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ARE WE HAVING FUN YET? LEISURE AND CONSUMPTION IN THE POST-APARTHEID CITY BELINDA DODSON Research Associate, Queen's University, Kingston, Ontario, Canada E-mail: [email protected] Received: April 2000; revised June 2000 ABSTRACT Recent international literature across a range of disciplines describes how leisure and consumption have become major forces in contemporary society. Such developments have social, economic and geographical implications. At a time when these global changes are combining with dramatic local transformation, there is an urgent need for South African scholars to engage with international debates on leisure and consumption. The end of apartheid has allowed people to avail themselves of leisure and consumption opportunities from which they were previously excluded, yet the shift from public- to private-sector provision is imposing new geographies of deprivation and exclusion. The situation is further complicated by the country's increasing incorporation into global patterns of consumption. This paper seeks to initiate debate and set out an agenda for research on the role of leisure and consumption in shaping South African society and geography. Key words: Leisure, consumption, South Africa, post-apartheid, theoretical review, research agenda INTRODUCTION International trends, as revealed in a growing literature across a range of disciplines, demonstrate a shift away from a focus on work and production and towards leisure and consumption as major forces in contemporary society (Baudrillard 1970 (trans. 1998); Bourdieu 1984; Featherstone 1991; Zukin 1991, 1995; Shields 1992; Sorkin 1992; Rojek 1993, 1995, 1997, 1999; Miller 1995; Urry 1995; Chaney 1996; Slater 1997; Hearn & Roseneil 1999). Indeed the very boundaries between production and consumption have themselves become blurred in the emerging `new economy', where what is produced is as likely to be an intangible good in the service or entertainment sector as a traditional, material, industrial product. The associated phenomenon of the `new middle class' with their `leisure lifestyles' has been the subject of much research and analysis by sociologists as well as geogra- phers (Featherstone 1991; Shields 1992; Slater 1997). While this research has been largely concerned with the developed world, the increasingly global reach of social, economic and cultural exchange make these debates relevant almost everywhere (Howes 1996). This `new society', together with the `new economy' which is both its foundation and its product, renders problematic many of the dualities that geographers, sociologists, planners and administrators have long taken for granted. For example, as leisure and culture become ever more drawn into the economic realm of consumption, the boundaries between work and leisure, economic and cultural, public and private, if not entirely removed, are at least destabilised. This is true not just conceptually and functionally but also spatially, as the distinctions between workplace and home, public and private space, local and foreign, become blurred. These economic and social transformations Tijdschrift voor Economische en Sociale Geografie ± 2000, Vol. 91, No. 4, pp. 412±425 # 2000 by the Royal Dutch Geographical Society KNAG Published by Blackwell Publishers, 108 Cowley Road, Oxford OX4 1JF, UK and 350 Main Street, Malden MA 02148, USA LEISURE AND CONSUMPTION IN THE POST-APARTHEID CITY thus have implications for urban form as well as urban function. Until its own dramatic socio-political transformation in the 1990s, South Africa was isolated from many of these developments, materially and intellectually. Even today, high levels of unemployment and poverty might make a focus on leisure and consumption seem an irrelevant indulgence. Yet South Africa is now fully and inescapably implicated in global social, economic and cultural systems. From both a theoretical and pragmatic viewpoint, then, it is appropriate that we begin to think through the applicability to the South African context of these international developments and the associated intellectual debates. This paper is intended more as a challenge and a prod to other scholars than as a systematic treatment in its own right. It points to some of the key international literature of recent years and suggests a research agenda that might lead to an improved understanding of current and future developments in South Africa's cities. CONSUMPTION ALL-CONSUMING `They had revolutions; we have retail' (Out Front 2000). This simple sentence sums up the shift that seems to have taken place over the second half of the twentieth century: from ideology to lifestyle; from class-based to identity politics; from production to consumption as the primary driving force of social and economic change. Although contested both in its explanation and its `newness' (Jackson 1995), the broad contours of this shift are now widely recognised. Among its earliest theorists were Jean Baudrillard (1970) and Pierre Bourdieu (1984). Bourdieu provides a useful account of consumption's mutually constitutive social and economic dimensions: The new bourgeoisie is the initiator of the ethical retooling required by the new economy from which it derives its power and profits, whose functioning depends as much on the production of needs and consumers as on the production of goods. The new logic of the economy rejects the ascetic ethic of production and accumu- 413 lation . . . in favour of a hedonistic morality of consumption, based on credit, spending and enjoyment. (Bourdieu 1984, p. 310) To Bourdieu as to Baudrillard, this `new' consumption goes beyond traditional goods and services. As Ritzer (1998) explains in his introduction to the English translation of The Consumer Society, consumption as viewed by Baudrillard is truly all-consuming: Baudrillard seeks to extend consumption from goods not only to services, but to virtually everything else. In his view, `anything can become a consumer object'. As a result, `consumption is laying hold of the whole of life'. What this communicates is that consumption has been extended to all culture; we are witnessing the commodification of culture. (Ritzer 1998, p. 15) This extension of an understanding of consumption is a key feature of Baudrillard's work. Also central is the idea of culture, both in the sense of a pervasive culture of consumption and in terms of culture itself increasingly becoming a commodity for consumption. Indeed many of these ideas entered geography in what has been described as the discipline's `cultural turn' of the late 1980s and early 1990s (Barnett 1998). Not only did culture re-enter geography, but geography re-entered cultural studies as the implication of space and place in new patterns of consumption and commodification ± including the commodification of place itself ± became ever more apparent. In his editorial introduction to Acknowledging Consumption (1995), anthropologist Daniel Miller asserted that `consumption has become the vanguard of history' (p. 1), presenting a fundamental challenge to the basic premises of a range of disciplines, including geography. Among the best guides to the geographical outcomes of `consumer society' are Peter Jackson and Nigel Thrift's contribution to Miller's 1995 Acknowledging Consumption and Mike Crang's chapter, `Geographies of Commodities and Consumption', in his 1998 textbook, Cultural Geography. Jackson and Thrift identify a number of ways in which geography is involved in consumption behaviours and practices: in the sites and patterns of consumption; # 2000 by the Royal Dutch Geographical Society KNAG 414 in the chains that link the production of goods and services to multiple locations of consumption; and in the spaces and places of contemporary consumerism. Recent changes in these geographies have created a `new consumer landscape' (Jackson & Thrift 1995, p. 207) of gentrified inner cities, theme parks, shopping malls and `festival marketplaces'. This landscape will be as recognisable to residents of Johannesburg or Cape Town as to those of Los Angeles or Toronto. Yet Jackson and Thrift criticise the existing geographical literature on consumption for falling victim to `the tyranny of the single site' (p. 211), and a limited range of sites at that. Instead, they argue, we need to pay greater attention to multiple sites of consumption as well as to the functional and spatial links between production, distribution and consumption. Here they identify a number of important recent changes: an increase in the length of commodity chains, which more and more are global in scale; an increase in the pace of activity in and along these chains; and their growing complexity, including geographical complexity as they come to involve an evergreater number of places and interactions between them. Each of these changes can be seen in South Africa, whose (re)incorporation into global commodity chains, at production and consumption ends as well as points between, has been especially rapid ± and thus particularly dramatic in its social and geographical impact. Geographers' discussions of the spaces and places of consumption have included both `real' sites of consumption (department stores, shopping malls, the high street) and the evocation of place in consumer advertising. Increasingly, these two senses of place are conjoined: spaces of consumption can be read as `three-dimensional advertisements' (Jackson & Thrift 1995, p. 223), while places themselves are packaged, marketed, advertised and consumed as products (Urry 1995). Such sites of consumption, both real and symbolic, can be criticised on a number of counts. Not least is the way in which the production process, including the people involved in it, is largely and quite deliberately rendered invisible to the ultimate consumer. Indeed many of those producers are economi# 2000 by the Royal Dutch Geographical Society KNAG BELINDA DODSON cally excluded from consuming the goods they themselves produce. Festival marketplaces and shopping malls, with their ersatz streetlife and impression of freedom and accessibility, can in reality be profoundly undemocratic and exclusionary places (Goss 1993). In an earlier work, Jackson (1989) wrote of the `growing confidence of the ``consumption classes'' and the increased alienation of the impoverished and despairing ``underclass'', each with its own distinctive geography' (p. 5). Such criticisms ring especially true in a markedly unequal and spatially divided society such as South Africa's. In exposing these connections and contradictions, it is easier to read consumption's signs in the resulting material landscape than it is to understand the human agents who give it form and purpose. Far from being mere dupes, consumers play an active and creative role, shaping, altering and sometimes resisting both the practices and the landscapes of consumption (Sack 1992; Jackson & Thrift 1995; Slater 1997; Jackson 1998a). Crang (1996) and others have begun to do some significant theoretical and empirical research on the complex `entanglements' between consumers and consumption systems, including the relationship between consumption and the `cultural politics of identity' (Jackson & Holbrook 1995, p. 1913). The changing nature and geography of such entanglements in the South African context, particularly since the end of apartheid, presents a number of intriguing avenues for research. Even more neglected in geographical and other studies of consumption are the non-consumers: those whom the consumption-driven economy excludes, marginalises or displaces. This neglect is starting to be addressed, with a developing research focus on the themes of power, resistance and marginalisation (Hearn & Roseneil 1999). Again, this is an obvious subject for further enquiry in South Africa. South Africa also provides an interesting context in which to make cross-cultural comparisons of consumption, such as those described in Appadurai (1986) or Howes (1996). Appadurai's notion of `the social life of things', which places commodities in cultural perspective, has been the inspiration for a wide range of studies by sociologists, LEISURE AND CONSUMPTION IN THE POST-APARTHEID CITY anthropologists and cultural historians as well as by geographers. There is ongoing debate, for example, as to whether the globalisation of consumption leads to homogenisation or creolisation (Howes 1996; Jackson 1998a). This debate has three central themes: the ways in which Western commodities (such as Coca-Cola) are received, transformed and consumed by non-Western cultures; the ways in which `exotic' commodities (such as tropical fruit or `ethnic' music) are consumed in Western cultures; and the way in which cultural difference itself has become commodified (Jackson 1998a; Howes 1996). Although a clicheÂ, there is much truth in the representation of South Africa as `a world in one country' (itself a slogan in the country's packaging for tourist consumption), thus providing a rich laboratory for such crosscultural research. In outlining an agenda for geographical research on consumption, Peter Jackson concludes: A geographical understanding of commodity cultures should therefore involve both an exploration of the physical movement of goods and services . . . and an appreciation of the commodification of cultural difference. This is undeniably a broad agenda, but it provides ample scope for bringing together the geographies of production and consumption, and maybe ultimately transcending the unhelpful distinction between `the cultural' and `the economic'. ( Jackson 1998a, p. 105) Indeed that very distinction may be breaking down. As Slater (1997, p. 32) puts it, `culture is now organizing the economy in crucial respects', blurring the boundary between the cultural and the economic. One of the important ways in which this is occurring is in the consumption of experiences such as leisure and tourism, and it is to these forms of consumption that discussion now turns. LEISURE AS CONSUMPTION Sociologist Chris Rojek (1985, 1989a, 1989b, 1990, 1993, 1994, 1995, 1999) has perhaps gone further than any other single scholar in theorising leisure, which over the past decade 415 has moved from the margins to the very centre of sociological enquiry. Geographers, too, have begun to pay more attention to leisure in recent years (Crouch 1999). Rojek (1985, 1989a, 1989b, 1993, 1995, 1999) provides a historical account of leisure practice and theory, relating leisure to broader processes of material and social transformation. The very definition of leisure is seen as a product of the rise of capitalism and the associated alienation of labour (Rojek 1993). He and other scholars, such as Murdock (1994) and Reid (1995), therefore relate recent changes in the perception and practice of leisure to those wider changes in the global economic system variously referred to as post-Fordism, post-modernism or late capitalism. According to Rojek (1993), leisure has become `equivalent to mere consumption' (p. 133). This he sees as part of a generalised `dedifferentiation', including a breakdown of the distinction between leisure and work: In particular, the received idea of leisure as freedom from work looks decidedly unconvincing, as does the whole work/leisure distinction. For `work' and `leisure' can no longer be seen as terms whose meanings are unambiguous. Instead they must be seen as terms in which a variety of meanings, none of them authoritative, merge and collide. (Rojek 1993, p. 96) Thus `[o]ld workspace becomes reallocated to leisure functions . . . leisure activity requires some of the characteristics of work activity' (Rojek 1993, p. 134). Of course such observations come as no surprise to feminist scholars, who have long pointed out that the notion of a clear division between work and leisure, either in terms of time or in terms of space, is a decidedly masculinist view (Wearing 1998). Along with the de-differentiation of work and leisure, the divide between leisure and consumption has been similarly destabilised (Tomlinson 1991). This is happening in three key ways. First, conventional retail consumption (i.e. shopping) has become a major leisure activity in its own right (Jackson 1991; Shields 1992). Second, spaces of consumption such as shopping malls have also become sites for various forms of leisure activity. This # 2000 by the Royal Dutch Geographical Society KNAG 416 occurs sometimes by deliberate design, such as in `festival marketplaces' which include other forms of recreational activity and cultural consumption in addition to conventional retail (Britton 1991; Knox 1991); but often simply by the appropriation of spaces of consumption for other purposes, as exemplified by teenage `mall rats' (Mitchell 2000). Third, leisure itself has become commodified: increasingly it is something that is packaged, marketed, purchased and consumed (Rojek 1993, 1995) ± membership in an exclusive gym or golf club, for example. All three processes are at work in South Africa, but in highly uneven ways both socially and geographically. New leisure practices pose a challenge to leisure theory. Although describing the idea of post-modern leisure as an oxymoron, Rojek (1995) nevertheless acknowledges the contribution of post-modern or post-structuralist theory to an understanding of contemporary leisure. Most people's experience of leisure today is ambiguous, messy, transitory, fugitive and conditional (Rojek 1995); its geography correspondingly untidy and fragmentary. These trends have required a corresponding shift in the way that leisure is understood and analysed. Sociologists' understandings of leisure have moved from a broadly structuralist approach in the 1980s, emphasising struggle and resistance (Clarke & Critcher 1985; Rojek 1985), to a much less coherent mix of poststructuralist approaches (Botterill & Tomlinson 1991; Brackenridge 1993; Henry 1994; Collins 1995). Geographers, too, have changed the way they look at leisure, as changes in leisure practice have brought about new geographies, with new patterns of ownership and access and new meanings and uses of space (Crouch 1999). The move to post-structuralism does not mean that leisure theory has abandoned its critical stance. Feminist scholarship in particular has made an important contribution to developments in leisure theory. In her book Leisure and Feminist Theory (1998), Betsy Wearing identifies the project for post-structuralist feminist leisure theory as being `to open up spaces for women and men to move beyond rigid gender, class, race, age and ethnic definitions of the self . . . and to envisage spaces which extend people's horizons and provide # 2000 by the Royal Dutch Geographical Society KNAG BELINDA DODSON the potential for personal and political growth' (p. 188). Leisure can thus be seen as a realm in which women (and other marginalised groups) can challenge social constraints on their roles and identities: If we define citizenship in its most general sense, as the right to participate fully in contemporary social, political and cultural life and to help shape its future forms, it is immediately clear that questions of leisure are central. The domain of leisure provides many of the key spaces for participation and many of the symbolic resources that allow differences to be negotiated with insight and understanding. (Murdock 1994, p. 246) It is perhaps this wider sense of leisure in the practice of citizenship that is most relevant in the South African context, where there are certainly many `differences to be negotiated' and few literal or metaphorical playing fields on which such negotiation can take place. The following passage describes 1990s Britain, but could equally have been written to describe Cape Town, Durban or Johannesburg today: Major locations for leisure ± cinemas, shopping complexes, heritage trails ± are more likely to have beggars squatting in the shadow of the entrances or sitting outside on pavements and benches, than at any time for decades. Inside, these spaces are increasingly surveyed by video cameras and patrolled by security guards. Managements everywhere reserve the right to remove anyone who does not `belong'. They may be pleasure grounds for those who can afford to enter them, but they are exclusion zones for those who cannot. They have become fortresses of fun. (Murdock 1994, p. 242) This raises questions of leisure as human need or even right, and to debate over the consumer as opposed to the citizen as the target of leisure provision. In Murdock's words, `new times' for some are `hard times' for others, with all the Dickensian and decidedly un-postmodern implications of the latter term. The geographical outcomes of this are considered in more detail below. First, we turn to what is perhaps the epitome of leisure as con- LEISURE AND CONSUMPTION IN THE POST-APARTHEID CITY sumption: the consumption of place through travel and tourism. TOURISM: CONSUMING PLACES Like leisure, the meaning and practice of tourism has undergone significant change in recent decades. To Crouch (1999), leisure and tourism have become effectively indistinguishable, to the extent that he chose to title his book Leisure/Tourism Geographies and refers throughout to `leisure/tourism' as a unified concept. Certainly `[t]ourism is no longer a differentiated set of social practices with its own and distinct rules, times and spaces' (Urry 1994, p. 234). And as leisure and tourism converge in practice, however incompletely or contradictorily, so they coincide (or collide) in space, whether in real, material places or in the virtual realms of television or cyberspace. This `de-differentiation' of tourism from leisure is but one aspect of transformation in the tourist sector. Indeed changes in tourist practice have led to the development of what some describe as `post-tourism'. To Urry, an important characteristic of post-tourism is its ironic playfulness: `the post-tourist knows that they are a tourist and that tourism is a game, or rather a whole series of games with multiple texts and no single, authentic tourist experience' (Urry 1990, p. 100). Undertaken ostensibly in pursuit of difference, tourism ultimately and inevitably weakens the contrast between `home' and `abroad'. Post-tourism recognises this as a fact of life, such that the `quest for authenticity is a declining force in tourist motivation' (Rojek 1997, p. 71). Geographer Ian Munt (1994) identifies another (or, as he puts it in his title, `an ``Other''') version of the post-modern tourist. While concurring with Urry and Rojek that there is a move away from authenticity, he makes the claim that there is a simultaneous countertrend towards a heightened desire for authenticity. He relates this to the `frenetic struggle undertaken by the new middle class in establishing and maintaining social differentiation' (p. 102). Significantly for tourism in and to South Africa, Munt identifies the Third World as `conveying authentic experiences that are culturally and environmentally 417 sensitive; practices that have emerged as the symbols of middle-class lifestyles' (p. 119). Of whatever stripe, the post-tourist is still very much a consumer of culture. Indeed there has been a marked growth in cultural tourism since the mid 1980s and tourism is `increasingly packaged in terms of cultural values and experiences' (Craik 1997, p. 118). Another example of de-differentiation, `[t]ourism and culture now plainly overlap and there is no clear frontier between the two' (Rojek & Urry 1997, p. 3). Such combining of tourism and culture is often a strategic activity employed as a strategy for local economic development, seeking synergies between leisure, tourism and cultural consumption (Zukin 1995). One manifestation of this is the dramatic expansion of urban tourism (Page 1995; Tyler et al. 1998). Yet the sharing of sites and activities amongst a range of leisure, tourism and cultural consumption functions has both complementary and contradictory aspects, and has the potential to generate as much conflict as synergy (Zukin 1995). The geographical implications of these social, economic and cultural changes in tourism are manifold and complex, still being worked out in different ways in different places and thus a field wide open for further research. Britton's discussion of the commodification of place for tourist purposes (1991) and Urry's The Tourist Gaze (1990) and Consuming Places (1995) are helpful guides. Britton (1991) identifies three ways in which places are turned into tourist attractions, and thus commodified: The tourist production system . . . can take advantage of existing cultural attractions or `curiosities' by co-opting them for the purposes of accumulation into tourist products . . . It can create its own attractions, such as all-inclusive recreation resorts, theme parks, or ship cruises. And tourism itself can be (voluntarily) co-opted into other commercial ventures in order to enhance the market profile, commercial returns, or social legitimation of the venture: trade expositions, shopping centres and the rehabilitation of the downtown areas of cities are examples. (p. 464) Tourism thus not only `reflects the defining dynamics of capitalist society [but] assimilates # 2000 by the Royal Dutch Geographical Society KNAG 418 place and territory into those dynamics' (Britton 1991, p. 466). Geography is therefore fundamental to a critical understanding of contemporary tourist practice. `[T]he study of tourism assists us to recognise how the social meaning and materiality of space and place is created through the practice of tourism itself, and how these representations are then packaged into the accumulation process' (Britton 1991, p. 475). In studying these processes, attention must be paid not just to the material landscape outcomes but also to the flows of capital and the labour processes that create and sustain those outcomes. Such a critical geography of tourism must recognise `the social relations embodied in tourism practices and processes' (Kinnaird & Hall 1994, p. 2), including issues around race and gender. As an international tourist destination of growing significance, and with tourism identified as a major growth sector in the national economy, South Africa is an obvious location for tourism research of this nature. Perhaps the ultimate de-differentiation of tourism from `everyday life' is expressed in the idea that, in a sense, we are all tourists now, as technology, transnationalism and globalisation bring the world even to those who never leave home. In the words of Dean MacCannell (1992, p. 2): `The adaptations of international migrants and refugees are as much a part of emerging world culture as the resorts and Pizza Huts for tourists which have recently been built on the beaches of their former countries.' This presents a fundamental challenge to conventional definitions of tourism, tourists and travel, of `home' and `abroad', `local' and `foreign', demanding a corresponding rethinking of tourism research. Certainly South Africa, source and destination of significant numbers of international migrants as well as tourists, is caught up in this rearrangement of the global human mosaic, with its complex reworkings of society and space, place and landscape. GEOGRAPHIES OF LEISURE, TOURISM AND CONSUMPTION The various and intersecting processes of de-differentiation described above have a number of geographical outcomes. One is # 2000 by the Royal Dutch Geographical Society KNAG BELINDA DODSON what has been termed `disembedding' or `abstraction' from place: `The growth of postmodern shopping malls, leisure centres and supermarkets provides the same aesthetic and spatial references wherever one is in the world' (Rojek 1995, p. 146). Certainly there are common patterns and forms associated with these new geographies of leisure, consumption and tourism. These have received the most comprehensive academic treatment in the North American context (Davis 1992; Sorkin 1992; Zukin 1991, 1995), but can increasingly be identified in cities around the world. Mike Davis's (1992) description of Los Angeles, for example, with its `mall-aspanopticon-prison' and `urban enclavization' (p. 244) could just as well describe Johannesburg. Yet the suggestion that there is an inexorable process of global gravitation towards the American model of consumption practices and landscapes ± `malling, theming, merging of leisure and retail and so on' (Crewe & Lowe 1995, p. 1895) ± can easily be exaggerated. Whereas earlier writing foresaw inevitable homogenisation into a global consumer culture and landscape, recent work sees more of a dialectic, with simultaneous homogenisation and heterogenisation creating a variety of place-specific hybrids and juxtapositions. The outcomes of these competing tendencies depend on the particular interactions between cultural and economic forces in particular places, and warrant detailed empirical research in diverse local contexts. Even where there are physically similar, copycat forms in the built environment, from shopping malls to tourist resorts, different social and cultural interpretations attach to such places in different localities, or even between different groups of people in a single locality. There is also a `time geography' to such places, with their occupants, meaning and use changing depending on the time of day, week or year. As Pico Iyer observes, instead of the global order `being smoothed down into a tepid whole . . . the world is more divided than ever, in part because of our illusions of closeness' (Iyer 2000, p. 30). Part of that illusion is the apparent ubiquity of the globalised consumer landscape, which masks (rather than erases) local distinctiveness. LEISURE AND CONSUMPTION IN THE POST-APARTHEID CITY What is clear is that de-differentiation in functional terms does lead to a blurring of certain geographical forms hitherto considered discrete, such as work, home and leisure space; public and private space; social and commercial space: A major result of this cultural mediation is now a blurring of distinctions between many categories of space and time that we experience every day: when the leisure of home life is invaded by well-designed machines, cities appear more alike, and Saturday traffic jams connected with shopping are worse than weekday morning rush hours. In general, spaces that used to stand alone . . . now mix social and commercial functions, sponsors, and symbols. (Zukin 1991, pp. 39±40) This has implications for another form of social mapping: the boundary between public and private space (Jackson & Holbrook 1995; Fyfe 1998; Jackson 1998b). Whereas the street has traditionally been recognised as public space, a mall, gym, hotel or theme park is almost always privately owned, with right of admission reserved. Such spaces can thus can be controlled and policed as private space even where they fulfil the traditional functions of public space. Public space, too, has become increasingly subject to surveillance. Sharon Zukin's description of cities in the United States rings all too true in South Africa today: `[S]trangers mingling in public space and fears of violent crime have inspired the growth of private police forces, gated and barred communities, and a movement to design public spaces for maximum surveillance. These, too, are a source of contemporary urban culture' (Zukin 1995, p. 2). Thus geographical de-differentiation at one level cannot erase the geography of material inequality and social difference at another, more fundamental level. For if the convergence of consumption, leisure and tourism is both the product and the preserve of the new middle class, it is at the same time a powerful agent of social differentiation, exclusion and marginalisation. In an inescapable paradox, the superficial homogenisation of culture and landscape is the very means by which inequitable access to opportunities and facilities is 419 reproduced. Perhaps nowhere is this more true than in post-apartheid South Africa, subject of the final section of this paper. LEISURE, TOURISM AND CONSUMPTION IN POST-APARTHEID SOUTH AFRICA Given South Africa's previous peripheralisation through economic, cultural and political sanctions, the arrival of some of these `new' geographies has here been especially rapid and dramatic. New export markets have been established and old ones re-established. Imports have expanded and broadened, with a wider variety of consumer goods now available from more countries of origin. Cultural and sporting sanctions have been lifted, providing new (and restoring old) opportunities for leisure and recreation. International tourism has boomed since the end of apartheid and is increasingly viewed as a mainstay of the national economy (South Africa 1996, 1998). Similarly, South African passport-holders are now free to travel to countries from which they were previously excluded, including most of the rest of Africa (Crush, this issue). All this has brought the country into new circuits of culture and capital, and new markets and sources, many in the East (and South), have been added to traditional trading partners, mostly in the West (or North). The country has thus become implicated in the globalisation of consumption, displaying many of the features discussed above. Of course not all change has been externally generated. The end of apartheid has brought about social and economic freedoms that allow South Africans of all races to avail themselves of local leisure, tourism and consumption opportunities from which they were previously excluded. The list is long, but includes sportsfields and stadia, public swimming pools, parks, restaurants, bars, cinemas, hotels, game reserves and beaches. Not only can black South Africans now legally use facilities previously restricted to whites, but white South Africans can more readily access forms of leisure and consumption associated with black culture, including food and music. At the same time the shift from public- to privatesector provision of many leisure facilities is # 2000 by the Royal Dutch Geographical Society KNAG 420 imposing new geographies of deprivation and exclusion, based on wealth rather than race but still essentially racist in effect. Geographies of crime and fear also act to discourage greater inter-racial interaction in leisure and consumption activity (Bremner 1998). None of these geographies has yet been fully explored. Even conventional retail geography has been ignored, let alone the newer cultural geographies of consumption so prevalent in the Anglo-American literature of the past decade. The situation begs research by geographers from a range of sub-disciplines (social, economic, cultural) and employing diverse methodologies, from conventional macro-scale analysis to detailed ethnographic research at the micro-scale. Contemporary South Africa presents wide opportunity for `consuming the other', with all the attendant issues of appropriation, negotiation and transformation that such cross-cultural consumption inevitably entails. Not only are South African cultures, products and places increasingly being consumed by foreigners, but South Africans themselves, both black and white, are increasingly consuming cultural commodities from other African countries. The booming trade in African crafts, such as at Cape Town's PanAfrican Market, presents an intriguing subject for geographical treatment. A further topic inviting study is the phenomenon of crossborder migration to South African towns and cities for purposes of consumption (shopping) rather than production (labour), typically by women from neighbouring Southern African countries (Dodson 1998). Tourism, both international and domestic, adds another layer to an already complicated and contested picture. As elsewhere in the world, urban and cultural tourism are expanding sectors, adding to the traditionally strong nature-based tourism epitomised in the Kruger National Park. Also in line with international trends, the tourist market has here become increasingly fragmented and diverse, whether in demographic, economic or geographical terms, demanding an ever-wider range of tourist accommodation and type of tourist experience. Apartheid itself has become subject to the tourist gaze, for example in guided tours of Robben Island, excursions # 2000 by the Royal Dutch Geographical Society KNAG BELINDA DODSON to black townships, and in museums such as Johannesburg's Museum Afrika and Cape Town's District Six Museum (Goudie et al. 1999). While acknowledging the largely untapped potential of cultural and `alternative' forms of tourism, most of the tourism research to date has been firmly within an economic paradigm. Its primary concerns are how tourism might best be mobilised as an agent of development and empowerment, such as in the Government's spatial development initiatives (SDIs) and small, medium and micro enterprise (SMME) strategies (Rogerson 2000). Cultural geographies of tourism remain barely explored, although tourism is surely an area of research in which the separation between the cultural and the economic is artificial and counter-productive. There is, therefore, scope for various types of research, from quantitative demographic and economic analyses to qualitative ethnographies of both the producers and consumers of the tourist experience. There have been some tantalising forays into these new geographies of consumption, leisure and tourism (Hall 1995; Ndebele 1998; Van Niekerk 1998; Dirsuweit 1999; Goudie et al. 1999; Moore 1999). Not all of these have been formally `academic'. The following passage, for example, captures the unsettling combination of homogenised global consumer lifestyle with gritty local reality that characterises contemporary Johannesburg: In the nowhere city which is Jo'burg we, the people of the leisured classes, always seem to be taking our bodies to where they've been before . . . Along the bleak, billboardencrusted thoroughfares and freeways of this city we take them to safe places, walled or otherwise enclosed, implicitly or explicitly exclusive, places which provide the flattering illusion of meaningful being and dwelling. We travel in our burglar- and bullet-proof cars from our walled and wired houses to the well-patrolled labyrinths of Westgate, Eastgate, Northgate, all those lookalike bunker-faced shopping malls. Or, if we consider ourselves too cool for trolleys, we take our bods out to some leafy suburb or other, to a carefully preserved LEISURE AND CONSUMPTION IN THE POST-APARTHEID CITY villagey street, where we cling to our tables in cutesy coffee bars or linger in secondhand bookshops before they disappear, like countless others before them, into even safer neighbourhoods. We'll follow them there too and protect them all over again for as long as they last, sipping our sidewalk cappuccinos, sheltering behind our newspapers and our cellphones. And so we try to shut out the beggars and the parking attendants gesturing to us endlessly with bland knowingness from the margins of our guarded field of vision. (Van Niekerk 1998) Van Niekerk goes on to provide an insightful account of Johannesburg's northern-suburbs `gym space', popular preserve of the South African urban middle class, both `old' and `new'. Again, it is worth quoting her at length: Always having come in from the cold of the nowhere city, we always have to turn ourselves out again, taking our bodies back to where they've been before ± vulnerable, shootable, lootable, rape-able, first-world bodies suspended for ever in a multiplestop flight . . . It is this added dimension of fear characterizing life in the city that lends extra poignancy to the highly artificial and privatized social space in which the pseudocommunity of body-maintainers tinker away at their fitness and longevity programmes. Here a double optics of panorama and reflection flatters the gaze of the insecure. The windows offer an almost all-round view of the city; the mirrors in between cast back the images of the inmates. And so the gym is at the same time a safe and cosy nest, closed in on itself, and an open and safe vantage point from which to take in the cityscape. (Van Niekerk 1998) Shopping malls are another significant venue for the South African middle classes at leisure. Although accessible to the urban black bourgeoisie, and thus providing a superficial illusion of racial integration, a mall cannot be seen as truly deracialised public space. Private security firms and an array of surveillance technology protecting consumers from crime and people deemed `undesirable': `the destitute, the inappropriately dressed, hawkers 421 and youth judged intent on loitering with intent' (Moore 1999). At one such mall, the (black) editor of the Daily News was mistaken for a car thief and beaten up by shopping centre security guards (Moore 1999). Moore reads this not as an aberration, but as symptomatic of the way in which post-apartheid urban space is being reshaped. Market forces, he argues, are effectively perpetuating apartheid, as the (mostly white) wealthy increasingly confine their leisure and consumption activity to suburban homes and malls, abandoning inner cities and public transport nodes to the (largely black) poor. Dirsuweit (1999) draws similar conclusions in her analysis of Johannesburg. Both she and Moore see possibilities of rearranging this neo-apartheid urban geography through imaginative and committed planning measures, for example by employing cultural strategies to generate new symbolic economies in areas such as Johannesburg's depressed inner-city precincts (Dirsuweit 1999). The convergence of leisure, consumption and tourism forms an important part of Dirsuweit's bold revitalisation proposals, which see Johannesburg as the potential centre of an African cultural and economic renaissance. While leisure, consumption and tourism each warrant separate attention in their own right, interpreting their overlaps, linkages, contradictions and synergies should be an over-arching goal. As a case study, Cape Town's Victoria and Alfred (V&A) Waterfront redevelopment is almost paradigmatic of the `de-differentiation' thesis in practice: by conscious and deliberate design, leisure, consumption and tourism here converge in a true festival marketplace. The V&A has already been the subject of research by geographers (Dodson & Kilian 1998; Kilian & Dodson 1996a, 1996b) and others (Bickford-Smith & Van Heyningen 1994). Popular with local residents, the Waterfront is also well and truly on the tourist map. Almost every tourist guidebook includes a description similar to this one from the 1997 edition of the Rough Guide to South Africa: A cocktail of period buildings, neo-Victorian shopping malls, piers with waterside walkways, and a functioning harbour, as well # 2000 by the Royal Dutch Geographical Society KNAG 422 as the magnificent backdrop of Table Mountain, complement the wide range of restaurants, outdoor cafes, pubs, clubs, cinemas, museums and outdoor entertainment. This is one of the most popular attractions in Cape Town. (p. 86) Absent from most guidebooks is any mention of the recent and ongoing contestation over the redevelopment, for example its perceived elitism and exclusiveness; the eviction of aesthetically unpleasing industrial operations such as fish processing plants and boat repair works (Kilian & Dodson 1996b); or the antiWaterfront protests by the largely Muslim organisation People Against Gangsterism And Drugs (PAGAD) (Dodson & Kilian 1998). A flyer distributed to Cape Town households in 1997 makes revealing reading: Many people who live in townships like Khayelitsha, Manenberg, Guguletu etc. never have the time nor the money to visit the Waterfront. They either do not have the money . . . and/or they are too preoccupied with bread and butter issues ie they work their backs off so that they can provide sustenance for their hungry children. The so-called demise of Apartheid and the promise of a land of milk and honey has unfortunately not reached them yet ± it has only reached the zionists and their allies ± it is no mystery who they are. (A few decent, militant unapologetic Muslims 1997) The situation culminated in the bombing of a Waterfront restaurant, Planet Hollywood ± surely an example of what Benjamin Barber (1996) calls `Jihad vs. McWorld'. Thus, while the Waterfront represents the potential profits to be made through the mobilisation of cultural capital, it is also illustrative of a dangerous synergy between economic exclusion and cultural difference. Similar issues attend any attempt to replicate the Waterfront's economic success elsewhere in the country. What, for example, would happen to the black `informal settlers' living in the Turbine Hall if Johannesburg's Newtown Cultural Precinct were to be successfully redeveloped, as proposed by Dirsuweit (1999)? At base, is it possible for consumption-led urban redevel# 2000 by the Royal Dutch Geographical Society KNAG BELINDA DODSON opment strategies to breach economic and cultural divisions, or are such strategies inevitably alienating and divisive, as writers like Neil Smith (1996) have suggested? The relationship between urban economic regeneration and social welfare, nowhere straightforward, is rendered all the more complex by apartheid's all-too-enduring social and geographical legacy. CONCLUSION Far from being an intellectual indulgence, therefore, research into leisure, tourism and consumption provides a useful means towards a better understanding of the country's emerging social geography. If leisure, consumption and tourism are indeed converging, what is the impact ± material, social, economic ± on South African cities? What are the associated geographies of inclusion and exclusion? What are the implications for the use and control of public space? South African examples could also prove to be of wider significance. Does the international literature help us understand processes of social and urban change in South Africa, or does the South African case challenge the emerging theoretical consensus of functional and spatial de-differentiation? The answers to these questions are not merely academic but also of practical and political significance. As David Harvey argues, just planning and policy practices `must confront directly the problem of creating forms of social and political organization and systems of production and consumption which minimize the exploitation of labour power both in the workplace and the living place' (Harvey 1996, p. 431, my italics). Without such a commitment, the alternative is a dystopia of the dual ghettoisation of rich and poor; of privatisation, pauperisation and the demise of even such public space and culture as now exist. In South Africa, it could be argued that such a dystopia is already with us, and that the market has become the post-apartheid equivalent of the Separate Amenities Act. Dismantling that dystopia should be part not just of our work as geographers, but also of our responsibility as citizens of what was meant to be a `new', more egalitarian and democratic South Africa. 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