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Sociology 101: The Social Lens
Unit 7 Overview: Racial and Ethnic Stratification
Introduction
According to the U.S. Census Bureau,
The concept of race… reflects self-identification by people
according to the race or races with which they most closely
identify. These categories are sociopolitical constructs and
should not be interpreted as being scientific or anthropological
in nature. Furthermore, the race categories [used by the Census
Bureau] include both racial and national-origin groups… data on
race in Census 2000 are not directly comparable to those
collected in previous censuses. . . . . . . . . ……………….
Your textbook points out that race is not a biological or genetic fact, but a socially constructed
myth (Thio 2007; 234). There is no statistically significant difference in the genetic makeup
between racial groups, thus it is often said that race is socially constructed. These classifications
are assigned to people on the basis of often
arbitrary differences like the shape of the nose,
the degree of pigmentation in the skin, and the
texture of the hair. There is in fact more genetic
variation within a particular racial group than
between
racial
groups.
Nonetheless,
the
perception of racial differences is a powerful
social force.
While we understand that race is a social classification and not a biological one, it is still a very
meaningful concept to most people in America. As we gathered from the U.S. Census Bureau
quote, even the U.S. federal government acknowledges the lack of a scientific basis of racial
categories, yet continues to create distinctions between peoples. The salience of race to
individual identity, to group affiliation, to legal code, economics, and almost all areas of social
life is clear. The question arises then that if these terms we use like white, black, Asian, and
Hispanic, are social constructs, and are not reflected in any great biological differences, then
why are they still embedded in our institutional structures and everyday interaction? Why is
race so important to how we define ourselves and our relationships in American life?
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Race, Class, and Power
From early in human history we see a move to classify and categorize people on the basis of
their perceived differences. In the 17th century, with European expansion to new parts of the
world, we see a rise of the ideology of racial stratification with the Europeans placing
themselves at the top of the scheme. Following Darwin’s biological theories of natural selection,
the concept of Social Darwinism arose in the 1800s arguing that certain social or racial groups
were more successful and thus superior than others. As Audrey Smedley notes in Race in North
America: Origin and Evolution of a Worldview (2007), “[T]he idea of race differences was seized
upon to divide, separate, and rank . . . and to justify the dominance of certain class groups or
ethnic elements.”
Minority & Dominant Groups
The distinction must be made that an ethnic or racial minority group is not necessarily the group
with the least number of individuals, but people who lack power within the stratified social
order. A minority group is thus a group “that is subjected to prejudice and discrimination” (Thio
2007; 234) while the dominant group holds greater power, privilege, and prestige within the
society. Interestingly, ethnic group identity increases when the group has fewer members, has
little relative power, and experiences
higher
levels
of
prejudice
and
discrimination.
Prejudicial attitudes and the belief in
stereotypes clearly influence people’s
willingness to be open to those who
are different from themselves. Often
underlying this prejudice is a feeling
that one’s own group is somehow
superior; a concept known as ethnocentrism. Most damaging is when prejudice leads to
discriminatory practices or treating people inequitably on the basis of their race or ethnicity
(a.k.a. racism). This unfair treatment can be systemic or individual. Individual discrimination
occurs when one person treats another unfavorably. Yet, an entire social system or institution
may establish practices that favor one racial or ethnic group above others. Racial stratification
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has become institutionalized in law, criminal justice, education, the economy, healthcare,
politics, and even where we may choose to live.
Race and Education Achievement. Institutional or
structural disparity in education is evident in the
achievement gap in standardized testing. The National
Assessment of Educational Progress (NAEP) data, which
has documented the achievement gap over decades,
reveals that during the 1970s and 1980s, AfricanAmerican and Hispanic students attained increased
achievement levels; however, performance on the
mathematics and reading tests declined between 1988
and 1992 and has since leveled off, revealing no
narrowing of the achievement gap among the races.
Early accounts questioned the ability of the child of color, for various genetic, biological, or
environmental reasons. All seemed to place the minority child as deficient and inferior to white
children. With the quest for equality the differences in educational opportunities between
students of color and white students became of greater importance. Beginning with Brown v.
Board of Education (1954) a new focus emerged on the lack of
educational opportunities for children of color. Attention was
turned from the child to the academic environment that was
created by segregation. This differentiated system created by
segregation was supposed to be rectified by desegregation
efforts. Yet, the association between school racial composition,
school quality, and student achievement continues to fuel the
segregation vs. desegregation debate.
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Segregation and Housing Discrimination: Yet another example of structural inequality is seen in
residential racial segregation. It is noted that segregation levels were lower in 1900 then than
they are now. Yet, neighborhood associations, restrictive covenants, racial zoning and urban
planning, and municipal ordinances (examples
of de jure discrimination) all played a role in
the
early
1900s
of
establishing
the
segregation that we see today. Sociologists
and urban historians have detailed the ways
in which the federal government actually
instituted practices that contributed to racial
discrimination of American housing patterns.
Today, we find that while numerous laws are
in place to ensure fair housing opportunities, minority mortgage applicants are less likely to be
approved for a loan than white applicants. This is an example of de facto discrimination.
Challenging the Social Construct
Immigration and the diversification of the U.S. in recent
years have come to challenge to the Black-White
dichotomy of race in America. The concept of ethnicity, or
“a collection of people who share a distinctive cultural
heritage” (Thio 2007; 234), is in some ways replacing the
idea of race as a biological construct. Ethnicity applies to
cultural and social characteristics of a group as opposed to
their phenotypical differences. Immigration has also raised
the issues of nationality (the relationship between a person
and their country) and citizenship (the rights that are
inferred by legal recognition within a country). Moreover, greater openness and diversity among
ethnic groups has also lead to the questioning of concept of race on the basis of the growing number
of individuals identifying as multiracial, multiethnic, or even multinational. Your text notes that Tiger
Woods considers himself to be Cabinasian (Caucasian, African-American, Thai, Chinese, and Native
American) transcending racial categorization. Finally, the ideology of cultural pluralism requires that
we acknowledge our own assumptions, misconceptions, biases, and ethnocentrism while working to
be inclusive and open to those of differing ethnic ancestry.
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