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Comparative and complementary endeavours
(Michaela Pelican, Max Planck Institute for Social Anthropology, Halle/Saale
www.eth.mpg.de/people/pelican/index.html)
One of the explicit aims of the Max Planck Institute for Social Anthropology in Halle/Saale is
to augment knowledge and generate theory through comparative and complementary
approaches. Scholarly exchange, cooperative endeavours and joint projects among
researchers within the same department as well as transcending departmental boundaries
are encouraged. This finds expression in thematically focused workshops, joint presentations,
co-authored articles and edited volumes.
In January 2002 I returned from my field site in North West Cameroon where I had spent 14
months researching interethnic relations and identity politics among Mbororo (agro-pastoral
Fulbe), Hausa and Grassfields people. Extensive discussion beforehand and exchange-visits
with colleagues working on related issues in Burkina Faso and Benin helped to broaden the
scope of and to integrate comparative perspectives into my research. Back in Halle I
benefited from participating in internally organised workshops and international conferences
that centred on themes relevant to my dissertation and on topics cross-cutting departmental
boundaries and linking up individual researchers’ interests. The following subjects were
addressed and have subsequently been turned into dissertation chapters and (forthcoming)
publications:
a) Comparative perspectives on farmer-herder relations, land rights and state policy in
West Africa
Land rights and the politics of integration: Pastoralists’ strategies in a comparative view is the
title of a co-authored working paper (Working Paper Series of the Max Planck Institute for
Social Anthropology, Halle/Saale Nr. 48) by Andreas Dafinger and Michaela Pelican. The idea
of a joint project emerged as a result of the workshop The landed and the landless?
Strategies of territorial integration and dissociation in Africa organised by Andrea Behrends
and Andreas Dafinger and held at the MPI in May 2002. We first gave a joint presentation for
visitors from the Max Planck Society on the relationship of farmers, herders and the state in
Burkina Faso and in North West Cameroon. Subsequently we applied a more comparative
approach to our case materials and developed a theoretical framework to explain
commonalities and differences in farmer-herder relations in south central Burkina Faso and
North West Cameroon.
In both research sites the herders are Fulbe agro-pastoralists and form ethnic minorities
within farmer-dominated societies. But while one case is marked by peaceful integration, the
other is increasingly conflictual. These differences are interpreted via a background of
different legal systems and modes of land use. In Burkina Faso, the historical and political
setting supports an ideology of a shared landscape. This is best illustrated in the interspersed
settlement pattern of farmers and herders who together form local communities, continuously
negotiating spatial and social boundaries. In North West Cameroon, on the other hand, the
territory is divided into exclusive farming and grazing areas. Here farmer-herder relations are
largely guided by colonial and post-colonial legislation which has been introduced with the
aim of reducing conflicts over land and landed resources. We argue that a shared use of land
and landed resources encourages integration through permanent low level conflicts (Burkina
Faso case), whereas a divided landscape and the allocation of exclusive land titles increases
the potential for violent clashes (Cameroon case). Actors’ strategies differ significantly in the
two settings. In the Cameroonian example herders increasingly follow a dynamic and vocal
approach, making explicit claims to exclusive tracts of land, becoming engaged in local
politics and political networking. The Fulbe in the case of Burkina Faso, on the other hand, lay
emphasis on keeping a low profile, adhering to an ideology of exit: they claim their rights to
specific resources, but do not claim an overall, territorially perceived ownership of all landed
assets within a delimited area.
In more general terms it becomes clear from the above comparisons that where land is
primarily an economic asset, exclusion of others and struggles for exclusive ownership may
be an adequate strategy. Where land is a social value, helping define social relations and
positioning groups and individuals ni the social hierarchy, sharing out the land to nonlandowners may be much more profitable. In both cases the nation-state plays an important
role, by providing opportunities and by more or less encouraging divided use of the land. It is
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also the state, along with an increasingly market oriented economy, that will determine the
prospects of these systems.
b) Property concepts and human-animal relations in an agro-pastoral community
The workshop Collective and multiple forms of property in land and animals organised by
Günther Schlee, Patty Gray, Florian Stammler and Michaela Pelican and held at the MPI in
August 2002, joined participants from Department I and II with the aim of comparing concepts
of property rights in land and animals and practices of animal husbandry across different
ecological zones and political settings.
In my paper I focused on human-animal relations from economic and cultural perspectives.
This overlapped thematically with Brian Donahoe’s (Indiana University, MPI) presentation on
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Siberia . Applying Tim Ingold’s theoretical framework of hunting versus pastoral populations
to his case material, Donahoe illustrated how human-animal relations among the Tozhu-Tyva
are characterised by trust and respect, while among the Tofa, wild animals and domesticated
reindeer are mainly seen in terms of their economic value, i.e. to be dominated and exploited.
A similar shift in the human-animal relationship seems to have occurred among the Mbororo
in North West Cameroon. The Mbororo conceive of their cattle as basic production means in
terms of livelihood and social status. At the same time, they have personal and close
relationships with their animals, especially those belonging to inherited cattle-lineages. Socioeconomic and ecological conditions over the past century have encouraged meat over milk
production, to which the Mbororo reacted with economic diversification and increased market
production. In many families part of the herd is designated for social and economic
reproduction and part for market production. Accordingly, the two sections underlie different
herd management rationales which entail divergences in human-animal relations (e.g. in
terms of naming systems for animals). From a theoretical perspective this implies that the
shift from trust and respect to domination and exploitation in human-animal relations is
gradual. Potentially and practically both attitudes co-exist, though applied to different herd
sections.
The case study on the peri-urban Fulbe in North Cameroon presented by Mark Moritz (UCLA)
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offered an excellent opportunity for regional comparison . Moritz illustrated how changing
ecological conditions in Cameroon’s Far North made intensification necessary and how
pastoral intensification coupled with Islamic notions of private property led to an
individualisation of livestock ownership. In North West Cameroon ecological and economic
conditions as well as the interpretation and instrumentalisation of Islamic ideology take
different forms. Here Islamic ideology has been invoked to determine women’s economic role,
namely their engagement in the sales of milk and milk products. This part of Mbororo pastoral
economy has become conflated with antagonistic interpretations of pastoral and Islamic
ideologies and is a key issue in the debate on what it means to be an ‘authentic Pullo’ (sing.
of Fulbe) or a ‘good Muslim’. In comparing Fulbe strategies in North West Cameroon and
Cameroon’s Far North it becomes clear that, though situated within the same country,
historical and political backgrounds, ecological and economic conditions and the wider social
setting vary significantly. Just as these conditions differ and change over time, pastoral
practices and ideology remain in flux, offering a wide variety of potential strategies and
alternatives.
c) Interethnic friendship: a factor of social cohesion?
The theme of friendship was introduced to the researchers of Department I by Martine
Guichard, who has been working on interethnic friendship in Benin and Cameroon and on the
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discipline’s historical and theoretical engagement with the topic . A number of us integrated
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Donahoe, Brian. 2002. ‘Trust’ or ‘domination’? The Tozhu-Tyva and the Tofa and their differing relationships to the
reindeer they raise and the wild animals they hunt. Paper presented at the workshop Collective and multiple form of
property in land and animals. Halle/Saale. August 19-21, 2002.
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Ingold, Tim. 2000. The Perception of the Environment. Essays on livelihood, dwelling and skills. London, New York:
Routledge.
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Moritz, Mark. 2002. Individual livestock ownership in Fulbe family herds: The effects of intensification and Islam on
pastoral production systems in the Far North of Cameroon. Paper presented at the workshop Collective and multiple
form of property in land and animals. Halle/Saale. August 19-21, 2002.
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Guichard, Martine. 1996. Über die Beziehung zwischen Fulbe und Bariba im Borgou. In: Günther Schlee und Karin
Werner (eds.). Inklusion und Exklusion. Köln: Rüdiger Köppe Verlag. pp. 107-132 ; Guichard, Martine. 2000a.
L’étrangeté comme code de communication interethnique. Les relations entre agropasteurs peuls et paysans bariba
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related questions into our research and, subsequently, participated in the workshop
Friendship, descent and alliance organised by Tilo Grätz, Youssouf Diallo and Martine
Guichard and held at the MPI in December 2002. My paper on ethnic and gender specific
differences of interethnic friendship in North West Cameroon was based on a joint project with
Tilo Grätz and Barbara Meier (University of Münster) which resulted in a special series on
Friendship in West Africa (Working Paper Series of the Max Planck Institute for Social
Anthropology, Halle/Saale, Nr. 53-56).
Researching interethnic relations and identity politics in North West Cameroon, interethnic
friendship relationships were initially conceived as cross-cutting ties that complement intra5
group relations and potentially facilitate social integration . Furthermore, it was assumed that
Mbororo women’s interethnic relationships contribute to the reduction and resolution of
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conflicts while men’s interaction is largely defined by socio-political hierarchy . In comparing
my data on Mbororo men’s and women’s notions and practices of friendship, significant
differences emerged: Mbororo men evaluate friendship in terms of trust, sympathy, moral and
financial assistance and reciprocity. Women, on the other hand, emphasise mutual affection,
shared experience, emotional support and gift-exchange as main components of friendship
relationships. These differences are interpreted against the background of a system and an
ideology of gendered socio-economic roles and personae, whereby men carry the primary
responsibility for the family’s subsistence and are attributed characteristics of sternness and
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authority, among others, while women are seen as more emotional and compassionate .
Similarly, when applied to the context of interethnic relations, the gendered characters
generate different modes of interaction: Mbororo women seem to maintain mostly informal
relationships, while men’s relationships are more formalised and shaped by economic factors
and socio-political hierarchy. The question emerges: Do women’s and men’s modes of
interaction with non-Mbororo function complementarily, enhancing the Mbororo’s social
integration in the local community? Though there are indicators supporting this hypothesis in
the case of Fulbe groups in other areas, where milk sales are more common and interaction
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with non-Mbororo subsequently more frequent , this is seemingly not the case for the Mbororo
in the Grassfields. No correlation between men’s and women’s interethnic friendship
relationships was apparent. Men and women engage in friendship independent of each other,
and relationships are kept as a private affair between the persons involved. The initial
assumption of interethnic friendship as a factor of social cohesion has to be relativised. The
frequency and relevance of interethnic friendship among Mbororo, Hausa and Grassfields
people should not be overestimated. In terms of social security and emotional support, intragroup relationships seem to be more important. In terms of social integration in an
overarching system (i.e. the local community), interethnic friendship relationships seem to
play a minor role and are overshadowed by economic and socio-political relations.
d) Getting along in the Grassfields, a video documentary
Another relevant aspect of my work concerns the use of video, photography and role playing
in research, data analysis and representation. Thanks to the generous support of the Max
Planck Institute I was able to produce a preliminary film in cooperation with Judith Orland
introducing the fieldwork situation and illustrating methods of data-collection and feedback
processes. In terms of a conceptual approach, we did not attempt to make a ‘classical-style’
ethnographic documentary about one ethnic group, being portrayed by a ‘neutral’ third party.
Instead, we intended to illustrate the anthropologist’s endeavour dealing with the complexity
du Borgou (Nord-Bénin). In: Youssouf Diallo und Günther Schlee (eds.). L’ethnicité peule dans des contextes
nouveaux. Paris: Karthala. pp. 93-128; Guichard, Martine. 2000b. “Something to hide?” Reflections on interethnic
relationships and friendship ties with regard to the Fulbe of northern Benin and northern Cameroon. Presentation at
the Max Planck Institute for Social Anthropology, 05/12/2000. Halle/Saale.
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Gluckman, Max. 1966. Custom and conflict in Africa. Oxford: Basil Blackwell. For a critical discussion of the
integrative propensity of cross-cutting ties see Schlee, Günther. 1997. Cross-cutting ties and interethnic conflict: the
example of Gabbra, Oroma and Rendille. In: K. Fukui and E. Kurimoto and M. Shigeta. (eds.). Ethiopia in Broader
Perspective: Paper of 13th International Conference of Ethiopian Studies, Vol. II. Kyoto: Shokado Book Sellers. pp.
577-596; Schlee, Günther. 2000. Identitätskonstruktionen und Parteinahme: Überlegungen zur Konflikttheorie.
Sociologus 10/1: 64-89.
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Boutrais, Jean. 1984. Entre nomadisme et sédentarité : les Mbororo à l’Ouest du Cameroun. In: Chantal BlancPamard. (ed.) 1984. Le développement rural en question. Paysages, espaces ruraux, systèmes agraires.
Paris: Editions de l’ORSTOM. pp. 225-256.
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Riesman, Paul. 1998 [1977]. Freedom in Fulani Social Life. Chicago: University of Chicago Press.
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Information by Martine Guichard; Boutrais 1984; Burnham, Philip. 1980. Opportunity and constraint in a Savanna
society: The Gbaya of Meiganga, Cameroon. London et al: Academic Press.
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and dynamics of ethnic interaction. The way we selected and edited the video-sequences
represents this process of trying to make sense of the rich field data and to link it up with the
research question. To encourage the viewer to develop his/her own associations and
interpretations we decided to do without a narrative -style explanatory voice-over and to keep
commentaries as limited as possible.
In terms of content, the themes addressed are interethnic relations and identity politics in a
culturally, religiously and ethnically complex setting. The first part of the film links cultural
policies of the Cameroonian government with cultural activities in village life. The current
government contributes to raising consciousness of ethnic identities and social difference by
encouraging social and ethnic groups to participate in national festivals. Parades, songs and
dances presented by the various groups are performances of ethnic, cultural and social
identities and, at the same time, manifestations of their participation in the political economy
on the local and the national level. These performances are based on cultural activities in
village life, i.e. rituals and ceremonies, which are guided by social norms and restrictions that,
in turn, affect participation in national festivals. Muslim adult women, for example, find it highly
problematic to perform in public. Hence, their confined participation in national festivals is
mainly a political statement. For youths, on the other hand, such events represent legitimate
occasions to escape adult surveillance, to see and be seen and to socialise. The second part
of the film starts with an overview of the market scenery illustrating how various groups
contribute to the village economy and how economic activities tend to be associated with
ethnicity, gender and religious affiliations. Interviews with market participants represent
individuals’ assessments of their economic involvement against the background of sociocultural conceptions and economic constraints. Finally, the film also says something about the
interrelation of the anthropologist with the ‘field’. In the third part we see the anthropologist as
participant and actor in the local setting. We listen to the comments of informants – now
becoming authors themselves – reflecting on the audio-visual ethnographic venture. Muslim
women perceive their participation in role plays and films and the prospect of being seen in
foreign countries as a chance to transcend social boundaries and present themselves to the
public without contravening social and religious norms. Other spectators point at the reflective
capacity of ethnographic film: through confronting their reality of ethnic and cultural
heterogeneity and plurality they recognise the needs and benefits of getting along and
learning from each other. Contributors also argue that viewing ethnographic video footage
helped them to better understand technical aspects of film-making and the nature of
anthropological research. This was reflected in increased enthusiasm and active participation
by the local population in all aspects of my subsequent research.
The film was presented to and discussed within the MPI, at anthropological conferences and
with visual anthropologists. In order to become a completed production it needs conceptual
and technical amendments, but as a preliminary version it has been successfully incorporated
in public presentations (e.g. at the Long Night of Sciences or the Africa Week in Halle) and
anthropological teaching.
Selected sequences of the audio-visual data are integrated into my thesis for analytical and
illustrative purposes, reflecting the multimedial character of my dissertation work. In the same
way, the comparative and complementary endeavours find expression in substantial parts of
my Ph.D. thesis and have significantly contributed to the refinement and precision of my
theoretical arguments.
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