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Urban Studies, Vol. 40, No. 12, 2557–2572, November 2003 Leeds Calling: The Influence of London on the Gentrification of Regional Cities Paul Dutton [Paper first received, January 2003; in final form, June 2003] Summary. This paper undertakes a review of gentrification and global city research to develop an appreciation of the nature of gentrification taking place in central areas of Leeds in the UK. The literature review establishes an uneven and dominant set of social, economic and cultural relations between the city-region of London and the South East with other regions in the UK. It is proposed that these sets of relations will impact upon socio-spatial developments in regional cities in the UK and will provide the dynamics leading contemporary gentrification in regional financial centres. Using Leeds as a case study, quantitative and qualitative data are presented to develop an appreciation of the internal and external dynamics driving contemporary ‘developerled’ gentrification in Leeds. Introduction The focus of the theoretical and empirical research activity of this paper is to develop an understanding of the relationship between London and the South East and the occurrence of gentrification in regional financial service centres in the UK. The paper commences by evaluating the ability of historical explanations of gentrification to account for gentrification in cities lower down the urban hierarchy, and weaknesses are identified in these explanations. Drawing upon contemporary literature on gentrification, this paper identifies linkages between global city formations and the social, economic and cultural dynamics of gentrification. From this review, a set of uneven social, cultural and economic relations between the global city of London and the South East region with other city/regions of the UK is identified. It is argued that this set of relations informs the gentrification process in regional cities of the UK. From these discussions, a conceptual framework is established, from which a research agenda is designed to investigate the dynamics leading contemporary gentrification in regional financial service centres. The second part of the paper presents a case study of gentrification in Leeds. The case study draws upon local economic data, questionnaires from local residents together with supporting evidence using ‘vignettes’ from selected semi-structured interviews with estate agents and residents of ‘The Calls’ area of Leeds. In the light of these theoretical and empirical activities, the paper Paul Dutton is in the Centre for Research in Applied Community Studies, Department of Applied Social Sciences and Humanities, Bradford College, McMillan Building, Trinity Road, Bradford, West Yorkshire, BD1 0JD, UK. Fax: 01274 307 828. E-mail: [email protected]. 0042-0980 Print/1360-063X On-line/03/122557–16 2003 The Editors of Urban Studies DOI: 10.1080/0042098032000136219 Downloaded from usj.sagepub.com at PENNSYLVANIA STATE UNIV on March 3, 2016 2558 PAUL DUTTON concludes by distinguishing between internal and external forces leading the gentrification process in Leeds. Gentrification and the Urban Hierarchy Despite the considerable differences in the literature seeking to explain its occurrence, much of the empirical and theoretical research in the 1980s and early 1990s, either explicitly or implicitly, considered gentrification in the context of cities occupying strategic positions in the international urban hierarchy. Furthermore, complementarity between competing explanations of gentrification can be identified over expectations of particular categories of cities experiencing gentrification. Smith’s supply-side hypothesis (1986) argued that the closure of ‘rent gaps’ following ‘capital switches’ (Harvey, 1989) and subsequent reinvestment into devalorised urban land markets will only manifest as gentrification in cities at the top of the international urban hierarchy. Smith develops Cohen’s understanding of ‘global cities’, based upon notions of uneven development and new international divisions of labour (Cohen, 1981), to identify particular ‘corporate cities’ (Williams and Smith, 1986, p. 211) experiencing gentrification. Demand-side explanations located the social and cultural conditions required before gentrification could occur to a limited number of cities. These were high-order cities dominated by ‘post-industrial’ service sectors (Munt, 1987; Mills; 1988; Ley, 1980). Both perspectives were in agreement that gentrification was a product of processes found in a limited number of cities—strategically well-placed to take advantage of structural economic changes—caught on the upside of economic and social restructuring. In the UK, London dominated empirical and theoretical research (Butler and Hamnett, 1994; Hamnett and Randolph, 1984; Hamnett and Williams, 1980; Munt, 1987; Williams, 1976). The restructuring of London’s occupational sectors provided a backdrop to these case studies of gentrification. However, evidence of the changing role of second- and third-tier cities in the UK suggests weaknesses in Smith’s and Ley’s conceptualising. The late 1970s saw the rise of provincial financial centres (Leyshon and Thrift, 1989) which Tickell classified as regional and sub-regional financial centres (Tickell, 1996, 1993). He identified regional financial centres as those which had developed an infrastructure across the range of financial services, with firms possessing the capacity to generate some original information. Such centres possessed a small number of headquarters of national institutions with some possible representation from foreign firms. Tickell classified Birmingham, Bristol, Cardiff, Leeds, Manchester and Newcastle as regional financial centres in England (Tickell, 1996, 1993). The capacities and expertise of these urban centres imply the requirement for skilled professional and administrative occupational groups and present suitable conditions for the production of potential gentrifiers in these regional cities. Indeed, by the early 1980s, gentrification in Britain had already been observed in a number of cities outside London, including Clifton in Bristol, Jericho in Oxford with similar areas existing in Reading, Leeds, Newcastle, Glasgow, Bath, Canterbury and elsewhere (Williams, 1984, p. 221). However, despite the limitations of Smith’s and Ley’s ideas, their early conceptualising of the types of cities experiencing gentrification, represented endeavours to link processes associated with gentrification with wider societal changes. Empirical and theoretical research on gentrification, which mushroomed during the 1980s and the early 1990s, was part of, and indeed influenced by, a resurgent interest in urban-based aspects of dramatic social and economic restructuring taking place from the 1970s onwards. King (1990) linked a major paradigm shift in urban studies at this time to developments in the world economy. Notwithstanding differences over the precise interpretation of the term, it is widely Downloaded from usj.sagepub.com at PENNSYLVANIA STATE UNIV on March 3, 2016 LEEDS CALLING agreed that globalisation has brought about greater interdependency of economic relations between distant localities, involving the movement of capital, goods and labour. Globalisation also implies in varying degrees an increasing interconnectedness of people, knowledge, images and ideas (King, 1990). ‘Global cities’ such as London and New York exemplify the reassertion of urban centrality in an era of increasing globalisation (Sassen, 2000, 1991). Leading-edge economic sectors in global cities provide the dynamic for the urban transformation of their inner cities. The pulse of high-status occupational growth has increasingly become linked to the socio-spatial rhythms of the expansion of gentrification across the global cities of London (Lyons, 1998; Butler, 1997) and New York (Lees, 2000). It is also these cities—with a long history of the process— that have witnessed extensive gentrification of increasing intensity and scale. The maturity of gentrification and magnitude of private high-status residential housing in inner urban areas of high-order cities such as London, is in stark contrast to the nascent up-market inner-city residential housing markets developing in regional cities of the UK. The uneven time–space geography of gentrification is particularly stark between London and second-tier cities with industrial urban structures which have witnessed extensive counterurbanisation, population flight and historical state-directed comprehensive redevelopment of their urban cores: Glasgow (Atkinson and Hall, 2002), Liverpool and Manchester (Crouch, 1999; Wynne and O’Connor, 1998; Jones and Watkins, 1996), Leeds (Dutton, 1998) and Newcastle (Cameron, 1992, 2002) are particular examples. The contingent conditions found in these cities—of obsolete industrial buildings and the removal of inner-city residential areas following comprehensive redevelopment— have led to contemporary gentrification of the inner core being instigated predominantly by institutional actors rather than ‘classic’ gentrification which involves the in-migration of ‘pioneer’ households renovating 2559 run-down property through ‘sweat equity’. In Leeds—for example, following two decades of limited private-sector activity, only in the past three years has there been intense investment activity and growth of residential housing redevelopment and conversions of industrial and commercial spaces close to the inner core. A mere 448 units were completed in the central core of Leeds between 1982 and 1992, with a further 313 added between 1993 and 2000. From the turn of the century to March 2002, an additional 700 units have been completed together with a further 708 under construction. An additional 2742 units have been granted planning permission (Leeds City Council Planning Department). Are the economic, social and cultural processes which gave rise to the socio–spatial transformation of inner cities of global cities, paradigmatic for other cities lower down the urban hierarchy? Although the process commenced in the dynamic environments of a limited number of high-order global cities, suitable conditions for gentrification can now be found in many lower-tier provincial but globalising cities. Gentrification is one localised effect of globalisation. Burgers is certain of the outcome of globalisation and the top–down nature of the process What is already manifest and obvious in the global cities, is in the offing for cities at lower levels of the global urban hierarchy. Hence, the best way to learn what is happening in cities all over the western world is to study global cities (Burgers, 1996, p. 99). The production of theories and generalisations of the gentrification process and evaluations of its consequences are built upon empirical research located in a limited number of high-order cities. It is important to question the interurban homogeneity of gentrification. However, only a limited amount of research activity in the UK has taken place outside the global city of London. Theoretical and empirical research into gentrification in regional cities in the UK is underdeveloped. Downloaded from usj.sagepub.com at PENNSYLVANIA STATE UNIV on March 3, 2016 2560 PAUL DUTTON Gentrification and Regional Cities To date, gentrification literature offers little consideration of the impact of the increasing interdependency of economic relations and interconnectedness of people and places— engendered by globalisation—on the gentrification process in cities lower down the urban hierarchy. London holds a dominant cultural, political and economic position in relation to other regions in the UK (Charles et al., 1999). In addition, other global cities impact upon developments beyond their national boundaries and should also be considered in understanding the development of gentrification in second-tier regional cities such as Leeds. Contemporary work from Allen et al. (1998) provides an understanding of the notion of uneven development in a period of increasing globalisation within the national context of the UK. They identify an important and dynamic relationship between the ‘dominant’ region of the South East and other city-regions in the UK. Their conceptualising provides a point of departure in considering how the time–space dynamics of gentrification in particular dominant places— such as the global city of London—inform contemporary developments in the city of Leeds. They argue that regional differentiation should not be understood solely in terms of spatial differences in the levels of certain selected criteria (employment, unemployment, per capita income), but also in terms of interregional (including in many cases international) social relations, which produce these differences and, at least temporarily lock them into place. [Also] regions/sub-regions/places are characterised, not by differences from each other, so much as by their place within this overall constellation of forces which constitutes social space and, in particular, by their differentiated and unequal relations to each other (Allen et al., 1998, p. 50). The research question for this paper is formulated to apply Allen et al.’s (1998) notion of uneven development to the process of gentrification found in regional cities in the UK. What is the relationship between contemporary developments of gentrification in cities such as the regional service centre of Leeds with the historical and contemporary development of gentrification in London? The focus of the theoretical and empirical research activity of this paper is to offer an understanding of the relationship of London and the South East to the process of contemporary gentrification occurring in the inner city of Leeds. Understanding the Influence of London on the Production and Consumption of Inner-city Living in Leeds The preceding discussion suggests the importance of considering the sensitivity of contemporary research to the uneven set of social relations between the global city of London (and other such cities) and the regional financial service centre of Leeds. Hamnett’s integrated approach (1991)— which identifies a set of necessary and sufficient conditions that must be present in any metropolitan context before gentrification can come about—provides a useful schema to review contemporary work into gentrification and to generate propositions and questions. The identification of Leeds as a regional financial service centre suggests the development of a ‘post-industrial’ service economy and the existence of an important precondition. Leyshon and Thrift (1989) identify decentralising processes emanating from central London as important factors in the growth of regional centres. Sharon Zukin’s (1982) ideas, which consider the interplay between cultural and economic spheres, provide fertile ground to develop an appreciation of important dynamics leading to the growth of gentrification as a new investment opportunity for institutional investors and property developers. As gentrification evolved in particular metropolitan contexts, it has become socially, symbolically and economically coherent amongst producers and consumers alike (Podmore, Downloaded from usj.sagepub.com at PENNSYLVANIA STATE UNIV on March 3, 2016 LEEDS CALLING 1998; Jackson, 1995; and Mills, 1993). Podmore (1998) identifies the role of the mass media in representing and reproducing the meaning and values of gentrification. Dominant places such as London have become reference-points for marketing strategies for property developers and place engineers in other places. Furthermore, the role of local public agencies is often ignored when considering the dynamics of gentrification (Warde, 1991). The preceding discussion leads to the final and sufficient condition identified by Hamnett (1991)—namely, the presence of effective demand for inner-city living amongst a particular occupational cohort working in the inner city. Bridge (2001) identifies this demand as a class stratagem and traces the time–space manifestation of gentrification with innovative social practices of an emerging middle class. As the process has matured the lifestyle cache of the gentrified neighbourhood has caught on and attracted members of the professional middle class in private sector occupations and possessing more economic than cultural capital (Bridge, 2001, p. 206). Similarly, Butler and Hamnett (1994) identify a particular fraction of the middle classes as an important cohort with a predilection for inner-city living. They draw upon Fielding’s (1989) classification of the South East as an escalator region and recognise the role of London and the South East region as a dynamic both in job creation and in occupational restructuring. Butler and Hamnett (1994) track cohorts of ‘migrant’ universityeducated entrants into professional occupations in London, who have specific urban lifestyle requirements and reside in gentrified areas of inner London. Their research provides further specificity to the production of class identities, cultural formations and predilections for inner-city living in London. Butler (1997; Robson and Butler, 2001) continues to develop the relationship between place and class distinction in the context of London. However, little regional analysis is 2561 offered beyond consideration of the global city of London. In the context of Leeds, witnessing contemporary growth in the financial and business service sectors, one possible scenario could be the discovery of large cohorts of consumers of urban living being highly mobile workers having received both promotion and socialising in London working in the expanding professional and managerial occupational sectors of Leeds. An alternative reading of Fielding’s (1989) escalator region is to consider Leeds as a regional magnet for professional, managerial and technical workers, not only from London but other regions, particularly from the North of England. Initial Conclusion and Research Questions The outcome of the review of selected contemporary research on gentrification together with conceptualising the global city of London as a ‘dominant’ city-region within the UK offers insight into contemporary gentrification in a second-tier regional city. Gentrification certainly may have commenced in particular high-order cities; however, as gentrification has progressed both historically and geographically in these localities, the process develops into an increasingly commodified form. Gentrification as an urban form and way of life—developed in particular economic and culturally dominant cities—is exported to particular regional financial centres such as Leeds, which is experiencing contemporary growth in its housing and labour markets. The development of gentrification in a regional city is less reliant on the outcome of a set of historical-geographical conditions, based upon a set of interrelationships between property developers, financiers and a particular fraction of the middle class. Rather, place-specific cultural producers and other place engineers, become important intermediaries in marketing and selling this culturally symbolic residential form. Furthermore, expanding regional financial service centres such as Leeds-which is witnessing contemporary growth in professional Downloaded from usj.sagepub.com at PENNSYLVANIA STATE UNIV on March 3, 2016 2562 PAUL DUTTON and managerial white-collar service occupations—import workers from beyond their metropolitan and regional boundaries. As a social grouping, migrant workers seek out known and understood ‘cultural symbols’ and ways of living, related to particular urban cultural and consumption activities. The preceding scenario suggests a set of research questions. First, it is important to establish the nature and extent of economic restructuring in the regional financial service centre of Leeds. The influence of London and the nature of ‘post-industrial’ economic growth taking place in Leeds and the concomitant importance of professional and managerial occupational growth in local labour markets need to be explored. Secondly, it is important to consider the role and representations of London and other dominant cities in shaping and influencing urban policy interventions and place-marketing strategies by public and private agencies in Leeds. Furthermore, the structural characteristics of the consumers of inner-city living require identification. Whether urban living in Leeds can be described as an activity of a particular class cohort and the spatial mobility of residents also require consideration. The Regional Financial Service Centre of Leeds Leeds has developed its regional importance as a centre for specialist financial and business services through growth in regional demand and expansion of local firms. With the HQs of 5 of the top 10 national building societies based within the West Yorkshire region, many firms in Leeds benefited from the deregulation of financial services in the 1980s. However, important processes taking place in London have had implications for servicesector growth in Leeds. Office relocation out of London has been one such process. Leeds has been the beneficiary of ‘back office’ processing functions following First Direct and Barclays Intermortgage relocation of their activities out of London. In addition, a number of London firms have expanded into the provinces and established regional HQs in opportunistic searches for new business and increasing market share. In Leeds, such a process has been evident, particularly amongst accountancy firms (Tickell, 1996, 1993). Also, many London firms have focused their activities upon highly valued international corporations, with smaller domestic business being of secondary importance (Leyshon and Thrift, 1989). In Leeds, it has allowed firms—particularly amongst the legal services—to attract large contracts from London, offering lower prices and more likelihood of the account being handled by a more senior experienced professional (Begg and Guy, 1992). Consequently this has provided opportunities for firms to build up their expertise in particular services (Tickell, 1996, 1993). The location and growth of these firms have strengthened economic activities of financial and business service sectors in Leeds, offering services to regional and national firms across a range of financial and business activities. Such growth has been significant in expanding the spatial reach of Leeds, providing services across Yorkshire and Humberside, expanding into the North East of England as well as offering certain specialist services to London (Tickell, 1993, 1996; Leeds Economy Handbook, 2002). The government choosing to relocate some of Whitehall’s major departments—the Departments of Health and Social Security— to the centre of Leeds in the late 1980s is a further example of London decentralising. Employing approximately 2200 civil servants in a new purpose-built HQs in the centre of Leeds, approximately 1000 of these workers migrated from London (Haughton and Williams, 1996). These processes had made a dramatic impact on the nature of economic restructuring and labour market growth in the metropolitan labour markets of Leeds. The Leeds Metropolitan District (LMD) includes the City of Leeds and outlying towns such as Otley, Wetherby, Morley and Garforth. During the period 1981–91, service-sector employment in LMD increased by over 20 per cent and by Downloaded from usj.sagepub.com at PENNSYLVANIA STATE UNIV on March 3, 2016 LEEDS CALLING Figure 1. Percentage of employees in the financial and business service sectors in Leeds MD, 1981– 2000. Source: Leeds Development Agency (2002). 1991 employed some 73 per cent (225 000) of total employment. Net growth was focused upon the sectors of banking, financial, insurance and business services (18 300). The financial and business service sectors of Leeds have been a consistent dynamic of job growth (Figure 1). Highly skilled professional and managerial occupations have been a dominant characteristic of such growth since the early 1980s. Between 1981 and 1991, expansion in legal and accounting employment represented a 108 per cent (2000 to 3800) and 91 per cent (1700 to 3600) increase respectively. According to one firm in Leeds, the city was seen by graduate entrants as second only to London as a desirable location to start a career (Begg and Guy, 1992). The following 10-year period, between 1992 and 2002, employment growth continued to be dominated by these occupations. Professional and managerial occupations totalled 107 900 employees working in LMD in 2002 and represented an increase of 31 per cent since 1992, with projections for growth to be higher over the next decade (Leeds Economy Handbook, 2002). Professional and managerial occupations now dominate the occupational sectors of Leeds. Such growth rates in financial and business service sectors and professional and managerial occupations are against a backdrop of expanding labour markets in Leeds 2563 Metropolitan District. The employee-base in LMD has grown from 301 700 in 1981 to 353 900 in 1998—an increase of 52 200 jobs or 17 per cent growth. This was a far better performance than that of either Great Britain (10 per cent) or Yorkshire and the Humber (7 per cent), and better than any other major UK city except for Aberdeen. The period between 1996 and 2000 witnessed expansion of 37 000 jobs created in LMD with 26 per cent coming from the financial and producer service sector. Service-sector employment now totals in excess of 80 per cent of the labour force working in the District. Leeds city centre is the location of 30 per cent of all employee jobs in the Leeds Metropolitan District and almost 60 per cent of all financial and business service sector jobs. The spatial and sectoral concentration of regional and metropolitan economic activity and employment growth in Leeds city centre has stimulated expansion of high-quality office space and growth in retail and leisure developments in the city core over the past decade. The purpose-built ‘Quarry House’ headquarters for the two government departments, opened in 1993, became the largest building ever constructed in the city (Haughton and Williams, 1996). The Leeds Development Agency has calculated that almost 60 per cent of the total £3 billion of property development schemes undertaken, under construction or proposed in LMD over the past decade have been within the central area of Leeds. Research Design The Calls in Leeds is an area running alongside the River Aire Canal, a short walking distance south of the spatially concentrated central business district and retailing centres of Leeds and the City railway station. In the early 1980s, the main features of the area were its poor environmental quality and physical dislocation from the city centre. It was an area of derelict land, predominantly disused or with low-grade uses. Scrap-yards, derelict warehousing and traditional mill properties ran eastwards along the River Downloaded from usj.sagepub.com at PENNSYLVANIA STATE UNIV on March 3, 2016 2564 PAUL DUTTON Canal away from the city core. The inner core of Leeds was also an area with few remaining residential spaces. The first phase of waterside developments for private residential use in The Calls took place during the period 1984–91 and marked the beginning of a nascent private housing market in the inner core of Leeds. Recently, further developments and residential spaces have been created in the central and western edge of the city’s core. This paper draws upon a body of research, which sought to understand the nature of, and explanation for, gentrification in the regional city of Leeds. A case-study approach to research design was used and took advantage of both qualitative and quantitative methods of data collection. First, exploratory research was undertaken using fieldwork, telephone conversations with estate agents and local officials together with analysis of 1971, 1981 and 1991 Census data collated from the enumeration-district level. These case studies identified three neighbourhoods undergoing a process of gentrification. Social upgrading was identified: all three areas witnessed rapid increases in the proportions of SEG Class I and II relative to both ward and city levels. Figure 2 demonstrates the increases amongst Class I and II between 1981 and 1991 in The Calls. The Calls, identified as a ‘developer-led’ form of gentrification, witnessed rapid increases in the levels of private housebuilding Figure 2. Percentage change in social classes 1–6 in Leeds and The Calls, 1981–91. Source: ONS (Census 1981 and 1991). and conversion activity together with increases in planning applications for residential developments. Following this exploratory research, further qualitative and quantitative data were collected. Additional data were collated during spring 2001 by questionnaire (262 households in the 3 gentrified areas plus an additional 55 households from a suburban neighbourhood on the edge of the metropolitan area of Leeds). In-depth interviews were conducted during spring and summer 2001 in the gentrified areas (30 householders, 10 estate agents/chartered surveyors, 3 property developers, 5 local domestic/corporate financiers together with local officials). Additional analysis of local and national print media was carried out. Local economic data-sets including data gleaned from Leeds City Council’s yearly Economic Handbook, together with supplementary council reports and local history literature, were collated to identify structural economic changes taking place in the local economy of Leeds over the past four decades. Additional local history and academic literature identified patterns and processes of urban development of Leeds and urban policy interventions and initiatives. The questionnaire asked respondents for information on a total of 52 items concerning household structure, income and occupation including parents’ occupation, housing histories, educational histories of householder and dependants, household incomes, motivations for house moves and locational choice, political affiliations, cultural interests and leisure activities. A total of 82 returned questionnaires for The Calls were recorded, representing a response rate of 25 per cent. Qualitative data collection entailed indepth, semi-structured interviews with residents and key actors in the property development process. Interviews with residents were used to support responses to questionnaires and provided opportunities to explore residents’ biographies. Interviews with both residents and key informants were able to build a detailed picture of resident and key-actor involvement and perceptions Downloaded from usj.sagepub.com at PENNSYLVANIA STATE UNIV on March 3, 2016 LEEDS CALLING of city living and the process of gentrification. Urban Policy Context: Urban Governance in Leeds The state has played an important role—both directly and indirectly—in the regeneration and gentrification of The Calls in the centre of Leeds. The emphasis of urban policy throughout the 1980s was on property-led regeneration (Hill, 2000). Various initiatives in Leeds during the 1980s were aimed at unlocking the potential of hitherto underutilised land, especially in central areas of Leeds, providing coherent land development policies and using state investment and policy tools to induce private-sector capital flows back into the area (Roberts and Whitney, 1993). The policy initiatives undertaken in The Calls reflect the changing nature of urban governance, encapsulated by the shift from urban mangerialism to urban entrepreneurialism (Harvey, 1989). Urban entrepreneurialism can be distinguished from urban managerialism by an ideological shift away from universalistic and egalitarian impulses to a greater acceptance of social and spatial inequalities. It is also identified by the emergence of new organisational forms and institutions—notably public–private partnerships (Griffiths, 1998). These themes are revealed as urban policy initiatives unfolded in the support of new housing developments and the renovation and conversion of relic industrial buildings into residential spaces in The Calls. The following section outlines key periods in the creation of an inner-city housing market. Furthermore, as will be shown, this new form of urban governance is based upon state speculation and risk-taking. The urban pioneers, innovators and risk-takers in the creation of residential spaces close to the inner core of Leeds were various public–private partnerships underpinned by state funding which shielded the risk to private capital investment. During the period between 1985 and 1991, a number of new-build developments to- 2565 gether with conversion of derelict warehousing took place, involving a mixture of, public–private-funded projects in association with private developers and also a building society in conjunction with a housing society. In June 1988, Leeds Development Corporation (LDC) was established as one of a third generation of mini UDCs (Urban Development Corporations). These development corporations by-passed local democratic institutions and were parachuted into various inner-city locations in a number of regional cities following the ‘success’ of the Conservative government’s urban policy ‘flagship’ initiative, the London Docklands Development Corporation (Hill, 2000). The Calls was within LDC planning jurisdiction. In 1991, LDC became a partner in ‘Leeds Waterfront’, with Leeds City Council, British Waterways and the English Tourist Board. Leeds Waterfront was established to develop leisure and tourist attractions along the Leeds waterfront and to develop further housing and office space from both old and new properties. The initiative was successful in attracting a major £42.5 million landmark development—the Royal Armouries—out of London and onto the south bank of the River Aire. From 1991 until 1996, a period of inactivity followed and coincided with the economic recession in the UK. This period was also marked by low demand for properties in The Calls, either for investment purposes or by private sale. From 1997, increasing market activity amongst a small group of local and regional developers began. National housebuilders– independent of state support—have become active in the city centre since 2000. Recent developments have spread westwards and eastwards of the core of Leeds, including renovation and conversion of lower-grade office buildings for residential use. Such findings suggests that, in the context of the city of Leeds, national property developers—and accordingly national financial investors—remained risk-averse to developing a new inner-city housing market, despite the Downloaded from usj.sagepub.com at PENNSYLVANIA STATE UNIV on March 3, 2016 2566 PAUL DUTTON success of ‘the brand’ in other cities with mature inner-city housing markets. The creation of an inner-city housing market in Leeds relied upon the support of public funds and public or quasi-public agencies to minimise the risk for private-sector investment. Equitable Issues: The Gentrification of Urban Policy The consequences of successful economic and environmental regeneration of The Calls—in a policy environment of public– private partnerships leading urban renewal in a deregulated housing market—have been rises in property values and rent in the area and the subsequent abandonment of social policy goals to provide ‘affordable’ housing in The Calls. An early development in The Calls was the renovation and conversion of Victoria Quays, previously warehousing units, with infill new buildings available for purchase (totalling 121 units) and intended for the first-time-buyers’ market. Three years after the completion of this development, an officer of the Urban Development Unit of Leeds City Council declared It’s been an excellent success story. It would have been good to see the flats occupied by people on low incomes but the development has achieved its aim to revitalise that area of Leeds (Leeds Other Paper, 28 April 1989). Furthermore, The Chandlers, another early ‘bridgehead’ development in The Calls undertaken by a housing society to provide ‘assured rents’ to lower-income residents, has since been sold on to a private landlord and has witnessed rises in average rents. The future housing needs of lower-income residents of Leeds will be met elsewhere in the city, away from the regenerated and transformed inner-city landscape of Leeds. As private investment capital flows into the area, so further social costs become manifest. A regional housebuilder has applied for planning permission to demolish The Chandlers and build 124 luxury apartments along with offices, a restaurant and car parking. The spectre of direct displacement of any remaining lower-income residents in the inner city of Leeds becomes a distinct reality and suggests universal and inevitable deleterious consequence of gentrification regardless of urban context. The Corporate City: Marketing Leeds Place-marketing strategies—in relation to local economic development—have become another important characteristic of entrepreneurial governance (Griffiths, 1998). Both Leeds City Council and the nowdefunct Leeds Development Corporation have been active in the promotion and marketing of the City of Leeds, to both internal and external audiences. The creation of the Leeds Initiative—a growth coalition of local public and private institutions—and the idea of Leeds as a ‘Corporate City’ (Haughton, 1996) have been used to portray the city as a partnership between various public- and private-sector agencies to “promote the mutually beneficial improvement of the city as a whole” (Burt and Grady, 1994, p. 249). As a major player in the Leeds Initiative, Leeds City Council has been influential in orchestrating the notion of the 24-hour-city concept and the repackaging and theming of the city centre. Various quarters have been created, including the Riverside Area, the Victorian Shopping Quarter and Entertainment area, and the Civic Quarter. The opening in Leeds of the first Harvey Nichols retail store outside Knightsbridge (London) mirrored processes of financial service firm decentralisation from London. Harvey Nichols, the Royal Armouries and ‘Quarry House’—all examples of London decentralising—have been important centrepieces of place-marketing and (re)presenting the city as a centre for prestigious office, retail and leisure activities. As a result of such local economic development strategies, the city of Leeds, like other cities has seen a “profound revaluation of the potentialities of urban living over the past fifteen years” (Griffiths, 1998, p. 52). Downloaded from usj.sagepub.com at PENNSYLVANIA STATE UNIV on March 3, 2016 LEEDS CALLING Celebrating the City Such institutional marketing strategies have played into a diverse range of marketing and advertising strategies of numerous private agencies—including the property development industry in Leeds. One estate agent interviewed identifies the importance of place-marketing to sell individual apartments. That scheme … was about marketing the city centre. We ended up trying to sell the whole concept rather than the individual scheme. That has been the theme of the whole business ever since A burgeoning array of metropolitan ‘lifestyle’ magazines focusing upon leisure and cultural consumption in the city have provided a medium by which the property development industry, furniture designers, restaurateurs and large breweries celebrate urban living and sell their products. Numerous articles in magazines such as Leeds Life and The Leeds Guide extol the virtues of urban consumption and urban living. Such copy blends into deliberately crafted advertising images presented in the real and imagined settings of a rebranded and themed consumption landscape of Leeds city centre. For instance, a supplement published with The Leeds Guide in the spring of 2001, produced by ‘Urban id’ a Leeds design consultancy, provided a focus on city living in Leeds and celebrated urban consumerism.1 Features included ‘The 24 hour city’, and ‘Northern class’ which identified Leeds as the northern showcase of contemporary fashion. Another commentary featured an interview with a prominent estate agent who was “pioneering the re-branding of the Leeds’ West End”. Placed alongside such magazine features are advertisements selling ‘loft living’, designer furniture and artefacts associated with chic urban living. Other lifestyle magazines such as Absolute Leeds carry features on the development of the city-centre living phenomenon in Leeds and offer comparisons with cities such as London and New York. Additional advertising of new inner- 2567 city developments include the association of a new housing development in the ‘West End’ of Leeds with prestigious areas in London, encapsulated in the advertising copy ‘Whitehall. Whitehall Leeds’. Recently, Leeds has attracted a number of major national network television productions and these have been identified by placemarketers as an influencing factor in creating positive representations of Leeds. One estate agent identifies how such productions enhance the reputation of Leeds as a desirable liveable city and create demand for inner-city living. It just lifts the whole thing it just adds celebrity and I think it adds value at the ground level. And moreover it encourages other people to come in from the outside to buy into that whole culture, and of course, they rent flats and they also rent flats for location. I wouldn’t over emphasise the importance of that but it certainly is a factor. Socio-demographic Characteristics Residents of The Calls of In this inner-city area of Leeds, the ageprofile of respondents indicates that urban living is not the sole preserve of the young. The largest group—26 per cent of respondents—was within the age range of 31–39 years, while 20 per cent were within the 40–49-year-old category. Owner-occupation is highest amongst the 31–39 age-group. The age range of renters is comparably younger than owner-occupiers in The Calls, but is evenly spread between 20 to 39 years of age. The survey suggests that inner-city living in Leeds, although not a practice of a specific age-group is certainly the preserve of childless households. With the exception of one household—a single-parent family—all respondents were childless. In addition, 75 per cent of respondents described themselves as single, while 57 per cent stated they were living alone and a further 33 per cent were living with a partner. Based upon returned questionnaires, 75 Downloaded from usj.sagepub.com at PENNSYLVANIA STATE UNIV on March 3, 2016 2568 PAUL DUTTON per cent of the population live in private rented accommodation—this included 8 per cent of respondents residing in company lets—the remainder being owner-occupiers. In addition, 78 per cent of respondents had resided at their present address for less than 3 years, while 60 per cent of respondents had resided at their previous address for less than 3 years. The evidence of high proportions of rental units recorded amongst the survey sample in The Calls was supported by a number of estate agents interviewed. The survey of residents was carried out in developments built during the 1980s and the short residential periods recorded by respondents living in The Calls contrast sharply with the comparator suburban neighbourhood. The evidence provided suggests a highly transient population residing in The Calls and indicates a high degree of ‘churning’ in the inner-city housing market of Leeds. The following accounts from two residents provide qualitative support for the survey data, indicating a transient population, spatial mobility and divergent working patterns of respondents located in The Calls. Daniel is 30, single and a computer programmer. He has worked for an IT company based in Altringham near Manchester since he left university. Daniel’s connections with Leeds are predominantly work-related We work with clients for, however, long the projects last for. Usually three to six months … So for a few weeks you stay in a hotel and a few weeks later you can get a flat because it’s cheaper and that’s how it works. Daniel’s work has taken him across the country, including to London, Bristol and Manchester. I am on the extreme of things. It’s a bit sad in a way, because your life is dictated by where your company sends you. Leeds is a cool place to be. But I am at the point—if they send me to Ipswich or say Skegness—that will do me over, I will do the normal thing. I’ll say that’s it. Chris, a senior civil servant, has been spa- tially mobile for career enhancement. Chris and his partner chose to rent a flat in The Calls following their experience of city living in other places. Chris: We were city-centre ‘livers’ when I lived in Cambridge, in Chester we lived in the suburbs which was kind of OK, we then became city-centre livers in Scotland where we lived briefly in the centre of Edinburgh and then again in the centre of Stirling. Got used to city-centre living after 6–8 years and really loved it. In contrast to Daniel’s transitory relationship with Leeds, Chris and his partner wish to make a commitment to the city and purchase a property in the city centre. Chris’s housing and locational aspirations support the view of one estate agent interviewed whose own data suggested increasing proportions of units being sold to owner-occupiers. The estate agent believed that this trend was indicative of the maturing of the inner-city housing market in Leeds. A Middle-class Strategy? The data collated suggest that inner-city living in Leeds is the preserve of particular cohorts of the middle class. The survey identified the socioeconomic status of residents—using the Registrar General’s classification of occupations—as being predominantly professional (30 per cent) and managerial (31 per cent) occupations, with a further 17 per cent associate professional or technical occupations. Within these groups of respondents, 84 per cent stated that their fathers were from one of these three occupational classes. Of all respondents, 82 per cent were graduates with 41 per cent receiving their degrees from either redbrick or Oxbridge Universities. Responses from questionnaires indicate that high numbers of consumers of inner-city living in Leeds are geographically mobile, with 57 per cent of respondents indicating that at least one of their two previous addresses was outside the Yorkshire and Humberside region. A total of 22 per cent of Downloaded from usj.sagepub.com at PENNSYLVANIA STATE UNIV on March 3, 2016 LEEDS CALLING Figure 3. The Calls, Leeds: employment profile. residents had a previous address in the South East. The data suggest that the inner-city housing sub-market is closely associated with the expanding local economy (Figure 3), providing residences—often for short periods—for highly mobile professionals and managers servicing the growth of a major regional financial service centre. The Outsiders The picture of high numbers of survey respondents moving to Leeds from outside the Yorkshire area is supported by accounts from estate agents, who recognise ‘outsider’ demand for inner-city living in Leeds. A partner in a city-centre estate agency identifies his experiences of the people looking to buy or rent in the inner city You get a mixture, you get young professionals, people who are working in the city not from Leeds, who want a base up here and they live up here during the week and live somewhere else. One estate agent interviewed became involved with the nascent inner-city housing market of Leeds in the early 1990s, during a deep housing recession in the UK. His experiences of ‘outsider’ interest in inner-city living in Leeds—particularly from migrants from the South East—were an important constituent of early demand for residential units. 2569 We started to get involved in re-selling flats that had been bought off plan from people … but nobody really wanted them. But there was this hard core of people who really wanted to be here. People, who were a bit more forward thinking, people who had perhaps lived in other cities. People who had come from the South East who thought that was the best thing to do. If you work in the city you might as well live there. And they kicked the whole thing off, and they were helped out and supported by a whole bunch of investors who were just in for a bit of speculative chance for about thirty grand [£30 000]. Alongside local public agencies, consumers from London and the South East were an aspect of early risk-taking in the establishment of The Calls. The experiences of the same estate agent working with a developer from London implied a learning process for the agent, developing an understanding of the potential of the inner-city housing market By October 97, we were helping City Lofts with … selling them—set of plans, set of prices—setting the market at which nobody had any gut feeling for where it was going to be. The director of City Lofts based in London said, “Look, I know what’s going on in the London market I have looked at the price indexes I want to go for these prices”. At the time we were going for seventy grand [£70 000] for one bed, just under one hundred [£100 000] for two. At the time this was unheard of. The scheme took off; all were sold. The importance of what one estate agent calls ‘outside forces’ identifies distinct cultural practices and attitudes towards innercity living between locals and outsiders. So you’re inevitably relying on outside forces people who are the more cosmopolitan people who are more mature, experienced … and so you do rely on people who say “I’m coming to Leeds to work I wonder if there is anything on the riverside like there is down in Greenwich or Kew”. … Trying to win over the local Downloaded from usj.sagepub.com at PENNSYLVANIA STATE UNIV on March 3, 2016 2570 PAUL DUTTON population particularly the older generation, you know we’ve had launches, the Mayor has come along, and she said to me “Why would anybody want to live here”. Literally in The Calls! Conclusions The redevelopment and renovation of The Calls can be claimed an economic success story. The concentration of contemporary economic growth in Leeds shatters many doom-laden predictions, so prevalent in the early 1980s, of the peripheral role cities play—particularly industrial cities in the north of England—in an increasingly postindustrial economy. The gentrification of the inner city has become an important facet of the urban renaissance of Leeds. In light of the entrepreneurial and risk-taking activities of the state, high levels of public investment have gone into the creation of a private residential housing market and a consumption landscape in the heart of Leeds. The concern over the future of British cities and, in particular, the social and economic decline of inner-city residential areas and the vision of an urban renaissance of towns and cities in the UK provide continuity to urban policy and remain important objectives of the British Labour government in the 21st century. However, research undertaken in Leeds suggests that a universal consequence of the gentrification process—regardless of place and time—are the socio-spatial inequalities and social inequities it produces. The contemporary policy issue for many industrial towns and cities in the north of England seeking to emulate the successful regeneration of Leeds is whether the economic and social benefits accruing—increased land values, the creation of private investment opportunities and the repopulation of the inner core—will inevitably entail social inequities and costs for the lower-income urban populace. The development of inner-city living in Leeds is closely linked to its expansion as a regional financial service centre. This inter- relationship is mirrored in the occupational characteristics of residents of The Calls: IT consultants, accountants, solicitors, and actuaries. What is striking about the characteristics of many residents is their ‘loose’ historical connections with the City of Leeds, being a highly transient group of professional and managerial workers who service the expansion of the financial and business service sectors of Leeds. Many of these residents parallel Daniel’s experiences—their connections with Leeds are temporary—and their inner-city location is partly engendered by the nature of their work. The nascent innercity housing market with high levels of rental units reflects these labour market dynamics. The transitory nature of residents and the high levels of churning in The Calls raise further policy concerns over the sustainability of this niche housing sub-market in Leeds. In exploring the influence of the dominant city-region of London and the South East in the gentrification process in Leeds, a number of external factors driving the gentrification of the inner city of Leeds can be suggested. The uneven economic and political power relations between London and the South East with other cities and regions of England establish particular connections between the decentralisation of London firms and government departments and the growth of Leeds as a regional financial service centre. The desire for urban living is part of an uneven sociocultural relationship between Leeds and London. Dominant and positive representations of London inform place-marketing strategies, encouraging urban consumerism and city living in Leeds, and the creation and development of positive images and representations of Leeds as a liveable city. The growing reputation of Leeds as a place to live and work is reflected back to dominant places such as London and provides opportunities for further relocation and expansion of London businesses, which in turn further enhances the urban competitiveness of Leeds. Quantitative and qualitative data suggest that the development of the inner-city housing market in Leeds is heavily reliant upon Downloaded from usj.sagepub.com at PENNSYLVANIA STATE UNIV on March 3, 2016 LEEDS CALLING the consumption practices of outsiders— many of whom are from London and the South East—who are an important constituent of demand for inner-city living. Migrant workers seek out city-centre living, partly for cultural reasons, but job-related factors are also important. The benefits of gentrification and urban renaissance in Leeds have fallen unevenly upon the local populace. The residents of The Calls, in certain ways, represent the ‘denizens’ of the city of Leeds, indulged for their economic value as consumers and residents. Developing a greater understanding of the processes and consequences of gentrification in towns and cities lower down the urban hierarchy is an important but underdeveloped research area, and highlights the salience and pertinence of continuing empirical and theoretical research into the process of gentrification well into the 21st century. Note 1. The supplement, renamed—PaD: Property and Design is now a separate publication sponsored by Crosby group plc. References ALLEN, J., MASSEY, D. and COCHRANE, A. (1998) Rethinking the Region. London: Routledge. ATKINSON, R. and HALL, J. 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