Download Gabriel Tarde as a Founding Father of

Gabriel Tarde as a Founding Father of
Innovation Diffusion Research
Jussi Kinnunen
Department of Political Science, University of
Turku
Gabriel Tarde (1843-1904) has given significant contributions to
to social interaction theory and to diffusion research.
Diffusion refers to spreading of social or cultural
cultural properties from one
created his own system of
society or environment to another. Tardee create(
sociology, based on psychology and de signed to explain the whole of
social behaviour from development of cultures to acts of an individual.
In his view social change requires penetration of inventions that diffuse
through the process of imitation. People imitate beliefs and desires or
motives transmitted from one individual to another. Analysis should
take place on a micro-level with the method he called ’interpsychology’.
Tarde refuted the idea of a social whole being more than its parts. He
thought at least to some extent like a reductionist. Moreover, imitation
as a social phenomenon was in Tarde’s view not isolated from other
activities in nature but a part of a universal law of repetition. His
professional experiences in court apparently directed his interest
towards criminology, affected his thinking about motives and about the
level of analysis. Tarde’s ontological ideas were soon disregarded largely
due to the criticism presented by Émile Durkheim (1858-1916).
However, Tarde made quite a few insightful and practical observations
that have benefited diffusion research. Likewise, aspects similar to
Tarde’s thoughts concerning cultural evolution seem to interest modern
scientists.
criminology,
Jussi Kinnunen, Department of Political Science, FIN-20014
of Turku, Finland
© Scandinavian Sociological Association 1996
University
1. Introduction
Gabriel Tarde (1843-1904) was one of the most famous sociologists in 19thcentury France. Sociologists of today remember him best as the fierce critic of
Emile Durkheim - or rather as Clark puts it ’Durkheim’s whipping boy’
(1968b:509). Books on the history of sociology give much less attention to
Tarde’s longer lasting contributions to criminology, social interaction theory
and the subject of this article - diffusion research.
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432
In itself diffusion - the spread of social or cultural properties from one
or environment to another - is a descriptive concept. Diffusion
research takes place in all major fields of social sciences. Since the 1970s
interdisciplinarity has also increased. Approaches vary depending on
research target, method, discipline(s). Diffusion can be scrutinized both as
an independent or dependent variable. Likewise, elements of diffusion can
society
be
emphasized quite differently.
This article goes back in time to the first systematic efforts to study
diffusion. It is the common heritage for all branches of diffusion research.
Along with early anthro pologists, Tarde is considered to be one of the
founding fathers of diffusion research. For him diffusion of inventions - or
innovations - was one of the basic explanations of social change.
Many of Tarde s ontological ideas were soon severely criticized and disre
garded. However, his more practical observations concerning diffusion
processes in Les lois de l’imitation (1890), La logique sociale (1895) and
L’opposition universelle (1897) make Tarde ’undoubtedly an intellectual far
ahead of his time’, as Rogers notes (1995:40). This article focuses on the
following three not widely discussed questions:
(1) What did Tarde say about the diffusion of innovations?
(2) What general aspects of Tarde’s life might have influenced his thinking
about
(3) What
society and social phenomena?
was
Tarde’s influence
on
later diffusion research?
2. Diffusion of innovations and ’The Laws of Imitation’
Diffusion has been of interest to curious minds long before the time of Tarde.
Herodotus mentioned the phenomenon as early as 500 years before our
calendar began. The founding of the New World also led to speculation about
whether the American cultures had developed independently or whether
they had been influenced by the Old World. The first to pay more systematic
attention to diffusion were European anthropologists and ethnologists in the
second half of the 1800s. (Heine-Geldern 1968:169; Rogers 1995:40ff.).
Tarde accepted many of the ideas of European anthropologists, who were
responsible for the introduction of the concept of diffusion to social sciences.
In the second half of the 19th century anthropologists were very optimistic
about finding an all-embracing meta-theory of cultural change for which
diffusion would be the key (Katz et al. 1963:237). At that time, the
explanatory power of natural science models was admired and the ’diffusion’
of
concept was borrowed from physics, where it means interpenetration
substances (Concise Oxford Dictionary of Current English: 267).22
Like early European anthropologists and ethnologists, Tarde was
convinced that general laws similar to natural sciences could be found for
sociology as well. As he writes in the preface to the first French edition (1890)
of The Laws of Imitation, it was an attempt to: ’... outline pure sociology.
This is tantamount to saying a general sociology. The laws of such science, as
I understand it, apply to every society, past, present, or future, just as the
laws of general physiology apply to every species, living, extinct, or
conceivable’ ([1903]1962:ix-x).
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433
Tarde’s system of sociology reached its mature form in the 1890s. He had
published some writings concerning imitation 1882-84 in the Revue
philosophique. Systematically, however, his basic ideas are presented in
Les lois de imitation, which was translated from the second edition (1895)
into English as early as in 1903. It is the one of Tarde’s works that has had
the most profound influence on diffusion research. Tarde’s system, based on
psychology was designed to explain the whole of social behaviour from the
development of cultures to social currents and acts of an individual. Tarde
called his method, ’interpsychology’ or ’intermental psychology’. (Rogers
1995:40; Clark 1968b:510).
In Tarde’s view major social change in societies or cultures requires
penetration of inventions. They are infrequent products of genius. The guid
ing principle is: the more people interact, the more likely that novel
inventions will appear. (This is an idea that originates from an anthropologist, Francis Galton.) Innovations change the course of social phenomena
and help people to adapt to their changing environment. Tarde also
emphasized the significance of communication and human interaction in
which the elite often has a pivotal role. In other words, there are those who
are capable of guiding the developments and those that imitate. (Clark
1968b:510; Lukes [1973] 1992: 302 and 306; Rogers 1995:40; Tarde
[1903] 1962:16-22).
Inventions diffuse by process of imitation, on which the social aspect of
Tarde’s system was entirely founded. In Tarde’s words ’an invention bears
the same relation to imitation as a mountain to a river’ ( [1903] 1962:3).
Whereas inventions are rare (landmarks) in human conduct, most of the
human action could be explained by (the flow of) imitation. People imitate
beliefs and desires or motives that are transmitted from one individual to
another. Beliefs and desires form the raw material in social interaction by
which personalities evolve. Tarde insisted that focus on the analysis of social
phenomena should be on micro- level, coming back to the individual.
Therefore, it seems that he thought methodologically, at least to some extent,
like a reductionist (Lukes [1973] 1992:57, 302-303 and 312-315).
Tarde did not study imitation as a social phenomenon isolated from
other activities in nature. Philosophically, Tarde saw imitation as part of a
universal law of repetition. In his introduction to The Laws of Imitation
Franklin H. Giddings describes: ’(for Tarde) ... imitation ... is only one mode
of a universal activity, of that endless repetition, throughout nature, which
in the physical realm we know as the undulations of ether, the vibrations of
material bodies, the swing of the planets in their orbits, the alterations of
light and darkness, and of seasons, the succession of life and death. Here,
then, was not only a fundamental truth of social science, but also a first
principle of cosmic philosophy’ (Tarde [1903] 1962:v). He called the analogous
laws to imitation in physics undulation and generation in biology. Tarde
explained more specifically his ideas about the universal law of repetition in
La Logique sociale (1895).
Tarde observed that inventions usually diffuse from their geometrical
centre as waves from the point where an object hits water. Diffusion has an
areal centre - usually a resourceful one - from which the spreading starts.
However, he did not rule out the possibility that environment could distort
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434
the effect (Tarde [1903] 1962:22, 102 Clark 1968b:510). Furthermore, Tarde
wondered why out of one hundred innovations only ten will spread while the
other ninety will be forgotten ([1903]1962:140). This led him to think of (a)
logical laws, and (b) extra-logical influences of imitation. Logical laws of
imitation bear the thought that innovations logically parallel to the rational
aspects in a given culture spread more readily than the ones that are not
(Tarde [1903] 1962:ch 5). The use of inventions that are either too complex or
simple for a given society does not usually spread. The aid and development
programmes of the developing countries are a showcase presenting plenty of
examples of this.
Tarde also found three extra-logical influences of imitation that are (a)
from inner to outer man, (b) from superior to inferior, and (c) the transition
from custom to fashion ([1903]1962:ch. 6). The first of the extra-logical
influences means that imitation begins within an individual: effects precede
cognition which precedes action. In his view dogmas are transmitted before
rites, ideas communicated before expression and purposes before means
did not attempt a
([1903]1962:ch. 6:i). Lukes accurately notes ’(Tarde)
of
imitation
but
took
it
as
his
psychology
starting-point ([1973] 1992:303)’.
The second extra-logical influence means that innovations created by social
superiors are more likely to be adopted than the ones created by inferiors. He
also noted that distance has an effect: the most superior among the least
distant is the one imitated. Finally, Tarde discussed the effect of social
currents that affect all areas of a society (Tarde [1903] 1962 ch. 6:ii).
Tarde studied large-scale statistical material over long periods of time.
He had great difficulty in realizing his objectives with his approach and
method. Tarde criticized the French governmental statistics for not having
data on people’s values, religious activities, linguistic change or emotional
attributes, beliefs or desires (Tarde [1903] 1962 xvi, 14-16 and 140ff.; cf.
Clark 1968b:510-511.) It was not until two-three decades later that such
surveys and polls were first made by the behaviourist school.
Tarde also realized some of the significance of counter-cultures and
conflict. In 1897 he devoted an entire study to the subject L’opposition
universelle. As the first edition of The Laws was published in 1890 he had
already observed that innovations are often modified or re-invented in the
course of the diffusion process ( [1903] 1962:22) and that they need to fit the
existing culture or environment ([1903 1962:151-154). Moreover, he mentioned the element of conflict in the preface. He wrote that there are two
ways of imitating: to act exactly like one’s model or just the opposite, which
may result in a controversy ( [1903] 1962: xvii).
In L’opposition his perhaps more profound ideas were that within
individual minds conflict may result in environmentally adaptive inventions, that is, in positive change. Social conflicts occur when people
presenting different inventions come into contact with one another. The
intensity of the conflict increases if it is an issue of morality, economics or
politics and if the problem is of a specific nature. Tarde saw morality
primarily as a personal issue, whereas economic matters had broader
consequences on subsectors of a society. Political issues have the greatest
influence on a society and, therefore, they also create the greatest conflicts.
(Cf. Clark 1968b:510-511.)
...
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3. General aspects of Tarde’s work and life
Tarde’s background and life naturally affected his thinking concerning
society and social issues. He was born in Sarlat, Dordogne, France in 1843 to
a noble family and was the only child. Tarde received a classical education at
the local Jesuit school. As an adult, however, he was not particularly
religious compared with his peers. Tarde obtained a secondary degree in the
humanities and studied law at the University of Toulouse and Paris. He
became interested in sociology when he was a magistrate in the region of
Sarlat where he stayed until his mother died in 1894. In the same year he
began to work as a director of the criminal statistics office in the Ministry of
Justice in Paris. Tarde held the post until his death in 1904. As for his
academic engagements, it can be mentioned that he was a member of the
Institut International de Socaologie.3 Tarde was named Professor of Modern
Philosophy in the College de France in 1900 even though he lacked a doctor’s
degree. (Clark 1968b:509-510.)
Tarde spent most of his life outside of Paris and the university system.
This may be one of the reasons that as a professional Tarde has been
described as being ’something of a dilettante, who dabbled in literary
activities and frequented Parisian sczlons’ (Lukes [1973] 1992:304). Furthermore, his interest in social phenomena started out from academic circles, in
court. This quite apparently affected his thinking at least in three ways:
(1) It directed his interest towards criminology. He first became known as an
expert on criminology through his writings in La criminalité comparee
and La philosophie pdnale. (Clark 1968b:509 and 513.)
(2) It affected his thinking about motives. Interest in beliefs and desires was
undoubtedly influenced by his occupation in court, where he faced
repeated similar crimes with the same motives on a daily basis. Court
experience might have been a factor in directing his interest towards
psychology (Clark 1968b:510-511; Giddings 1903:iii vii and Lukes
[1973] 1992:302).
(3) It had an impact on his thinking concerning the level of analysis. In court
Tarde dealt primarily with individuals. This may have led him to think
like a methodological individualist. He acknowledged no social whole:
everything social could be reduced back to individuals who are
responsible for their own actions, one might add. (cf. Lukes [1973] 1992:
302 306).
Many
his
of Tarde’s
own
writings were greatly influenced by his attempts to defend
system of pure sociology and his aim of establishing sociology as an
in the sisterhood of sciences. There were disputes
about the lines of demarcation against other disciplines but also within the
field of sociology itself. For twenty years Tarde crusaded against biologisms
in sociology. He reacted against Espinas, Worms (whom he converted), de
Greef, Gumplowicz, Novicow, Lombroso, Lilienfeld and Roberty (Lukes
[1973] 1992:302). However, as Clark points out, rather than succeeding in
making a difference in every respect be tween sociology and natural sciences:
’Tarde’s &dquo;transformationism&dquo; was a refined and qualified evolutionary
theory, and near the end of his life he was willing to admit that he had
independent discipline
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436
resorted too
frequently
to
biological explanations
in
earlier works’
(1968b:513).
The lines of demarcation between sociology and philosophy were
likewise blurred in Tarde’s writings. In part, this was due to Tarde’s style
of literary expression. In this respect the means tended to prevail over ends:
verbally, he was extremely talented. Emile Durkheim (1858-1916), at that
time a full professor at Bordeaux, commented on Tarde’s approach when
Tarde was appointed to the chair of Modern Philosophy. He said: ’I deeply
regret, for the sake of both sociology and philosophy, both of which have an
equal interest in remaining distinct, a confusion which shows that many
good minds still fail to understand what each should be’ (Lukes
[1973] 1992:304).
Within the field of sociology Tarde had the most serious, over a decade
with Durkheim, for which he has become famous among the
The dispute was started by Tarde in a review of Division of
Labour in 1893. The culmination of the dispute took place in 1903-1904 at
the Ecole des Hautes Études Sociales where both Durkheim and Tarde were
giving lectures on ’Sociology and the Social Sciences’. At the third meeting
they debated face-to-face (Lukes [1973] 1992:57 and 302ff.).
Both Tarde and Durkheim believed they had found the correct
ontological view of sociology. Tarde believed that society was simply an
aggregate of its individuals that should be studied on micro-level with a
psychological method and the focus should be on imitation. Durkheim struck
the other extreme, claiming that society is a reality in itself, ’a whole is
greater than its parts’. Tarde thought this was metaphysics or mysticism.
Durkheim thought of psychological facts as basically inherited phenomena
and, therefore, uninteresting (Ritzer 1988:70). He stated that social facts
were to be explained on the social level and he wanted to keep the distinction
clear. For generations to come Durkheim offered numerous pieces of concrete
sociological research and methodological advice. In Tarde’s works the sparks
were rather well hidden in the ashes of his obscure approach and somewhat
circular reasoning. One of his worst problems was in having to explain away
the information that contradicted his theories. As much as Tarde’s work was
full of insightful and significant observations, he failed to create the means
for scientific research.
long debate
sociologists.
4. Tarde’s influence on diffusion of innovations research
After Tarde’s death one could talk of a scientific discontinuity in the field of
sociological diffusion research for nearly forty years. One reason for the
discontinuance might have been the fact that sociologists’ attention was
diverted into the field of communication. Another reason was that there were
no methodological tools available until much later. The third reason was that
Durkheim became the authority in the field of sociology in France (Clark
1968a:37-71). He was largely responsible for the teaching of sociology
because of his status as Professor of the Science of Education. His views
prevailed. However, Tarde’s ideas found support in America by the Chicago
School, for instance. He influenced Robert Park, Edward Burgess, but also
others like E. A. Ross, J. M. Baldwin, C. H. Cooley, F. H. Giddings,
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437
anthropologists like
F. Boaz and Chapin, the sociologist (Clark 1968b:509;
Katz et al. 1963:237-252; Lukes [1973] 1992:303; Rogers 1962:52-55.)
After the devastating World War I, social sciences developed faster in
the United States than in Europe. Translation of The Laws into English as
early as 1903 gave the Americans access to Tarde’s thinking. Moreover, he
was not the only sociologist to write about imitation. Georg Simmel became
well known in America and influenced the thinking of early sociologists
there, especially the study of social interaction (cf., e.g., Ritzer 1988 :141161). He hinted at the imitation tradition in his well-known study Fashion
(Simmel [1904] 1971). The subject was very suitable for an imitation study
and the booklet has never gone ’out of fashion’.
Tarde’s ideas concerning diffusion were eventually noted by rural
sociologists. Especially influential was the study by Ryan & Gross on the
spread of hybrid corn innovation in Iowa (1943). In the 1920s and 1930s
however, there were also a few empirically oriented diffusion studies made,
for instance, on city-manager plan, on a third-party movement and on
amateur radio. From the 1940s until 1960s the popularity of diffusion
research rose within different disciplines simultaneously and independently.
Scholars were unaware of the fact that they were preoccupied with the same
idea. Studies emerged, for instance, from the fields of anthropology, rural
soci ology, education, medical sociology, general sociology, communication,
marketing and geography. In 1941 there were 27 studies and 423 in 1959
(Katz et al. 1963:238-240; Rogers 1995:45).
In the 1960s researchers of different fields became aware of other’s
activities. This was also reflected in the number of diffusion studies - even
though the increase can at least partly be explained by the fact that social
sciences were emancipating in general. From 1959 until the end of the 1960s
the number of diffusion studies had more than quadrupled: in 1969 there
were 1,799 studies available (Rogers 1995:45). Much of the credit for the
awareness must go to Everett M. Rogers and his book Diffusion of
Innovations (1962). He studied the different diffusion traditions in the spirit
of logical empiricism and attempted to create a synthesis out of their very
versatile research findings. His books - Diffusion of Innovations in 1962,
Communication of Innovations with F. Floyd Shoemaker (1971) and
Diffusion of Innovations in 1983 and in 1995 (4th edition) - are perhaps
the most cited works in all of the diffusion literature. Interestingly enough,
Rogers was well aware of the writings of Tarde. Many of his generalizations
are in harmony with Tarde’s principles.
All along Tarde’s most striking ideas had to do with practical
observations rather than ontological questions of what society and sociology
are all about. In contemporary diffusion terms imitation could be called
adoption of an innovation (Rogers 1983:40). The present diffusion studies do
not see adoption as part of a system of such large scale as that of Tarde was.
It is not considered preferable, either. On a practical level Tarde’s principles
are often still valid, however. An illustration can be found in Tarde’s own
example of coffee innovation (Tarde [1903] 1962:20-22) supplemented with
the ideas that Rogers presents in his book in 1983.
The increasing number of coffee consumers can be graphically portrayed
with an S-shaped diffusion curve, which Tarde had already realized. It
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438
..................-
Figure
1. An
imaginary S-shaped diffusion curve of coffee innovation and adopter
categories. Source: Rogers (1983:247).
1
that over time only a few people adopt a new innovation at first. For
rich people start enjoying coffee. According to Tarde s logical law it
would fit their culture and resources better those the one of the poor. Then,
the innovation becomes famous. According to an extra-logical principle, by
drinking coffee the rich and famous set an example to be followed. Therefore,
as the number of adopters (imitationists) increase greatly, prices sink and
coffee becomes available for everyone. Finally, after most of the people have
adopted the innovation, the number of new adopters decreases. Statistically
observed, the accumulative number of adopters changes over time in a
manner that forms the S-shaped diffusion curve (cf. Rogers 1995:11 and 40).
Diffusion curves are still usually S-shaped. In current research diffusion
is often seen as a communication process with distinct stages through which
innovations spread. Channels of communication link a source or emitter to
an adopter. Those producing innovations are called innovators, those
enhancing diffusion are called change agents and those receiving an
innovation are called adopters. In present studies an innovation may be
almost anything novel, e.g., an idea, a practice, or an object. Moreover, an
innovation need not even be objectively new. Usually they are novel for the
adopter. Adoption may be illustrated by adopter categories as presented in
Figure 1 - quite according to Tarde’s original ideas (McAdam & Rucht
1993:59; Rogers 1983:5, 11 and 247; Uhlin 1995:33).
Tarde had also realized that a very important question in diffusion is
that of adoption decision-making and also taking into account the adverse
means
example,
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439
Figure
2. Positive connotations
of innovations.
alternative of possible rejection. Many of the later diffusion studies feature
success stories of innovations that have been widely adopted and become
popular. These studies have been made ex post facto and, therefore, the
result is already known. From the point of view of research planning and
economy studying, these cases are well argued for: subjects are researchable
and many of them can be regarded as undeniably significant.4
An acknowledged problem is that the word ’innovation’ has also a hidden
meaning or connotation: it is something good. Frequently, studies have had
as a point of departure an assumption that the innovation in question should
be diffused and adopted by all members of a social system, that it should be
diffused more rapidly, and that the innovation sjaould be neither re-invented
nor rejected. This problem is known as the ’pro-innovation bias’. Another
reason for the bias is that a lot of the research is funded by sources that are
interested in hastening the diffusion. Therefore, the selection of innovations
may be implicit, latent, and largely unintentional (Rogers 1983:92-93 and
103ff.).
Today diffusion research takes place in all the fields of social sciences in
all parts of the world. Furthermore, since the late 1970s and 1980s diffusion
research has become more and more interdisciplinary by nature. Another
feature for diffusion research seems to be that most of the studies are
practice-led rather than theory-led. Hblttd estimates that two-thirds of all
studies are empirically orientated (1985:7). Many of the contemporary
studies come from the fields of business and economics, education, health
sciences, political science and public administration, but also from sociology.
One of the recent developments seems to be the growing interest in
technology transfer as a factor of social change. Although the growth rate
of diffusion studies has remained unchanged from the mid-1980s, there are
over 4,000 diffusion studies available today5 (Rogers 1995:45).
An interesting recent development is that in future(s) studies attempts
have been made, for instance by biologist Vilmos Csdnyi (1989), to build
theories or evolutionary models that would solve problems of a biological and
social nature by studying them together as a systemic entity. Biosphere including human societies - should be observed as a whole. Some interesting
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440
parallel thought patterns can be found with Gabriel Tarde (cf. Csdnyi 1989:
ch. 7). For instance, Csdnyi discusses the proposition of Cavalli-Sforza &
Feldman (1978,1981) that an invention has the same effect on the
development of cultures as mutation has in genetics ( 1989:155ff. ). Tarde
writes : ’... human invention ... stands in the same relation to social science
as the birth of a new vegetal or mineral species (or, on the hypothesis of a
gradual evolution, of each of the slow modifications to which new species is
due) to biology ([1903] 1962:11).’
First version received November 1995
Final version accepted June 1996
Notes
1
Karvonen examines diffusion studies of political science
point of view (1994:109-115). Rogers also presents a table
from this
(1983:80-81).
2
Diffusion is not the only word that anthropologists and
used for describing the spread of social properties or
convergence of cultures. Parallel concepts were, e.g., acculturation
and modernization. However, ’diffusion’ as a concept may be
understood to be more restricted than the two in both continuity
and intensity (Heine-Geldern 1968:169).
3
Institut International de Sociologie was founded by René
Worms in the mid-1890s. Worms was an adversary of Durkheim and
Tarde was part of Worms’s large society of scholars, both professional and amateur, which included scholars such as Kovalevsky,
Novicow, de Roberty and Richard (Clark 1968b:37-38; Lukes
ethnologists
[1973] 1992:393).
4
George F. Ray, for instance, in his study Innovations
Diffused - A Random Walk in History (1991) emphasizes the impact
innovations have had for change in the course of history. For ex post
facto problems, see also Rogers (1983:92ff.).
5
There are several sources where compiled information on
diffusion literature is available. Both Stanford University and Ohio
State University house diffusion libraries. The former concentrates
on communication literature and the latter on geography. Moreover,
the University of Michigan (UMI) has a database available. According to the database there are approximately 30 dissertations written
on diffusion of innovations (with these concepts) annually in the
1,300 universities that are within the database (UMI: Dissertation
Abstract Ondisc. DAI Volumes 48/7-53/6 and 53/7-54/6). At present
the most popular fields seem to be Business and Economics, Education and Health Sciences, whereas in the beginning of 1980s the alltime favourite was Rural Sociology. Most of the studies deal with
techn(olog)ical innovations. Furthermore, Musmann & Kennedy
have compiled an interdisciplinary bibliography on the subject which
includes a chapter on Sociology (1989:171-178).
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441
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