaning as 4. thva dhu mvatahaoa. 140
jhijhi bayiwa julo B 130.5 “ w hen the tiger com es alive, we
shall have to separate", je molahava. che the-tu conlva
thukd V1 18“.6 “ w hen (or ‘‘if only) I am dead, you will
certainly stay here” .
6 is a C a u s a l, m eaning “ because", bapan. hmo biyam 141
samarth. tal biyani samarth juranan. bisyaip takon lu dam]a
mat N 38b.4 “ one m ust be content w ith w hat is given by
(he father, because he has the right to give less, or to give
more”.— misyam bUvasan sesyam ta ma hlaraiian. rajan vum
hnyaya teva N 16b.6 “ if a m an does not return w hat has
been entrusted to him , then the king shall punish him
for it” (lit. “ for not returning . . . ”).
7. I will give a few exam ples of this som ew hat dubious 142
form, mrgava cha htiavane napa ratasyaip. chanam. kul sir
ma seva H l 43a.2 “ w hen you first m et w ith the gazelle, it
did not know your fam ily and character” (for ratahasyamT).
ma nenase Vi 111.25 “w ithout hearing” ( = ma hesem).
74
Nr. 3. H ans J b rg b n s e n :
§ 14-3—-I 49
C. C o m p o u n d e d F o r m s .
143
1, 2, and 3 are I m p e r a tiv e s ; m ore polite, it w ould seem
th an A 2. bi-hfian “ give!” (V 1 123".2 = biya mar V2 73a.3)
— di-sane from ditja “ to please” form s deferential impera.
tives, e. g. ahar dava thyam yaixatp disane H l 80b.5 “act,
please, as if food existed”.
Note. hnBn occurs independently in natpa raga hnarp (modern
form) “let us go” B 28.16.
144
4 is a c o n ju n c tiv e p a r t i c i p l e w ith th e m eaning “as
long as, w hile” . But m ostly it is used w ith ma in the sense
"u n til” , ji purusan . . . ji hnel oyao co-taren. jita tor-tao ona
Vi 107.28 f. “ m y h u sban d left m e, w hile 1 w as asleep”.
0 li-ha ma ua-tolen. chal-polasake. sise taya V1 80b.4 “ I will
entrust her (to you), until (h er h u sb an d ) com es back”.
145
5 m eans “ as soon as, im m ediately after”, balak jat
juoas-tunam. kum&r kamSr dhaka dharam M 4a.5 “ as soon
as the child w as bo rn , they said: a boy, a boy!”
146
6 m eans “ w hen, if”, bastu misyam hamnava. mul birahas.
ma ka-kale. ma kavas dosan ta juroni N 24a.6 “ w hen an
object is sold, and th e price is not accepted, w hen it is
given, the dam age is his th a t has no t accepted”.
147
7 m eans “ w hile, as long as” , mam dva-vala N 38a.9
“ as long as the m other is alive” (lit. “ exists”).— See also
§ 197,2.
148
8. E xam ples of in te n s iv e s : hotu hole “ to strew about
in all directions” , keta kele “ to grind vehem ently”, salu
salahasyam B 29.15 “ how ever hard they pulled a t h er”.
149
A bout the form s, m entioned in § 104, th e following
m ay be said: F orm s like yata-gwo are found only w ith the
g j 50 —152
c
A Grammar of the Classical Newari.
75
1st person as subject, w ith the m eaning of the 1st form
jD .0. thoayake naya ma yala-go V1 26a.5 “ I do not w ant
to eat in his house”, ava ni besya brrtti tol-tala-go ib. 121a.4 f.
“now I shall give up the life of a courtesan”.— T he form
in -ay° *s synonym ous w ith the 1st form , je hnas dhenayo
H263b.3 “ he has cut off m y nose", vaya dhunayo B 28.28
“(I) have com e” .— com-gwo is used attributively and pre­
dicatively like con.
Examples of the root as a verbal form, pha B 30.20 150
“he cut off” ( = phalaipi), co V1 36b.3 “ stay!” ( = cono), ji
ja Vi 36.15 “ I am ” ( = juya), co-hma C1290 “ staying”
(= coii-hma), ma si nayaua V1 76a.3 “ eating w ithout know ­
ing" (= sisem).
Note. Some of these forms may be errors.
Finally we m ay m ention som e form s from N w ith the 151
particle uurp. cartas khumn khusyaqi yafiayd vutji 22b.l “ if
a thief carries aw ay som ething, stealing it during the night”.
comko vum 42a.l “ if he lives”, sarpbandh ya-kale vuip 31a.l
“though he has intercourse . . . ” .
On verbal form s w ith postpositions see § 197—199.
The Auxiliaries and the Periphrastic Forms of the Verb.
b
-c
S(
P
About the U se o f th e A u x ilia r ie s the following m ay 152
be noted.
The verbs daya, khaya, phaya, teya, juya frequently
use the 1st form with the m eaning of a present, especially
after ma. je julo m ay m ean “ I am , I becom e” ; ma phato
“I cannot” B 79.4, but 80.18 ma phaya id.—The form in
-o of the said verbs is frequently found w ith the 3rd per­
son.— T he form- in -e (§ 110 a) is found only after ma, by
preference w ith the 1st or 2nd person as subject; e. g. chi
76
N r. 3. H ans J o rgensen :
8
153 —155
thana diya ma tele B 90.25 “ you m ust not stay here’’.
is rarely found.— T he com m onest negative form s of (layQ
khaya, phaya are the short form du, khu, phu with
likew ise te, teivo from teya.— T he other form s have the
usual m eaning.
W ith other verbs the auxiliaries are m ostly constructed
w ith the 4th form ; for further details see below .—daya
w ith the genitive m eans “to have”, see § 26 g.
153
A s a c o p u l a are used form s of khaga (khava, khato,
kha, khe ). But m ostly the copula is not expressed; when
in such cases a pronoun is the subject, it is frequently
placed at the end of the sentence (for an exam ple see
§ 126d y note); som etim es the adverbs thuka has the force
of a copula, e. g. amo chan purus ji kija thuka B 122.2
“ this husband of yours is m y brother”.— W hen “is” means
“exists” , it is expressed by form s from daya, w hich are
rarely om itted.
154
By com bining the auxiliaries, and certain other verbs,
w ith various form s of a verb m any shades of meaning,
both m odal and tem poral, are expressed; 1 shall call such
com binations periphrastic form s.— Note th at the periphrastic
form s of transitive verbs are treated as transitive, those of
intransitive verbs as intransitive, no m atter w hether the
auxiliary verb itself is transitive or intransitive.
155
T he principal P e r i p h r a s ti c F o r m s are form ed by means
of daya “ to be, to exist” w ith the 4th or 6th form.
a.
w ith the 4th form it m eans “to be possible” , thathii]i*
gva many kaya gana dagiva H2 52fl.l “w here will it be
possible to obtain such honour?”— cha-pani jin khane
dagakam ola Vi 36.4 “you cam e into the range of m y vision”
(lit. “(you) cam e m aking it possible for me to see you”)-
i
§ 156— 1^7
A Grammar of the Classical Newari.
77
b. with th e 6th form it expresses the result of an ac­
tion. <imo sijal-patis cosyam taya du B 82.9 “it is noted dow n
on this copper-plate” (lit. “ it exists as noted dow n . . . ”).
thva moca jinam syaiia datasa ib. 44.17 “if I have killed
this boy” .
khaya "to be” expresses “ certainly, really” , syata khava 156
B 135.24 “ he h as certainly killed h im ”, je pran lenake
khatasa. thva caul jetam biya mal V1 131 b.4 “ if m y life
really is to be spared, (you) m ust give me this robber”.
—The sh o rt form s kha, khe etc. are found after m ost
predicative form s of the verb as affirm ative particles. See
also g 209.211.
juya “ to be, to becom e” m ay be constructed w ith various 157
forms of a verb.
a. w ith the 3rd form , ye abasyanam syayiva julo B 135.31
“it has com e to this, th at he certainly will kill m e”, thn
ku-hnii nisyaip hnithanam vaniva julo ib. 56.18 f. “from
this day (it cam e to this, th at) he w ent there every day”.
b. w ith the 4th form , mitr seya jura/p apadas H 1 45a.4
“in tim es of distress you will com e to know your friends”.
—In conditional clauses, jeta ihipa yd M o biya jurasa. meba
jani ma yao S 160a.7 “ if som eone is to be given me in
marriage, I do n’t w ant anybody else” , jin j-sam. cha-panita
hiiiisa yaya jurasa. cha-pani dakwom . . . ksanamatranaijt.
bhaks yayarp phaya Vi 118.12 fT. ‘‘if it were so th at I would
hurt you, I could (lit. can) eat all of you in a m om ent” .
c. the 5th form w ith the 1st form of juya has the
m eaning of a 1st form , syak julo = syatam “ he killed”.
This expression becom es m ore frequent in the younger MSS.
d. the 6th form w ith julasa(m) m ay be used in N w ith
the m eaning of a sim ple conditional or concessive.
78
Nr. 3. Hans Jorgensen:
8 lo 8 _Igj
e.
w ith the 6th, 8th, 9th, lOlh form , and the conjunctive
participle in - awo (§127 b)juya form s a kind of in c h o a tiVe
lok samastam ken julaqi V 'llQ 15^ “ he began telling it t0
everyone” , ghaijfh marak cha-hmasen kayava. lhandvn jnlam
H8 30b-3 “ a m onkey took the bell, and started to ring it"
158
teya “ to be proper” has the m eaning “ m ust, shall’* with
the 4th form . W ith ma (usually in the form te, teivo, rarely
telo, tele) it form s n e g a tiv e im p e r a tiv e s , thva kaya leva
N 17a.5 “this m ust be accepted” , thava rajy vane tela H3
62°. 10 “(you) shall go to your country". Subariinjiaresa jtn
thiya ma teua H2 61b.5 “ I m ust not touch Suvari.iarekha’’.
— bas biya ma te “ don’t give shelter”, aon li nag mocake
ma teo V2 79“.7 “don’t kill the NSgas from now on".
159
male (younger also muali) “to be necessary” has the
m eaning “ m ust, shall, m ay” ( o p t a tiv e ) w ith the 4th form.
T he negative 5th form (m ostly mu mal, rarely ma <*>)
form s a polite negative im perative, sadakaram saqicay ynija
mar Hl 72®.3 “you m ay alw ays collect (riches)” , chan chay.
cet ma pacula dhakam kane mar V* 50“.7 f. “would you
tell (m e) w hy you are alarm ed”.— las caya mu mal V1
33a.4 “do n’t lose courage!”
160
tene, lane w ith the 4th form has the m eaning “ to be
about t o . . . ”. m ftak jone tenahasyam mrtak tha-hd vana
V2 4b.4 “ w hen he was about to grasp the corpse, it rose
higher” .—Also “ w ill”, chal-por gana biya tefia Vi 37.27
"w hither will you fly?”
161
taya “ to do” is used w ith the 9th or 10th form , less
frequently the conj. part, in -awo, m ostly, it w ould seem,
w ithout any change of m eaning, hmaca. adaran. raksa
yana tala V2 21a.4 f. “he protected the girl w ith reverence"
c 102 —1<>5
A Grammar of the Classical NewSri.
79
(= hnujf'ica adalan. raksa gatam V1 32b.3). jin ama-li bag
biyctva taga ma phaga H 347a.6 “ I cannot give such an
am ount” . —Som etim es it seem s to em phasize that an action
is co m pleted, cesgam taga kapare H1 95*.2 “the tortoise,
which had been fettered”. Nabaratn dh-tp rajan nam chunam talam B 140.14 f. “ the king had given him the nam e
of Navaratna”.
dhtme “ to finish” form s a p e rfe c t, mam uaga dhuno 162
B 48.22 “ m other has com e” , samudr par gaga dhunaftaoa.
nam chu pragojan C® 43 “ w hen the ocean has been crossed,
what is the use o f a ship” , ama kha jin siga dhuna V2
30*.5 “ this tale I have learnt”.
Note. The form dhunakdtvo is used with the meaning of the
simplex, always without a subject.
cone “ lo stay, to sit” w ith the 9th or 10th form , less 163
frequently the conj. part, in -awo has the m eaning
a. of a d u r a tiv e . basaraparp coh “ he lives there (al­
ways)”. thva samastam brttantarp sosgarp con. Laghupatanak
Hl 32n.4 “ L., w ho w as w atching these events”.
b. of a d e s c r ip tiv e p e r f e c t. jhljTs gatjlh tagao conam
H*84M “ our fortress is built”, khata talas suraua conam
ib. 80b.7 “ he w as hidden under the bed”.
biga “ to give” and ia-the “ to leave”, constructed like 164
cone, indicates th at an action is done for or against a per­
son. denegatam. cha kothas. lasa lagavo bilarp V1 130b.3 f.
“he prepared in a room a bed for him to sleep upon”.—
ma orasa. sasti ganao tathga S 149a.l “ unless you com e,
I will punish you” .
haga “ to bring”, and yane “ to lead aw ay” m ay denote, 165
a motion tow ards, or aw ay from the subject, he stri thana ua
80
N r. 3. H ans J orgensbn :
8 1 G6 - 168
dhakam. sal-iam halam V195“.6 “ he called her to
w ith the w ords: come here” .— “ To steal” is frec|uenlly
khusem yane.
W ith the 12th form yane denotes th at an action is done
repeatedly: to-to yane "to drink repeatedly” (Vd 52l,.6).
166
woya “ to com e”, and tvone “ to go” m ay denote that
an action has been done “ju st now ” , sabaran dhaoa tnsyam
vaya H l 82".4 “ I have ju st heard w hat the m ountaineer said".
Note. Rarely found are sane and hane.sane is used in tlusame way as cone, especially in N,—hane seems to be used
without any change of meaning, e. g. bo dasyaqi hanasaqi . agni sllal ma juva H* 39*. 2 “even though it is
extinguished, the fire does not become cold”. Here datasam would mean the same.
A D J E C T IV E S
F orm of the Adjectives.
167
T he bulk of N ew ari adjectives have characteristic
endings, m ostly identical w ith or related to those of the
verbal form s w hich m ay be used as relative participles.
Few are w ithout an ending. O f derivative and com pound
adjectives only a few occur.
168
a. A d je c tiv e s w ith v e r b a l e n d in g s , bhit't “ good”,
gafi “d ry” ; kuak “ hot” ; jawo “ right” , khawo “ left” ; ektvo
“ agreeable” ; loyu (also toyuivo, toyi, toyiwo ) “ w hite”.—
F or WiiYi there are alternative form s bhiiji, bhim-hma,
bhim-givo ; for gan, gam-gwo (cf. com-givo § 104). “ ripe” is
hneqi-gwo, later hniip-gu.
b.
adjectives in -u (cf. the 5th form of the V. class of;s oi
verbs), caku “ sw eet”, jhyatu “ heavy, im portant”, luntn
“ hot” , hmasu "yellow ” .—A frequent ending is -mi, for
g jg 9 — 171
A Grammar of the Classical NewSrl.
81
whicli the later language h as -u (m ); cf. § 10 c. yafiu : ya’u(ip)
“li«ht”, hyahu : hyau(rpi) “ re d ”, khina : khi'u(m ) “ d ark ” .
To some of these later form s -k m ay be added, e. g. hyd’uk.
—In the older MSS th ere occurs a few instances of -wo,
.o for -n, e. g. thakwo “ difficult” in H l for the usual thaku,
jhyato for jhyatu.
c. adjectives in -a or -i. iioya “ m ad ”, khodca (younger
khvaya) “ d e a f” , hnula “ new ” , dhusi “ hunch-backed”,
bahili “ b arren ” .
d. w ith o u t a n end in g w e find tosan “ poor” (loan-w ord?).
Adjectives m ay be d e r iv e d from verbs by m eans of the 169
ending -pu; e. g. hnaya-pu “ flat, even” from hna-l “ to be­
come alike” , naya-pa “ w asteful” from na-l “to consum e”,
karuna caya-pu “ piteous” from karund ca-l “ to feel com ­
passion” ; hala-pu “ ash am ed ” is o f the sam e kind, though
Ihe verb is lacking.— A -k m ay be added, e. g. naya-puk.
The only adjective derived from a noun, seems to be
celn “brin y” from ci “ salt”.
C o m p o u n d a d j e c ti v e s are tawo-ji “excellent” , lit. “ of 170
a grand so rt” ; je-hlak “ p ro u d ”, lit. “ saying I”. A posses­
sive com pound (b a h u v rlh i) is tawo-khvac-hma “ the one
with large footprints”.— Here m ay be m entioned the com ­
binations of tawo “ great” , ciku “ sm all” w ith -dhah, -dhik,
•dhdy o f uncertain origin, tawo-dhafi, ciku-dhik etc. w ith
the sam e m eaning as the sim ple adjective.
T he generic particles -hma, -ga, -guli are rarely added 171
to adjectives o f Newfirl origin; it would seem never to
those in -u and
b u t they are frequently found w ith
loan-w ords. After lyaca “ young” is som etim es found -hmo,
-mo for -hma.
D . K gl. D a n ik e V id e n ik . S c la k ib . H lst.-S I. M td d . XXVII, t.
6
82
172
173
174
175
176
Nr. 3. H ans J br g en sen :
§ 172—17g
T he loan-w ords have preserved the original difference
between m asculine and fem inine form s, though they are
not alw ays used in the proper w ay (cf. B 116.28 sundar f.
‘‘beautiful” , V1 ! ! 8^ bilahinT m. “ longing”).— Only one
N ew ari adjective has different form s for these two genders,
viz. the w ord for “ young”. T he m asculine form is lyaca,
younger lyaya; the fem inine form lyase.
Note. It seetns that originally synonymous forms have been
utilized for this differentiation after the analogy of the
loan-word jyath m., jithi f. “old”.
T he adjectives are usually placed before the noun, only
loan-w ords m ay com e after it, e. g. kutini jithi cha-hmasyenam B 131.18 “ an old procuress” .—T he adjectives do
not correspond w ith the noun, but w hen an adjective is
placed after a noun, the case- and num ber-endings are
added to the adjective (cf. § 36).
Adjectives m ay be used s u b s ta n tia lly w ithout change
of form . T hen they are inflected like nouns; e. g. jithin
dhalaiji B 131.26 “ the old w om an said”.— T he plural ending
is alw ays -pani.
Adjectives m ay be used as abstract nouns. pSlu is “ acid"
and "acidity” , pyas-cawo “ th irsty ” and “ th irst” , hala-pa
“ asham ed” and “ sham e” . E. g. pya-tyak pyas-c&ua-gulinam
M 10b.5 f. "th ro u g h hunger and th irst” .
V erbal F orm s from A djectival B ases.
T he bases o f the adjectives in -h and -k (but it would
seem , not of those in -wo) are used as verbal bases
of the I. and II. classes. T hus e. g. bhi-n “to be good”,
ga-n “ to be d ry ” , kva-t “ to be ho t” . Some of the forms
found: bhine, bhinanas, bhi-tole ; ganiwo, gatiawo ; kvahawo,
kvacake.
§177
A G ra m m a r o f
the C lassica l N ew S rf.
83
Note, tn-hawo “high” seems to form a causative ta-hayake,
but these are only later forms for ta-hak and ta-hscake.
The adjectives in -h, including those in ~ya m ay be 177
used as verbal bases, som etim es changing the -u into -a.
They take th e following endings.
-larp, -lo. paculam "is com posed” ; khi’uro S 156a.6 “ is
empty” -yu w ith -a before it. cikayu “ becom es cold” from cika;
jhyatayu “ becom es im p ortant” from jhyata. — But Vd 9b.6
bhoyuyu "becom es grey” .
■seift, m ostly w ith -u before it; -nu alw ays becom es -ha,
but the later form s in -u retain the -u. ecuserp “becom ing
clear” ; jhyatuserp or - taseip “ becom ing heavy” ; khihaseip
“becoming d ark ” , but yaurpsSrp "becom ing light” ; toyuseip
or toyisem “ becom ing w hite” .— T his form is m ostly used
with wone or woya in the sense “ to becom e” . . . ; e .g .
borusyam vanarjr C1 199 “ it becom es m uddy” .
Note. Once we find hyahaip for hydnaserji (Vd38*. 8).
yaivo. lumuyStvo “ becom ing h o t” ; kyatayaivo “ becom ing
tender” ; toyiyawo “ becom ing w hite” .—T his form is used
in the sam e w ay as th at in -serp. E. g. lumuy&va valarp
M 4a.2 “ it becam e h o t” (cf. ib. sital juyava oalarp "it be­
came cool” from a loan-w ord).— In a few instances other
forms are found: khv&hahaseip "w hen it becam e w arm ” ;
yi-tole "a s long as it is soft” .
Not infrequently a c a u s a tiv e occurs, jhyatuke or -take
“to m ake heavy” ; hy&hake or hyahuke “to m ake red” ,
nayike “ to m ake soft” .— An irregular form is hyahucaki
Vd 2 2 \6 .
Note 1. Such forms are formed, too, from sidha “secure”,
a loan-word from Sa. siddha with a Newari ending, e.g.
6*
84
N r. 3. H ans J sr c e n se n :
§ 1 7 8 -is o
sidhayu, sidhayake (rarely -ddh-). Rarely from other
loan-words: ajlrnnayuvaya bhayan H’ 54b. 4 “for fear that
it might not be digested”.
Note 2. The modern forms in -’u(rp) never cliangc -u to -a.
O n the C om parison of adjectives see § 215.
ADVERBS
178
A dverbs from A djectives.
Adverbs derived from adjectives are rarely found. As
such m ay be used the 9th form of the causative (cf. § 131).
E. g. bhinakarp “ well”,jhyatukaqi “ heavily” , ta-pacakaip “far
a w a y "; also ta-pale id. E. g. bhinakarp seba yana taya raja
H 1 20a.4 f. “ a king w ho has been well attended to” .—The
adverb sohmakaip, later sumukam “ silently” will have been
form ed in the sam e w ay, though a corresponding adjective
is not found. O thers likew ise derived no doubt from ob­
solete adjectives are the adverbs in -hun, like bulu-hun
"slow ly” , musu-hun "softly” (in oo hnele “ to sm ile”).
P ronom inal A dverbs.
179
T hey are derived from the sam e bases as the demon­
strative and interrogative pronouns; in addition the bases
i, e; thi, the; gi, ge are found. T he bases w ith i, e are
m ostly used alone, tbe others m ostly w ith one of the suf­
fixes -na, -the, -khe, -kan. — From a few of the bases and
from the adverbs in -na m ay be form ed a genitive, and
an instrum ental w ith the m eaning of an ablative.
180
T he base alone as an adverb, thi, the “ her, hither” ;
i, e “ there, th ith er” ; gi, ge “ w here, w h ither?” . Rarely tha
"th e n ” .— Cases: thiya "from here” (origin), gen "from
w here?” (starting-point); thes “ in this case; there” .
g jg l —182
A Grammar of the Classical Newarl.
85
W ith suffix -na. Adverbs of space and tim e, thana a. 181
“here, hither” ; b. “ then, thereon” , ana a. “there, th ith er” ;
)j. “then", gana “ w here? w h ither?” (not used of tim e; gwo
betas “ at w hat tim e?” takes its place).— anan(am ) a. “ from
there” ; b. “ thereupon” . ganan(am) “ from w here?”.— ganata
“where to? how far?” .
The use of the genitive m ay be illustrated by the
following exam ples, thanaya dear Vi 132.31 “ the cus­
toms of this place” , cha sn. ganaya ganan vaya H3 40*.2 f.
"who are you, from w here (are you), w hence do you
come?"
gana-nam, gana-rp “ som ew here” ; w ith ma “ now here” .
mele gananam “ from elsew here” .
Rare form s are ina (V1), thena, gena = i, the, ge. Note
enan end N 12“.3 “ to and fro” ; genanoip “ w herever it m ay
be” (Vl 47b.2 = gana jurasana Va 30b.4).
Note. Adverbs of space and time are also expressed by means
of thag “place”, bel “time”, thwo thay as “at this place,
here”, thwo betas “at this time; then”.
W ith suffix -the(m). Adverbs of m anner, thathe “ so, in 182
Ihis w ay” ; athe “ so, in th at w ay” ; amathe rarely, = athe;
gathe “ ho w ?"— thathe-tu; athe-tu, athen-tu “ju st in this, or
that w ay” .— thathenam, athenarp “ even in this w ay; yet,
still, nevertheless". W ith ma “ neither in this w ay” .—
gathenam “ in som e way or other” ; c*>. . . ma “ in no w ay
whatever” .
The form -them of the suffix is rarely found w ith these
bases; but it is the usual form after thwo-, wo, u; thwoto,
gwoto, show ing that it has here preserved its original inde­
pendence as a postposition (see § 195). va-thyaip yaya H 1
38a.3 “ it m ight be done like th a t” .— gwoto-thirp is found
86
N r. 3. H ans J b r g e n s b n :
§ 1 8 3 — ig g
only in the phrase gwoto-them dhalasa “ so it is said” = §a
tat ha coktam.
183
The m ost frequent form is u-therp in the sense “like
alike, in the sam e w ay” , sukh duhkh dhaya-gnli u-theij.
thuka Vi 163.5 “ w hat are called luck and m isfortune are
alike” . W ith the sociative banaba. cheva u-thyaip Cl 168
“ a wood and a house are alike” .
184
To these form s m ay be added the verb iiane “to be
alike". Anamgasenao u-the hah m akha V2 75b.5 “ she is
certainly like AnafigasenS” . am a-the hah raja H2 40°.4 “a
king like him ; such a k in g ".—thathe hanakarp = thathe
thathe hale “ under these circum stances” .
Note. Adverbs of manner may also be expressed by mean,
of prakdr “manner”; thwo prakaran, thwote prakiiran “in
this manner, so, thus”.
185
T he suffixes -khe, -kan are rarely found. W ith -khe only
ukhe thukhe “ hither and th ith er” ; w ith -kan only amakan
“ here, hith er” .
186
O ther pronom inal adverbs, awo “ now ” (from the base
a, cf. amo. awo is found in a few instances), Swo-tole,
awonatp hha “ till now ” , awonarp li “ from now, henceforth";
thwonarp li, lithem, rarely liwo, lis “ alter this, thereupon";
thanarp li, wonarp li, thathinarp li, and the irregular instru­
m ental of thw o: thwoyan or thwoyan li(wo) id.— thwoten
“ therefore” .— thwolas “ in this w ay", wolas “ in this case” ;
thalaqi li, wolain li “ after th is” ; wola-hnam “ at this time",
gwola-hnam “ at w hat tim e?" (both in N only); gwolanam
“at any tim e, alw ays” , . . . ma “ never” .
thama-the-thamanam; thama-them; rarely thawo-thethamanaqp “ of one’s ow n accord”.
g jg 7 —189
A Grammar of the Classical Newari.
87
‘‘to the other side (of a river)”, itas "on the other
side".
" on or *° ^ i s side” ; ita thita “ on both sides” .
“so" before adjectives is expressed by m eans of the
q u a lita tiv e dem onstratives (§ 6 0 ). thathini daridr B 21.21
“so poor", thathi-gva sundali V2 46b.7 “ so beautiful” =
thathiiiiii sundari V1 75®.2.— Note thathim-gwo (not -hma);
the literal m eaning is “ beautiful like that".
i and thi are com bined w ith verbal bases in the follow- 187
ing way: i-ha thi-ha joyu N 12a.3 “ he will go up and
down" or “ to and fro” , yi-sar thi-sar yartava Bh 133b.3
“dragging to and fro” ( sal- “ to drag, to pull”), thethe ann
Sdin. yi-bi thi-bi yanamn H 1 54®.1 “ giving food and other
things to each other” = ann thithirp i-bil thi-bil yanava
H312b.4 ( bi-l “ to give”).
N on-pronom inal A dverbs.
The m ost im portant are the following, mele "elsew here” ; 188
thani “ to-day” , m ore frequently thaniya dinas, prasthabas
and the like, thani-tole "u n til to-day” , thanin nisem “ from
to-day”, hmegwo, younger hmigivo, hmiga “ yesterday” ,
kanas, kahnas “ to-m orrow ”.-—ta “ a long tim e; far off” .—
bhati "a m om ent” , nananaqi “ soon” .— li-potas “ afterw ards” .
asa, rarer asa "then , under these circum stances”, hanivorp,
hanam “ again; further’’, twom, tu “ju st, even” , ni (em pha­
sizing). ja “ after all” , napam "com pletely ”.— yathenam
"nevertheless, how ever” , mebanaip “ otherw ise” , makha “cer­
tainly” . thukd (affirm ative).— Som e form s of juya, esp.
julasani are used w ith the m eaning “ as for”, or m erely as
em phasizing particles, especially in the younger M SS.—
Interrogative adverbs are chan, chay "w h y ?”
T he following adverbs hna “ before” , li “ after” ; kwo, ku 189
“dow n”, tha “ up” ; du “ into”, pi “ ou t” are used in close
10
88
Nr. 3. H ans J o r g e n s e n :
§ 190—191
connection w ith verbs, form ing a k in d o f lo o ser com pounds.
hnd haya “ to go in ad v an ce” , hha luya “ to agree” ; ft
thene “ to re tu rn ”, li phiya “ to o v ertak e” ; kw o tine “ to fall
do w n” ; tha kaya “ to raise” ; da bvaya " to leap in to ”, du
kaya “ to d raw in ; to ad m it, a d o p t” ; p i tine “ to tu rn out”,
p i thane " to give aw ay, to b e tra y ” .— W ith o u t change of
m eaning we find li-ta, kwo-ta, tha-ta, du-ta, pi-ta; and be­
fore verbs of m otion hna-ha, li-hd, kwo-ha, tha-ha, du-ha,
pi-ha.
Note, ha in the last mentioned form s is identical with the
root ha-l “to go, to move”; du-hB ivoya - du haseqi woya.
190
F rom th e adverbs in § 189 are derived o th ers like liwone "b eh in d ” ; du-wone o r dune “ in sid e” ; piwone or pine
“ outside” ; hnaco “ before” ; lico “ later, a fte rw a rd s"; himpa
“ first”, lipa “ beh in d” ; liserp “ b e h in d ” (m o tio n ).
Note. Some of the adverbs in §§ 189.190 are also used as post­
positions. See next chapter.
191
A dverbs from L oan-w ords.
T he instrum ental case of m any S ansk rit w o rd s is used
as an adverb, matron “ only” ; niscayananx "c ertain ly ” ;
ksaifamatranant “ a m om ent” ; atyantan “ very m uch” ;
duhkhanarp “ unhap pily” .— Less frequent are Sa. adverbs.
ati or atin(am) “ very” , sada o r sadan “ alw ay s” , maha
“ great” is used as an adverb w ith the m eaning “ very” .
Pronouns w ith karanas, rarely karanan ; nim ittin; hetun
are used instead of N ew arl adverbs esp. in th e younger
MSS. E. g. Ihwoya karanas for thwoten “ th erefore” ; chu or
chuya nimittin for chu, chuyata "fo r w h a t purp ose, w hy?” ;
chu hetun for chay, chan “ for w h at reason, w h y ?” . See
also §§ 181 note, 184 note.
§ 192—194
A Grammar of the Classical Newari.
89
Adjectives m ay be form ed from m any adverbs, m ostly 192
by means of the genitive-ending- yd. avaya Ihas Bh 23a.4
“the present place” ; hhacoya brahman-pant V1 26b.3 “ the
brahmans of before”, i. e. “ the above m entioned br.” ;
hmegvaya ra H260a.3 "th e m eat from yesterday” ; even
hrtam nisyarpya samast brtlantar-kha B 98.6 “ the events
from the beginning”, lit. “ of since before”.—O ther adject­
ival forms are piurone-guli “ outer” ; hhaivo “ first” ; piwo
“foremost” ; lithu “ the latter”, hhalhu “ the form er” .
P O S T P O S IT IO N S
Besides the gram m atical cases, postpositions are used to 193
express case-like relations of nouns. V erbal form s w ith
postpositions are used as subordinate clause-equivalents
like the conjunctive participles and other verbal form s.
Not a few of the postposilions are loan-w ords, m ostly
cases of foreign nouns.— A noun usually takes a case*
ending before a postposition.
Nouns w ith P ostpositions.
1. of N ew ari origin.
194
a. w ith the genitive, hnawone (also hnawone, hnewone)
“before, in the presence of” , liwone “ behind”, liwonen
"from behind” , duwone, less frequently dune “ in the in ­
terior of, inside” , piwone, rarely pine “ outside” , bhin “ to”
(rajayS bhin uayaoa H3 38b.9 “ going to the king”), hun,
hunin “ on account o f” .
b. w ith the instrum ental, kwo “ from . . . dow nw ards” ;
hna “ before” (tem poral), tham “ from ” (han tham “ from
the root”), pi “ out o f” , li “ after” (tem poral); //yd, lithan id.
c. w ith the sociative. napa “ together w ith”.
d. w ith the locative, du “ into” .
90
N r. 3. H ans JeRGBNSBN:
§ 195—igg
e.
w ith various cases, liwo w ith gen. o r loc. “ behind”
w ith instr. “ after” (tem poral).— lisem w ith gen. or l0c
“ behind” , w ith the pure stem “ along” : khusi lisem “along
the river” .— deivone “ outside, out o f” w ith gen. or pure
stem .— kwos "below , under” ; also “ near, in the vicinity
o f” ; m ostly w ith gen., rarer w ith pure stem .— nisim “since”
has before it the loc. or the pure stem , m ostly with the
particle -a m : thivo belas-am nisyam M 39a.6 “ since this
tim e” ; thaniya din-am nisyam Vi 102.29 f. “ since to-day”.
It is also found w ith the m eaning “ from ” : naor-caya pvaratft nisem. sarppaya pvaratoqi H® 101b.6 “ from the hole of
the ichneum on to th at of the snake” .
A nother postposition is them “ as, like” , kay svaya mitr
thf/arp C187 “ one m ust look upon a son as a friend".
thva-hma hamsaganas bohor thyaqi H 1 71b.l f. “ he is like a
crane am ongst sw ans” . Rarely w ith the genitive: Palasuramaya therp V1 110b.5 “ like ParaSurSm a” ; but bhatn-jaya
thya. buddhi datasa S 142b.6 “ if (your) cleverness is like
th at of the parrot” .— Form s of nane “ to be like” may be
added” , tapasvi thyam nanam M 24®.5 “ he w as like an
ascetic” , therp fianakam, m ore rarely nanakaua = thein.—
them is also used after adverbs, m ostly w ith the genitive:
sadaya thyarp “ as alw ays” .
Note. Here we may mention the word thin, also thirp, thiiphma, thirp-gwo, though properly speaking no postposition.
je-pani thirp “people like us”, cha thirpn sumitr M12b. 2
“a friend like you”. Note Indraya thin sarjipati C1139 ‘‘a
fortune like that of Indra”.
196
2. of foreign origin, agras “ in front of, before (local)”.
anusaran "conform ably to” , uparas “ for the sake o f”.
karanas "o n account o f” , dvalan "throu gh, by m eans of”.
nimittin (also °ttan, °ttis, °tt) “ for the sake o f”. T h e se
195
§ I 97
A G ra m m a r o f th e C lassica l N ew S ri.
91
a|Ways take the genitive.— W ith the pure stem we find
talas ‘‘under, below” (but also genitive: lasayd talas “ under
the couch” B 107.28). patini "everyw here in, on” ( kaca
paiim ‘‘on every b ran ch ”, din patiiri "every day”), bahikan
“without”. sahit(an ) "together w ith” .— U sually the genitive
lakes bahiris "outside” ; samipas “ w ith, near; to” ; samip
“to” The two latter are m ostly used deferentially w ith
nouns denoting persons of high rank.— bina “ w ithout” is
placed before a noun in the locative or instrum ental case:
bind paladhas V1 38b.3 "w ithou t justice” .
Note, “without” is usually expressed by ma dagakaqi (§ 131).
raja ma dagakam “without a king”. In a few cases bins
... ma dayakatp.
Verbal Forms with Postpositions.
Of NewSri origin are li, hha, nisem, them.
197
1. li is constructed w ith various form s of the verb. U sually
with the 10th form in
in a few instances -sen; less
frequently w ith the 9th form , m ostly the alternative form
in -an; rarely w ith the instrum ental or sociative of the 6th
form, or both com bined: -won.— It is the usual w ay of
expressing a te m p o r a l clause w ith "after” .— woseijx li “ after
he had com e” , ku tinam li “ after he has fallen dow n” C1 8
= ko tafian li C2. babu moyan li “ after the father had
died” V* 55b.4 = babu moyavan li V1 90b.4.
It also occurs in the sense “ as, since”, chan jin dh&ya7uli kha ma nesem li. chao napa cone ma eo Vi 75b.3 f.
‘since you do not listen to the w ords I speak to you, I
io not w ant to stay w ith you” .
2. hha. after a form in -wolam, N - wolan (cf. § 103.7)
Beans “ before” , ma is alw ays added, che ri ma hS-uaram
'iha H 1 93b.3 “ before he had returned to his hom e” , puru-
92
Nr. 3. H ans J brgensen
sauo ehe ma ya-valan hha do moca N 38b.5 “ a girl, Wh0
is not yet m arried to a m an” (lit. “ a girl existing before
she is . .
It m ay occur w ith other form s: sury uday. ma
juvan hfia V1 44b.2 f. “ before the sun had risen” .—In ^
there also occurs a construction w ith B 6 (in -andn ), and
w ith -kdlen (§ 103.8).
3. niseip w ith the 10th form m eans “ since, from the
m om ent” , je svami osya nisya jen. sunam purus ma kay&
V*74b.l “ since m y husband w ent aw ay, I have received
□o m an ”.
4. therp w ith the 5th and 6th form s expresses co m para*
tiv e clauses, sukharp ma cintarapa thyaip jayarapwa. daiban
haya thya H 1 7 4 \2 “ happiness does not arise as one expects, (but) as Fate sends it”, rajan ajna dayaku the. j&cakayd la-hatis lao hlaya dhuno Vi 69.9 f. “ I have delivered
you into the hands of the beggar, as the king had ordered
it” .— W ith the 3rd or 4th form it m eans “ as if”. Kfsnatvaqi
grasarape thya vayava Bh 62“.7 “ com ing as if he would
devour Kpso3”Note. In P nisem and therp are used in a somewhat different
way: garbhas con-guli nisgarp “since his birth” 7“. 5, jat
juoa thgam “as soon as he is born” 4*. 1.
198
Postpositions of foreign origin. T he three w ords arthan,
karapas, nimittin w ith the 4th form express f in a l clauses,
w ith the 5th and 6th form s c a u s a l clauses. T he genitives
of the said form s also occur .— nag raksalape arthan je coM
Va 79a.5 “ I am here, in order to protect the n3gas”. pyatyakaya karanas papatp yaylo H* 108b.6 “ he will commit
sins, because he is hungry” .— W ith the 3rd form the
m eaning m ay be causal, e. g. je pran moyu arthan. thava
bhochisam pran mocakala V2 29b.5 “ he destroyed the life
of his fam ily, because m y life w as going to be destroyed".
§ 199—201
A Gram mar of the Classical Newari.
93
It means “ lest” in a sentence like: ma henioya nimittin
ffrukd dhaya m a chasyam coha S 147a.5 " I w as staying
(here) not daring to speak, lest you m ight not listen to m e” .
belas w ith various form s of the verb expresses te m p o r a l 199
clauses, thva sabaran thathya pas chusyarp taya beras H 1
I3b.2 “ when the savage had thus set up his snare”, raja-ca
agnisamskar yaya dhakam . tal laku belas B 113.24 “ while
they were m aking preparations, (w ith the intention) to
burn the prince” . T he 6th form is preferred, w here the 1st
or 2nd person is the subject, e. g. ji-pani banaknda oha
belas Vi 39.31 f. “ w hen we were going out hunting” .—j i
cai}dalay5ta lava hlayu belas B 136.1 “ w hen they are
about to deliver me to the Can<JSlas”. bhojan yaya belas
ib. 131.31 “ w hen he will e a t . . . ” .
Note. The postpositions of foreign origin, of which especially
belas becomes more frequent in the younger MSS, form
analytical representations of synthetical verbal forms.
So the first three stand for the 4th form + yUna or the
dative of this form (§ 122 cS. 123 b), and for the instru­
mental of the 5th and 6th forms (§ 125 b. 127 a). belas
stands for tbe 11th form and for the form B 3 (§ 133.138).
C O N JU N C T IO N S
As will be seen from the foregoing sections, s u b o r d in - 200
ate c o n ju n c tio n s are expressed by other m eans in Ne­
warl. T he only w ord w hich m ight w ith som e justification
be called thus, is la w hen used w ith the conditional.
See § 135.
The principal c o o r d in a tin g c o n ju n c tio n s are: thwo - 201
fen, later thutin “ therefore, consequently” .— asa . . . asa
f
(■ (rarely asa) "eith er . . . or” connecting clauses, asa sama-
94
Nr. 3. Hans Jorgensen:
8 202
staya siras tayu. asa ban as hava svan Ihyarp nanyu Hl 67s2 f
“ he (i. e. a wise m an) will either be placed at the head
of all, or he will w ither like a flower, fallen off in a wood”
— thajula . . . tha jula, less frequently tha k h e t. . . tha khet
“ be i t . . . be it” , guruya stri tha jula. rajaya stri tha jula
thva . .. mam dhaya C1 20 “ be it the wife of a guru, be it
the wife of a king, . . . these m ay be called m other”.
202
T he m ost im portant one is nworp, later natp, which is
extrem ely frequent especially in the w eakened form -am, -ip
(§ 11). It m eans "even, yet, still, but, also, an d ” , but often its
m eaning is too subtle to be rendered in translation.—Ex­
am ples m ay illustrate the use of it. sakal paksi milay
juyava. je mocake tayar jura, jen-aip thava parakram kefta
Ha 75b.2 f. “ all birds gathered and w ere ready to kill me;
but I displayed m y courage” , thana ratriya samay juySua
thana-rp coh B 56.26 f. “ then w hen night cam e, he was still
there” , ji-m vane B 29.22 “ I, too, shall go” , raksasayake
nanarp. raksasan-arp dh&lanx ib. 153.17 “ he asked the ogre;
and the ogre said”.— Frequently it is found twice, meaning
“ both . . . an d ” w hen it connects w ords, dharma-nom adharma-norp C®2 “ both justice and injustice” . W hen con­
necting clauses, the m eaning is som ething like “ but, on
the other h an d ” . van~aip dhaya-ip ji kalat. van-am dhaya-iji
ji kalat B 68.27 “ the one said: she is m y wife, (but) the
other: she is m y wife” . (N ote th at the conjunction here
really occurs four tim es). W ith ma the m eaning is “ nei­
ther . . . nor” , ji jurarp sita-ip ma khu. rogan-arp kala-m ma
khu Vi 172.27 f. “ I am neither dead, nor have I fallen ill”(See also § 6).— In N um, vum is frequently found for mvotpNote 1. Frequently “and” connecting words, or sentences, is
not expressed at all; e.g. hnas hnQs"the ear and the nose”,
ba kdg “father and son". The same is the case with “but”
203—204
A Grammar of the Classical Newari.
95
for an example see § 197,4.—On “and” expressed by a
double sociative see § 32.
Note 2. A kind of conjunction also is the phrase chay or
chan dhalasa, meaning “for”, lit. “if (you) say why? (then
I answer)”.
Additional Chapters on Syntax.
Order of W ords.
A Newarl sentence is alw ays closed by the verb. T he
object usually has its place im m ediately before the verb;
the subject precedes th e object.— F or the sake of em phasis
other arrangem ents are found; e. g. j i prabhn-ju thva
mantrln syato B 112.19 “ m y husband has been killed by
this m inister” , bibahar yak. m aha jatra yaharp ib. 76.25
"they celebrated the m arriage, arranging great festivities”.
deb piija yaya bhaktan. ugraban puja yaya danan C1 90 “ a
God m ust be honoured by devotion, a servant by gifts” .
203
Compound Sentences.
A com pound sentence consists of a m ain verb w ith
subject and object, preceded by one or m ore adverbial or
conjunctive participles, cases of a nom inal form , or verbal
forms w ith postpositions. E ach of these subordinate form s
may be constructed w ith subject and object like a finite
verb, thus constituting a com plete sentence, w hich is su b ­
ordinated to the m ain clause by w ay of the sufiix or caseending of the verbal form , o r the postposition, attached
•o it.— Exam ples: rajan. pran laksalapeyatam. kanyalatn
bisyanam. m a kasyam . pran tol-tava V1 90“.2 f. “ though this
jewel of a girl was given him to protect his life, the king
gave up his life, w ithout accepting her” , thva jogi thava
rSjy vahava. pi la. cya la dasyaip li thva rajanarp thava
kalat bone bhalapava. samdes prades dayakava. bonakal cho-
204
96
Nr. 3. H ans J o rgensen :
§ 2 0 5 -2 0 6
tam B 100.21 ff. “ w hen the yogin had gone to his country,
the king decided to fetch his wife, after four, eight days
had passed, and having given instructions and information,
he sent to have her fetched” .— More exam ples are found
in the preceding chapters.
205
A ttraction of the Subject.
W hen tw o or m ore verbal form s in a sentence have
the sam e subject, it is m ostly “ attracted” by the first of
these form s; e. g. raja krodh cayava dhalam V1 22a.2 “the
king grew angry and said”. T hough the m ain verb is
transitive, th e subject is pu t in the nom inative, because
the first verb is intransitive.— More striking rdni-can kva
sol vayava B 130.19 “ the princess cam e to look down,
and . .
dhun naya-yaham vaaa khahava ib. 24.9 “on
seeing the tiger com ing to eat him ” , dhun is treated as
subject to naya-yaham “ in order to eat” (the expression
dhun . . . vava is object to khahava “ on seeing”). See also
above §§ 24. 122 cS .— Even an object m ay be treated in the
sam e w ay; e. g. pi-hm asen hm i-tekes talaiji Vi 151.14 f. “he
appointed four persons to play w ith him ” . Here pe-hmasen
is treated as agent to hmi-teke (lit. “ to cause to play”),
though it is also object to talam.
Note. Similarly chen seya phava khe V144*. 1 “you can know”.
—See also § 154.
206
C oordination fo r S ubordination.
Not frequent. E. g. purus iito. ka y m a thval strl. dah
kabasan (MS kara°). posarape N 39a.9 “ w hen the h usband
is dead, the heir m ust support his childless wife” , (lit“ the husband is dead. T he h e ir . . . ”). N otably the 3rd
form is used in this w ay. m anusan. thava sahaj m a tol-tu.
§207
A Grammar of the Classical Newari.
97
lokan jhyatukarp yayu. biparlt yayu. tham a yana phalan
juyuoa H8 54b.3. “ (w hen) a person does not depart from
his innate nature, (w hen) he acts in a w ay th at people
honour him , (w hen) he acts badly, (then) he will fare
according to the consequences he him self has brought
about” . (O n tol-ta see § 100,3 note 1).
Relative Clauses.
Though as a rule the nom inal form s of the verb are
used as relative clause-equivalents, relative clauses w ith the
interrogative pronouns and pronom inal adverbs functioning
as relative pronouns are not infrequently found. The
demonstrative (correlative) clause, w hich invariably follows
the relative clause, usually opens w ith a dem onstrative
pronoun or pronom inal adverb, corresponding in form to
the relative pronoun.— To su m ostly corresponds wo-hma,
to chn ivo(-gulQ.— T he relative clause prefers the 1st form
of the verb in -a.
Exam ples: gva-hm a strinputrjayarapayakara. thva-hm a
stri dhaya H 185“.l "a wife th at bears children, she m ust
be called a true wife” , gva-hm aya baddhi dato. va-hm a
balabant dhaya H2 66a.4 “ who has w isdom , he m ust be
called pow erful” , gana chim isyam h a y a. ana tor-tava
tathioa B 89.23 f. “ w here you have fetched them , there you
leave them !” ao chan chn bancha yana. o-guli jin purn
yanno biya Vi 39.3 f. “ w hat w ish you have now , th at I will
grant you” .
Less frequent are relative clauses w ith a nom inal form
or a conjunctive participle, sunan laks chi tam ka biya
phava-hmarp. o-hm am tu. thva beiyan kayu V1 U 2 “.4 f.
“who is able to give a hundred thousand tan kas, him
this courtesan will adm it” , gva-hm a purusan. thao atmaya.
D. Kgl. Danske V ldentk. Selskab. Hist.-BI. Medd. XXVII. S.
7
207
98
Nr. 3. H ans J o rg en sen :
§ 2 0 8 -2 0 9
paratmayd. balabal svayava. antar ma serahas. thva-hrna
bairin. ko tiniva H2 75b.5 f. “ if a m an, on considering f|le
relative strenght o f him self and of others, does not under­
stand the difference, th is one the enem ies w ill defeat” .
Tw o relative pronouns are found in cases like gva-guli
karmas gva-hma kusal jula. va-hma va-guli karmas jojarape
H2 84b.8 “ each one is to be appointed to the w ork for
w hich he is fitted”.
208
Interrogative Sentences.
T he particle of interrogation is la. Its place is mostly
at the end o f the sentence after the verb, jagalapu la V1
36b.l “ are you aw ake?” jen ma dhaya ra H l 46b.5 “ did 1
not say?” Also chanake Id ma dhaya V 'S l 0^ “ should (I)
not tell you?”— In d i s ju n c ti v e questions we m ostly find
la . . . Id, e. g. jhijhista dam bisya hava la. ma hava Id
B 2 1 .6 f. “ did he give us m oney, o r did he n o t?” In longer
sentences also la . . . asa la.
209
Dependent Questions.
Q uestions dependent on verbs signifying “ to loo k , to
inquire, to reflect, to doubt, to know n o t” have th e follow­
ing form , mantr siddhi juynva ra khas. soya V1 9 3 b.5 “ I
will see, if the incantation will be successful” , thva banin
cho yayu sas bhdlapava. guptan svayaua conam H 2 47a.l
"th e m erchant w as w atching h er secretly, do ub tin g what
she m ight do’*, jhijisen purb janm as chu pap yahao ola khe
ma siya Vi 102.6 f. “ I do not know w hich sin we have
com m itted in a form er existence” .— In disjunctive q u estio n s
of this kind khas etc. is w anting: raja ras lava ma tava
svaya H 2 54h.8 “ I will investigate w h eth er the king is
pleased or not” .
210—212
A Grammar of the Classical Newari.
99
Dependent Substantival Glauses.
210
Dependent clauses containing a statem ent, a question, a
com m and, take the form of the oratio recta (§ 212). jen
upa\1 yaya thuka. dhakarp. pratijixa yahava Hz 77a.7 "having
prom ised to find a rem edy” (lit. “ I will find a r., so he p r.”).
thva su dhakarp fianarp B 126.19 "(she) asked w ho it w as”.
chan thathimfi ai&vary jula dhaka jin ma siya Vi 84.14 f.
“I did not know , th at you had obtained such splend­
our”.
dhakarp m ay be w anting, especially before siya "to
know”, bhalapS "to th in k ” . Before siya m ay be found kha
etc. (see § 110). Satyaiila sahagamini onina dhao-guli bartd
Vi 46.25 “ the rum our th at Satya&Ilfi w as going to be bu rn t
together w ith her hu sban d” , cha thathimfi pa pi kha. jin
ma siya ib. 105.14 f. "I did not know th at you w ere as
bad as th at” .— See also §§ 121 b y . 124 b. 126 b.
Final C lauses and Causal C lauses, w hen containing a 2X1
subjective motive or reason m ay be form ed in the sam e
way. kofubalan. khu khojalape dhakarp. dei bhramalapava
jularp V1 20“.5 “ the kotw al started to w ander through the
town, in order to (o r w ith the intention to) search for the
thief”. rajayS hukam ma du dhakava ji ma vaya B 56.25 f.
“I am not com ing, because there is no order from the king”.
Reported Speech.
212
The only way of expressing reported speech or thought
>s by quoting the w ords actually spoken or thought, and
connecting them with the principal verb by m eans of dhakam,
rarely dhakam, dhakawo. These are w eakened form s of
dhayakarp ( dhayakawo) “ in a w ay as to say” (cf. § 131).—
Exam ples: thva jogi ma syatasa. ji siya julo dhakarp ranin
7*
100
N r. 3. H ans J org en sen :
§ 21 3-21 5
dhayava B 100.11 “ unless you kill this yogin, I shall die
T hu s spoke the queen, and . . chan putrl sundali khaiis0.
Dhnmuraks raksasan. khasga yana dhakam dhalam V*
34b.5 f. "o n seeing th at your daughter w as beautiful, the
ogre D hum rak§a abducted her. T hu s he spoke” .— dhakam
m ay be w anting, bho stri chan gathya siya dhayava
B 114.15 f. “oh w om an, how do you know ? he said and ..
213
dhakam m ay be used m ore independently in the sense,
"saying so, thinking so” , thoa lamkhaya gunanam khava
dhakam. lamkha luaham-cato juanava vanam B 86.6 f. "she
took som e w ater and pebbles, thinking th at it happened
so through som e quality of the w ater” . Note the following
instance: thaoata dhakam kasyani tayahm a. rani-ca ib.
27.2 “ the princess w ho had taken him thinking th at it was
for herself” .
Note. From a Newarl point of view there is no real difference
between the instances quoted in §§ 212.213 and those in
§§ 210.211.
214
T he P article he.
By m eans of this particle (also hen, ha, han; cf. han
tene “ to believe erroneously”) are form ed expressions of
irresolution in the following way. o yaya he ma siyava V*
21b.6 “ not know ing w hat to do”, ana vane he ma siyava
B 54.14 “ not know ing w here to go” , bap o hen-am ma
seranan N 38b.7 “ because he does not even know who is
his father” .
215
C om parison of Adjectives.
a.
A c o m p a r a tiv e is expressed by m eans of simvom,
later sinam, rarely sim; in N m ostly penwont. It is con­
structed w ith the genitive, pranaya sinarp. jhyatu. hmyaca
21 6 —217
A Grammar of the Classical Newari.
101
V154a (j " a daughter m ore valuable th an his life” . Kubelaya dhanaya sinam tava-dhani ib. 34°.3 f. “ richer than the
riches of K ubera” .—Also antitaxis is found: murkh juya
hhin. phas-kha hlaya ma bhih H a 39a.5 f. “ it is better to be
stupid than to tell lies” , (lit. “ to be st. is good, to tell lies
is not good”).
b.
A s u p e r la tiv e is expressed in the following way.
samastaya sirp. barabant. daib H 1 31b.2 “ F ate is the m ost
powerful of all” , suy& sinorp kutaniya tava buddhi V1 128b.6
“(he cleverness of the procuress was the greatest of all”,
(lit. “greater than th at of anybody”).— It m ay also be like
the positive, sva-hmarps. suya komal saril V1 73b.2 “ whose
body am ongst the three is the m ost tender?”
Note, sinworp alone means “more than, in a higher degree
than”; e.g. debalokayQ sinaqi nrtyabidya sava V'110b. 4
“he knows the art of dancing better than the gods”.
216
Negation.
The particle of negation is ma, before male “ to be
necessary” m ostly mu. ma khu is not infrequently found
for it, especially after the predicative form s of the verbs.
ji satyan chanata kayaka ma khu Vi 35.32 “ I did not bit
you on purpose”, ji oya dhuno ma khu la S 166b.6 “ have
I not com e?”— A litote: je hnas ma daya ma pho H2 64a.l
“it can’t be th at I have no nose”, i. e. “ I m ust have a nose”.
—See also § 114 (negation of the causative) and § 158. 159
(negative im perative).
Duplication.
217
a.
T he repetition of an adjective or a noun denotes in­
definite plurality, des des bhramalapam V1 30b.3 “ roam ing
about in m any countries” . guijTk gunik brahman-pani B 125.7
“all kinds of clever brahm an s" or “ the one clever br. after
Nr. 3. H ans J o rg en sen :
102
the other” .— O therw ise repetition m ostly intensifies the
m eaning of a w ord, hata hatasanam “ very eagerly, in a great
h u rry ” , khosya khosyam “ weeping profusely”, daya dayqa
Vi 160.11 “ beating vehem ently” .—O f verbs som etim es only
the base is repeated, e. g. swo ju k swoya mdtranam ib.
98.11 f. “ m erely by looking” (E d . erroneously swoya). soa
ni soaya H2 60“.3 “ I will certainly look”.
b. As stated above in § 75, an indefinite relative pro­
noun is som etim es expressed by duplicating the relative
pronoun; an exam ple m ay illustrate this, gana gana Sasiprabha vana. ana ana o brahmanarp. naparp vanam V1 78a.l f.
“ w herever Sa&iprabha w ent, there th is brahm an, too, went”.
Note. The MS spells gand2... anQ2, as frequently; e. g. hat&2
sartarp
Vi 18*.4 ( = Ed. 34.16).
c. “ each" is expressed by m eans of duplication, hako
hako B 26.10 “ each one that has been brought", hnathva
hhathva srest N 40b.6 “ each preceding one is superior”.
thva thva “ each of these” , thaoa thaoas che V1 53°.3 “each
his ow n house”, thava thavan bay yaya mal N 40*.5 “each
m ust defray his ow n expenses” .
A Grammar of the Classical Newari.
103
INDEX
a
ablative, form 18,use29,instrum.
as abl. 30 d.
accusative of effect 23 c.
accusutivus modalis 23 e.
action in progress 124.124 c.
adessive, locat. as ad. 28 a.
adjective, plur. suffix 16 a, pro­
nominal adj. 76, form of
the adj. 167—170, derivative
a. 169, compound a. 170,
place of a. 173, a. used sub­
stantially 174, a. from, ad­
verbs 192. — see adverb,
gender, generic particle,
verbal forms,
adverb, from adjectives 178,
pronominal a. 179—186, nonpron. a. 188-190, a. from
loan-words 191.
adverbial forms of the verb,
Introd.,98. — adv. participle
see participle,
affirmative particle 156.
“after”, conjunction 197,1.
agential, form 18, use 24.25, in­
strument. as a. ib.
allative, cas. indef. as a. 23 g,
dative as a. 27 d, locat. as a.
28 c, directive as a. 33.
anusvSra, 6, 10 b.
article, definite 52, indef. 80.
“as” conj. 133.139, “as if" 197.4,
“as long as” 134. 144. 147,
“as soon as” 123 e, 145.
aspects of action Introd.
aspirated consonants 9. 12.
auxiliaries, form 109—111, use
152, form periphrastic
forms 112. 154—166.
b
ba-, forms masc 15.
bases, of demonstr. pron. 49, of
verbs 99 IT., of pron. adv. 179.
“because", conj. 125 b. 141. —
cf. causal clauses.
“before” conj. 197,2.
biya as auxii. 164.
c
cardinal numbers 77.
case-endings, of nouns den. liv.
beings Intr.; 18, place of
c.-e. 36, Sanskrit c.-e. 22,
and note,
cases, form 18, use 23—34, double
c. 35, of pronouns 55. 57.
62. 66. 72, of pron. adj. 76,
of verbal forms 101 and
(use) 123.125. 127. 204. — cf.
declension.
104
N r. 3 H ans J brgensbn :
casus indeiinitus 23.
causal clauses 125 b. 127a. 198.211.
causalis 102,6.
causative, form 94. 95, and note.
96.97, meaning 114, 9th form
of caus. 131, from adjectives
177, agent of c. 25.
classes of verb, I—IV 91, V 96.
class-words Introd.; 82.
comparative 215 a.
comparative clauses 197,4.
comparison of adjectives 215.
completed action 117. 126. 161.
composition of nouns 14 e.
compounds Introd.; determin­
ative c. 14 c, synonymous c.
ib., obscured c. 14 note 1,
possessive c. 56 note. 170,
loose c. of adverbs and
verb 189.
concessive, form 102,2, use 132.
136. 137.
conditional, form 102, l, use 135conditional clauses 157 b.
coni, as auxil. 163.
conjugation of the verb 105—107.
conjunctions, subordinating 200,
coordinating 201. 202.
consonants 2. 5, compound c.
8, changes of c. 10 b, c .—
see final,
coordination, for subordin. 206.
copula 153.
correlative clauses 207.
declension, of nouns 20, of p^r.
son. pron. 41-45, of dem.
pron. 51, of numerals 81.—
see cases,
deferential, plur. of pron. asdef.
sing. 39. — sec imperative,
vocative; cf.term ofrespcct.
demonstrative clause 207.
demonstrative pronoun, of nea­
rer object 49. 52, of remoter
object 49.54, in relative sen­
tences 207. — see declension,
denominative 93. 96.
derivation of nouns 14 b.
derivative suffixes, of demonstr.
pron. 49, of pronom. adverbs
179.
dhakam,form 108 a, use 210—213.
dhune as auxil. 162.
dialect, forms from other d.
Introd.; 9 note,
diminutives 14 c.
diphthongs 4. 5.
directive, form 18,9 use 33. 34,
d.
from verbal form 123 f.
— see allative, object,
disjunctive clauses 137; d. ques­
tions 208. 209.
distributiva 86 b.
duplication 217.
durative 163 a.
e
essivus, cas. ind. as e. 23 d.
exclusive plur. of 1st person 40.
d
f
dative, form 18,4 use 27, d. of
verbal form 123 b, locative final a, i 7, f. consonants 8.10 b.
with meaning of d. 28 e.
final clauses 198. 211. — see
daya, form 109-111, use 152.
“in order to”,
153. 155.
finite verb, form 100,1, use 115-
A G ra m m a r o f th e C lassica l N ew S rI.
105
i
117, 3rd form as f. v. 121 a;
finite forms of the verb 98. “i f ’ 146, “if only” 139. 140. —
«for the purpose of”, prepos.
cf. conditional clause,
27 c, conj. 123 b.
imperative, form 100,2.103,1,2,3;
fractio ns 86 a.
use 119. 143, deferential i.
future 120. 121 a p, subjective f.
143. negative i. 158. 159. —
122 a a; future action 117 b.
cf. -hune.
120, intention of a f. a. inanimate objects 65.76,i.o. and
122 a a.
living beings Introd.; nouns
denoting i. o., no plural 16,
use of directive 18. 34.
&
gender, no grammat. g. In trod.; inchoative 157 e.
15, natural g. 15, g. of ad­ inclusive plural of 1st person
jectives 172.
40. 45.
generic particles Introd.; to incompleted action 124.
pronouns 50, to verbal indefinite pronoun 70, i. relative
forms 101, to adjectives
75. 217 b .—see numeral for
171. — se -hma, gu, -guli,
“one”.
-gwo.
indefinite plurality 217 a.
genitive, form 18,3, use 26, of inessive, locative as i. 28 a.
verbal forms 123 a. 125 a, of infinitive 100,4.122 c, i. of purpose
adverbs 192, before postpos.
100,8. 115. 122 cy. 123 c. 129.
194 a. 196. — see locative,
— cf. “in order to”,
possessive pron., subject,
inflection, by means of suffixes
gerundive 100,4.
Introd., i. of verb 98—113.
•gu, -guli Introd.; 50.54.60.68. initial consonants 8.
69. 80. 83. 101. 124 b. 171. — “in order to” 122 c8. — cf. infin.
see generic particle.
of purpose,
-gmo Introd.; 60.69.— cf.generic instrumental, form 18,7. 21, use
particle.
30, of verbal forms 123 c.
125 b. 127 a, i. as adverb 191,
b
before postpos. 194 b .—see
habitative 100, s, 121 ao.
agential, ablative,
habitual action 120.
intensive, form 103,8; use 148.
interrogative pronouns, place of
haya as auxil. 165.
he 214.
65, as relative pr. ib. 207, i.
adverbs 188, i. sentences
-hma Introd.; 14 note 2.50. 54.
60.68.69.80.83.101.171.—
208.
cf. generic particle,
intransitive verbs, subject of i.v.
23 a, periphrastic forms of
honorific pronoun 47. 50.
i.v. 154.
•hune etc. 103. 143.
106
N r. 3. H ans J o r c b n s b n :
irregularities in inflection of -mi, plural suffix 38. 43.
verbs 108.
modes of action Introd.
j
n
Nagari. 1.
jiya, auxil. 109. 110.
juya, auxil., form 109. 110, use Naipall 1. 3.
152. 157.
narrative form 117 a.
nasalization 6. 9.
k
negation 216, of causative 114.
-kale 103. 146.
nomen
actionis 124 c. 126 c.
khaya, auxil., form 109—111, use
nomen
actoris
124 a y. 128.
152. 153. 156. 209. 210. — cf.
nominal
forms
of the verb
copula.
Introd.; 98, cases of n. f. 204.
1
In, particle of interrogation nominative, form 18,1; use 23. —
cf. casus indefinitus.
208, in conditional clauses nouns,
primary n. 13, formed 14,
135. 200.
n.
ending
in cons. 19.
-le, -li, forms quantitative pro­ number Introd.;
16. 17.
nouns 59. 68. 71,3.
numerals
77,
place
of n. 79, n.
living beings 57.65.83.85; nouns
for
"one”
80,
id.
as
indef. pro­
denot. 1. b., number 16, cases
noun
74.
—
see
declension,
18,2,3,6,9; directive 33. — see numerical derivatives 87.
inanimate objects,
nuyo 122 c8.
loan-words, spelling 2. 3, form -nwoqi
forms indefinite pro­
of l.-w. 12, in synonymous
nouns
70—72. conj. 202.
compounds 14 c, generic
forms of l.-w. 15 note, pluralo
suff. of l.-w. 16, l.-w. in verbal object, direct 0.27 b (dative). 33
phrases 92 b, adjectives 171.
(directive), indirect o. 27 a
172, adverbs 191, postposi­
(dative). 33 (directive), cog­
tions 196. 198. 199. — cf.
nate o. 23 h, place of o. 203.
tatsama.
— see transitive verb,
locative, form 18,6; use 28, as optative 122 ap. 159.
partitive genitive 28 h, ab­ order of words 203.
lative for 1. 29 c, 1. of verbal ordinal numbers 77. 85.
forms 123 d, after postpos.
194 d. — see adessive, allaP
-pani plur. suffix 16 a. 38. 43. 51tive, dative, inessive.
participles, plural of 16; ad­
m
verbial p., form 100,9,io, use
127 bp, 130.204 —conjunctive
m3- forms feminines 15.
p., form 100,11,12. 102,3,4,6>
male, form 109. 110, use 159.
A Grammar of the Classic a New3r
use 115. 127 b a. 130. 133.
134. 138. 144. 204, in relat.
clauses 207. — conj. p. in
.awo 127 b. 157 e. 161.163.164.
— relative p.,form 100,5,6,7;
use 115. 121b. 122 b. 124 a.
126 a. 128 a, in relat. clauses
207.
passive voice Introd.
past 124d^. 126dp, conj. part,
of p. 127 b a, habitative of
p. 121 a a.
perfect 162, descriptive p. 163 b.
periphrastic forms of the verb
112. 154-166.
personal pronouns 37ff., as sub­
ject or object 116. — seeded.
phaya, auxil., form 109. 110,
use 152.
plural 16.17, of pers. pronouns
43—45, p. ending wanting
16.
possessive pronouns 48.
postpositions, with nouns 194—
196, with verbal forms 197
—199. 204, of foreign origin
196. 198. 199.
present 124 da. 126 da.
preverbs 92 a.
prosecutivus 30 b.
q
qualitative pronouns 60.
quantitative pronouns 59.
questions, dependent qu. 209.
107
relative clause-equivalents 115.
207.
relative clauses 207.
relative pronouns see interroga­
tive pr.
repetition of words 217. — cf.
duplication,
reported speech 212.
root as verbal form 104. 150.
s
-sakal plur. ending 39. 44.
-sane 103. 143.
sane as auxil. 166 note.
“self” 63.
sentences, compound s. 204.
sentence stress 11.
singular 16.
siniuorp 215. — cf. comparison
of adjectives,
sociative, form 18,8, use 31,
double s. 32, s. of verbal
forms 123 e. 127 b; before
postpos. 194 c.
sound changes 9. 10.
subject, of imperative 119, 4th
form as s. 122cp, genitive
as subject 26 h, attraction of
s. 205. — see intrans. verbs,
subordinate clause-equivalents
115. 193.
substantival clauses 210.
superlative 215 b.
t
-ta, suffix of pronouns 57, of
r
numerals 83.
reciprocal pronouns 64.
tathe as auxil. 164.
reduplication, of nouns 14 a, of tatsama 12, vocative of t. 22.
taya as auxil., form 110, use 161.
verbs 100,12.
tene, as auxil., form 109, use 160.
reflexive pronouns 62. 63.
1 08 Nr. 3. Hans J 0 rgk n sen : A Grammar of th e Classical Newiri
temporal clauses 197. 199. — cf.
“as”, “when”, “while”, “till”,
terms of relationship 14 a, and
note 2.
terms of respect 17. 92 note.
teya, auxil., form 109.110, use 158.
-thiirp) forms adverbs of man­
ner 182.
-thi(rp), -thin forms qualitative
pronouns 60. 69.
“till”, conjunction 144.
-to, -ta plural suffix 16 b.
-tote 103. 144.
transitive verbs, agent of t. v. 24,
object of t s, 23 b, periphr.
forms of t. v. 154.
-tunurp 103, 145.
verbal phrases 92.
verbs, primary v. 91, derivated
v. 93. 94. compound v. %
— see classes,
vocative, deferential v. 22. —
see tatsama.
vowels 3. 5, nasalization of v.y,
changes of v. 9, changes of
v. 10 a.
w
“when” 133. 138. 139. 146. - cf.
temporal clauses.
“while” 134. 144. 147. — cf.
temp. cl.
"without”, prepos. 131.196 and
note.; conj. 132.
-toola 103. 147.
ivone as auxil. 166.
j
woya as auxil. 166.
j
v
verbal bases in adverbs 187.
verbal forms, from nouns 113,
from adjectival bases 176;
y
compound v. f. 103.107, use
-yanarp 122c6. — cf. “in order
143—148. — see cases,
to”.
verbal nouns 115. 121c. 122 c.
yane as auxil. 165.
124 c. 126 c. 128 b.
Indleverct til Selskabct tlen 5. O ktober 1940.
F w rdig fra T rykkeriet den 19. M«J 1941.
HISTORISK-FILOLOGISKE m e d d e l e l s e r
DET
1
'
2
1,
2.
S.
f
1.
2.
3.
,>.
1.
2.
3.
i
5-
2*
kgl.
UDQIYETHP
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