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At a glance
June 2015
Relations between Islam and the state
Since its inception in the 7th century AD, Islam has been the predominant religion in a great
number of political entities from North Africa to south-east Asia. The desire to organise a society
according to Islamic principles has spawned very different results in the course of history – not least
because interpretations of Islam have varied across the regions of the world and through the ages.
An 'Islamic state'
Although the state established by the Prophet Muhammad in Yathrib (now Medina) differed considerably
from modern states, it shared some of their characteristics: it was based on a constitution and contained
some rudimentary functions, such as mechanisms for tax collection, defence, and administration of justice.
In addition, as Muhammad was the recipient of divine revelation and leader of a community, his charismatic
authority combined both religious and political aspects. After his death in 632 AD, the prophet's political
functions and religious legitimacy – but not his access to revelation – were transferred to the institution of
the caliphate under the leadership (imamate) of the Muslim community (umma). In Sunni tradition, the first
four caliphs (literally: successors) are referred to as the Rashidun (rightly guided) Caliphs, effectively
designating them as role models for Muslim governance.
The caliphate
Although there is no generally valid definition for the caliph's tasks, he was expected to prevent fitna (strife)
within the community, protect Muslims and spread Islam. Regardless of this ideal, history shows that
protecting the unity of the umma was an ambitious task. Fuelled by competing commercial interests and
clan factionalism, the process of division within the community had already started during the reign of the
Rashidun (632-661). At the same time, violent disputes over the legitimacy of Muhammad's successors
resulted in the split of the Muslims into the sects of the Sunni and Shia. Preserving the territorial integrity of
Muslim rule under the caliphate also proved impossible. In the most striking example, the Baghdad-based
Abbasid Caliphate (750-1258) had to compete with the Ismaili-Shiite Caliphate of the Fatimids in North Africa
(909-1171), the Umayyad Caliphate of Cordoba (929-1031), and a number of semi-loyal Muslim emirates in
Central Asia. One of them, that of the Shiite Buyids, was in power in Baghdad between 945 and 1055, but left
the Abbasid Caliphate nominally in place.
In response to these far-reaching political developments affecting the status of the caliphate, Muslim
philosophers have varied significantly in their views on the purpose and relevance of the caliphate in the
divine order. While the origin of caliphal authority did not warrant a strict separation between 'the religious'
and 'the political', the interpretation of Islamic precepts has progressively become the prerogative of Islamic
scholars (ulama). By the 12th century, Muslim jurists considered the caliphate and sultanate as being two
distinct spheres, whereby the former represented religious legitimacy and the latter dealt with the temporal
business of government. Over time, the caliphate became increasingly symbolic: the Ottoman sultans
emphasised its significance at a relatively late point in time, in order to reassert their claim to absolute
power when their empire was already in decline. Ultimately, the institution of the caliphate was formally
abolished by Ataturk in 1924.
Islam and modern statehood
Nationalism, pan-Arabism and socialism, which dominated the political stage at the time when most Muslim
countries became independent in the mid-20th century, did not render references to Islam obsolete. State
elites continued to lay claim to Islam as an important aspect of their identity and, in many cases, legitimacy.
To this end, they homogenised and monopolised the religious sphere: it is now generally the state which
decides on the introduction and implementation of legislation purportedly based on the Sharia.
EPRS | European Parliamentary Research Service
Author: Patryk Pawlak and Sebastian Kusserow, Members' Research Service
PE 564.381
Disclaimer and Copyright: The content of this document is the sole responsibility of the author and any opinions expressed therein do not necessarily represent the official
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EN
EPRS
Relations between Islam and the state
Islam: a catalyst in state formation, a source of legitimacy
The evolution of the relationship between Islam and the state has resulted in different models of statehood,
with Islam being part of their identity or organisation. Saudi Arabia, for example, is the result of the House of
Saud's alliance with Wahhabi Islam but claims to be directly based on the Koran and Sunna. Although Islamic
legal studies (fiqh) have been institutionalised in the country's legal system, they are still subject to the king's
ultimate authority. Islam also provided justification for the creation of Pakistan as a separate state and
served as a common denominator for different ethnic groups and regions. The role of religion in Pakistan
was further emphasised when Zia ul-Haq seized power in 1977. To varying degrees, asserting an Islamic
identity has also been used to bolster the legitimacy of rulers in Egypt under Anwar al-Sadat, and in
Uzbekistan under Islam Karimov. In contemporary Malaysia, a 'government-approved' version of Islam has
been used to foster the idea of the Malay community's supremacy in the face of both a large non-Muslim
minority and Islamist opposition movements. The monarchies of Jordan and Morocco, on the other hand,
trace their lineage back to the Prophet. The Moroccan kings additionally lay claim to the caliphal title amir almu'minin (commander of the faithful).
A case apart: the Islamic Republic of Iran and the Shiite Imamate
In Shiite Islam, Muhammad's son-in-law Ali and his descendants are referred to as imams, which designates
them as the rightful and infallible leaders of the Muslim community. Adherents of the so-called 'Twelver'
branch of the Shia believe that the twelfth and last of these imams has been in hiding, only to reveal himself
at the end of time. When the Safavids – a dynasty that ruled Persia – made the Twelver Shia the dominant
religion there in the 16th century, they strengthened the role of the scholars in return for being granted
religious legitimacy. In addition, the religious establishment and temporal power were largely separated
because the occultation of the Twelfth Imam prohibited the scholars from directly engaging in the political
sphere. This state of affairs was overturned by Iranian supreme religious leader Ayatollah Khomeini’s
concept of the Governance of the Jurist, which forms the basis of the Islamic Republic of Iran. The supreme
leader can now effectively suspend even fundamental principles of Islam if he considers the religion itself or
the state to be under threat.
Islamism and the state
Despite its commonness in Western discourse, Islamism, used interchangeably with 'political Islam', is a
controversial term whose various definitions and actual usefulness are contested. It generally designates a
spectrum of positions demanding that politics and society be ordered on the basis of Islamic norms. What
such an order would look like, however, and the means by which it should be achieved, are the two central
issues which differentiate these movements. Positions vis-à-vis the state continue to evolve, as exemplified
by Hezbollah in Lebanon, the Muslim Brotherhood in many Arab countries, and Jamaat-e-Islami in South
Asia. In the tradition of Islamist pioneer Abul Ala Maududi, the majority of Islamist movements seem to have
accepted the nation state and its limitations. As a result, ideas of an Islamic state are very much in line with
the concept of sovereign territorial statehood. In many cases, Islamists have supported democratisation
processes, even if their actual commitment to democratic values is debatable. In south-east Asia, the
relationship between Islamism and the state is additionally shaped by ethnic and regional identities, and
decentralisation efforts. Many of the parties working within existing political frameworks, like Tunisia's
Ennahda or Turkey's AKP, are either part of or evolved from the Islamist spectrum. Jihadist movements like
ISIL/Da'esh, which claims to have established a caliphate, are considered by some a militant offshoot of
Islamism.
Muslims consider their faith compatible with various forms of government. Some prominent thinkers reject the
idea of an Islamic state altogether. As a result, the renegotiation – a lot more practical than ideological – of the
relationship between Islam and the state remains an ongoing process. Although the Islamic institution of shura
(consultation) is sometimes cited as a proto-democratic form of decision-making, there is no specifically Islamic
perspective on democracy. In democratic post-revolutionary Tunisia, Islam is the state religion; by virtue of their
constitutions, Turkey and Indonesia are secular republics. The political system of Iran contains republican
elements, but these are kept in check by unelected bodies which protect the status quo against 'un-Islamic'
candidates and legislation. Still, democratic principles enjoy broad support among Muslims worldwide. After the
'Arab Spring' of 2011, the EU emphasised its commitment to support the emergence of 'deep democracy' in the
region. The European Parliament has adopted several resolutions with regard to the application of democratic
standards in the Arab countries (i.e. Egypt, Saudi Arabia, and Turkey). Members of the European Parliament are
also involved in parliamentary capacity-building in third countries and undertake election observation missions.
Members' Research Service
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