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literature in the Cultural identities as reflected dynasties Southern period Northern the and of th th (4 -6 centuries A. D. ) Author: WANG Mei-Hsiu Submitted in Accordance with the requirements for the degree of PhD The University of Leeds School of Modern Languages and Cultures 29 August 2007 The candidate confirms that the work submitted is his own and that appropriate has been has been given where reference made to the work of others. credit The copy has been supplied on the understanding that it is copyright material from be the thesis that quotation no may and published without proper acknowledgement. i Acknowledgments This dissertation would not have been possible without the generous support have indebted those to 2000,1 August who people am also since people of many to me. mentor as acted F. W. J. Professor dissertation, have this Among those who contributed to Jenner, who is my supervisor, guided this dissertation and also inspired me to in knowledge developing in and widening my perspective vision. my greater effort He also offered me great support for my living in London in the last stage of my different. be life his Without and career will support my study. Professor Flemming Christiansen, who is my tutor and my supervisor too, 2002. in I the summer of encouraged me when was worried about my upgrading Professor Delia Davin, who is also my supervisor, concerned herself with my helped job. has for She in I also my progress especially when stayed my country in dealing me with practical matters related to my research and examination. Professor Chialing Mei, my external supervisor in National Taiwan University, has in always encouraged me my research. My family, my husband Professor An-yuan Chang and my two daughters, Yun have been important in Wei, the always most and support my study. Without their I have been long to this understanding and support would not able complete path of study. ii Abstract During the period of the Northern and Southern dynasties of China identity disorder by became into in thrown questions political, religious serious a society and ethnic problems. This thesis uses three books written in the sixth century to discuss how educatedChinese faced identity problems and how they dealt with them. The Buddhist monk Huijiao, dealt with the problems of sinifying a foreign religion. He constructed many different identities in addition to the Buddhist one for the monks in his book Gaoseng zhuan, (Lives of Eminent Monks), a collection of biographies of Buddhist monks, to bring Buddhism closer to Chinese tradition and more acceptable by Confucian standards. Through the identity construction he also made responsesto anti-Buddhist ideas. Yang Xuanzhi's Luoyang qielan ji, (Record of the Monasteries of Luoyang), deals with the identity problems of Chinese officials serving a Xianbei regime in the north and of the short-lived capital of the Northern Wei in Luoyang. Yang reconstructed a Chinese identity for the lost capital as a true heir of Chinese tradition, as were the emperors, princes and officials who lived there. He created an identity defined not by ethnicity but by culture. Yan Zhitui's Tanshi jiaxun, (Family Instruction of the Yan Clan), is book a which tells his descendantshow to construct and maintain the future identity of his family. He drew on his own experience of recovering from own repeated political catastrophes to set out an identity that would help the family to survive disordered times and maintain their status in society. iii Note on Romanization This dissertationincludesa number of namesand terms in Chinese.Where in have their their names roman modem writers own preferred ways of writing letters,,these have been followed. Otherwise, I have used the Hanyu pinyin system for Romanizing names and terms throughout this dissertation except in quotations in which I have kept their original spelling. Chinese and Japanesecharacters for the names of authors and the titles of their works can be found in the bibliography. q iv Abbreviations Used in the Text GSZ Gaoseng zhuan LYQLJ Luoyang qielanji msz Mingseng zhuan SGSZ Song gaoseng zhuan sxz Shenxian zhuan A2 P311i faPwl, -ri Aýfj I [Of-I A,I XGSZ Xu gaoseng zhuan YSJX Yanshijiaxun AflfýV)ll YSJXJJ lanshijiaxunjýie ffivý 1ýXIlllItl-; z-W TSD Taish5 Shinshfi Daizc5ky6(Taish5z5k). )aRFTOJýWW" F5QU ()dOW) V Contents Acknowledgments Abstract Note on Romanization iv Abbreviations Used in the Text Chapter 1 1 Introduction 6 Shizu 12 The Ethnic questions Buddhism 20 Chapter 2 Identity problems caused by Buddhism and Gaoseng the to solutions --- according zhuan Gaoseng zhuan-Biographies 31 of Buddhist monks Huijiao-The Gaoseng 32 author of zhuan Huijiao's motivations 37 Dissatisfaction with Mingseng Zhuan Influence of Sengyou 38 40 The tradition of historical writing and the new tide of Buddhist biographical writing 43 As a response to anti-Buddhists and a new form of identity construction 49 Sources and structure of the Gaoseng zhuan The sources of Gaoseng Zhuan The categories and its ranks 53 57 Similarities to Shenxian zhuan 61 The structural model of Gaoseng Zhuan biographies The identities Huijiao constructed for monks Miracle worker and imperial adviser Philanthropist, ascetic and hermit Scholar and mingshi Other problems 89 96 53 74 80 63 73 30 vi Chapter 3 The Luoyang qielan ji and identities recreated by Yang Xuanzhi The book and the author's purpose in writing Xuanzhi The author of Luoyang qielanji-Yang 99 99 102 105 The circumstances of writing Luoyang qielan ji The identities Yang Xuanzhi created for Northern Wei Luoyang Physical identity and the Yongning Monastery Historical identity 107 108 113 Making connections between Northern Wei Luoyang and earlier Han Chinese history 113 The way Yang Xuanzhi talked about the history of Northern Wei Luoyang 117 Emperor Xiao wen di of the Northern Wei 117 Avoiding talking about Northern Wei history before the move to Luoyang 119 The way Yang Xuanzhi talked about the history of the last years of the Northern Wei and the final crisis of Luoyang. Religious identity --- A Buddhist city An international city A Han Chinese city 122 128 137 145 Emphasizing Northern Wei Luoyang's Han Chinese characteristics 145 Indicating the differences between people in Northern Wei Luoyang and some other non-Chinese people 150 Indicating the differences between Han Chinese culture in Northern Wei Luoyang and Han Chinese culture in the South Chapter 4 Yanshijiaxun 154 Yan Zhitui and Yanshi Narun --- A family instruction and a book for 165 creating identity The author of Yanshijiaxun --- Yan Zhitui and his life 165 167 Yan Zhitui's problems of identity 172 The identities Yan Zhitui reconstructed for himself and his family 174 vii Family identity 174 175 Education of children Keeping good relationship between brothers 178 Maintaining good relation betweenbrothers 170 Care in marriage and remarriage 179 Good managementof the family 181 Official identity 184 The Necessity of constructing an identity as an official 186 Practical and safe official identity Some official identities should be avoided 188 193 Identity as scholars and gentlemen The importance of study 193 Scholar as an occupation 195 Advice on study 196 Avoiding the influence of Daoism 201 Proper writing and pronunciation 202 Good customsand manners 205 Other skills and abilities of the gentlemanscholar Religious identity as lay Buddhists Chapter 5 Conclusion 214 216 Practical medical Daoism The modified Confucian 207 214 Yan Zhitui's skeptical attitude toward Daoism Lay Buddhists 184 217 222 229 Appendix: A comparative list of biographies in Gaosengzhuan and Mingseng zhuan 234 Bibliography 252 Chapter 1 Introduction This thesis is a study of identity as reflected in three books that were They in in China the the with all concerned are century. sixth completed medieval time from the fourth to the sixth centuries, the period in Chinese history usually Han Eastern dynasties. Southern After Northern the rule, collapse of called and four identity in Chinese For the centuries nearly new questions of appeared world. it was politically divided and unstable. Large parts of China were ruled by from In their troubled times many people moved away non-Chinese conquerors. homelands. Buddhism,, a religion of foreign origin, challenged the ideological Confucian Chinese From traditions. then till supremacy of and other the M, by Yang Jian (%, 541-604), the founder of the Sui (Pfj, 581-618) reunification dynasty, in 589, a long period of unrest and disorder, Chinese people not only faced various serious struggles for physical survival but also experienced great in These traditional changes values and rearrangements of social status. changes by factors. And they all posed were affected political, religious and geographical identity. serious questions of The problem of identity that educated Chinese faced in this period were many difficult. Instead of one dynasty ruling the whole China world that commanded and the political loyalty of all of them for centuries there were many regimes, mostly China. Political loyalty involved hard choices. that short-lived, only ruled parts of There were also problems of ethnic identity and loyalty when from the early fourth China by dynasties. What north was ruled many non-Chinese century onwards ý111 f 2 China divided In did for Chinese this create their subjects? a politically problems local identity became more significant, especially when there was much population identify did be identity Local with where you movement. could also problematic: foreign left? family had As lived the new and or with the place which your you did in how dominant China became Buddhism this affect people's sense religion of identity? be Could of cultural one a good Buddhist and an adherentof traditional Chinese cultural values? The question of identity of educated Chinese in the period individual just Southern dynasties Northern the an of and was complex and not Identity in Chinese large Han It society. experience. affected a number of people into first in in forms the turned questions appeared at and very soon period political identity questions which contained ethnic, religious and geographical aspects. Han Chinese people, especially educated Han Chinese, had to face the serious challenge identities Chinese Han In transformation their of of within culture. general, Chinese in identity by the their educated period constructed culture and this in histories but in literature the the situation was not only reflected also of this identity family In the the period. addition, survival and of patriarchal unit through Such issues times unstable provide enlightening angles was an ongoing problem. for research into the literature of the Northern and Southern dynasties. From the end of the Eastern Han,,civil wars and rebellions continued to create disruption and misery. In 220 A. D., the age of the Three Kingdoms (Sanguo, E W) began when three rival regimes contended for control. In the north Cao,Cao (TWF, 4p, 155-220) and his son Cao Pi 187-226) founded the new regime of Wei (P,, 220-265) with its capital at Ye (W, Anyang, Henan). Usually it is called Cao Wei to distinguish it from the later Northern Wei. One year after Cao, Pi's claim for the legitimacy of his throne, Liu Bei (Wqrgj, 161-223), a descendant of the Han 3 imperial family, declared himself emperor of the Han dynasty (221-263) in the Sichuan (H) I[) area with great help from his political and military adviser Zhuge Han Shu Shu (Q) known is Liang (A-: ff -4r, dynasty 181-234). This or as also 9-ul I14W 222-280), (I-q, Wu 221-263). Another one established was regime, political jxq later by Sun Quan year in Jiankang city _, 182-252) in the Yangzi valley and made its capital today Nanjing). Historians sometimes call this the "triple division of the Chineseland" for 60 lasted This tianxia). about sanfen finally fall in 280 Wu, the to and of sixteen years after the came an end with years Sima family replaced the Cao family's Wei dynasty with their own dynasty in Jin 265. of Throughout these sixty years the main identity question for educated Chinese did loyalty? The to they the their a political was one: which of rival regimes owe Jin appearedfor a time to have resolved that question by restoring a single political authority. The Jin regime gave Chinese people only about ten years of peace after their had been fulfilled. Soon death the the goal of unification of country after of the founder Sima Yan r.265-290) the newly risen consort family of Jia (-&) dissent followers. The troubles lasted from 291 the their caused among nobles and to 305, and for seven years a serious civil war, known as 'the Rebellion of the Eight Princes' Oý AD, brought the princes of the imperial family into conflict deteriorated from first This few years of the the with each other. situation rapidly fourth century onwards, with further problems of droughts and locusts, which famine in by the the civil war. In addition the tribes already regions ravaged caused installed in the north and northwest took people non-Chinese of nomadic form independent to the rebel and general chaos advantage of political units. As 4 Cheng kingdom founded () Cong the of 303 family early as of proto-Tibetan a Han (MR) Xiongnu X, 303 in Sichuan, the while -347) WJ Shanxi of southern ffq) proclaimed themselvesindependentand copied the dynastic name of the Han. They were followed by anotherfifteen non-Chinesedynasties' that rose and fell in different parts of north China. In 3 11 the Xiongnu chieftain Liu Cong seized Luoyang in 316 Chang'an and fell in turn to the assault of (M family fled Yangzi imperial leader, Yao (WqHM). The Xiongnu Liu to the another leaving historical their two capital cities and most of the people under valley, followed Many this great exile and most of non-Chinese rule. nobles and officials them never returned to their homeland in the north where their ancestors had lived for thousands of years. The rivalry between non-Chinese regimes and the troubles they caused in in historiography from is known Chinese China 303 439 to as north and northwest 'Sixteen Kingdoms of the Five Barbarians (TIM+AW, Wuhushiliuguo)' or 'Five Barbarians bringing chaos to China CHMADW, Wuhuluanhua)'. No matter which term historians have used for the period, Chinese historians have blamed the disordered society and the difficult times and their exile on the attacks by 2 be if so simp, e. Educated Chinese non-Chinese people even the problem may not at the time tended to see the non-Chinese as evil and uncivilized, and to emphasize that they were different from themselves. On the other hand, upper-class Chinese in loyalty. The them the the their north served new regimes and gave who stayed The expression "sixteen kingdoms and five barbarians" is commonly used. In fact the five, kingdoms than the the ethnic group was more non-Chinese of and number number of they founded was more than sixteen. 2 The reasonsfor the great movement of Chinese people to Southern China are more factor, including factors flood famine. See than the ethnic a simple as well of and complex Shanghai: Shanghai Wang Zhongluo (ýEfýP*), WeiJin Nanbeichao shi ýP FE1 2003. renmin chubanshe, 5 identity questions that appeared in this period were more complex than during the time of the Three Kingdoms. It is understandablethat Cao Cao, the founder of the fonner Wei, who had low social statusas the adoptedgrandsonof a court eunuch and was without any connection with the late Han aristocracy, sought to strengthen his own position at the expense of the great gentry families who had occupied the forefront of the political stage since the killing is in 189. It the of eunuchs understandable too that Liu Bei emphasized his descent from the imperial family of the Han dynasty to strengthen his legitimacy in founding a new dynasty in the southwest even if there is a shortage of evidence about his actual ancestry. However, educated Chinese after the collapse of Western Jin rule had to face more difficult identity questions than their predecessors who had served Cao Cao and Liu Bei. How did they face the reality that Chinese people were unable to maintain their supremacy over other ethnic groups? And how did they accept the end of unified rule of the Chinese world? Those questions were more serious than questions of family lineage and political loyalty. Moreover, when the Eastern Jin was founded in Southern China, the geographical factor also influenced questions of identity. Sima Rui 276-322) refounded the Jin state in South China in 317 after the loss of the North, thus initiating the age of the Eastern Jin (*', 317-420). The Eastern Jin in the south lasted more than a hundred years, much longer than the Western Jin in the north. During this long period, the ruling house, aristocrats and the educated Chinese in the south persistently hoped to return to their homeland in the north. The armies of the Eastern.Jin tried to reconquer the north with the support of northern aristocrats in 312 and 313,352 and 365, and again from 416 to 418. However, their dream of regaining power over all of China was 6 shattered when Fu Jian ( I'T 338-385), the ruler of the Former Qin HIi 351-394), one of the northern non-Chinesedynasties,launcheda massive invasion that was stopped on the River Fei in 383 Feishuizhizhan ). At the same time, people in the south had an interest in creating a stable, prosperous state in the legitimate leader himself the the their of south although as ruler regarded government of the whole of China. The first decades of Eastern Jin rule in Jiankang (Rf, *, Nanjing) and the period after the River Fei campaign presented identity questions to educated Chinese in the south that were slightly different. In the beginning refugees from the north saw themselves as temporary residents. Most expected that they would go back to the north shortly. Therefore they acted as superior to the local Chinese and took a lofty attitude to them. After they largely lost hope of going back to the north the identity question for the families from the north changed too. Shizu From the point of view of the Eastern Jin, the River Fei campaign was a from the non-Chinese kingdoms of north successful effort at stopping attacks China and keeping a certain security for the southern government which enjoyed forty more years of peace. On the other hand, the cost of the River Fei campaign had shown that there was little hope of recovering the north for the imperial family had fled from house 381, After Sima the the who north. other people and ruling of had to face the difficult question of powerful families, known as shizu a 3 in the south. their arrival problem since There are five Chinese words that are all pronounced shizu: fttA, f±tA 7 Shizu consistedmainly of imperial families, powerful families, and educated families. Zhao Yi (MR), a famous scholar of the Qing (fflq) dynasty, said that the knowledge formed because intellectuals their took of shizu professional some Confucian classics for an heirloom and passedit on to their descendantsso that they could have the opportunity to take high positions in government. After some became high families these generations, social status and were eventually accorded 4 However, the LTc) has Shiyuan (Mý: Kuang shizu. modem scholar pointed out that it is relevant to the question of the development of shizu that since Confucianism -6, ideological basis by Emperor Wu (A; the the was recognized as of state r. 140-87 BQ of the Western Han (N& 206 BC-8 AD), the younger generations of some families had high by High traditional rich won office studying classics. office was also a way of acquiring wealth. Thereafter, if these families still held high positions in government for generations without falling from political favour, their families 5 became shizu. Those families would increase their property, mostly by enlarging their own land, after their family members became officials and held political family's it had As its to power. a property grew more chances educate sons and for them to gain political position, so that their families became more and more influential. In short, the three prerequisites for shizu status were rich powerful and knowledge of Confucianist classics, a wealthy family, and holding high posts for a few generations. Shizu status became very important for the identity of leading Mr)ý. differences in between There are slightly meaning and one and another and all are W-FP-11fifif See Hanguang Zhongguo Zhonggu Mo (FP shehui shilun related. EJA a1988. In for Lianjing I Taipei: this thesis the gongsi, chuban use general ý: fi[ffj). from families. Chinese powerful meaning of educated (Taipei: Shijie shuju, 1983); vol. 5, "Leishi See Zhao Yi, Nianer shi zhaji Jingxue 5 Kuang Shiyuan "Wei An mendi shili zhuanyi yu zhiluan guanxi" (ft-'r9m ff 'fifFu, ) in WeiJin Nanbeichaoyanjiu lunji (Taipei: Wenshizhe chubanshe, 1984), pp.29-79. 8 families. Many powerful families had backed Liu Xiu emperor of the Eastern Han 6 B. C. -57 A. D. ), the first 25-220), when he fought to found his own dynasty in the first quarter of the first century. Most of these powerful families became shizu later on because of their contribution, to the new regime and therefore their families had the first chancesto hold and keep high posts in court. A between imperial families developed had strongerconnection shizu and since then, and this situation continued under the Cao Wei dynasty. Even more than the Later Han, the Cao Wei regime was founded on the support from many powerful families, (ýM)'6 like those of Xu Chu . Zhong Yao (Mg)'7 Du Ji (fig). 8 Those families from had Eastern Han the their own armed forces. It were all shizu period who also in fact the transfer of power between different groups of families when the was Cao Wei replaced the Eastern Han, and it was the same when the Sima took the throne from the Cao. Therefore, scholars have long maintained that the period from Wei to Jin it was dominated by "shizu politics". The position of shizu was consolidated by the grading system known asjiupin (A guanrenfa ON also calledjiupin zhongzhengzhi (A'FPIE$q), QQ although this system was not established especially for the shizu's benefit. The system was Cao Cao and his successor Cao Pi and was used for nearly four established under 9 hundred years. The original purpose of the system was for the efficient selection 6 See Weizhi 18 "Biography of Xu Chu" in Sanguo zhi (E ' See Weizhi 13 "Biography of Zhong Yao" in Sanguo zhi, the annotation to which quotes ýL-%ýýjtt). from information 'Xianxian xingzhuang'(7, some 8 See Weizhi in Sanguo zhi 16 "Biography of Du Ji". 9 Jiupin guanrenfa was announced in the first year of Huangchu (RV], 220) and was in Kaihuang (rffj*,, 591). for It 371 years. See Wei the of eleventh year abolished was used %3). Sui ( However, in Sanguo and shu zhi. although the publication of the system zhi Wei Wendi (P, dated Shen Yue 3ZV) Song the to the period, author was of shu (5r, IF), attributed this effort to Cao Cao. SeeSong shu 94, the preface of -Biography of 9 in Intended for principle government. and promotion of the most suitable officials in it the identify impartial best to the consisted selection, officials and guarantee However in families t is system their classification of all officials and nine grades. (FPiE), families began favour the officials the to the as very soon zhongzheng great in chargeof the selection who held the right to decide which families belongedto Chen designer from Even this the of system, which grades, usually came shizu. Qun (P*flT) himself came from a typical shizu family. In the special circumstance of the time the right of selection was held in the hands of great families, so that the jiupin guanrenfa eventually became a system which made the shizu more powerful and more unshakable. At the beginning of the jiupin guanrenfa, the zhongzheng normally made his family based intellect, the selection and recommendation on abilities, virtue, and background of educated individuals. However, by about the end of the Jin dynasty family background became the only real prerequisite; intellect, abilities and virtue into if They taken sometimes were only nominally account. would see a person's high in had holding a record of posts, government, especially recent ancestors during three generations from his father to his great grandfather. This was not 10 based on distant family history. That is why the imperial family was usually belonged in families but in to shizu one period and shizu and why some included decided by family's how in (family A actually grade) was pin not another period. families it held Powerful the time. were usually shizu although at much power families were not. some powerful Enxing 10 SeeTang Changru (*RfX), "Shizu de xingcheng han shengjiang han duiwu de kuoda tequan -Shiren shizu yinzu and ýLýAý (Beijing: Zhonghua both in WeiJin Nanbeichao shilun shiyi (ftffn* N -ýfiffl 64-78. 53-63 1983). and pp. shuju, 10 The statusand composition of shizu changedwith the passingof time. When the Song (*) dynasty was founded in 420, military success brought about a founder The of rearrangement of political resources and a reclassification of shizu. the Song dynasty in the south was an army chief named Liu Yu (Wqr4,363-422), living his born family. in humble He as a woodcutter, who was earned and poor a fisherman and shoe seller when he was young. He began his career under several from late fourth finally became the military groups a ruler of a new century and fifth by from family in first decades Sima the taking the throne the the regime of century. As an emperor, his family was included among the shizu during the Song but it first it to the period, never came up grade of shizu since was not "old" for high in Military to enough qualification. power was not a new path posts however it found families their government; a was new way people of promoting to higher ranks in society. Liu Yu was the first model of this kind of social advancement, and he was followed by three more founders of new dynasties in the Xiao Daocheng (a south: 427-482) of the Southem Qi (PN*, 479-502), *, a Xiao Yan (Mfýjf, 464-549) of the Liang (W, 502-557) and the Chen Baxian (P, 503-559) Chen (Ft, 557-589). of 7t, There were some other low class families like the Liu family upgraded into rq), common families high statusby military achievement.Quite a few hanmen(Aý_, humble families, high in through or won status military achievement the period. In fact, only humble families could succeed in the army. The members of shizu did joining join Actually the time. they the army and winning the army at regarded not kind disgrace. Such held by as a of military achievements views were most shizu fifth the to the sixth centuries, as we shall see when the through whole period of looking at Yanshi jiaxun 00, In this period the families of successful by "better" true but in shizu soldiers rapidly rose were not regarded as status, families 531-591+), although they had shizu status such as Yan Zhituils illegal drove for law. desire to The to actions such as according the some shizu rank falsifying family records. Powerful people would ask zhongzheng to change their family records in order to upgrade their families to higher status for exemption from taxes and labour requisition and for winning respect in society. " False family records produced many fake shizu and this became a serious problem to the government. The government made several general checks, under pressure, on the family records of shizu during the period of the Song and Qi dynasties,but they finally abandoned this campaign around 480, under more pressure, and pen-nitted numerous fake shizu with false family records. Besides the rise of military families, marriage connections were another factor heterogeneous. One typical example was the Xiao family which made shizu more of Lanling (WpjffiýQ). The Xiao family became one of the most famous shizu families in the late period of the Southern dynasties. They were the imperial family dynasties, Liang. Qi Before two the the then Xiaos were married into the of and future Song ruling house. The stepmother of Liu Yu, the first Song emperor, came from the Xiao family. Since the Liu family was humble, it is improbable that Liu Yu's father had married a lady from a high status family. Therefore the Xiao family, Tang Changru as had pointed out, was not included in shizu originally became illustrious family from Song times. The status of they an although shizu the Xiao, based on marriage connections, lasted till the early years of the Tang (*) ynasty. I '' Some records may be found in Nan shi 49, "Biography of Yu Bi " See Tang Changru, "Shizu de xingcheng han shengjiang in wei -4H4-AJLýAýA Jit7Nanbeichaoshilunshiyi(V, (Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 1983), 12 From the simple discussion and description above, it is clear that shizu identity was unstable, especially during the period from the fourth to sixth century. How did people who prided themselves on their birth and education keep their identity amidst such confusion? This was a central question for Yan Zhitui, the author of the third book we will look at in this study. Ethnic Questions The problem of shizu in the north was more complex than in the south: it was by issues. affected ethnic When the government of the Western Jin dynasty collapsed and withdrew to the south in 317, powerful families had four choices. Some of them followed their left homelands in Yangzi They to to their the the north move valley. ruler and became fled Some the time. them to gradually southerners with passing of of *) Liaodong (L#.,, l) in Youzhou ([*fl, the area northeast China which Chinese and had developed since the Three Kingdoms period. Some of them moved to Liangzhou ýly in the west of China. Some of them chose to stay where their family had lived for many generations. Except for the people who moved south, the others were usually regarded as northerners, for the whole of north China was dynasty in Northern Wei (JLV, 439. ) the eventually united under Unlike the great families that moved to the south, the great families that had forces. built in They fortresses the strong armed north usually strong stayed families dependants to protect themselves and their and and organized extended 53-63. pp. 13 properties when the government was unable to maintain order and the populace was confronted with the threat of war and bandits. Someof the smaller and weaker families would attach themselves to the great families to ensure security. Such groupings could become powerful military structures. Their fortresses and armed forces were so strong that they could sometimes resist regular soldiers. This kind 13 had dynasty. Following the of self-protection strategy evolved under the Han from the beginning of the fourth century to establishment of non-Chinese regimes the middle of the fifth century the great Chinese families lost their military power but remaineddominant in local finance and administration. To maintain control of their Chinese subjects the non-Chinese rulers of the kingdoms in the north usually tried their best to establish good various relationships with those Chinese great families. The rulers in the north would make friends with the leaders of those families, and some of the barbarian kings even identities for the great families. During the period of Sixteen restored shizu Kingdoms, the non-Han rulers, including the rulers of the Zhao (ffi) kingdoms and the rulers of the early years of the Northern Wei dynasty, restored and classified identity for families in the the north with the jiupin zhongzheng system shizu great family to the and also according old records which had been made in Cao,Wei and Western Jin times. Problems within the different classes of shizu and between shizu and non-shizu were still apparent from time to time in the north. However, the shizu problem in the north was not as serious as in the south. To the in Chinese the to their rulers north non-Chinese and subjects the more serious problem was always the ethnic question. 13 See Ch'u, T'ung-tsu, Han social structure. (Seattle: University of Washington Press, 1972), p.209. 14 Ethnic questions in the period of the Sixteen Kingdoms remained serious When China. it dynasty Northern the Wei whole of north the unified under after the between the China divided of power military rival regimes, northern was still important; the therefore problem of shizu was non-Chinese peoples was all Kingdoms, Sixteen the kings hand, On the as the such of secondary. some other Murong family of the Yan families of the Zhao,(ffiý) kingdoms, Qin kingdom, 14 the Liu (Wq) and the Shi (;H) 15 F families (ýft) Yao (j Fu the of fI) and and the kingdoms' 6 had been sinicised to a degree; their knowledge of Chinese tradition and the use of Chinese culture had been of great help in their rule. Any in Chinese large Chinese to that order officials needed regime ruled a population do so. During this period of nearly a hundred years, the shizu problem did not become a serious issue until a Xianbei branch destroyed most of its in founded China. a great empire north northern rivals and In 386,, Tuoba Gui (Týfi&Jj, 371-409) founded a non-Chinese regime in Pingcheng (-7FfA, Datong, Shanxi). The kingdom was also named Wei and is called Northern Wei in Chinese history in order to distinguish it from Cao Wei. The Tuoba family, a branch of Xianbei, had founded a state called Dai (ft) built and *, in inner Mongolia) in 312 that came to an end their first capital in Shengle ('A5wj, in 376. Ten years after their first kingdom fell, the Tuoba family founded a new kingdom. After their establishment of the new kingdom, by the middle of the fifth " SeeJin shu H EN 109, "Biography of Murong Guang I 10I "Biography of 127, "Biography of Murong De Murong Jun SeeJin shu 101, "Biography of Liu Yuanhai 102 "Biography of Liu Cong 103, "Biography of Liu Yao (TqRM)"; 104 and 105, "Biography of Shi Le k) 106 and 107, "Biography of Shi Jilong A 16 SeeJin shu 113 and 114, "Biography of Fu Jian 115, "Biography of Fu Pi 117 and 118, "Biography of Yao Xing 116, "Biocyraphy of Yao Chang im)"; It 9, "Biography of Yao Hong ýI 15 China in destroyed first and their Northern Wei north rivals the all century rulers The direct the best then proceeded as peasantry. they could to establish control over families from Chinese to house Wei Northern shizu the ruling relied on educated of for to laws kinds institutions, the state, new and other systems establish many of first lands. This in Chinese the stage was enable the government to work properly its Chinese its dealings in dynasty Wei Northern the the with of sinicization of had Wei houses in Northern As to maintain good the the subjects. north, ruling had families families in Chinese to those the north, and relation with powerful by house loyalty. One those the to their great contribution made serve ruling show helped families Chinese Chinese the the tradition which political powerful was Tuoba family to build their own bureaucratic structure and rule their new kingdom effectively. While north Chinese shizu helped the Tuoba family to establish their high before by its them tried to take status as government and systems, some of from They the they office. using power which received wanted to reorganise the by social order making a clear classification of shizu. In any classification of shizu based on Chinese tradition and Chinese history, nonually only educated Chinese families were able to keep records of their families' political experience. That be have high Xianbei to the able social status although aristocracy would not meant their political status would remain high. That was not only a shizu identity issue but was an ethnic question. What Chinese shizu wanted to do caused serious tension between the Xianbei aristocracy and the Chinese shizu. This situation in 450, in history (W Cui Hao named after eventually caused a widespread crisis history W-92$ft-). (guoshi the official crisis or sometimes called sh4ian, Cui Hao,(?-450) was born in a famous high grade shizit family in north China. 16 He was the most important of the educated Chinese from shizu families who helped the Northern Wei dynasty to establishtheir bureaucraticsystemunder three A, (t, Taiwu 409-423) (H)ITE, L-6A, Mingyuan 386-409), and r. emperors:Daowu ( r. 424-452). holding After r. political having long for time an and a power Cui Hao families, the social status of northern unconcealed wish to re-rank feel he interests them Xianbei threatenedthe made and, moreover, aristocracy's that educatedChineselooked down on them as uncivilized. Cui Hao was executed because he wrote directly about the history of the Tuoba family in a disrespectful 17 between in fact he died In the the educated conflict emperor. way and offended Chinese and Xianbei aristocracy over sinicization. Many Chinese shizu were involved in the Cui Hao,incident, and thousandsof membersof shizu families were did banished. it However, executed or not stop the process of sinicization of Northern Wei even though there continued to be tensions and suspicions between Chinese and non-Chinese. The process of the sinicization of the Northern Wei climbed to its peak in the time of Xiaowen di (*3Z; -6, r. 471-499), the sixth emperor of the Northem Wei dynasty. His reign has become synonymous with sinicization. In his reign he for into Chinese Xianbei transforming announced many policies culture culture. Xiaowen di, Tuo,ba Hong had accepted Chinese culture since he was from his Dowager Empress Feng grandmother, very young and mostly 441-490), the daughter of a Chinese shizu family. He also took much advice on his high from in Su Wang the of one officials sinicization court, 436-501), a 17 There are many resourceswhich mention the Cui Hao incident in Weishu,such as: 35 48 "Biography of "Biography of Cui Hao (jTn)", 47 "Biography of Lu Xuan I Gao Yun ( AAt)" and 24 "Biography of Cui Xuanbo 17 18 typical Chinese shizu intellectual, when he took direct control of his government. Xiaowen di and his grandmother changed almost every aspect of state and society in a drastic reform programme directed towards the goal of smicization. He Xianbei the ways and even the use enforced sinification and outlawed many of old family Xianbei language their their name original of clothes styles, and at court; for identity banned in intended Chinese laws them. to the cultural were createa new Finally to move away from the "barbarian" influences of old customs, in 495 Xiaowen di moved the capital from Pingcheng to the ruined site of Luoyang. Such it had in the the thirty that twenty a resources of or were reformed state some years half had been buildings there great city of a million people with magnificent where but before, leaders Xianbei tribal nothing ruins and while also maintaining many 19 hundredsof thousandsof soldierson the frontiers. The sinicization after Xiaowen di moved his capital to Luoyang became more thoroughgoing. He adopted the jiupin grading system for leading families. In 495 he even made a new law to change Xianbei family names from their original forms to Chinese style ones and ranked eight of them, Mu (fg-), Lu (Ft), He (fff), Liu (Wq), Luo (ff), Yu (-T), Ji I, first Wei (PT-, ), These and as grade names. eight family names were shortened from polysyllabic Xianbei aristocratic names.20 After the change those family names became very similar to some Chinese family di for Xiaowen then announced another strong measure sinicization. He names. leaders had his Tuoba the tribal to the especially people, who submitted asked 18 See "Biography of Wang Su" in WeiShu 63 and Bei Shi 42. 19 SeeJenner, WTF., Memories of Loyang.- YangHsuan-chih and the lost capital (493-534) (Oxford: Clarendon press, 1981), pp. 16-60. Modem discussions seeTang Changru, -Lun See WeiShu 113 "Guanshi zhi in WeiJin Nanbeichao shilun Bei Wei Xiaowendi ding xingzu 2) L *A 'H (Beijing: Zhonghua 1983), 79-9 1. Also (ft Yao iy i shuju, pp. see sh Beichao huxing kao (JL*AMft1V). Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 1958. Weiyuan 18 family and moved to Luoyang from the northern frontier with the ruling house, to historical According ). (ýqn* to Henan records, change their place of origin to family hundred than people of more a became Luoyangers surnames all 21 thereafter. Xiaowen di had tried to close the gap betweenthe Xianbei aristocracy between Chinese differences Chinese to and non-Chinese. and shizu, and minimize In a word, he wanted all his people to become Chinese in culture. He even different law announced a marriage which made clear rules on marriage among blood. law According Chinese the to this races. and non-Chinesewould share same When the ruling house of the Northern Wei and its people in Luoyang were large brought by Xianbei the the were sinicization, numbers of enjoying prosperity left behind in the north. Most of them were the Xianbei soldiers who stayed on the kingdom frontier for long These Xianbei the time. northern a garrisons guarded from in their state other steppe armies' attacks a severe environment. and protected Those once honoured armies were neglected and mistreated by a remote and insisted in Xianbei Luoyang their they since still on culture and sinicized court in identity. Luoyang The the area produced a new successful sinicization ethnic identity of high civilization for the Tuoba family and their followers, and this new identity made them different from their own people left in the northern frontiers. The differences turned into discontent, the discontent became anger and broke into that the northern garrisons a rebellion of out around 524. accumulated This rebellion destroyed the Northern Wei army. The state had to turn to the heavy ff. Erzhu (f the cavalry of tribesmen of Iranian descent long settled in Shanxi, to imposed The Erzhu dictatorship did fatal then their the rebellion. and suppress 21 See WeiShu 113 "Guanshi zhi" and the preface of 'Shibu M) 33. "Jingj i zhi Sui shu (P'Fj puxipian in 19 damage to Luoyang and killed many of its Xianbei and Chinese elite. The down finally Erzhus The disappeared Luoyang put were prosperity of very quickly. Huan Gao, Chinese, by by Xianbeiicized Luoyang's but not a armies 496-547) 22 ,a (FUlljR, former northern garrison officer and associate of theirs. Not long 2 Huan it is Gao his Erzhu, that moved said after successful suppression of the days' its from Luoyang three notice to a new capital million people and environs at dynasty. Wei (Anyang, Northern Ye Henan). This the the at end of was ./ =f-- The Northern Wei dynasty split into two lines after 534: the Eastern Wei (,T, zf-li: t (NVA, 535-556), Western Wei his 534-550), Gao Huan the jý%, and sons,and under 507-556) at Chang'an. In 552 the eastern Gao's Yuwen Tai under rival branch was dethroned, and Gao Yang P-j OLM Northern Qi the emperor of 529-559) made himself the first 550-577). In 557 the Yuwen family ended the fiction of Western Wei rule and took the throne as the Zhou dynasty, later known as the Northern Zhou OL ME 557-581). About twenty years later, when the Northern Qi regime was weakened by its own wealth, Northern Zhou marched its armies to Ye and destroyed it in 577. The same fate befell the Northern Zhou in 581, when it by its Jian. Chinese Yang Having reasserted partly generals, overthrown one of was Chinese supremacy in the north as the first Sui emperor, Yang Ran went on to China. the conquer south and reunify When north China was under the control of the Gao family and the Yuwen family, sinicization was disrupted by many strong anti-sinicization policies. Both language Xianbei houses their the to own people use again on encouraged ruling formal occasions, especially when their leaders made speechesto the armies. They 22 See Wan Shengnan(M%fft Chen Yinque WeiJin Nanbeichaojiangyan lu. (F*jýfiýjg ap). Huangshan (Hefei: 2000), 2922-300. shushe, pp. BVIAJOAMA 20 Xianbei family the people. the names of also restored the place of origin and Moreover, they gave Xianbei surnamesto their Chineseofficials when they made honour. having Xianbei They sumame as a mark of great achievements. a regarded The policy of the bestowal of surnames in this period moved the mixture of Chineseand non-Chinesein the direction of Xianbeiization, and made it difficult to distinguish between those originally of high rank and those of low. The policy also by influence Chinese the the the out carried a part of was of reversal of restoration 23 for Chinese had They the times. culture, non-Chineserulers of no great respect and people with Chinese culture. Looking at the situation like this and looking back at the history of north China, with changing government policies on sinicization and an ever shifting in living in how did Chinese China, the north see political situation north people their identity? When Xiaowen di of the Northern Wei carried out sinicization and later rulers reversed their policies, how did Chinese and non-Chinese identify themselves? Yang Xuanzhi, a Chinese gentleman who had served as an official in the short-lived Northern Wei capital Luoyang, reflected directly and indirectly on the identity of Luoyang as a Chinese city and on the role of Chinese officials and in he it its Xianbei the city when sinified aristocrats wrote about after disappearance. Buddhism It was said that the second emperor of the Eastern Han, Ming di About the reasonsand functions of the bestowal of surnamesduring this period, see Albert E. Dien, "The Bestowal of SurnamesUnder the Western Wei - Northern Chou: A Case of Counter-Acculturation" in T'oung Pao 63 (1977), pp. 137-177. 21 his front in flying 58-75), he had palace. of r. saw a golden man a dream in which One of his officials, Fu Yi (fft), there was a sagein Tianzhu 24 an erudite scholar, told him that he had heard India), called Buddha, who was able to fly, and flying body hue. He the that to man golden say went on whose was of a golden led di dispatched Ming Buddha. in dream envoys seen the emperor's was probably by Cai Yin and Qin Jing his learn this to sageand more about abroad teachings. The envoys brought back with them the Sutra in Forty-two Sections (VY +- FF, deposited in Si Baima the the which emperor Horse White -1 Temple) constructed in the western part of Luoyang. According to this story, this beginning the was of Chinese Buddhism, and the sutra was the earliest piece of Buddhist literature in China. This version of the introduction of Buddhism into 25 China cannot be accepted as authentic and reliable. However, this story was believed, by from fourth talked to sixth the widely about and rewritten people 26 legend fundamental identity The century. addressesa question about Buddhism's in implied China. It this was the result of a Chinese emperor's decision, arrival Chinese Buddhism Chinese to which made seemmuch more and subordinated a ruler. Although the exact date of when Buddhism first came into China remains Ar, fift its In Gaoseng ( the the unclear, speed of propagation was astonishing. zhuan the famous collection of biographies of more than 500 monks compiled by a r5ý, in (M, 497-554) dynasty(502-557), Huijiao Liang the there were scholar monk 214 SeeHou Han Shu 70 "Biography of Fu Yi". 25 See Kenneth K. S. Ch'en, Buddhism in China: a survey (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1973), pp.29-30. 26 About the legend of Yongping, seeTang Yongtong's "Yongping qiufa kaozheng (; in Hanwei liangiin nanbeichao zhi chuanshuo (Taipei: Luotuo chubanshe, 1987), pp. 16-30. juojiaoshi 22 Three from Han the Eastern and nine only about ten monks from the period of the Kingdoms. By contrast, the book includes 155 from the 155 years of the Western Jin and Eastern Jin dynasties (265-420). Huijiao gave biographies of 358 monks from one hundred years from the first years of the Song dynasty to the eighteenth year of the Tianjian 27 This (420-519). dynasty Liang the rapidly era of knowledge does Huijiao's times near of greater growing number not only reflect in Wei Shou's his own. According to "Shilao zhi Weishu (VAM), EHI the number of monasteries in China by 477 was 6,478, and it increased to more than 30,000 in 534; the number of monks and nuns in China by 477 was 77,258, 28 in it increased 2 534 to million and . The number of monasteries increased about five times and the number of monks and nuns increased about twenty-six times in became 57 Buddhism At this the most popular only years. astonishing speed foreign in by despite being China the religion a religion of origin sixth century fast its Besides with many non-Chinese elements. propagation, also worthy of from is in fourth China that the to the sixth attention nearly all monks and nuns century were Chinese. Taking the evidence of Gaoseng zhuan, there are only 65 foreign monks in the book, and more than 400 Chinese monks. There is little information about why so many Chinese became monks or when they became it is hard know how to monks; also well all of them were educated or where they 27 4), with Tang Yongtong's annotation and See Huijiao (V-,,r,z) Gaosengzhuan QQ-fifff! F--J 41! L, -T, Wvr=-=t1 R (J Zhonghua ), different Beijing: 1997. According to shuju correction. in Gaoseng the total of monks number editions zhuan and the number of monks in each different. in The Taishaz6) total number of monks Dazhengzang category are in is is Jinling in 516, 501, the the edition of Haishanxianguan edition of edition is 50 1. In this thesis the materials taken from Gaoseng zhuan are all based on Tang Yongtong's edition published by Zhonghua shuju. 28 See Weishu H4 "Shilao zhi and the chart of the number of monasteries and by Tang Yongtong in Han liangiin Wei compiled nuns monks and nanbeichaofojiaoshi, 1 512-5 pp. ). -3 23 received their education. This was the most successful example of cultural in before China westernization modem times. The successful propagation of Buddhism in medieval China depended greatly Many in house from the the of period. ruling on the support rulers and members of the rulers, Chinese and non-Chinese,in north China and in south China, showed during China, for In the Buddhism. the the of period north great enthusiasm Sixteen Kingdoms, Shi Le (E*ft 319-350), Fu Jian Yao, Xing and QALfJ, kingdom Zhao Later the the ruler of the ruler of the Former Qin kingdom ?- 351-394), U-A-T, -, --I(HI ^384-417), kingdom (& Qin Later the ruler of the all f-, , for Buddhist help in large institutions translating sutras in provided great setting up its fast Wei, Buddhism China. In Northern the the growth. continued period of north Buddhism was subordinated to political power and the chief monks were usually first bureaucracy. Although the the persecution of members of goverm-nent Buddhism in Chinese history happened in the early period of the Northern Wei, Buddhism still grew successftilly in north China from the fifth century to the sixth. The great enthusiasm for Buddhism from the ruling house of the Northern Wei was in Yungang the two temples: evidenced caves of world-famous groups of cave in today's Datong Shanxi Rrj) Longmen (-[ýj the and caves of . from 460 These Luoyang. two to 523, using much projects went on about near labour. in The Buddhism China growth of north money and conscripted also made Luoyang, the third capital city of the Northern Wei after Xiaowen di moved there from Pingcheng in 495, one of most beautiful and prosperous international cities in the world with many magnificent temples and monasteries. In south China, the way of representing enthusiasm for Buddhism was different from in the north. There was also high-level support for Buddhism. Many 24 imperial family members became believers in Buddhism, among them Emperor Wen (3Z-ýY,r.424-453) of the Liu Song (WqTz)dynasty, the Prince of Linchuan Mv jI1 '1), Liu Yiqing (Wq&,ffi, (-AR Jingling Prince dynasty, the of and of the same T-), Xiao Ziliang (WffJ_ft), of the Southern Qi dynasty. The most famous was Xiao Yan, Liang Wudi, the first emperor of the Liang dynasty. He was an himself Buddhist devoted He Buddhist. temple to to a even gave up extremely four least for his labourer times the at serve as a menial paid release until state from 527 to 547. When Ch'en said, "As a way of raising funds for the Buddhist temples this practice was without rival, and Liang Wudi undoubtedly indulged in it 29 is his Buddhism. , However,, to show there patronage of another view advanced by Yamada. He claimed that the reason why Liang Wudi gave himself to a Buddhist temple was because he was trying to combine the identity of an emperor identity bodhisattva. himself Through the the to the and of a ritual of giving Buddhist temple as a menial labourer again and again, Liang Wudi made himself a bodhisattva-emperor, an emperor in a secular world and also a bodhisattva in the final he Whatever Liang Wudi's the time. religious world at same purpose was, his it Did produced contradiction and confusion among people. mean that Buddhism had become a national religion? Could an alien religion become a foreign became be How to seen after a religion national religion? were monks a became bodhisattva-emperor? their emperor national religion and a Without question the successful propagation of Buddhism in medieval China However important factors be the to to of rulers. support other owed much Confucianism. Early Daoism Chinese Buddhism to and are converts considered 29 See: Kennetli K. S. Ch'en, Buddhism in China.- A historical survey. P.125. Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1973. 25 had often been attachedto Daoism, a traditional religion and philosophy with a long history in Chinese society. People sometimes took them as the same kind of Chu Ying like Prince the both time, of religion and practised religions at the same (IPT-' Vý: ) in the Eastern Han. The relationship between Daoism and Buddhism was became first Buddhism friendly. than However, popular even more at when very Daoism in China,, especially when Buddhism became a popular religion among began Chinese, between to change. the two the religions upper-class relationship The growth of this alien religion inevitably evoked opposition from the native long is interesting Daoism. It Tang to ago, that this religion of pointed out note, as in different forms in China. In the north such took opposition and south north 30 opposition sometimes took the form of persecutions based on political power. In the south the opposition appeared in the form of treatises attacking Buddhism on 31 debates, In the treatises, theoretical south many arguments and grounds. various took place in court or on private occasions between Daoists and Buddhists. They 32 historical the problem of priority and ended with a central usually started with issue: the difference between barbarian and Chinese (Yixialun, Religious became identity, therefore opposition a problem of a problem Buddhists always had to face. The identity problem of Buddhism was not only raised by Daoists; it was also 30 One in 446 and another in 574-577. On these events,,see Ch'en,,Buddhism in China. 31 SeeTang, Buddhism history, p.462 and Ch'en, Buddhism in China, p. 136. 32 4, /b" Fo dao zheng xian (M L-94P7 the argument over the priority problem started from , The argument over the priority Wang Fu's (T-4) Laozi hua hujing historic debate became in in 520, that took the presence a court eventually place problem 516-528) Northern dynasty, Xiaoming Wei Emperor the r. of and a series of of debates started in 568 under the supervision of Emperor Wu r.561-578) of the Northern Zhou dynasty. The later resulted in a serious suppressionof Buddhism which began in 574. 26 brought up by Confuciansfrom time to time. As said above,the difference between barbarian and Chinese(Yixiazhibian, ý4020,4*) was always a central issue in the issue It between Buddhists. Daoists the of the the central was also arguments and the controversies between the Buddhists and the Confucians, specially when the famous polemic Nxialun was published. The anti-Buddhist polemic Nxialun (Treatise on the Barbarian and the Chinese) was written by Gu Huan (8,4R, 33 390-483) in the period of the Liu Song dynasty and aroused great interest and discussion. Indian Tang Ch'en Gu's As to that nature aim was show much and said, from different those of the Chinese.Hence Buddhism,, and customswere evil and 34 having originated in India, was not suited to Chinese. Gu Huan's point had been forth in debates between Daoists Buddhists the earlier put and and arguments language in his have Gu However, the as we seen already. used polemic was in his basis for than this stronger previous works, made writing a model and a anti-Buddhist writing thereafter, such as: Sanpolun (Ef6ým, Treatise on the Three in the Qi period, Shenmielun (ý$M-'finfl, Destructions) written by Zhang Rong (ýRFVA) On the Destruction of the Souo written by Fan Zhen period, 35 A), also in the Qi jff) in Guo (%iftffig) Xun ffý, Zushen Ji's the and and memorials written 36 time of Liang Wudi. Some of the writers of these anti-Buddhist polemics had a 37 Daoist background, like Gu Huan and Zhang Rong; however, they all took the defending the Confucian value system. Some of them posited their position of 33 Gu Huan's "Yi xia lun- was recorded in "Biography of Gu Huang" in Nan Qi shu (n* W M) 54. 34 SeeTang, Buddhism history, p.464 and Ch'en's Buddhism in China, p. 139. 35 SeeLiang shu (Wa) 48, "Biography of Fan Zhen" in "Biography of Rulin and Nan shi (M* ýý) 57 "Biography of Fan Zhen- attachedto "Biography of Fan Yun 36 SeeNan shi 70, "Biography of Guo Zushen" and Bei shi OLýP) 83. "Biography of Xun Ji- in -Biography of Wenxue (3ZýP)-. 37 Some historical information indicates that both Gu Huan and Zhang Rong were Daoists SeeTang, Buddhism historv, p.465. 27 the took them family from viewpoint of the some structure, questions of viewpoint from Buddhism the to Chinese them tradition, and some of objected of protecting from No interests matter and the stability of the state. viewpoint of the economic brought they their all regarded those questions, up which viewpoint writers Buddhism as an evil power which would destroy the Confucian value system and Chinese tradition. As the Confucian value system was (and still is) the basis of Chinese tradition and society, how did the Buddhists respond to the questions brought up by the Confucians? How could Buddhists fit in to Chinese society despite the undeniably alien elements in their identity? Did the Buddhists modify their identity to make themselves more acceptable by Confucian standards? For exploring the identity questions Chinese people faced in the sixth century, flfff-ft, AR Gaoseng ( books They three are zhuan written then offer much material. Luoyang qielanji p Yanshijiaxun and These three books history in late the the to of the were all written middle sixth century and reflected time from different angles. Although the three books apparently deal mainly with buried have identity deeply they other subjects, all questions within them. The collection of biographies of Buddhist monks, Gaoseng zhuan was compiled by the scholar monk Huijiao r,ý) in southern China by 554,38 when . Buddhism already had long been the dominant religion in Chinese society. This book raises issues of how Huijiao, constructed identities for Buddhist monks to fit in Chinese Confucian ideology, tradition the major secular them with and make in value system, the period. 38 According to the postscript written by the monk Sengguo, Huijiao died in 554, therefore the book must have been completed no later than this year. See Gaoseng zhuan, annotated by Tang Yongtong (Beijintur:Zhonghua shuju, 1997), p-554. 28 Luoyang qielanji Yang Xuanzhi by 55039 late 549 547 between early or and was written during China in living the Chinese age north educated an Luoyang Wei Northern book China. Through the capital at this about of segmented that had been the expressionof Xiaowen di's sinification policies, we will have facing issues identity the northern shizu serving a more understanding about identity important book Xuanzhi's Yang suggests some regime of alien origin. him did like How be that to create and people questions need considered,such as: define their own identity? How did he relate to Chinese history? What was the identity between connection at a time when the non-Chinese ethnicity and Northern Wei rulers gave themselves a more Chinese identity and failed? How did deal identity? did How Yang Xuanzhi a city or a place affect one's with the in in Chinese the true tradition the questions of whether north or was maintained the south? Another book full of insights on identity is Yanshijiaxun, written by Yan Zhitui it) 40 book Yan Zhitui's the the around end of sixth century. was one of instructions to his sons and descendants. His concerns were mainly with family identity and survival in troubled and uncertain times. Yan was a southernerwho had been moved to north China as a captive and a refugee in the late period of the Liang dynasty. He wrote this family instruction to his sons and grandsons when he his family book China. discloses how he This to to and were unlikely return south his family identity to their create and maintain wanted as gentlemen scholars no disasters happen. Yan Zhitui gives his descendants political might matter what 39 According to W.J.F. Jenner's research.SeeMemories Loyang: YangHsuan-chih of and the lost capital (493-534). (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1981), p. 15. 40 See Wang Liqi (Ij 11ý9),Yanshijiaxunjijie (Taipei: Hanjing wenhua gongsi, 1983), p.21. 29 clear instructions on the kind of identity he wanted them to make for themselves. What were the most important componentsof identity for Yan Zhitui? How did Yan Zhitui look at his past in south China? And, how did Yan Zhitui urge his family to modify the traditional valuesthat had defined shizu families in the past? 30 Chapter 2 Identity problems caused by Buddhism and solutions according to Gaoseng zhuan The identity of monks was a controversial issue in medieval Chinese society. As a foreign religion Buddhism had been a serious challenge to Chinese society first into its different ideas images it introduced China. with very and when was During the period of Northern and Southern dynasties, Buddhism was in some integrated into Chinese However, as ways society and also met with resistance. Buddhism became more and more successful in China, hostility to Buddhism also became more and more pronounced. As the representatives of Buddhism, monks became central to religious arguments, which, in the documents available to us, initiated by Chinese. Anti-Buddhist mostly were educated Chinese educated in but Buddhism their attitude toward monks was generally attacked various ways to look down them. The monk's shaven head and simply robe were a challenge to L'62ý) Chinese It Daoan ( that the upper-class customs. was said even great monk his "spoiled appearance" or was a "self-mutilated man" was called a man who by he kingdom in Fu Jian, the trusted although non-Chinese ruler of a was north ' China, to whom he was as an imperial adviser. Yan Yanzhi (AqLIE,7ý7)was a lay Buddhist, however, when he had a problem with the monk Huilin (Mi#) he called 2 him a survivor of penal mutilation. Anti-Buddhists Gaoseng zhuan (r---j 'R-flgf-A)5. "Biography of Daoan Link, "Biography of Shih Tao-an- in T'oung Pao 46, p.32. I, ` Song shu (5ý'Jf) 33, -Biography of Yan Yanzhi looked on monks as a pp. 182-,also seeArthur E. 31 different kind of people and the difference usually also meant they were seen as inferior. biographies of Gaoseng In this chapter I will examine of collection a zhuan, kinds discuss China, in to of Buddhist monks written by a monk what medieval identity problems the author and other monks encountered and how he constructed identities for the monks in his book to counter the bad images their opponents for created them. Gaoseng zhuan--- Biographies of Buddhist monks is Monks, Eminent GSZ), Biographies Gaoseng zhuan Q'flfff-W, the a set of F--J of biographies of Buddhist monks who lived and worked in China during medieval rQ), lived (#,, by Huijiao It under the times. was compiled and written a monk who Liang dynasty. There are more than five hundred Buddhist monks' lives in the biographies, in fifty-seven hundred Two the with main monks are and collection. The biographies. in forty-four time hundred two supplementary monks and another from (the 67 fifty-three four hundred tenth A. D. year years and covered spans about (A Yongping the of dynasty) (the 519 Han Eastern A. D. the until era of Tianjian the eighteenth year of dynasty). Liang the era of The book is divided into fourteen chapters (juan, U;)3, thirteen chapters of text and one chapter of postface and content. The biographies of monks are The numbers of GSZ are slightly different within different editions. The chapter number is TSD) (Taish5z5, Daizokyo Shinshuthe TaisW edition, popular edition at present, most of fourteen. In this thesis, all discussion will be basedon the fourteen chapter edition, by in hereafter, Beijing: Zhonghua 1997, Yongtong Tang by published and shuju annotated GSZ. 32 (2) Exegetes (y4ing, into Translators (1) They ten grouped are: categories. (yijie, Aq); (3) Miracle workers (shenyi, ý$ devoted to wonder-workers; (4) _W), ý,I Practitioners of Meditation (xichan, NýTM-);(5) Elucidators of the Regulations (minglu, H)]T$), devoted to scholars of the Vinaya; (6) Those Who Sacrificed themselves (wangshen, r'-4) devoted to monks who sacrificed their bodies to feed animals, or as offerings to Buddha or bodhisattvas; (7) Chanters of Scriptures (songiing, rim - (8) Promoters of Blessings (xingfu, ]EQ, .1ý devoted to monks for (9) funds Buddhist to enterprises; construct monasteries or other who solicited Hymnodists(iingshi, (10) HH"W). Preachers (changdao, and Huijiao--The author of Gaoseng zhuan There is very little information about the life of Huijiao (497-554 AD). It is difficult know his family, his education, or when and why he chose to to very become a Buddhist monk. There is a very simple biography of Huijiao, in the Xu gaoseng zhuan X GSZ), written by another monk Daoxuan in the Tang dynasty. 4 list he Shi According to the contents XGSZ, Huijiao of the Jiaxiang of was Monastery in Guiji (iftfRA44, ). Jiaxiang Monastery was located in today's Shaoxing, Zhejiang and was founded in the Eastern Jin (no later than 400)5 by a 4 "Biography of Huij iao- is included in Tang monk Daoxuan's Xu gaoseng zhuan f-4), chapter 6, entitled 'Liang Guiji Jiaxiang si shi Huijiao zhuan'. See TSD, vol. 50, fff 62. 2060, p. no. 5 See GSZ 5, "Biography of Zhu Daoyi", p.207 , "Biography of Wang Hui" is in Jin shu At) 65. Zhu Daoyi died in the year of Longan 397-401) of the Eastern Jin, the date of building Jiaxiang Temple must be not earlier than Zhu Daoyi's death. Therefore, it is a reasonableassumption that Jiaxiang temple was built in 400. Seealso Zheng Yucling Q-Q V)", dili kao T: (%Jýr tlýf in Gaoseng zhuan yanjiu `-flfff-41 -Fqjiao zailiua - 33 local official Wang Hui (-EE*). When the construction of Jiaxiang was finished Wang invited an eminent monk Zhu Daoyi to live in the new monastery, Huiqian Zhu Daoyi became the abbot of the monastery. Another eminent mo from five for lived in the early than the same monastery years, more also once 6 his life. Another PE, day final that Yixi Q& 405-418) the till place of years of .,IN\ Huijiao might have lived for some time was the Hongpu Temple According to a short passage in Jinlouzi Liang Yuandi (WTcV, 7C in Guiji. Fa-,zJ- Xiao Yi (4ffM), the emperor by Huijiao 552-554), collected works of calligraphy r. before he came to the throne. In this short record, it said that Xiao Yi visited "the in is Guiji". Huijiao Hongpu Temple This the monk almost certainly our of 7 Huijiao. Besides this information is information he lived, the there no on places family from life his family, his Huijiao the that about was early of and except Shangyu (--L&) in Guij i, the west part of today's Shangyu, Zhejiang. According to the XGSZ Huijiao was a Buddhist scholar monk with rich traditional Confucian knowledge. He preached during spring and summer and his during he lived in Jiaxiang the worked on autumn and winter while writing Monastery. In addition to his most famous work, Gaoseng zhuan, he also worked on commentaries on some Buddhist sutras. Two of his important Buddhist works were Niepanjing yishu ý,§&Pjj'L) and Fanwangiing shu It was Buddhist highly two that these said works were very regarded. Daoxuan said that it GSZ in completed, was read and was passed around the whole country and when fff -A), pp. pp. ] 12-12222. 6 GSZ 5, "Biography of Huiqian", p.209. SeeJinlou zi vol. 2 "Jushu pian (R, LAE93: p. 101. Taipei: Jiaxin wenhua j ij inhui, 1969. 8 InXGSZI-luijiao's two works are titled asNiepanyishu 1ý Fanwangiing and *:%P), L) is different from it in the postface of GSZ, in which there slightly which shu Fanwangfie Niepan jý'[L) and shu are 34 was widely recommended. According to the biography, after GSZ appeared Huijiao disappeared without leaving any message to his friends and other people whom he would usually information important However, is there piece of contact. another happened in Huijiao's later life. In the last chapter of GSZ, on what by a postscript written Huijiao's fellow refugee, the monk Sengguo (fift,%) of Longguang Monastery (fi'k )ý Sengguo said that after GSZ was completed, in the second year of Chengsheng (*W, Jiujiang, Jiangxi) as a 553), Huijiao, fled to Pencheng by during Hou Jing's troubles the caused refugee I He (548-552). rebellion died in He in Buddhism Pencheng the taught city. as usual and and preached stayed in the second month of the next year, at the age of 58. His funeral was managed by buried in Chan'ge he the the cemetery of and was chief monk Huigong monastery on Mount Lu Sengguo,had lived with Huijiao, in the fellow he had in his Huijiao to mountain area as a refugee, so a chance meet old j iao's last Huij age and saw ourney of his life. There is little direct information on Huijiao's social activities and connections. However, we know that he associated with some important people in his time, like Zhang Wan ( ýK,ýg ) and Xiao Yi (WffW), the future emperor Liang Yuandi. Also a in Jinlouzi, states that Zhang Wan gave a copy of GSZ to his friend short record Xiao Yi. Zhang was a literatus and a young member of a shizu family. He was the RSý) Yuzhang (f*V: during 539 544.9 Zhang his to two chief secretary of Eel and - ' SeeJinlouzi 2 "Jushupian" and the researchby Tang Yongtong in the appendix of GSZ, the edition of Beijing Zhonghua shuju, pp.564-566. Tang said that Zhang Wan was during the years of Datong (539-540), however, in Liang ichang changshi 'OM he Yuzhang in Zhang (TV Yuzhang. He when was neishi was only shu EEI -ýý) in job Yuzhang in his till the tenth year of Datong. See Liang shu 34 "Biography of stayed Zhang Wan" attached to "Biography of Zhang Mian". 35 (ýR*) Mian Zhang brother brothers His elder oldest were all book-lovers. his books second older and paintings; collected more than ten thousandjuan of brother Zhang Zuan (ýRM, once refused to be promoted f or many years so he had the library in imperial to job in the the read chances more could stay and same book." As Xiao Yi, the future emperor Liang Yuandi (r.552-555), collected Huijiao's calligraphy, we can reasonable assume that Huijiao was a good calligrapher or a for he As implying the that collector of calligraphy works, was well educated. between (Mfflh'ý) Yongtong's Xiao, Tang Yi Huijiao, to relationship according and for knew Huijiao they assumption, probably some years when was still each other in Guiji. Xiao Yi's mother Lady Ruan (Rfgý4) from in Guiji, Shangyu was Huijiao's hometown. She was a faithful Buddhist and liked to make friends with in his his lived When Xiao Yi Prefect Guiji monks and nuns. of youth, mother was 1 1 him in but Guiji. knew Huijiao Xiao Yi then, with and probably each other since friends. important friendship A tell they we cannot whether more were close was that between Huijiao and Wang Manying It is quite lucky that two letters preserved at the end of GSZ offer important information about Huijiao's close friend Wang Manying. The two letters were between Huijiao, and Wang. The subject of the letters was GSZ. It seems that Huijiao sent a copy of GSZ to Wang when the book was just completed and Wang letter, making approving comments on GSZ. From the letter we replied with a know that Wang was a literatus with good knowledge of Confucianism, Daoism 10 The biographies of Zhang's three brothers are all in Liang shu 34, "Biography of Zhang M ian". '' According to the researchby Tang Yongtong, SeeGSZ, p.566. 36 family 12 Wang's information, historical came Buddhism According to and some from Taiyuan during families The Wangs of Taiyuan were one of the great in lived Wang However, dynasties. poverty. the period of Northern and Southern When he died his family could not even arrange a formal funeral for him until they R Jian'an Prince (19%), Wei friend Xiao help from of a generous noble received 2ý1-) and later Prince of Nanping 13 2FT). Xiao Wei was the eighth son of Emperor Liang Wudi. He was known as a clever and talented youth in his early age. He was also known to respect and value able and virtuous people and help people ýA-Y--ý) in need. He was very good at Daoist philosophy and qingtan-style(ý'mý=, writing. He became a devoted believer in Buddhism in his later years. We may guess what kind of people Huijiao associated with by looking at the Ge (ýI*). friends One Jiang Wang. them of was of other Jiang was once a chief Xiao Zong When Xiao, Zong secretary of the Prince of Yuzhang lost his fief Pengcheng (V Jiang became a captive of the Northern Wei general LIH)J). Yuan Yanming (Tc Although 7C Yuan treated Jiang with great courtesy and did in directions, for Jiang Jiang's talents not and capabilities many respectfulness his feet bow kneel Yuan He to to the that and using excuse were respond. refused death. him He Yuan to threatened to painful even when put refused to write an epigraph for the Zhang Ba Temple stele even when Yuan threatened him with a public beating and kept him in prison with extremely bad food which keep him just Jiang he to alive. was enough was nearly sixty years old when 14 his difficulties. Besides these strong, unyielding principles, it is also encountered 12 According to what Huijiao, said in his letter to Wang. See GSZ p.554. 13 See Liang shu 22 -Biography of Prince of Nanping"(T*' ZF and the same biography -T-) in Nan shi (M*1-1)52. " See Liang shu 36 "Biography of Jiang Ge" and the biography of same person in Nan shi 60. 37 known that Jiang Ge associated with many famous literary people in his time, such Wang Rong (ýEMt), Xie Tiao as Shen Yue Fang Ren and Jiang Ge made the first visit to Wang's family when Wang had just passed away difficulty him family Wang's their to arranging explaining and cried and appealed the funeral. It is evident that Jiang was a very close friend of Wang and his family. It is quite difficult to know more about Huijiao's social connections from direct information. However, the few indications we have point to his friends and including acquaintances We the may with elite. well-placed members of beside his life, had literary Huijiao that and social a rich confidence conclude life. religious For more information on Huijiao and his attitudes we can turn to his book. Huijiao's Motivations There are several indications of why Huijiao wrote and compiled GSZ. Daoxuan's opinion was that Huijiao was pushed to write and compile GSZ because he was dissatisfied with Mingseng zhuan MSZ), a prior collection of the biographies of Buddhist monks. A modem opinion is that the reason for compiling influenced by because Sengyou GSZ Huijiao, and writing was was another dynasty, his Liang the eminent monk of and writing. However, there are other is historical One the tradition possible reasons. of writing and the new tide of Buddhist biographical writing in Huijiao's day. The other is that GSZ was a kind of form identity for Buddhist to the and a new of anti-Buddhists response construction monks. LIBRARY "o UNIVERSITY '177, 0000, 38 Dissatisfaction with MiLigseng zhuan first GSZ The central opinion on why Huijiao, wrote and compiled was Daoxuan According Huijiao. to by biography in his Shi Daoxuan expressed of (596-667), an eminent monk of the Tang dynasty and the author of the biography he GSZ in Huijiao, that Huijiao the motivation of was not was compiling of 15. by Baochang MSZ Mingseng (MSZ) the monk was compiled satisfied with zhuan (VYHH,a.495-529) of the Liang dynasty, between about 5 10 and 514. The book was 16 his Daoxuan before GSZ thirty made was compiled. published about years influential comment in Huijiao's biography in XGSZ. He said, 'Because there were depreciation belittlement and many unjust praises and commendations and unfair in Mingseng zhuan, Huijiao decided to set a new model and extend of monks 17 Daoxuan also made a connection between his own comment and a widely'. famous paragraph which Huijiao wrote in the preface of GSZ. In the preface, Huijiao said that 'Most Buddhist biographies which have been compiled and fame (famous However, written previously were usually entitled mingseng monks). is only the guest of the truth. If men of real achievement conceal their brilliance, then they are exalted but not famous; when men of slight virtue happen to be in accord with their times, then they are famous but not eminent. Those who are famousbut not eminentare, of course,not recordedhere; those who are exaltedbut 15Mingseng zhuan (-'F: is longer However few fragments from today. the no extant a jfIRf_q) book with the table of contents of the whole book do survive in a thirteenth-century Japanesecopy preserved as Meisodensho in XZJ v. 134. The surviving part of the book by Taipei: Xinwenfeng was republished as Mingseng zhuan chao (-?: chuban jf1fffjft4J/) 1975. gongsi, 16 According to Tang Yongtong, the complete work of compiling GSZ must be no later than 540 for iti this year GSZ was circulated among some people close to Huijiao. SeeTang, in appendix2, GSZp. 566. "You guan Huijiao (TTrAjU, 17 See Xu Gaoseng zhuan 6 "Biography of Huijiao" (CBETA, TSD, vol. 50, 62_. 2060), p. iio. 39 I the Therefore famous have in been fully replace treated the present work. not word ming famous) with gao eminent)'. 18 The statement Huijiao made in the preface became major evidence on the directly did Huijiao for GSZ. Although refer not motivation writing and compiling to the book MSZ or to its author Baochang in his preface, people still matched by his biographical Baochang's replacing the term simply collection critique with first Huijiao However, to use the the the terin was not mingseng with gaoseng. term gao in the titles of biographical collections. Several biographical collections AR &*), Gaoyi ( before in Huijiao, their titles such as zhuan used the term gao Gaoshi zhuan Fl--:, U " am/, rqfEU). Interestingly, Gaoyi (mPJ and shamen zhuan the first two of them are not Buddhist biographies. The use of the term gao instead distinction between indicates deliberately MSZ Huijiao that of ming making a was and GSZ. Huijiao never mentions MSZ in his book. The dismissive comment on lives of "famous" monks made in Huijiao's introduction does not suggest that Huijiao did his book, know he Baochang Baochang the not and although mentioned name of just once in GSZ. The name of Baochang appeared at the end of GSZ's "Biography Gunaviddhi" of It said that in the early period of the Liang dynasty foreign Sanghapala monk a scholar China, to came who stayed and in Buddhist Zhengguan Monastery (jE& the translation the of sutras worked on 18 See XGSZ 6 "Biography of Huijiao" (CBETA, TSD), p.62 and GSZ 14 "Preface", (Peijing: Zhonghua shuju, 1992), p.525. The English translation of Huijiao's preface in my thesis is according to Arthur Wright's translation with slight modifications according to my Wright's GSZ's is included in text. translation the original of of preface own understanding his article "Biography and Hagiography: Hui-chiao"s Lives of Eminent Monks" in Studies in Chinese Buddhism (New Haven and London: Yale University Press, 1990), pp.73-1 11. 19 has Gaoyin Gaoshi Nanqi shu (M* F--] already zhuan(`-ýREfft zhitan PJ was Jr9f, ? Gaoyi Q"-Lt ) in hi Shishuo shamen zhuan also seen xinyu seen Shishuo xinvu. 40 '). 20 The Monk Baochang was one of his amanuenses. This is the only point at which Huijiao mentioned the name of Baochang. It is very possible that this Baochang is the author of MSZ. Another clue to how Huijiao saw MSZ is in what Wang Manying wrote. Wang made a short criticism of MSZ in the letter he wrote Huijiao. He said, 'The book Baochang compiled was the one most near to the present time. However, when looking closer into the contents of the book, its verbosity would bring up deep feelings of dislike. ' Wang's direct comment on Baochang's MSZ did not receive any response from Huijiao, in Huijiao's letter in reply. Although the reasons why Huijiao never mentioned MSZ are still unclear, as in the connection between Huijiao's GSZ and Baochang's MSZ, from the information above we can be sure that Huijiao knew about Baochang and his book. Considering Wang's critique of MSZ and the silence of Huijiao about Baochang and his book, one reason for compiling and writing GSZ must be that Huijiao was not satisfied with MSZ. Influence Sengyou of Although quite a number of modem scholars2' have agreed with what Daoxuan said about why Huijiao compiled his Buddhist biography collection, there are also other opinions about this question. Zheng Yuqing (,MIWPM), a declared that the motivation of Huijiao, to compile GSZ was modem scholar, 20 See GSZ 3 "Biography of Gunaviddhi", p. 139. 21 Such as Chen Yuan Li Fengmao Zhu Hengfu (ýkfff 5ý) and Cao See Chen Yuan, Zhongguo fojiao shiji gailun (FýMRJAUP P" fpI)ý Shibang fifffl (Shanghai Shanhai shuju chuban she, 200 1) p. 18; Li Fengmao, '*Huijiao gaosengzhuan ji V,, Aflfff-4R ý$ R-'ý4 (,! in Zhonghua (F-P*Jý3rp-) qi shenyi xingge xueyuan jWlIfIf'ý)" -11141: ( December 1982) pp. 123-137, Zhu Hengfu, "Gaoseng zhuan zhiqian de sengren zhuanji M fff )\, f&E)" in Xinyi Ppfj) (ýFfý (-fi-fef-4 PJ -Q(Taipei: Sanmin shuju, F--ý rl == gaoseng zhuan , 2005) pp-5-9- 41 because of the influence of Shi Sengyou (flffjfýj, 445-518). Zheng argues that Huijiao was not satisfied with Sengyou's book Chu sanzangjiji CS 22 j). CS-7JJ E144 (ffiEWP --Zý--: is a collection of Buddhist bibliography, prefaces to Buddhist sutras and Buddhist biography. There are thirty-two biographies of Buddhist it is GSZ, Huijiao in last book. In that to the the a says monks postface part of the book, in biographies the that there thirty and that of monks pity are only about 23 is Zheng this that treated. one of the claimed many important monks are not for important biographies Huijiao, to more monks. most reasons which pushed write In addition, Sengyou was a great Vinaya master (lzýshi ý$O orfieshi A%) with a high lived. Since Vinaya Huijiao Huijiao time the was also a reputation at very master, Zheng believed that there is a very high possibility Huijiao was influenced by Sengyou in many ways, including Sengyou's success in writing. By writing 24 GSZ Huijiao was trying to complete what Sengyou had begun. Zheng's opinion is acceptable in some ways. However, some questions need further thought. First of all, the postface to GSZ shows that Huijiao was not satisfied with many prior biographical writings, and CSZJJ is one of them. Second, it is still not clear that both Huijiao and Sengyou were Vinaya masters. There is no doubt that Sengyou was a Vinaya master. His biography is placed in "Elucidators of the Regulations (minglii)" in GSZ. According to his biography, he was the pupil of Fada (&&) several great monks, such as Faying and famous who were all for their mastery of Vinaya. As a follower of such great masters, Sengyou studied 11 SeeZheng Yuqing, Gaosengzhuan yanjiu (Taipei: Wenjin chuban she, 1990) p. 10. 23 See GSZ 14 "Preface", p. 524. The component of CSZJJ, see CBETA TSD vol. 55, No. 2145 24 See Zheng Yuqing, "Huijiao qiren qishu rv E A, in Gaoseng zhuan yanjiu -E RJ, , 7-40. pp. 42 better than hard by Vinaya day became other even master, very a and night and 25 In Vinaya before Huijiao him. It is possible that master. also was a masters addition to Zheng, Cao Shibang (-fffjýF) Vinaya Huijiao insisted that was a also Fanwangiing is Huijao's One His included shu, two work: master. evidence points. Huijiao, If Vinaya Fanwangiing. Fanwangiing was sutra. was a an annotation of in Moreover, Vinaya. have been for it, he to an expert must able make annotations Shisong his knowledge had Cao's Huijiao, the to of rich shown according opinion 26 rim Sarvastivada-vniaya) in many places in GSZ. Suggesting his 27 familiarity with Vinaya. But is it necessary that because both Sengyou and Huijiao were Vinaya masters Huijiao's writing of GSZ must be influenced by Sengyou? Another possible way in which Sengyou may have served as a model for Huijiao was his great fame. Sengyou was respected and relied on by Emperor Liang Wudi. He performed as leading monk in many monasteries, houses of nobles designer in He the construction of the and palaces. also played role of engineer and images during large Buddha Emperor Liang temples the time of some very and 28 Wudi. Huijiao said that "the Majesty respected and relied on Sengyou so much, he consulted with him about all kinds of monastic matters before making a decisions. Sengyou was allowed, with great honour, to enter the palace in a sedan chair to administer vows to the emperor's concubines when he suffered from GSZ II "Biography of Sengyou", pp.440-441. According to Mochizuki Fanwangiing was a apocrypha which named under Kumarajiva. See Mochizuki, Shinkou: Zyoudokyou no kigen to hattatsu. (Tokyo: Kyouritsusya, 1930), pp. 155-184; atso see "Admonitions of the Fanwangjing sutra" in De Bary, Wrn Theodore (ed.), Sources of Chinese Tradition, vol. 1, pp.429-432. '7 See Cao Shibang Zhongguofojiao shixueshi (F-PMMJAýP-0,1-ýP) (Taipei: Fagu wenhua, 1999). 28 GSZ II "Biography of Sengyou", p.440, GSZ 13 "Biography of Senghu Fayue GSZ 13 "Biography 490-492, 490-492. of and pp. pp. 43 including followers, his feet in his Old age. The number of pupils and painful 29 According to thousand Buddhists secular and monks, was more than eleven . Zheng's chronology, Sengyou was fifty-two When Huijiao. years older than Sengyou stood at the peak of his career with the highest honours from the ruling house, a great reputation in society, and followers almost everywhere, Huijiao was 30 he it is that As was very possible an ambitious young monk, around twenty. influenced by a great monk like Sengyou. Among the influences of Sengyou, his achievements in writing and compiling In love deep had himself the impressed Huijiao have Huijiao. of writing. a must letter he wrote to Wang Manying Huijiao said, 'I was not diligent at holding books or carrying book boxes when I was young. However as I grew older I had the ability to publicize good and virtue with writing and those who admired 31 hard in -) Therefore I time writing records working used my spare painting. Besides the influence of Sengyou's great fame and high reputation, writing may be a major connection between Huijiao and Sengyou. Sengyou's works apart from the most famous, CSZJJ, included Fayuan ji ýE), (ýýrErl Shijia pu (fT If Sengyou did have some Hongming ji and Shýie ji (t%p influence on Huijiao, as discussed above, the influences must include Sengyou's in books. is It Buddhist writing and compiling very prolific and successful work 32 follow his Huijiao, to that was encouraged path. possible The tradition of historical writing and the new tide of Buddhist biographical writing 29 See GSZ II "Biography of Sengyou-, p.440. 30 Zheng Yuqing, "Huijiao qiren qishu" in Gaosengzhuan yanjiu, pp.7-40. See GSZ 14, pp.553-554. See Zheng Yuqing, "Huijiao qiren qishu". 0000' 44 After talking about the influence of Sengyou, the influence of the tradition of historical writing and the new tide of Buddhist historical writing should not be ignored if we want to learn more about the motivation of Huijiao, in writing and compiling GSZ. Historical writing had flourished and became the most popular form of 33 dynasties. The during Southern Northern the causes of this period of and writing Confucian include (1) texts, the weakness of studies of special phenomenon may for (2) the non-Confucian studies; which made more possibilities and space historical historians that absence of permanent official under some regimes, so into dispersed have been kept by material which might government officials was the hands of literati in non-government circles; (3) the basic teaching and study of the "four types of leaming (sixue, VY "f- led to more educated people which _-y34 35 devote themselves to historical writing in pursuit of political position; (4) the traditional belief in the power of history --- educated people usually believed that history would give a final judgment to a person, the tradition was formed since the Spring and autumn (Chunqiu, -k 2) by Shiji (_4,1 chronicle and continued and 36 historians had but invisible (5) other and their works. Historians real power; 33 Lao Gan Weifin nanbeichao shi ftfl--M*ýL*AýP) (Taipei:Zhongguo wenhua daxue chubanbu, 1980) p. 131. 34 Si-xue was founded by Emperor Song Wendi in the year of Yuanjia ffER0, si-xue included: Confucianism, Xuan xue (3ýýft literature and history. SeeSongshu (5rq"--) 93, in "Biography of Yinyi "Biography of Lei Cizong 3ý On the influence of si-xue to educatedpeople, seeLiangshu 14, "Biographies of Jiang Yan (jj*) and Ren Fang (f-JH)ý)".The four causesare discussedby many modem scholars in Zhongguo tongshifianbian (43ELM r,IQ (Hongkong: such as Fan Wenlan ýP, -4-1 Nanguo chuban she, 1985); p.420-,Wang Zhongluo (ýEfrp*), in Weifin nanbeichao shi A ff !NJL*A-4-') (Shanghai: Shanghai renmin chubanshe,2003); p.827, Wan Shengnall (M in Weifin nanbeichaoshi lungao (V, 'H-M*lL*A ýVfiFffl (Taipei: Yunlong chubanshe, 1994), p.413. 36 Anonymous, Liangiin nanbeichao shi (Taipei: Taiwan kaiming shudian, 1983) pp. 1394-1409. 45 became different between ethnic problems --- when the conflict ethnic groups serious, history writing often became a most useful way of asserting ethnic and identity. cultural 37 The results were fruitful for historical writing. Take the example of dynastic history during the period. There were thirteen different histories of the Later Han dynasty written, more than ten of the Three Kingdoms. About two hundred and ten different history books were used by Pei Songzhi (R*2,372-451) for Sanguo zhi wrote annotations he when '). There were more than twenty different histories of the Jin dynasty, about thirty for the Sixteen Kingdoms and more than 38 for history dynasties. twenty-four the of the eight Besides of the writing of dynastic history various non-governmental. historical writings appeared, without being bound by the form which dynastic history had in established, this period. They were called zashi and Buddhist historical 39 included long list A them. writings were among of Buddhist historical writings in GS7s postface is direct evidence of this new phenomenon. The list included the history of Buddhism, records of monasteries, Buddhist biographies and some ghost and miracle stories which concerned Buddhists. There is another list made by Huijiao's close friend Wang Manying in his letter to Huijiao. The two lists are 40 differences to between similar each other; nevertheless,there are still them. The 37 Wang Zhongluo, Weifin nanbeichao shi (Shanghai: Shanghai renmin chubanshe,2003) 827. p. " So-called Badaishi, including the histories of Liu Song, Southern Qi, Liang, Chen, Northern Wei, Northern Zhou, Northern Qi and Sui. 39 SeeTang Yongtong, WeiJin liang Jin Nanbeichaofojiaoshi; 546-600. pp. 40 See GSZ 14 -Postface", p. 55-2. There are thirteen biographies in Wang's list, six of them `r), a are different from Huijiao's list. It includes a tale written by Yuan Liang (_7EI-L biography written by Faan biography of Shan Daokai (M_L-6rffj) written by Kang Hon.o,, biography a of Shi SengyuQTfOftf'gj),a record of Shi Xuanchang QT3ýM), and Baochang's MSZ. SeeGSZ 14. p.552. 46 kind lists biographical of popular Buddhist two writing was already a reveal that The day. Huijiao's historical literature writing in tide and writing and was a new of list also tells us that Huijiao must have paid attention to this field for a long time. In addition to the titles he listed in his postfaceHuijiao drew on other biographical aR-K, )" (ý! Fakuang Zhu "Biography GSZ. Among them were the of sources in 41 "Biography Ljgýk)" (tDaosheng Zhu written of by Gu Kaizhi written by Wang Wei 42 "Biography Shi Tanjian of Bian (ýRt4), and "Biography of Shi Sengyu by Zhang written by Zhang also written 43 Bian. This information shows that Huijiao had great knowledge of historical he Buddhist and non-Buddhist, and also once again reminds us of what writing, did history. Huijiao his Although in his letter to not cite about ambition write said directly any historian as an example to himself, unlike his followers Daoxuan and 44 Zanning in the pages of GSZ or in the letter to Wang Manying, we believe that Huijiao must already have regarded himself as a historian since he was standing in the tradition of historical writing and in the new tide of Buddhist historical writing. Just as Kieschnick has said,,when Huijiao, was writing and compiling GSZ he was in biographical the tradition participating of writing of Buddhist monks. 45 Arthur Wright has also observed that Huijiao was steeped in Chinese historiographical 46 tradition and also consciously sought to write a work within that tradition. " SeeGSZ 5 "Biography of Zhu Fakuang ", p.206. 47 SeeGSZ 7 "Biography of Zhu Daosheng", p.257. 43 SeeGSZ 7 "Biography of Shi Tanjian", 274, p. and GSZ 12 "Biography of Shi Sengyu p.452. 44 The compiler of Song f-4), he related himself to Sima Qian IN gaoseng zhuan %ffl) and Chen Shou SeeSong gaoseng zhuan. (CBETA); p.709b. Also see I Kieschnick's argument is in The Eminent Monk Buddhist Ideals in Medieval Chinese Hagiography. pp.6-7. 45 See Kieschnick, The Eminent Monk: Buddhist Ideals in Medieval Chinese Hagiograpy; 6-7. pp. i# " See ArthUr F. Wright, "Biography and hagiography: Hui-chiao's Lives of Eminent 47 Moreover, we believe that Huijiao wanted to be a better biographer of monks Huijiao biographies, his Buddhist his In than predecessors. criticism of prior complained that many of their authors often leave out some of their material inappropriately in order to shorten and simplify their works. Due to the omission of the resources by those authors, many extraordinary acts of great monks would soon in lived from disagreed He the those a state, monks who said pass memory. with from isolated be king, their to the society. and not aloof owed obedience and should However, Huijiao stressed that the men who left those they loved and gave up fact honours become in trying to construct perfect to secular monks, were for in life themselves personalities and a pure style religious ways which were totally unlike the secular world. He then raised a question, 'What shall we record if 47 kept in he don't like He that the these? always mind also said we record men down historical information recording and passing materials and which concerned Buddhist matters and monks. What Huijiao talked about how to write Buddhist biographies and criticized other writers' biographies this showed that Huijiao himself historian, better and more thoughtful than Buddhist already regarded as a biographical before him, Buddhist he that other writers and also was trying to establish a new tradition of Buddhist writing. One way of seeing why such biography was needed is that there are only a few monks' lives recorded in official history during the whole period of Northern Southern dynasties, in and even some of the histories that were recompiled or rewritten in Tang times. Since Buddhism was introduced into China only six bio in included "Biographies of Yishu (U. ýQjft)" in Jin shu (ff monks' 9H raphies Monks", in Robert M. Somers ed., Studies in Chinese Buddhism (New Haven and London: Yale University Press, 1990), pp.73-111. 47 SeeGSZ 14. p.524. 48 4ý). 48 FEI As Huijiao observed in his postface, from Han to Liang was nearly five 49 hundred years, during which many outstanding monks appeared in China. The Wright fairly. histories Therefore, Buddhists did the treat secular obviously not desire in GSZ Huijiao to that the suggested was a writing one of motivations of bizarre, biography Buddhist from limbo the the the and give to rescue of exotic and the lives of monks a place of honour in the cultural history of China. In short, one his in to the of motives was advance naturalization of monks and monasticism Chinese history and society.50 GSZ became a model of Buddhist biographical writing in China after it in dynasty. least Liang There two sets of Buddhist monk appeared are at biographies following Huijiao's work. In the seventh century, Daoxuan (596-667), dynasty, Tang Buddhist the a monk of compiled a new collection of monk biographies, the Further Biographies of Eminent Monks (Xu gaoseng zhuan) which coveredthe lives of monks who had lived since Huijiao's work had beenpublished. In the late tenth century Zanning S7!,919-1001), another Buddhist monk of the -rEv- Song dynasty, compiled another collection of Buddhist monk biographies, Song Biographies of Eminent Monks (Song gaoseng zhuan, F--J recording the lives of the monks who lived during the period between Daoxuan's death and the early years of the Song. Besides the content of these two collections of Buddhist biographies, even just from the titles it is very easy to recognize that the Xu gaoseng zhuan and Song gaoseng zhuan see themselves as sequels to Huijiao's The work. intention of the compilers was obviously trying to make a connection 48 The six monks are: Fotucheng Shan Daokai (-WL6rHj),Tanhuo rfa), Sengshe &6) r-4%ffl. (rjTutt Kurnarajiva (A and 49 See GSZ 14, 523 p. - Maru See Jin shu95. " SeeArthur F. Wright, "Biography and hagiography: Hui-chiao's Lives of Eminent Monks", in Robert M. Somers ed., Studies in Chinese Buddhism, pp. 73-111. 49 between Huijiao and themselves." By developing and changing the writing of Chinese lives Huijiao tradition monastic of monks' a new establishing was biographical writing with GSZ. As a responseto anti-Buddhists and a new form of identity reconstruction If we accept that the reason why Huijiao wrote and compiled GSZ was Buddhist historical by Chinese tide the the tradition of new writing and of affected historical writing in his day, he was also responding to a contradictory atmosphere lived. in he both Buddhism the time thriving the and strong anti-Buddhism of The state Huijiao lived in was ruled by Emperor Wu of the Liang dynasty (r. 502-549) who called himself or was called Bodhisattva-Emperor. Although he was the ruler in Chinese history most famous as a promoter of Buddhism he had been a 52 Daoist before he came to the throne. During his reign Buddhism prospered and became a kind of state religion. His imperial patronage and his inordinate devotion to Buddhism, whether his purpose was simply religious or may have included 53 inevitably in political considerations, resulted some strong protests against the " SeeJohn Kieschnick,, The Eminent Monk: Buddhist Ideals in Medieval Chinese Hagiography; p.6. 52 1Fhe religious attitude of Liang Wudi is a big issue and has been discussedby many liang See Tang Yongtong. Han Wei Jin Nanbeichaofojiaoshi; Ji Xianling (ýP'M, scholars. Off Ji Xianling lunfojiao Tsukamoto Yoshitaka, Chfigoku chu-sei 5K bukkyOShironk5. (T6ky6: Dait6 syuppansya,1975), Michiba Yoshihide, Chfigoku bukky5 sisoshi no kenkyfi: Chfigoku minshu-no bukky5 Jyuy5. (Ky6to: Heigakuzi syoten,1983); Kenneth K. S. Chen, Buddhism in China: a historical survey. (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1964); Arthur F. Wright, Buddhism in Chinese history (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1959). i.1 Tang Yongtong declaimed that Liang Wudi's devotion to Buddhism was in fact ideal. See Q3ý Confucianism Tang, 474-477. Shangwen Yan (aA underlined with pp. r, suggestedthat Liang Wudi was trying to reunite segmentedChina. SeeYan Shangwen, Liang Wudi (WR--r'ff) (Taipei: Dongda tushu gongsi, 1999); pp.317-320 and Mori Mikisabur6, Ry5nobutei-Bukkyou0ch5 No Higeki. (Kyoto: Heirakuzisyoten, 1985), rfýrp) 3-5. Yan Yaozhong (jR pp. said that Liang Wudi's attitude toward Buddhism actually between to the related ruler and shizu. SeeYan Yaozhong. Jiangnanfojiaoshi relationship 50 by religion native gentry. Ih Ih 6 4 from to during the period Almost all anti-Buddhists we know of time people the educated many same at although centuries were educated people, the arduous Ziircher Buddhists As an was the gentry of too. conversion said, were by fettered tradition, The mentally than task. groups social other gentry was more to Chinese horizon ready and culture of classical confined within the narrow the to threaten if that to seemed eliminate, anything necessary, oppose and, 54 from ZUrcher that interests added time-honouredideals and vested of their class. the beginning of the fourth century onward we find traces of strong anti-clerical directed the the sangha as an organized of and aims activities against sentiments body within the state and against the way of life of the individual monk. It is a fact Chinese Buddhism, that, importance, fundamental early of characteristic of had in India to compete with other, analogous religious the sangha mainly whereas into destined in China to the conflict with the gentry, come monastery was groups, 55 itself the aristocracy, the imperial bureaucracy, and sometimes the government . Opposition to Buddhism by the same sort of people for the same reasons still for by in The Huijiao's time. anti-Buddhists arguments proposed continued four Buddhism types. attacking were usually of (a) From the political and economic viewpoint, the activities of the in detrimental to the authority of the government monasteries were various ways and to the stability and prosperity of the state. (b) From the utilitarian viewpoint, the monastic life did not yield any concrete (Shanghai : Shanghai renmin chubanshe,2000); p. 100. 5' E. Zurcher. The Buddhist conquest of China. The spread and adaptation of Buddhism in ear4i,medieval China (Leiden: E.J.Brill, 1972), p.255. is E. Zurcher. The Buddhist conquest of China. The spread and adaptation of Buddhism in ear4vmedieval China. p.255. 51 in results this world, and was thereforeuselessand unproductive. Buddhism feeling, (c) From the viewpoints of cultural superiority and ethnic It foreigners. not was "barbarian" to the needsof uncivilized was a creed, suited knew Sages neither the in antiquity of the the and past golden of records mentioned it. it of nor needed life the From meant an unnatural (d) the viewpoint of morality, monastic is behaviour therefore and asocial and the sacred canons of social violation of highly immoral 56 . forms in on Such anti-Buddhist arguments were still written up various different occasions during Liang Wudi's rule. Among them may be found the most by Zhen Fan Buddhism vitriolic attacks on Xun Ji ()'Lý 59 ). f3A,, (- 57 I_qýV Guo Zushen (I Ift )58 and immorality, Buddhist They charged the monks with sedition, but fact in the The hypocrisy. harm, new, nothing contents were and economic in to language in their they as the strong so they was writings used put and emotion have a wide and deep influence which even lasted into the Tang dynasty. Fan Zhen was a contemporary of Prince of Jingling, Xiao Ziliang of 60 dynasty. It Liang Wu dynasty Emperor Qi Southern the the was probably of and 56 These four types of anti-Buddhist argument were summarized by E. Zurcher, basedon China: The Buddhist See Zurcher, The China. the situation of early medieval conquest of four 255. However, China; Buddhism these in p. early medieval spread and adaptation of types of anti-Buddhist argument continued till Huijiao's time. 57 ý4 Biography of Fan Zhen" is placed in Liang shu 48 "Biographies of Rulin and biography Fan Yun". "Biography in Nan 57, the of of supplement also shi 58 See "Biography of Guo Zushen", Nan shi 70. 59 See"Biography of Xun Ji" in Bei shi 83 "Biographies of wenxue 60 Prince of Jingling (A[WT-) was the second son of Emperor Wu of Southern Qi dynasty. During his lifetime he was one of the strongest supporters of Buddhism in the south. His for ( Jilong a meeting place was practically all the outstanding san residenceat literary men and clerics of the age. It was said that every important monk of the (Southern) Qi kingdom had visited him at one time or another. Due to his patronage the religion literary following the aristocratic among and circles of the southern court. gained a wide The biography of Prince of Jin9 ling can be found in Nan Qi shu (ftjýfj-) r-1 EM 40 and Nan shi 52 during the time he was associatedwith the prince that he wrote his anti-Buddhist treatise, entitled Shenmie lun (On the Destruction of the souo, but he rewrote and It in it himself Buddhism. deeply indulging Liang Wudi publicized when was in both it Fan Zhen's that treatise was circulated causedan uproar was said when had in it. He impelled Liang Wudi the to court and wider society. answer was treatise circulated and solicited refutations from his ministers and officials: in all sixty-two replied. 61 Guo Zushen was also a contemporary of Emperor Wu of the Liang dynasty. When he presented his anti-Buddhist memorial, with twenty-nine charges, to Liang Wudi he was carrying a coffin with him. 62 Another anti-Buddhist treatise written by Xun Ji was also in the form of a memorial, called Lunfojiao biao (3ffufRRp, A memorial Discussing Buddhism). Xun charged Buddhism with harming the state and the people in ten criminal ways. It is said that the words he used were so strong that Liang Wudi was infuriated. The emperor decided to execute Xun, who escaped 63 back secretly to the north and never came south again. All this opposition to Buddhism by educated people in upper society occurred in Huijiao's lifetime. Considering Huijiao's sensitivity to history and to his own identity, we confidently believe that Huijiao must have known about these 44. About his belief in Buddhism and the supports, seeTang, pp.457-461 and Ch'en, p. 123. 61 Fan's anti-Buddhist treatise is included in Hong mingji (qLH)J%0-) chapter 9, and all the treatises against him are included in chapter 10 of samebook. Some discussions of Fan's treatise may seeTang, chapter 13; Ren Jiyu Zhongguofojiao shi (EPNfRin ýk) (Beijing: Zhongguo shehui kexue chubanshe, 1981); chapter 9 and 10; Wang Zhongluo, WeiJin Nanbeichao shi; pp.800-808; and Kenneth Ch'en, Buddhism in China; 138-142. pp. 61 See"Biography of Guo Zushen", Nan shi 70. Discussions on Guo's memorial, seeTang, p.480; and Ch'en, p. 127. 63 See "Biography in Xun Ji" Bei shi 83 "Biographies of wenxue". Xun's anti-Buddhist of writing is preserved in Guang hong mingji (J_VýAHA%)chapter 7. The discussions on Xun's writinc-,,seeTang, pp.480-482; Ch'en, pp. 142-144; and Wang Yousan (T-) -E ), L_ _Y_ Zhongguo wushenlun shigang (EPfflýAý ý%'ffoP-M,) (Shanghai: Shanghai E%EN renmin chubanshe, 1986); chapter 3. 53 If that them. to their agree we polemics and counteract consequencesand wanted biographical writing can be a way of expressing an author's identity construction for his subject,64 and if we also accept that writing biographies of monks is a way Buddhism to Buddhism acceptable cultural of adaptation of and a way of making 65 GSZ Chinese Huijiao's then was undoubtedly a educated writing of people, identity form to response anti-Buddhists and a new of construction. To demonstrate this we need to explore further how Huijiao wrote his biographies of monks and what identities he constructed for monks. Sources and structure of the Gaoseng zhuan We have suggestedthat the reason why Huijiao, wrote and compiled GSZ was identity construction. He wanted to construct for the monks identities in the minds from different the onesthat existedbefore. of educatedreaderswhich were The way he wrote the biographies of monks, including the sources he used, the categories he ordered, and the biographical structures he built, will help us to kinds identity for he to understand what of monks. wanted construct The sources of Gaoseng zhuan Many scholars have addressed the relationship between Huijiao's GSZ and Baochang's MSZ especially when they discuss the sources of GSZ. Their attention 64 Chen Cangduo Zhuanji mian mian guan (Taipei: Taiwan 87-1 book I I. The 1970): pp. shangwu yinshuguan, was translated from Andre Maurois, Aspects of biography. A record of Mourois's speechesin Trinity college, Cambridge, 1928. 65 Fan Wenlan, Zhongguo tongshijianbian-, pp.431-432. 54 66 MSZ. in GSZ in found is usually focused on the similarity of biographies and Sometimes they assume by from these similarities that the sources of GSZ were 67 from MSZ by As Kieschnick said, very f ew of the accounts in the Huijiao. taken GSZ and its sequels were composed by the compilers; most are instead taken directly, word-for-word, or with additions and deletions, from sourcesavailable to them, and that resulted in similarity of those biographies of monks. 68 However, there are two questions we may need to think about. First, is it in biographical GSZ, MSZ the same the that works other and of compilers possible it is is If then this to the question yes, answer period all used the same materials? different in Buddhist biographies monks of reasonablethat some or most of the looked Secondly, the the same compilers used although similar. collections it,, different does from the the the same places, compilers used with way materials in different lead deletions, the to the results and reordering, rephrasing additions, different biographies? If the answer to this question is positive again, should we how different compilers used the same material to give put more emphasis on different messages?In Chinese historical biographical tradition it had long been draw for historians to on earlier texts. normal Therefore,, when we discuss the sources of GSZ here, we will concentrate on he it his book. how in kinds Huijao, of material usedand used what 66 See Su Jinren lishi Fojiao (Beijing: ýP) wenhua u H-Y,,, Zhongyang minzu daxue chubanshe, 1998); pp. 139; Zhu Hengfu Xinyi gaoseng 5-6; Kieschnick, The Eminent Buddhist Ideals Monk: Medieval in pp. zhuan F--J Chinese Hagiography, pp. 10-11; Koichi Shinohara, "Two sourcesof Chinese Buddhist biographies: stupa inscriptions and miracle stories", in Monks and magicians: religious biographies in Asia. (Ontario: Mosaic Press, 1988), pp. 119-182. 67 Zhu Hengfu said that Huijiao took a lot of sourcesfrom MSZ. His evidence is that there in GSZ identical biographies 221 257 biographies in MSZ. There are there and are main are 244 supplementary biographies in GSZ and 92 of them are the same as those in MSZ. See Xin.yigaosengzhuan. Jaipei: Sanmin shuju, 2005), pp.5-6. 68 Kieschnick, The Eminent Monk: Buddhist Ideals in Medieval Chinese Hagiography, 1011. pp. 55 Most sources of GSZ were already mentioned in Huijiao's postface to the book. The sources he mentioned may be classified into four types. The first type in first listed the books GSZ the and major sourcesof records and obviously were 69 "Ming Some titles, them xiangji postface. such as of were mentioned with exact by Wang Yan of Taiyuan Tjý) ,lq, and the other were not, such as he when said that "monk Sengbao (fiffIN) only wrote about the monks who travelled around". The list included biographies of monks, histories of monks (fff records of temples and stupas ('I and some ghost and magic writings. The second type of sources of GSZ included chronicles and histories of dynasties in southern China and some heterodox histories of frontier dynasties. The third type of sources for GSZ is geographical miscellanies, isolated pieces, and fragmentary accounts. The last type of sources for GSZ is Huijiao's own conversation with experienced ancients and those who had rich knowledge. Apart from these four types of sources Huijiao mentioned in the postface of his book, when we read GSZ closely we find that there are a large number of the biographical sources that contributed to his book. Most of them were written by famous in secular writers, usually a scholar or a powerful official an area, after the monk's death. For example, the inscriptions written by Me Lingyun Zong Bing L-6 -t) A) death Huiyuan's (#,, after 70 and the biography of Zhu Daoseng 71a rg& by death Wang Wei (Tbiography the after monk's written ,) 4) (*j8! by Sixian Tang and an eulogy (4,,) written by Zhang Fu (ýRft) written 72 Sengquan his for the monk Shi (f'Tf%gj) after funeral. Many such materials kind in GSZ. If together these we put of records and the four types of appear 69 GSZ 14, pp. 523-524. 70 GSZ 6, "Biography of Huiyuan", p. 222. 71 GSZ 7, "Biography of Zhu Daosheng-, p.257. 72 GSZ 7 "Biography of Tanjian-, p.273. 56 GSZ find by himself, the Huijiao that were materials mentioned sources of we mostly from the secular world. The histories of different geographical miscellanies, the conversations with dynasties, the experienced ancients and knowledgeable people, and even Ming xiang ji and Gan ying zhuan books of ghost and magic writings, all come from educated secular people. Only a few biographies of monks before Huijiao, were written or compiled by Buddhists. There are some essential differences between the biographies written by his in by Shinohara Just those said as monks and written secular educated people. discussion of stupa inscriptions, "these secular authors of biographies of monks in have been must most cases sympathetic to Buddhism, and perhaps represent the lay Buddhist religiosity of the community. Nevertheless, these secular writers who followers interpreted from distance lay have these admired as must also monks a the lives of these religious men very differently from the way those committed to 73 follow the path themselves as monks interpreted them. , However, the difference did not become a gap between them like Shinohara basic biographies by He that the the claimed. claimed orientation of written secular but in important educated people was not simply religious secular ways, and the behind biographies Buddhist the viewpoint collection underlying of of monks was highly "there between monastic and orthodox; consequently was a significant gap the basic orientation of the compilers of biographical collections and the original for their collections. they the used materials orientation of -).)74 In fact we see that his how he did down Huijiao to the difference sources use chose not play when 73 See Koichi Shinohara, "Two sourcesof Chinese Buddhist biographies: stupa in Phyllis Granoff Koichi Shinohara stories", and miracle inscriptions and ed., Monks and biographies Asia (Oakvill: in Mosaic Press, 1988), religious p. 122.. inagicians.74 See Koichi Shinohara, "Two sourcesof Chinese Buddhist biographies: stupa inscriptions and miracle stories", in Phyllis Granoff and Koichi Shinohara ed., Monks and biographies Asia (Oakvill: in Mosaic Press, 1988), pp. 12-1-123.. magicians.- religious 57 betweenthe monastic world and the secularworld and did not keep them far away from each other. On the contrary, he let this difference becomea bridge connected the secularworld and the monasticworld. Employing a large numbers of secular sources in GSZ actually did not affect became fact In the those one of the its unity. nature of secular sources eventually kind important is GSZ, the this of most characteristicsof and also a reflection of identity which Huijiao wanted to construct for monks. The categories and its ranks The categorisation of monks has been used in Buddhist biographical writings from have his Huijiao's GSZ. Some Huijiao that took since example scholars said MSZ. In MSZ Baochang classified monks into eighteen categories. We agree that there are some connections between Huijiao's GSZ and Baochang's MSZ, as we have mentioned several times before. Nevertheless, categorizing biographees had long been a standard method for Chinese biographical writhing. Chinese writers in dynasty historians had Western Han. this the and practised method every since This continued in Huijiao's day. For example, the famous collection of biographies, 77 B.c. -6 B.C.), classified many kinds Lientý zhuan (Yqýkf-q) by Liu Xiang (WqrFol, biographees Categorizing into was not a method of women seven categories. invented either by Huijiao or by Baochang. It is one of the standard and ordinary biographies. methods of writing collections of Categorizing biographees was usually based on the author's ideology. The ideology of traditional Chinese educated people was usually led by 58 Confucianism.75 In fact categorizing biographeesis a central tradition of dynastic historical writing since Sima Qian's Shiji p In dynastic histories the historian would often classify biographees into different collections of biographies by the similarities of the biographees. People had who similar political positions, social status, occupations and achievements "Rulin Such be biographies. into the zhuan" as: would classified same collection of (ffif*%, Biographies of Confucian scholars), "Xunli zhuan" (fffikýff-%,Biographies "Youxia of good officials), zhuan" Biographies of wandering knights), "Huozhi zhuan" ('NfflftfAi, Biographies of merchants), "Ningxing zhuan" Biographies of flatterers), etc. This classification method, which historians had long employed in dynastic histories, was adopted and adapted by Huij iao for his biographies biographies. Buddhist The the of collection of way of categorizing biographies in dynastic the the monks and of secular people way of categorizing histories are the same. Form the attitude of the tradition to historical writings and its standard method of classifying biogaphees, we may said that Huijiao was quite secular. In dynastic histories the different categories of biographies was ranked by the criteria the author set. For examples, "Rulin zhuan" never came after "Wenxu zhuan" Biographies of men of letters), "Zhongyi zhuan" Biographies of loyalists) never came after "Ningxing zhuan", "Lienii zhuan" (Biographies of virtuous women) were only placed before "Ningxing zhuan", or in histories, last the the part of were placed no matter what kinds of woman were 7ý Huang Qingquan fW is that 'The purpose of writing Lieniizhuan said tý ,) for propagating the thought of a Confucianist ideal world of rule by virtue and for ideas Xiang's Liu political and attitudes. Teaching Confucian ethics and expressing book'. important is Seethe "Introduction" of Xinyi lienii the of part morals another in lienii Vinyi (Taipei: (f Sanmin zhuan ilman shuju, 1996), pp. 1-31. 59 included. This order was evidently based on traditional ideology of educated Chinese both Chinese people. As discussed above, Huijiao was very aware of knowledge had He of his time. a rich traditions and of the new tendenciesof also historical writings. We believe that the order of the categoriesof GSZ underlined histories. dynastic did in just historians as an assessmentof value, Huijiao only explained his ranking of three categories in GSZ in the postface for 'the for book. He the translators enlightenment special praise, singled out of the for it is this ' He dependent that China then them. explained on was wholly of his head biographies he the their work . of at placed reason 76 This comment in involved judgment the indicates the of that ranking was a value evidently first. biographees he at made eight categories of categories. He also explained that $W90) hymnody (zhuan-du, function had he However, to take account of the of also Some in H"W) (chang-dao, good monks who were work. religious and preaching H did Although influence had these two the not skills on common people. an at these biographies he back two these therefore to remote antiquity, categories of added go became Huijiao's his his book ten. the eight categories and made end of at 1,a hymnodists he did it that think that and monks who were not commentsmake clear judgment in is important This the others. undoubtedly a value as preachers were as his category ranking. There is no direct evidence to suggest how Huijiao ranked the other seven by help However, some opinions presented modem scholars may us to categories. in has GSZ. Cao Shibang the categories ranking of understand more about for why the category of wangshen--destroyers of their bodiessuggesteda reason came after the category of minglii-masters 76 See GSZ p.524. of Vinaya. He said that Huijiao, was a 60 Vinaya master who thought that monks who harmed themselvesas a sacrifice to Buddha were in fact acting against the spirit of Buddhism which most emphatically for j I ives their He forms f-mortification. their the ust ects rej recorded extreme of sel " devotion Buddhism. to their great courage and extreme Cases of Buddhist became harming by Buddha themselves to a macabre monks making sacrifices kind of religious fashion only practiced in China since medieval times. It was 78 different from its original meaning and practical situation in Indian Buddhism. By recording these monks' lives in the way he did Huijiao intended to suggest that he did not really approve of such actions, which were unacceptable to the Confucian value system. In short, Cao's opinion is that Huijiao ranked the monks of the category of he did because the not agree with what category of minglii was wangshen after these monks did 79 . About the category of xingfu-those blessings' by building 'created who temples and Buddha images -- Cao, said that it seemed to him Huijiao did not important kind this religious achievement of monks of contribution as an regard in it helpful Buddhism to the some ways. Cao, was although was propagation of is from distant Huijiao the way Buddhists think thought that so surprised what 80 However, now. considering the grounds on which anti-Buddhists attacked Buddhism in the time Huijiao lived, it will be very understandable why Huijiao low. he We this can see ranked was trying to play down the negative category so impression Buddhist monks made on some secular critics who were shocked at the is It also possible that Huijiao was making extravagance of religious constructions. " See GSZ 12, pp.456-458. 78 SeeZurcher, pp.281-283. 79 SeeCao Shibang, Zhongguofojiao shixueshi (Taipei: Fagu wenhua, 1999). 8' See Cao Shibang, Zhongguofojiao shixueshi. 61 low in by ranking wangshen a another responseto the attacks of anti-Buddhists because there were many severe criticisms about the appearancesof monks, place, including how monks managedtheir bodies. Kieschnick has argued that there is no significance in the order of Huijiao's 81 his indications does However, Huijiao the that order of categories. give some he his deliberately By ten was also categories ranking categories was chosen. responding to anti-Buddhists' those aspects of emphasizing and criticisms Buddhism that were most acceptable to Confucian values. Similarities to Shenxian zhuan GSZ deals both with the secular and with the supematural. These two his both based Some Huijiao the of sources used. characteristics were on materials in GSZ, descriptions, the postface of such as contained supernatural as mentioned Liu Yiqing's Xuan yan ji p lu You and ming Wang Yan's Ming xiangji, Wang Yanxiu's (T-LI3ý) Gan ying zhuan, Zhu Juntai's fW) and Tao Yuanming's (P'IjjMH)j)Sou shen lu Zheng ying zhuan (fAP%, 82 They were writings about ghosts and accounts of magic that were very during dynasties. Northern Southern These the popular period of and writings for book. Huijiao's By Huijiao's about ghosts and magic were used as a source kind became this skilful arrangement of source a major element of the supernatural books, Li Fengmao the side of as has pointed out. 83 This is why 81 See Kieschnick,, The Eminent Monks: Buddhist Ideals in Medieval Chinese Hagiography, pp.8-9. 82 Suishu. jingiizhi(Pfqill,,,,, ýýý, !, P,,---) record as Tao Yuanming Sou shen houji 10juan (a). 2, ý, 83 1z W. " Hu ij iao Gaoseng ji rv-`ý-fifff-j Li Fengrnao(J-ýV L (jU,, ýýV zhuan qi sheng yi xingge P-1-i Zin Zhonghua xueyuan no. 12,1982. pp. 123-137. ýN 62 Campany has said that in this aspect GSZ is similar to anomaly accounts zhiguai GýJ\ 84 ). For the same reason Kieschnick has point out that for many readers the GSZ and later collections of monastic biographies were probably seen as subset of known became large body literature that as zhiguai, or eventually a of secular 85 "records of the strange. , We can find a lot of examples of this kind of writings in biographies in the of chapter every of monks and magic narratives aDOUtghosts nil the book. For example, when Sengquan (fiffgjý) was old and sick, he saw a Buddha, from boys him in his he had all room, and constructed earlier, visit whose statue him; down to take and on the care of came the heavens (zhutian tongzi, day before he died his pupil dreamed that gods came to welcome and accompany 86 him to heaven. Fadu lived as a solitary monk in Mount Nie (&ý), the him large follower became his the a sum of and presented with mountain god of 87 dragon king his illness. The came money, Joss sticks and candles, and also cured to ask Tanchao (M-LB) about making rain to save lives when he was practising 88 Fazhuang meditation. in was reciting sutras the middle of the night when 89 listen. Senghui (fiffg) to gods came Chongming Temple his decision build to made about where HA') by being instructed by a moving light. 90 We can find in in GSZ. Especially the category of Shenyi many such stories every chapter of magic and ghost stories and monks were inseparably linked. The relationship between monks and supernatural powers will be discussed " See Robert Campany, Strange Writing: Anomaly Accounts in Early Medieval China. (New York: State Un iversity of New York Press, 1996), pp. 199-201. 85 Kieschnick, The Eminent Monk: Buddhist Ideals in Medieval Chinese Hagiography, 68-69. pp. 86 GSZ 7, "Biography of Sengquan", pp.272-273. 87 GSZ 8, "Biography of Fado", pp.331-332. 88 GSZ 11, "Biography of Tanchao", p.424. 89 GSZ 12, "Biography of Fazhuang", p.465. 90 GSZ 13, "Biography of Senghui", p.482. 63 further in a later section. The point we want to make here is that all these in Daoist found those collection of supernatural stories were of the same type as a biographies, Shenxian zhuan SXZ) by Ge Hong 91 283-363), a c. book compiled in over a century earlier than GSZ. This is why Robert Campany has said that it can be demonstrated that GSZ was compiled in just the same way as Ge Hong's Sengxian zhuan, and that these two works inhabit the same generic 92 between However, Huijiao to try to make clear connections niche. seemed not his GSZ and SXZ. It appears that he used those ghost and magic stories for three by Chinese he First, the early purposes. reflected widespread use of magic Buddhists. Second, he reflected his time, when most people believed in for for liked to talk them supernatural matters and about moral purposes or he Chinese Third,, Buddhist to trying to amusement. monks more close was make tradition and custom, these ghost and magic stories were quite Daoist in style, and Daoist stories of the supernatural were more acceptable than Buddhist ones in Chinese educated society. The structural model of GSZ biographies There is a structural model for most of the biographies in GSZ. The biographies usually have five parts in a set order. They are: 1. Family background, including secular name, family place of origin, ancestors,and sometimesrelatives. Some of the descriptions of family backgrounds of the monk in GSZ are quite 91 See "Biography of Ge Hong" in Jin shu 72. 92 See Robert Campany, To Live as Long as Heaven and Earth: A Translation and Stu4y of Ge Hong ý Traditions of Divine Transcendents (University of Californ ia Press, 2002); 100. P. 64 brief, such as: Kang Falang QjýýPfl), who came from Zhongshan Daoyi's family name was Lu Sengzhao (flff T-) ( rp ýQ); 93 Zhu 94 $), and he came from Wu t). from (I'VII Jingzhao came 95 However, there are other descriptions of the background of the monks in the book that give many details. For example, Daoan's (L'62ý) secular family name was Wei (ft), his family came from Fuliu in Changshan (rMOj#,jPP), he lost his parents when he was very young 96 ift by his Sengqing's (M. (R) Kong and was raised elder maternal cousin . family name was Fu (f4), his family came from Niyang in Beidi OLf-OM), he Jin heir Fu (f-JLP), Hejian (MrFI, ) Xia the the was son and of a magistrate of under dynasty. 97 family name was Ma Tanw-ucheng's his family and was from Fufeng (M)A), but (Xfft) Huanglong to originally moved 14 to escape political 98 trouble. Sengyuan's (fiff LA) family Chonghe in Bohai Huang (*); name was his family came from His ancestors came from the Huangfu family of Beidi Mýt) however, became they originally; refugees, they when family their changed by erasing the word name 'huang'(-j, word --fffry-*) and moved to the coast. family from his Huayin(*ýý) Yang (fg), was came 'fu' 99 Huimi's to just leave the (MAR) family name in Hongnong he was 00 ' the descendantof Yang Zhen (fAM), a high official of the Han dynasty. It seems to me that Huijiao, wanted to stress as much as possible the monks' family background. This method of writing may have reflected the reality that during the Northern and Southern dynasties people regarded family background as 93 GSZ 4 "Biography of Kan Falang", p. 153. 94 GSZ 5, "Biography of Zhu Daoyi-, p.206. 95 GSZ 6, "Biography of Sengzhao", p.249. 96 GSZ 5, -Biography of Daoan", p. 177. 97 GSZ 6, "Biography of Sengqi-, p.239. 98 GSZ 7, "Biography of Tanwucheng", p.275. 99 GSZ 8, "Biography of Sengyuan", p.317. 100GSZ 12, "Biography of Huirni", p.473. 65 an important factor in one's social status. On the other hand, this way of writing biographies leads us to think that Huijiao was trying to emphasizethe background first in in the the their place. of monks and was rooting secular society position 2. Beginning study in Confucian classical texts or, in some cases, Daoist texts or Buddhist sutras at a very young age. The biographees were mostly very clever and diligent in their studies and lived virtuous lives. They were usually filial sons before they became monks, and had a strong will to study and even had to endure poverty. For example, Zhi Daolin (ýZL-Pf/ý)was extremely intelligent and clear in his 101 Daoan (L-62ý) was seven years old when he thinking since he was a child. from he had He to to text read only started study. memory a which was able recite 02 ' 1) was Daoheng (LP11: twice, to the astonishment of people in his hometown. hermit Zhang Zhong the nine years old when him by the saw playing by his he Zhang Zhang that appearance and predicted roadside. was surprised his lived be lost Daoheng parents when young, and would somebody someday. his filial lived in but day He with stepmother as a son. poverty still studied and 1 03 Sengrou night. honest just from his He and childhood. accompanied was he family His to travel uncle and study when was nine. was so poor that sometimes they gathered wild herbs for food and still did not have enough to keep them from hunger. Sengrou's diligent study was never interrupted by these hardships. 104 he Sengfu (ft'Qý') rzm was very young. He studied very hard was orphaned when though his family was penniless. He gathered branches from nearby as firewood 10, GSZ 4, "Biography 102GSZ 5, "Biography 101GSZ 6, "Biography 104GSZ 8, "Biography of of of of Zhidun-, p. 159. Daoan-, p. 177. Daoheng", p.146. Sengrou", p.322. 66 had he he all light for in twenty, mastered By time the the was and a study night. 05 ' Chinese the classicsand histories. This kind of description is almost the same as in the biographies of scholars in Chinese dynastic histories. We can find the same type of description about the The history. dynastic in biographies scholars the the every subject of childhood of in histories had recorded very good personalities which appeared at a usually to intelligent, They willing memory, a good with were often clever, young age. be is Huijiao filial, It to that to a wanted evident endure poverty. and able study, Chinese historian when writing Buddhist history. Such descriptions are typical in the Chinese biographical tradition. However, if we probe deeper, we will find that there is something behind this kind of signification of Buddhist biography. It seems to me that this is actually a strategy of identity construction. Huijiao was trying to from differences between Buddhist the early the the world and secular world, erase life. stage of a monk's 3. Becoming a monk and doing well in his monastic life. Some monks became important in various fields, establishing a reputation in both secular and monastic becoming large followers. sometimes monks numbers of pupils worlds, with and For example, Yu Falan became a monk when he was fifteen. He hard he joined he his fame When twenty, studied very once a monastery. was 106 far. Tanyi spread became a monk at sixteen and studied Buddhist sutras known He his Daoan. teacher was as a self-disciplined monk since he was with from He also gained respect very young. other pupils for his rich knowledge of 105 106 GSZ 12, "Biography of Sengfu-, p.448. GSZ 4, "Biography of Yu Falan", p. 166. 67 Buddhism.107 Tanbin (Ang-Rij) became a monk when he was ten. He travelled to himself he Finally famous Buddhist teachers. many places to study sutras with became a master of different schools of Buddhism. When he lectured admiring 108 After listeners, carrying their book bags, came to listen from all directions. becoming a monk Huilong spent ten years concentrating on studying and became a great master in every field of Buddhist sutras. Emperor Mingdi (H)116ý) of the Liu Song dynasty invited him to give a public lecture in the palace that was lecture by hundred Huilong After the than received attended eight people. more invitations 109 from aristocrats from time to time. Sengyin his started he became life he just From the a monastic moment when was eight years old. industriously in he dietary Vinaya He monk always observed restrictions. studied fields had in became both He and a great sutras and meditation. a master of 110 influence in the area of Jing (rfq) and Chu (V), the middle Yangzi region. Huijiao, gives only a few clues about the reason why those men wanted to became monks. For example, Faxian be to was sent a novice monk at three: his father worried that he might not survive as his three elder brothers had all died III Puheng young. inspired he boy by was when was a seeing a monk 112 in daytime Fazong the preaching sky. became a monk because he realized he had sinned when he shot a pregnant deer and saw the deer giving birth ' 13 licked dying. her to while she was young, which she It is also quite difficult to know whether those men met any opposition from 107GSZ 5, "Biography of Tanyi-, p. 198. 108GSZ 7, "Biography of Tanbin", p.290. 109GSZ 8, "Biography of Huilong ", p.327. 110GSZ 11, "Biography of Sengyin-, p.432. I'' GSZ 3, "Biography of Faxian-, p.87. GSZ 11, "Biography of Puheng", p.42 1. GSZ 12, -Biography of Fazong", p.461. 68 their family or other people related to them. There were only a few monks Huijiao (flftj), Sengyuan having kind this mentions as of trouble, such as Zhixiu (TV16%) he Xuangao Buddhism (iý-%). Sengyuan (fiffA) F--J was still a when and admired it. did his but become he not allow parents child and at sixteen wanted to a monk, He insisted and lived like a Buddhist from then on. Finally his parents let him go to 114 Zhixiu the monastery when he was eighteen. hoped for a monastic life at did They him however his treasured agree. not a very early age, and parents day Zhixiu for him. When the ran was close secretly arranged a marriage wedding from his home became to parents' away a monk without a mountain area and 115 A,::, however, family believed in Xuangao's (A ) permission. some other religion; Xuangao wanted to become a monk when he was eleven. He went to live in a 16 ' last he fifteen. for long time. His parents at mountain village agreed when a was To know the reason for becoming a monk and the opposition some would-be monks faced would help us to learn more about the distancebetweenthe Buddhist how However, Huijao, the the world and secular world. way wrote about a secular became he In man a monk was ambiguous. most cases gives the impression that there was no contradiction between these two worlds. His subjects easily family become their abandoned and monks, especially when most of them started their monastic lives at such a young age. In most of his accounts it seems that join someone would a monastery without any worries. On the other hand, the like for in lives their monastery also was a special place special people, which could be renewed.It seemsthat no matter what kinds of families they came from, families had, they their what sorts of occupations or what status they had before GSZ 8, "Biography of Sengyuan", p.317. W GSZ 8, "Biography of Zhixiu-, p.332. " GSZ 11, "Biography of Xuangao", p.409. 69 they became monks, once they entered monasteries they acquired a new identity. Huijiao is keen to emphasize cases when a monk is recognized by secular society as having high status. He plays down the tendency of some leading members of society to hold monks in low esteem. 4. Associating with secular educated people and with the upper class of secular by having the commendations of educated society, gathering a greater reputation becoming secular people, a teacher of secular people, and sometimes an adviser to high officials or even a ruler. Special conduct or special events in which the monk in his could show great abilities and outstanding virtues are sometimes mentioned this part of the biography. In many of the biographies in GSZ once a monk became a Buddhist master, he became popular among the upper class of the time. Monks lectured in public for families, royal aristocracy, gentry, and other upper class people. The people they associatedwith included almost every level of the upper class, the emperor, princes, high famous hermits. For Fatai generals, scholars and example, officials, lectured for Emperor Jianwen (r.93ZV) of the Jin dynasty in Waguan Temple (X r_-_ --j-_ p The emperor and almost all high-level officials in the court joined his 117 from different places to listen to him. audiences and thousands of people came LM) was respected by Xu Zhanzhi of Donghai Huitong (,TV,, Can of Chen Jun .v they regarded him as their friend and teacher; Emperor Wu of the Liu Song dynasty Prince of Hailing (ýNk-xýfl and Yuan him befriend his to asked sons, the *ZFýE). Prince jianping Xiao L (. Every time and of /J,, GSZ 5, "Biography of Zhu Fatai-, p. 193. 70 18 ' Huitong lectured students from other places filled up the streets. Baoliang in he As he arrived soon as came to the capital city of Liang when was twenty-one. Yuan Can's his by Yuan further the city commendation. reputation was raised ff-FZ-ffl. Baoliang treasure the praised as a of world The Prince of Jingling fond Baoling him lecturer him be though to was not visited personally and asked a famous in did like to make social connections with of preaching public and not followers his including The was more number of monks and secular people. pupils than three thousand, and hundreds of people came to discuss questions of Buddhismwith him. 119 Monks also became important guests in the houses of those people and in important They their participated secular matters. offered opinions on some important social activities including qing tan "pure talk" and made outstanding in Monks contributions. participating qing tan and acting as advisers of upper class further in be discussed later people will a section. In this part of the biographies many names and titles of important secular people are found. The readers of GSZ may need patience to figure out the complex between the monks and those upper class people. There was a huge connections is index That Wright that the to laymen web of social connections. why said in the GSZ would read like a no ý Who of the period it covers. mentioned 120 it seemsthat Huijiao paid much attention to this part of his biographies, maybe much more than to other parts. In this part, most of the monks were active and identity longer bounded Their by Buddhism, it became multi-faceted. was no a 118GSZ 7, "Biography of Huitong", 301. p. 1'9 GSZ 8, "Biography of Baoliang", 337. p. "0 SeeArthur F. Wright, "Biography and hagiography: Hui-chiao's Lives of Eminent Monks", in Robert M. Somers ed., Studies in Chinese Buddhism (New Haven and London: Yale University Press, 1990), pp-73-111. 71 kind of multiple type. With this kind of identity the monks became a special part of hard the in Huijiao to It tried that extend the very upper class society. seems Wright No identities fix into that them the secularupper class. wonder monks' and Buddhism habitation is the Huijiao's that this the and of claimed purposes: 121 Buddhist clergy in the Chinese upper class. 5. The monks' death. Sometimes it was preceded by a miraculous prediction. For L-6 day in Daoli ( the middle of summer example, one called an unusual his his When Buddhist them taught one of pupils sutra. gathering of pupils and a be for lesson, he his him the that time this would asked reason said unexpected his in do he just the to mind. ended coming autumn and what was still on wanted Several days after the lecture he died without an illness. 122Without any notice one day Sengrou his he leaving that told this world. He then suddenly pupil was it, brought his faced hands the together, to the west, put a mat on ground, sat on 123 instantly illness. When Fatong and worshipped sincerely. He died and with no (jj,--Lffi)felt unwell, he told his pupils that he would die in ten days. He died on the day he predicted. During the ten days before he died, he saw Buddha and other Buddhist figures entering his room; his pupils saw nothing but detected good 124 he smells while was communicating with them. After the monk's death one or more secular educated people, usually powerful famous or men, would write an epitaph or biography for him. For example, when Sengquan (@4j) died, Ruan Shangzhi (FTcfr'jZ), magistrate of Lin'an '2' SeeArthur F. Wright, "Biography and hagiography: Hui-chiao's Lives of Eminent Monks" I -,) GSZ 5, "Biography of Daoll-, p.203. I)3, GSZ 8, "Biography of Sengrou", p.322. 121GSZ 8, "Biography of Fatong". p.339. 72 his jiCW_) (; Yeng Dai grave his (ýErjý) Wang Yu arranged chose and grave place, (*Eff) Sixian for him, Tang stone and wrote an epitaph for also wrote an epitaph 125 When Fatong (jI,-A) him. him, and Zhang Fu (4R&) wrote a eulogy (lei, g-4)for by his beside grave, with epitaphs written passed away his pupils put up a stone Xie Ju of Chenjun Lanling Ziyun Xiao of and When (Mý, [,A - ,a Faxian (ýýM) died, his pupil Sengyou (fiffiTiý) had a gravestone put up with an by Shen Yue Wuxing of epitaph written 127 for him. In a few cases the pupil wrote the epitaph for the monk when he died. For Lfg) his Sengdao (fift died, (jjjý, ) Famin the epitaph on wrote pupil example, when 128 his Zhengdu death, (fiffjfiý)'s for him. Sengyou After tombstone the pupils, one of Me by Dongwan Liu of erected a gravestone with an epitaph written (jEft), 129 This part of the biographies in GSZ includes the literary works the monks left behind, and their writings were not limited to Buddhist works. For example, Zhu Senglang people. 130 f'RP)J)wrote Renwu shiyi lun Huirui wrote Shisi yinxun xu (+PN book a about classifying book a about 31 Huij ing (jU,,'pj?) left ten juan of literary work. 132Tanfei QMT-: 1 left ) ýP, phonetics. 133 his had in literary been One that time. of the most some circulating writings famous monks, Huiyuan left tenjuan of works including different kinds of 125GSZ 7, "Biography of Sengquan", pp.272-273. 126GSZ 8, "Biography of Fatong", pp.339-340. 127GSZ 13, "Biography of Faxian", pp.488-489. 128GSZ 7, "Biography of Famin", pp.285-286. 1211 GSZ 11, "Biography of Sengyou-, pp.440-441. The author of Wenxindiao Iong ZL PI he was young. He lived with Sengyou in the temple for more than was very poor when ten years. He was a pupil and a friend to Sengyou. SeeLiang shu 50 "Biographies of Wenxue GZýf)-130GV 5, "Biography of Zhu Senglang", pp. 190-191. 131 GV 7, "Biography of Mimi-, pp.259-260. GV 7, "Biography of Huijing", p.271-272 GSZ 8, "Biography of Tanfei-, pp.341-34). 73 secular literary writing. 134 In this part of the biographies, we find two contrasting ways of constructing the identity of the biographees. The predictions of the monks' deaths led the from identities GSZ to the supernatural and gave the monks remote readers of based identity The the on those supernatural normal people and secular world. descriptions seems close to Daoist figures in Ge Hong's SXZ. On the other hand, Huijiao, also made much of who wrote the epitaphs for the monk after his death. This led readers back to the complex secular social web. It seems to me that Huijiao was trying to pass a messagethat monks came from the secular world and that their deaths were recognized by the secular world: they were close to the for Moreover, that monks were secular world. so many epitaphs when we see by few cases when the epitaphs were written secular educated people, and only a for highest by it indicates for Huijiao the that praise a monk written other monks, important his death from secular educated people, so were after was what came in his suchconnections view. The identities Huijiao constructed for monks Besides the general identity of being a monk, as a preacher of Buddhism, Huijiao constructed extensively some other identities for the monks in his book. Using the term "construct" means that Huijiao chose how to use his material, best. his purposes selecting what suited The biographies in GSZ are organized into ten categories which are classified However. by do Huijiao. include these ten categories and ranked not all the 114 GSZ 6, "Biography of Huiyuan", pp.211-222. 74 identities of the monks. It is very easy to see that some descriptions of the biographees are actually leading the monks into different categories. For example, the use of magic power is found in many biographies, but not every monk who Similarly, not used magic power was given the primary identity of miracle worker. Buddha building temples, to stupas or every monk who made a contribution images was put in the category of "xingfu", the promoters of blessing. On the other hand, if we look at the allocation of monks to different categories is (exegetes) in "yyie" biographies the second category the total number of the so huge, it is almost a half of the book. 135It seemsthat Huijiao was specially focused in GSZ identities It the the this that of monks on aspects of category. also suggests by by deliberately down Huijiao and some aspects were emphasized were played him. We need to go beyond Huijiao's ten categories in his book to examine the identities Huijiao constructed for the monks in GSZ. Within many identities which Huijiao constructed for the monks by writing their biographies some are more important than others. They are: miracle worker, imperial adviser, ascetic, hermit, scholar and mingshi. Those six identities in fact are three pairs. Miracle worker and imperial adviser Miracle e worker Using magic power was one important method to preach religion in early The chart made by Tang Yongtong in the appendix of GSZ, Zhonghua shuju version. SeeGSZ p.568. 75 Chinese Buddhism. Huijiao regarded this kind of supernatural method as a He that for the said religion. necessary strategy attracting people and spreading filled with exaggeration and magic power could restrain minds which were filled destroy with contempt and arrogance, stubbornness, minds which were frustrate minds of a cruel and sharp nature, and solve problems. Miracle-working had achieved great results in winning over the non-Han rulers in northern China dynasty Jin by in the them the the areas ruled since and protecting commoners 136 lost China to moved southern and control of the north. The monks with the identity of miracle worker were mainly gathered in the in biographies "shenyi". Other other parts of the are category of monks whose book, about one-third of the 257 monks in GSZ, possessed supernatural powers. Thus the supernatural abilities of the monks were important elements in their 1 37 biographies. The monks in shenyi category, including the most famous had (%WýBft one-Fotucheng all a strong characteristic which was similar to that figures. in had Daoist The this of some monks category all supernatural powers, 138 distance in such as: travelling an unbelievable one day, crossing a river on a tiny 139 like having body" "separating the the object, a wooden cup, art of and being in 140 being invulnerable to all kinds of more than one place at the same time, 141 weapon, 142 showing no signs of age, 143 death, their coming alive again after and so on. However, apart from some monks in this category whose identity was "6 See GSZ 10, pp.398-399. 137See Po, Mu-chou, "The Images of Immortals and Eminent Monks: Religious Mentality in Early Medieval China (4-6 c. A. D. )-, in Numen (1995) 42, p. 183. 1"Is See GSZ 9, "Biography of Shan Daokai", p.36 1. 139See GV 9, "Biography of Beiclu-, p.3 79. 140 See GSZ 9, "Biography of Zhu Fodiao", p.364 141 See GSZ 9, "Biography of Tanshi-, p.386 142See GSZ 9, "Biography of Senghui-, p.392. 141 See GV 9, "B iography of Shaoshuo-, p. 89. ) -3 76 However, Daoist. looked Buddhist, rather unambiguously other magician monks Huijiao Huijiao, that For Buddhist said example, emphasized their nature. Shaoshuo loved Buddhism by nature; every time he saw Buddha images he 144 biographies to did Huijiao these not write worshipped, praised and wept. for dual / identity Buddhist Daoist them. construct a Huijiao said more about what he thought about monks with magic powers. Among those he wrote about were An Huize who produced magic 145 Shizong devas; by during to the praying an epidemic medicine and cured sick he knew in bath fish by having thousands a river when a of who saved j 146 Baizu fishermen were planning to fish the whole area; who made a great Emperor Taiwu in Buddhism the the time to of reviving contribution by his dynasty (386-534) Wei 424-452) Northern the magic power to using of r. 147 defend himself from a weapon and to survive from being fed to a tiger; and Baozhi Wu Emperor the who converted 5)b 483-493) Southern the r. of Qi dynasty (479-502) to Buddhism by showing his art of "separating the body" and 148 being in different places at the same time. For Huijiao such monks who helped flew faith important heaven those the than to others or promoted who were more by taking magic medicine, or lived a long life by eating special plants. 149 Huijiao tells us that magic powers have to be used on the matters which bringing benefit to commoners, the state and Buddhism. Apart concern reality --from some cases of curing complex or difficult illnesses and predicting the future, Huijiao gives more examples of magic used to deal with problems of epidemics, "' See GSZ 9, "Biography of Shaoshuo", p.388. 145 See GSZ 10, "Biography of An Huize", p.372. 116 See GSZ 10, "Biography of Shizong", p.377. 147 See GSZ 10, "Biography of Shi Tanshi", pp.385-386. 1'8 See GSZ 10, "Biography of Shi Tanshi-, pp.394-397. 149 See GSZ 10, p.399. 77 droughts and wars. For example, when Heluojie (90qWA) arrived in Luoyang in 288, the time of Emperor Wu ff-I dynasty (N Jin West 265-274) of the r. - 265-317), there was a serious epidemic in which many people died. Heluojie used his magic powers to cure most of the sick people. 150 Shegong (4ýa) was good at spells to summon dragons and these brought rain. Every time when there was a drought Fu Jian (338-385), the ruler of the Former Qin kingdom (351-394) in northwest China, would ask Shegong to summon a dragon for him. A moment after the spell was spoken a dragon would drop down into a bowl and then heavy rain followed. A year after Shegong died, there had been no rain for six months. Fu Jian reduced his own food and stopped executing if it finally his In Fu Jian the told that criminals. minister seventh month rained. 151 he have like Shegong was still alive this. would not needed to worry about rain There were more similar cases shown in the different biographies in GSZ. Among those cases,the most important is Fotucheng. Imperial o adviser Fotucheng showed his magic power in praying for rain, predicting the future, his However, curing illness, and so on. primary usefulness was as a military became imperial imperial He then advisor. an advisor of the Shi advisor, as an family, the ruling house of the Later Zhao kingdom (&ffi, through being a military advisor of Guo Heilue 319-350) in north China, a general of the kingdom. He predicted the details and the results of almost every battle for them; moreover, he also predicted many political events, such as assassinations, treason and See GSZ 10, "Biography of Heluojie", p. 370. SeeGSZ 10, "Biography of Shegong-, pp.373-374. 78 his F*ý, 274-333) (; Le Shi He became kind and rebellions. of protector of a nephew Shi Hu 295-349) and a special protector of commoners in the places Later Zhao ruled. 152 Beside Fotucheng, Kumarajiva (AMMUft, important 344-413) was another c. heard Fu Jian GSZ, became imperial According to about monk who when advisor. Kurnarajiva's name and his outstanding abilities he told an army which was on a he China fetch him. Kumarajiva to to although military mission eventually came insults enduredserious with women and wine and received other rough treatment had longer he in It Qin China When Former the the existed. no on way. arrived been replaced by another kingdom founded by another barbarian ruler. He stayed in the Later Liang N 386-403) court founded by Ul Guang 338-399) the man who had captured Kumarajiva and tried to damage his reputation on the journey to China, and became a senior advisor to the ruler. He made several for them on the basis of strange weather or other efficacious political predictions 153 unusual occurrences. Gunabhadra (394-468) was another important monk who used magic power to his became show a royal advisor. Gunabhadra was active in unusual abilities and the Liu Song (420-479) time. He stayed with Liu Yixuan Nan Qiao Prince the of %FT), dynasty, for the and a minister of more than ten yearsuntil Liu lost everything and was killed in a rebellion he led. While Gunabhadra stayed with Liu he offered many opinions on different matters both religious and secular, including a prediction of the failure of Liu's rebellion. Gunabhadra became an imperial advisor to Emperor Xiaowu (*AI-6, 454-464) r. of the Liu Song dynasty is.) See GSZ 9, "Biography of Fotucheng-, pp.345-357. 15 3 See GSZ 2, "Biography of Kumarajiva"", pp.49-5 1. 79 Yixuan he Liu failure to the the throne when came of after He 454. t%Fl- about for like house, his rain, praying continued to use magic powers to serve the ruling Ming, Emperor in and on. the court till the early years of and was still welcomed He was greatly honoured when he died. 154 372-444) was another monk who acted as an imperial advisor. Huiyi Huiyi's involvement in politics was much deeper than that of other monks who his According house for to the ruling or other aristocrats. acted as advisors biography in GSZ, he was trusted by Liu Yu when Liu was still the Prince of Song. In the last years of the Eastern Jin dynasty there was a prediction made by the Facheng monk in Jizhou (W-fl,j) that Liu Yu was a true heir of Han and become is, The Heaven that to the of evidence emperor. would accept wish of --this prediction was put in a particular place. Liu Yu sent Huiyi to look for the found it in he heard 417. Huiyi It through a that this said prediction evidence when dream and his sincere prayers. This typical myth of foundation of a state was also ' 55 is in dynastic history Southern Dynasties. It the the of no wonder that recorded Kamata Shigeo said that Huiyi was the person who made the greatest contribution 156 There are more examples in GSZ. to the founding of the Liu Song dynasty. Huiyan 368-443) accompanied Liu Yu (Tqjýý) as a "teacher of the emperor" 157 Sengdao, (fiff%) when Liu Yu led an army to the north to take Chang'an. received his greatest honour as an advisor in the court of Liu Song for four reigns 158 he life Liu Yu's difficult him. time with as son's and went through a saved Huilin (jUf#) was known as "the first minister in black" (heiyi zaixiang, -MAIý -N 154SeeGSZ 3, "Biography of Gunabhadra", pp. 131-134. 155SeeGSZ 7, "Biography of HuiyI-, p.266 and "Biography of Song wudi" in Nan shi 1. "() Kamata Shigeo. (Chinese translation edition) Zhongguofbjiaoshi. Gaoxiong: Foguang 99. 1986, chubanshe, p. 157 See GSZ 7, "Biography of Huiyan-, p.26 1. 158See GSZ 7. "Biography of Seiigdao", pp.280-282. 80 f H) for he was concernedwith many political matters.159 Through these examples, Huijiao tried to show that there was a close imperial identity between identity the the of connection of miracle worker and full He his the that of mysterious advisor. also shows world was still readers deal that those powers and spirits and with these powers were the ones who could 60 ' Therefore the identities he constructed that would secure the trust of the people. for the miracle-working monks were always helpful to the state and the society. In both identities monks were comparable to leading secular figures. Philanthropist, ascetic and hermit When there was propaganda against Buddhism on economic issues, it became a necessity to counteract criticism of the wealth of monasteries. Huijiao, did not identity faced it He to the the construct a positive avoid problem. problem and used for monks in relation to money. e Monks and money, monks and philanthropy A Chang'an man of high social status wanted to make a test of the monk Fahu's (jj-R-N) morality. He pretended that he needed money urgently and asked Fahu to lend him two hundred thousand cash. When Fahu. was hesitant and silent, Zhu Facheng has lend thirteen, to only answered: my still master agreed you the money. When the man returned Zhu Facheng told his master Fahu that this man IS9 See the supplemental biography of Huilin in "Biography of Daoyuan,,, GSZ 7ý 268. p. "the first primary minister in black"(heiyi zai xiang) was the words of Kong Yi of Guiji (WWOUN). See Tang's annotation, GSZ 7, p. 269. 160 See Po, Mu-chou, "The Images of Immortals and Eminent Monks: Religious Mentality in Early Medieval China (4-6 c. A. D. )-, in Numen (1995) 42, p. 183. 81 day The for but his the man came with test to was not coming next money reaction. his whole family, more than a hundred members, to become Buddhists under 16 1 Fahu's guidance and apologized for the money matters. This story shows that a for but his (or lend be that to to monk monastery) could money people, rich enough Huijiao the important thing was not to covet. Huijiao was perhaps trying to counteractcriticisms of the wealth of someBuddhist monasteries. Fahu was not the only example of a rich monk in GSZ. The fame of some he brought Sengdao (flffW) For monks easily was young riches. example, when he buy lamp bum for light he had too to to twigs poor was oil or candles, so when studied at night. However, when he became an imperial adviser he was able to hundreds support of refugee monks who had escaped from a persecution of Buddhism in the north with food and clothes. He also arranged the ceremonies for had been killed. monks who 162 When Huijiao talks about the rich monks in GSZ he always emphasizes that they made good use of their wealth. He tells us that "Sengquan was generous in he helped in lived He life charity and always people need. a strict and never 163 hoarded money. When Sengjin (flfffffi) was appointed an official in charge of monks he was offered many servants and gifts and thirty thousand cash for his monthly salary. However, Sengjin was not miserly. All the donations he received 64 ' his income bring benefit Fayuan to the people and the religion. and were used to (jj-ýPA) was very good at preaching (changdao, RE'l 4) and had many large audiences including royalty and aristocrats. His daily income was tens of "' GSZ4, "Biography of Zhu Facheng", p. 155. "'2 GSZ 7, "Biography of Sengdao", p.280. 161 GSZ 7, "Biography of Sengquan-, p.272. 164 GSZ 7, "Biography of Sengjin-, p.294. 82 thousands of cash. However, he used all the money in charity and never saved any for himself 165 Hujiao, implied that wealth was something a monk should avoid unless he disposed of it in good causes. Living in poverty was important evidence for Huijiao that a monk observedmonastic laws and evidence of his good qualities. Many monks in GSZ, such as Sengxian 168 Huirui 169 Tanying (flffyC-), 170 166 Sengfti (flatg), 167 Huiqian (V described as and many others, were insisted keeping by to strict monastic monks who were undisturbed on poverty and laws no matter how hard it was and how difficult the circumstanceswere. Huijiao, 171 develop be Buddhism. like that to this even said a monk would able correct and By emphasizing the willingness of monks to dispose of their wealth and to live in poverty, Huijaio responded to the criticisms of Buddhism which claimed that monastic wealth could damage the social economics. He turned the original direction of the criticism into two different ways for identity construction. On one hand,,Huijiao constructed a positive identity for monks, that of the philanthropist, by explaining how monks used their wealth for public welfare. On the other hand, he constructed an identity of the ascetic, by showing how monks could live in insist poverty and on adhering to strict monastic laws. Observing a vegetarian diet was also important for a monk to be a virtuous diet A person. vegetable was not a monastic rule in Chinese Buddhist communities before the sixth century. As Kieschnick said, vegetarianism was not unheard of 165 166 167 161 GSZ 13, "Biography of Fayuan-, p.518. GSZ 5, "Biography of Sengxian-, pp. 194-195. GSZ 5, "Biography of Sengfu-, p. 195. GSZ 5, "Biography of Huiqian", p.209. 169GSZ 7, "Biography of Huirui-, p. 259. 170GSZ 6, -Biography of Tanying", p. 243. 171 GSZ 6, "Biography of Sengqi-, p. 239. 83 before the entranceof Buddhism to China, but it seemsfor the most part to have been limited to the period of mourning after the deathof a relative as an expression held of sorrow and self-restraint. This aspect of vegetarianism reflects commonly 172 Huijiao between GSZ luxury. In placed much emphasis associations meat and it diet the took as one of the virtues of a monk. on vegetarian of monks and Examples may found in the biographies of Huiyong HuiyouA, M 17 5 ), Huixun Fl 176 Daoying happened Fayuan to extreme example was what ( Lpff), (g; ý =F 173 - ), J<, 177 W,), Tanjian (1!1-ý 174 The and many others. who was wrongly accused Song (5ý* Liu diet. Xiaowu When Emperor the of of of not observing a vegetable AV) diet, he follow him to answered that a vegetable of only pretending accused he had kept to the diet for more than ten years. The emperor ordered Shen Youzhi force Fayuan duty in Fayuan to the to the eat meat. palace, who was on in broken his The the teeth two struggle. emperor was were resisted, even when of furious and then forced him to stop being a monk and made him a palace guard. Huijiao, said that although Fayuan looked like a secular person when he temporarily lost his monastic status, in his heart he was still a monk and in his his identity he broke laws. He action regained never monastic as a monk when the 178 died long From numerous examples of monks who emperor not afterwards. kept to a vegetarian diet in GSZ, we believe that Huijiao, was reflecting a new aspect of Buddhist culture and tradition of the time, and, more importantly, he was 172SeeJohn Kieschnick, "Buddhist Vegetarianism in China" in Roel Sterckx ed. Of Tripod and Palate.- Food, Politics and Religion in Traditional China. (New York: Paigrave-Macmil Ian Press,2005), p. 193. 173 GSZ 6, "Biography of Huiyong", p.232. 174 GSZ 7, "Biography of Tanjian", p.273. 175 GSZ 11, "Biography of Tanjian", p.428. 176 GSZ 11, "Biography of Huixun", p.430. 177 GSZ 11, "Biography of Daoying", p.434. 178 GSZ 13, "Biography of Fayuan", p.518. 84 trying to take it as a factor to make saints of men of the past and construct the 79 ' identities of monks. o Ascetic More clear characteristicsof the identities of the ascetic are found in some rL), lived dhuta (%Qf monks who as 180 for the lifestyle is governed by strict demands in Buddhist life and a severe diet. Most monks who lived as dhuta in GSZ (xichan) in Meditation found the and elucidators of categories of practitioners are Vinaya (minglfi). the of The monks who lived as dhuta all practiced meditation as their first obligation diet kept They and recited as and strict self-discipline. all observed a vegetarian 181 Zhi Tanlan many sutras as possible. Jingdu and 182 for for food, day. begged both They 300,000 example, recited words of sutras every food from Bo taking trees. them some of giving up eating cereals and only Sengguang (M@)16)' 83 and Daofa ( LgM) 184 begged for their food from villages food for birds insects. Sengcong (fIff they and sometimes would save some and 185 dates for food Facheng took only and nuts and 1 186 only ate terebinth 179SeeJohn Kieschnick,, "Buddhist Vegetarianism in China" in Roel Sterckx ed. Of Tripod China. Palate: Food, Politics Religion Traditional (New York: in and and Palgrave-Macmillan Press,2005), p. 194. 180Living as a dhuta meansto get rid of the trials of life and having the discipline to remove them and attain nirvana. There are twelve points relating to release from ties to food, dwelling: (1) wearing garments of cast-off rags; (2) only the three and clothing, food begged; breakfast (4) (3) eating only garments; eat only and noon meal; (5) eating no food between them; (6) eating only a limited amount; (7) dwelling as a hermit; (8) living living living (10) (9) living (11) tree; tombs; the a under under among open sky; anywhere; (12) sleeping sitting and not lying down. There are another groups. 181 GSZ 11, "Biography of Zhi Tanlan", p.407. 182 GSZ 11, "Biography of Jindu", p.416. 183 GSZ 11, "Biography of Bo Sengguang", p.402. 184 GSZ 11, "Biography of Daofa". p.420. 185 GSZ 11, "Biography of Sengcong", p.417. 186 GSZ 11, "Biography of Facheng", p.417. 85 (songzhi, týgH). They would keep away from the secular world as long as possible: Bo Sengguang stayed in the mountains for fift-three 187and Zhi Tanlan years 188 They would stay about thirty-three years. stayed in Mount Chicheng in the places where normally no people would live, like Faxu in lived a who in tigers (Wij%F*) Liushi the roamed' where mountains graveyard called zhong 89 (TOJ) Fan Mount in lived Fawu (jj, to the people where of south a place and --HA) had to cut a path throug . 190 Apart from their supernatural experiences when practicing meditation and by dhuta lived died, the monks who were constructed as ascetics as when they Huijiao. It seemsthat Huijiao emphasized their life styles and the places they lived in order to give a strong impression that monks were not concerned with wealth identity The for living their to religion. and were able give up everything and easy in his book for Huijiao, the was another monks constructed of ascetic which responseto anti-Buddhist propaganda. o Hermit Hermit is not one of the categories into which GSZ is organised, however, a large number of monks were constructedas hermits in the book. There are some hen-nits, between such as the places they lived and the time similarities ascetics and they spent away from the secular world. Sometimes the simple lives they lived were also similar to When each other. Alan J. Berkowitz discussed "Buddhist-imbued reclusion" he suggested that even if persons fitting this pattern beliefs, their this pattern of reclusion is of religious practiced reclusion on account 187GSZ 11, "Biography 188GSZ 11, "Biography 18' GSZ 11, "Biography 190GSZ 11, "Biography of of of of Bo Sengguang", p.402. Zhi Tanlan", p.407. Faxu-, p.408. Fawu", p.422. 86 "it treat that he might However, also pointed out not necessarily religious. in or anchoritic, monastic, a observance ostensible convergences such as religious be To between difference them. is an ascetic mode."191 However, there a primary different is dhuta, to like lived the purpose experience the monks who as ascetic, kinds of sufferings in human life; to be a hermit, the purpose was rather to pursue in GSZ hermits The beauty freedom of nature. and enjoy the personal mental from living (1) following: the the secular world, away observe one or more of from keeping the (2) beautiful in away scenery, a mountain area with usually (4) hermits, friends (3) for long time, and with other making a secular world in from powerful people the secular world. rejecting invitations 192 There are many monks who lived in an isolated place as hermits for a long time. For example, Sengyi (f'RZ) built a thatched cottage in the northwest part of for lived V) had than there Mount Qinwang (Athe more and nice scenery as place f, , 93 1 for (ffivfý-) Zhong Hill (jI, lived thirty Fatong than thirty years. more on -Affi) 194Daoheng (Lfg,jfl) and Daobiao (Lfgf;Sý, became ) they were classmates when years. Yao Xing When monks. the ruler of the Later Qin kingdom 384-417), asked them to become officials they fled to a mountain area for the rest 195 a) (1!, hermit Huiyuan lives. Among these monks of their be the most must by Huiyuan figure. GSZ, According the to since was attracted representative beautiful scenery of Mount Lu (F&tj) he lived a hermit life in the mountain and '9' See Alan J. Berkowitz, Patterns of Disengagement: The Practice and Portrayal of Reclusion in Early Medieval China (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 2000), p. 208. 192Berkowitz suggested that we can observe three common and general characteristics on deliberately individuals habitually life (1) the there the recluse, and shunned a are: of did displayed (3) (2) their they they to the compromise not principles; and service state; little discussion in There to the this thesis. See are a similar commendable conduct. Berkowitz, p. 228193 GSZ 13, "Biography of Sengyi-, p. 483. 194 GSZ 8, "Biography of Fatong", p. 340. 115GSZ 6, -Biography of Daoheng", pp. 246-247. 87 he Every time left a visitor for saw thirty than the years. never more mountain area he Brook Tiger the take off, would 196 boundary. his as had hen-nits In GSZ most monks who lived as were not alone: they usually his Lu, in Mount lived Huiyuan For good and classmate company. example, when had already lived in the mountain for a while. friend the monk Huiyong The monk Huiqian ' 97 for ten in than lived the more mountain same also 198A Zhu Daosheng younger monk years, Lgt-) spent seven years in Mount Lu 199 lay but hermits, There become he had just not monks were other a monk. when Buddhists, living on the same mountain, such as Liu Yimin of Pengcheng (V/IAWq P4-- MkQ), Lei Cizong of Yuzhang 20 ), 0 Zhou Xuzhi of Yam-nen(arm" m in The hermit the became They appears same situation group. a and others. biography of an earlier monk, Daoan (LU2ý). When Daoan lived in Mount Feilong ýýLiý, ( At the time the IR FjR [-ý) as a hermit he was with his classmateZhu Fatai Sengxian monks LAN*) living ( Daohu on the mountain. were already and 201 Another hermit monk group is found in the biography of Zhu Fakuang When he lived in the Ruoye Brook he his hennit secular area was with M). friends Xi Chao (tFiLB) and Me Qingxu (MMI, Bo Daoyou (r%LPfV) also lived in Mount Ruoye 202 (ýýg At the sametime the monk ýý)2" as 204 There a hermit. in hermits in GSZ. These the places they monk were quite active are other cases lived. They taught, met, entertained each other and some visitors from the outside 196 GSZ 6, "Biography of Hulyuan", pp.211-222. 197 GSZ 6, "Biography of Huiyuan", p.212; "Biography of Huiyong", p.23 1. 198 GSZ 5, "Biography of Huiqian", p.209. 199 GSZ 7, "Biography of Zhu Daosheng", p.255. 2011 GSZ 6, "Biography of Huiyuan", p.214. '101GSZ 5, "Biography of Daoan", p. 178; "Biography of Sengxian", p. 195. 202GSZ 5, "Biography of Zhu Fakuang", p.205. 203Ruoye Brook came out from Mount Ruoye and passedthe foot of Mount Ruoye, to the Zhejiang. Shaoxing, today's south of "04 GSZ 5, "Biography of Zhu Daoyi-, p.207. 88 isolated They They totally were not world. were a group and a special community. in their hermit life. The monk hermits were described as free and happy communities by Huijiao. The monk hermits lived contentedlives away from the secularworld and without disturbances from secular matters, especially political troubles. It seems that Huijiao had constructed a pure land in the human world and the present 205 life. Only the monk hermits and their hermit friends could live in this pure land. The identities of the hermits which Huijiao constructed for the monks are therefore by land. It identities that to to the the me seems pure of members of equal in GSZ for identity Huijiao hermit the the the also made a monks of constructing had long hen-nits between these who strong connection monks and some secular been highly regarded for withdrawing from the world and were recorded in the 206 dynastic histories. Furthermore it seems to me that by constructing the identity for in his book hen-nits Huijiao the of monks once again responded to feeling issues and cultural of superiority, anti-Buddhist propaganda on political becausethe hermit and the member of the pure land were completely not interested in politics. This was very similar to the identity of the hermit which was approved by highly Chinese traditional values. of and praised 205The idea was inspired by Lin Yuxin and Lij Qifen. SeeLin, "Lun Nanchao yinyi de Huiyuan kaocha foj iao " Zhongxing daxue ronghe yi wei sixiang zhongxin. sixiang yu --dui 315-334; LO, "Sitaiyin 17, pp. shengtu zhuan shuxie chuantong no. zhongwen xuebao, de xiandaizhuyishi huiying", Zhongwai wenxue 33: 10, pp.73-98. 206 Since Hou Han shu dynastic histories had chapters of biographies of many hermits, such as Jin shu, Song shu, Qi shu and Liang shu. The terms used in the histories have slight differences, sometimes called "Yinyi zhuan (ýfWLtfNfl- sometimes called A4 "Gaoyi zhuan 89 Scholar and mingshi The identity of scholar which Huijiao constructed for the monks in GSZ is in found The in this (exegetes). the monks scholar mostly category of yýie but had knowledge Buddhist were also well sutras category not only about rich is The Chinese in Confucian texts. the a scholar educated classics and other believe We identity in in Chinese the that times. modem respected society even book in his for in identity Huijiao the the monks of scholar purpose of constructing in figures Mingshi becoming to the society. monks as respected was present famous wit) was a special type of scholar in the gentry during Northern and Southern dynasties with a kind of high cultural status. The identity of Mingshi was based on the identity of scholar, but not all scholars were Mingshi. Mingshi had have. find Huijiao, We that some characteristics which not every scholar could identity for in Mingshi them the reserved many materials and used constructing of the monks in his book. Having the identity of Mingshi helped the monks more easily participate in high social status communities. Scholar o In GSZ many monks were described by Huijiao as a person learned in both Buddhist sutras and Confucian classics. He used the expression "nei waifian xue" learning in both inner (Buddhist) and external (secular) combining studies. The Buddhists took Buddhist studies as neixue, inner studies, and non-Buddhist studies as waixue outer or secular studies. Almost all the (exegetes) in in GSZ both kinds of the of yijie category monks were good at learning. Examples include: Senghan 20' GSZ 7. "Biography of Senghan", p.276. 207 Xuanchang (3ýq%2"Sengqu (fift 90 209 ), Sengfu 13H 210 211 ( Daozhao, -gHB). LJVNN and We could compile a much longer C;, -- list of the monks in GSZ with both Buddhist and secular leaming. Some cases in GSZ will be helpful to understand the identity of scholar which Huijiao, constructed for the monks. Huijiao said that Daoan had rich and wide knowledge not limited to Buddhist sutras. When he stayed in the north he once helped to read and transcribe ancient seal characters from the time of Duke Xiang of Lu 572B.C.-541B.C.) carved on an antique vessel. On another day Daoan identified and described the functions of an antique container made in Wang Mang's (T-#, 45B.C.-23A.D.) time. Huijiao said that since then Fu Jian ordered his officials to consult with Daoan on any Buddhist or secular questions. People in the had northern capital area also a saying about Daoan's prolific 212 knowledge. Huiyan (Vrýc) was so erudite that even He Chengtian of Donghai (* Qfqgý )ý) who was known as a polymath could not fault him on the topic of the calendar in Chengtian later by India. What He said all which was used was confirmed an 213 Sengsheng(flffA) was especially good at traditional Confucian Indian monk. by in The different classics and was revered many secular scholars. students 214 Sengsheng. Once Huiyuan preached academies often threatened each other with on sangfujing, the classic text on mourning clothes included in Yi 1i ffi lay Lei Cizong Buddhists two IFjifffl) Zong Bing and his were his book later Lei the topic on own on same copyists. on, using Huiyuan's worked his book. but Zong Bing therefore wrote an the own name on opinions putting 208GSZ 8, "Biography of Xuanchang", p.314. 209GSZ 11, "Biography of Shengqu", p.430. 110 -21 1 GSZ 12, "Biography of Shengfu-, p.448. GSZ 13, "Biography tn of Daozhao-, p.5 10. 212 GSZ 5, "Biography of Daoan-, p. 181. 213 GSZ 7, "Biography of Huiyan-, p.262. ' 14 GSZ 8, "Biography of Shengsheng",p.334. 91 ironic letter to him asking how he could write only his own name on the work as 215 kinds All had from both these of they the master. received teaching on this topic stories recorded in GSZ form the impression that monk scholarswere sometimes better in secularlearning than secularscholars. In monastic society studying secular texts, especially Confucian classics, was in necessary medieval days. It was becauseof geyi for explaining a method Buddhist sutras by using Chinese traditional texts. In GSZ, Huijiao said that Zhu Faya (t'- he traditional was young and studies when was good at secular knowledge. he became learned in Many Buddhist of the gentry when grown up but Buddhism discuss him, they to questions with seldom really understood came help families background. from high To those they came status with good although from Faya Buddhism to therefore employed examples educated people understand traditional texts to explain similar texts in sutras. Huijiao said that Faya used geyi 216 flexibly between Geyi Buddhist texts sutras. secular and was used widely very by Buddhists when they discussed Buddhist sutras or preached them. We see a in biography first Huiyuan. When Huiyuan the similar story of stood on a found it helped his dais he that twenty-four, audiences to understand preaching at he if he Huijao talking clearly what was about used geyi. said that since then Huiyuan was allowed by his master Daoan to study secular texts continually. 217 We can easily find more examples about monks using geyi in GSZ. If a monk used it implies in helping Buddhist he had to that sutras explain geyi a good knowledge how By texts. giving many cases of of secular many monks used geyi in GSZ, Huijiao gives us a clear impression of a strong connection between studying 215GSZ 6, "Biography of Huiyuan-, p.22 1. 16 GSZ 4, "Biography of Zhu Faya-, p. 152. 217GSZ 6, "Biography of Huiyuan-, p.212. 92 Buddhist sutras and studying secular texts. It also suggeststhat Buddhist and Chinesetraditional learning were both part of a larger whole. Many monks had studied secular texts before they becamemonks. When Zhu Fayi ('51'- he was only thirteen. He asked Zhu ) first met Zhu Fashen (tl- Fashenwhy Confucius did not talk about ren (kindheartedness,f--) and 1i (profit, f 1j).Zhu Fashen was surprised by his talent and suggestedhe become a monk. The story shows that Zhu Fayi had studied Confucian texts like most educated Chinese 218 before he joined a monastery. In Daoan's biography it is said that children Daoan surprised his hometown people by his outstanding talent in reciting when he 219 It was reasonable that Daoan had studied some secular was only seven. traditional texts, mostly Confucian classics, before he became a young monk at twelve. Huiyuan used to be a zhusheng (A-t, had He academies). prolific a student of goven-imental knowledge about Confucian classics and was especially good at the Daoist texts Laozi Zhuangzi and Huiyuan 220 by but by famous was not only admired other students also some scholars. Huiyuan's younger brother the monk Huichi (9n, ) became a monk at eighteen but he had started to study at fourteen. Huijiao said what he read and understood was 221 ten times more than other students. He was good at literature and history. Huiyan before he became also was a zhusheng a monk, and it was said 222 that he studiedwidely in Confucian classics. When those young men entered monasteries that they did not stop learning is Huiyuan texts. secular a good example of this development as we have discussed. 218GSZ 4, "Biography 2,9 GSZ 5, -Biography "20 GSZ 6, "Biography 221 GSZ 6, "Biography .)-)-)GSZ 7, "Biography of of of of of Zhu Fayi", p. 172. Daoan", p. 177. Huiyuan", p.21 1. Huichi", p.229. Huiyan", p.260. 93 We can see two more clear cases here. Daorong (L-6a) joined a monastery at twelve. His master treasuredhis talent and arranged for him to study traditional Confucian classics first. Once he went to a village nearby to borrow Lunyu (AAf'ff': AjIMHe came back with his hands empty for he had already learned the whole of the 223 book by heart. *) Tanhui (1=-; became one of Daoan's pupils at twelve. Daoan for him became According he to arranged a real monk. study until was sixteen and to his biography, it is said that Tanhui had studied many Confucian classics and 224 histories besides Buddhist sutras during the three years. All these examples tell joined did that the they secular education of young monks not stop when us Chinese it Huijiao Moreover, tradition of that the that monasteries. seems suggests leaming was not hindered by Buddhism, but that monasteries were another kind of education centre where the Chinese tradition would be continued and great scholars like Daoan and Huiyuan, sometimes greater than secular scholars, were educated. * Mingshi Mingshi famous wit)is another identity which Huijiao constructed for the monks in GSZ. By constructing the identity of scholar for the monks in his book Huijiao had already mentally promoted monk's social status to a respected identity By the position. constructing of Mingshi, Huijiao was trying to obtain for identity identity The the another cultural monks. of Mingshi was a symbol of high cultural level in the society during the period of Northern and Southern dynasties. In the high culture of the age, the identity of Mingshi was superior to 223 '24 GSZ 6, "Biography of Daorong-, p.24 1. GSZ 5, "Biography of Tanhui-, p.202. 94 following the identity. Mingshi To be regarded as a one or more of any other (or talk, in be (1) tan pure taking so-called conditions must qing part met: in having (2) debate); reaction and wit combination of speech,conversation and language; (3) making judgments on famous People or being judged by famous less the behaviour (4) against or more usually people; and which was special in in GSZ the There criteria who met customs or social manners. are many monks Huijiao's description. For example, Huijiao said that the temple in which Zhu Fatai (t'- lived door his house. The damaged the of main entrance enlarged an aristocrat was when temple leaned and sank. However, Fatai did not care at all. A relative of the down lying Fatai Fatai to when was and apologized. aristocrat,, a prince, came see 225 he received the prince. Huichi ) was tall and good looking. He usually half long leather to of enough cover slippers and a monk robe only wore a pair of his legs. This was not proper clothing for a monk. However, Huichi did not care 226 Mount Lu. Fatai to their temple there coming on although were always people followed behaving like Mingshi. Their Huichi their nature, so-called acts and were sometimes offending the conventional manners of educated people. Such behaviour was somehow against the monastic rule in a way; however, Huijiao does kind behaviour. On he described kind this to the this not seem opposed of contrary, in behaviour of a positive way. Huijiao also recorded, with a positive attitude, many witty reactions and by For Kang Fachang (Rjýýqg) was asked why the examPle, monks. remarks made he always had his duster with him. He answered at once no honest person would )-)sGSZ 5, "Biography of Zhu Fatai", p. 193. 226GSZ 6, "Biography of Huichi-, p.229. 95 227 Wang take it and he would not give it to a greedy person, so it was always there. Maohong of Langye (fnJXTaqL) Q,*flffjA) laughed at the Sogdian monk Kang Sengyuan's high nose and deep eyes. Kang answered that the nose is the mountain of the face and eyes are the lakes of the face. A Mountain would not have spiritual deep if it if it be limpid high lake power was not was not enough and a would not 228 Zhu The heard this this that enough. people who was a witty answer. said of Faqian ( Aýý- brother family. from He the of younger was came aristocratic an -j-AM) Wang Dun (T-R) who was one of the first ministers of the Eastern Jin dynasty. He families he became frequently He was asked after a monk. visited aristocratic day had (zhu to satirically one why a monk visit reddoors men, T, <n229 he and , 230 but door for it door Huijiao's that to a me. answeredat once was a red you, descriptions give images of people who reacted quickly and spoke wittily. It was a kind of cultural identity which only a person who came from a good family and have. educated was well could We find that many monks in GSZ are described attending qing tan and earning high honour from it. Among them are: Sengzhao very 232 Huiguan (jg&), 233 Tanbin ( -a=WýjAý -,:.. 234 ), (flffqk), 231 Zhu Daosheng 235 Daoyou (Lg&) and others. The name list could be as long as that of scholars. Almost all the monk scholars in GSZ also had the identity of mingshi. Many monks were associated with other 227GSZ 4, "Biography of Kang Sengyuan", p. 151; also seeShishuo xinyu "Yanyu pian 228 GSZ 4, "Biography of Kang Sengyuan", p. 151; also seeShishuo xinyu "Paidiao pian MFFD-WPM 2-19 230 231 '132 233 _34 235 Red-door means aristocracy family or powerful family. GSZ 4, "Biography of Zhu Faqian", pp. 156-157. GSZ 6, "Biography of Sengzhao", p.249. GSZ 7, "Biography of Zhu Daosheng", p.255. GSZ 7, "Biography of Huiguan", p.264. GSZ 7, "Biography of Tanbin", p.29 1. GSZ 7, -Biography of Daoyou", p.299. 96 Ruan friend (ýE*Pjk) Zhi Xiaolong secular scholars and mingshi. of was a close Zhan of Chenliu Yingchuan Kai Yu of and (ýq) II f- 236 jL). Sometimes the monks were compared to other famous people, usually famous scholars and mingshi. Yu Falan Ruan Ji to was compared was compared to Liu Ling (Wqfý, 238 J). (Rp 237 ri), ZhuFaqian Sometimes monks are asked to make judgments on famous people, like Sengbao (ffftýff) was asked to make a judgment 239 Me Lingyun. From Huijiao's description we see the monks were accepted on highly it, in high for belonged to they were monks and they and regarded society mingshi. Considering the social reality of how people regarded a mingshi and how they thought about a monk in Huijiao's time, it is understandable why Huijiao wanted to construct the identity of mingshi for the monks in his book. By constructing the identity of mingshi, Huijiao once again played down the non-Chinese aspects of Buddhism and showed people that monks could be equal to those who stood on the top of Chinese society and Chinese culture. A monk was not an uncivilized barbarian but a highly civilized man, like a mingshi. Other problems There were still some identity problems that Huijiao could not solve. One was the identity of filial son, another one is the political identity of monks. =f-/-, \ Filial duty, xiao (4ý), was central to Confucian values. A monk had to cut off ties to his birth family, and was thus unable to fulfill those duties. It seems that 236GSZ 4, '.(.Biography 231GSZ 4, "Biography 238 GSZ 4, "'Biography '39 GSZ 7, "Biography of of of of Zhi Xiaolong-, p. 149. Yu Falan", p. 166. Zhu Faqian-, p. 157. Sengbao", p.27 1. 97 Huijiao, avoided the problem deliberately. He only mentioned a few cases in GSZ When in brief in description, just two and all short sentences. a one or sometimes he could do so he emphasizedhow future monks had been filial sons before leaving the secular world. In the biography of Zhu Sengdu he said Zhu 240 Sengdu was a filial son; he did all he could do to serve his parents. In the biography of Daowen 241 Zhu Fakuang son. Huijiao just said that Daowen was known as a filial ,) (L Daoheng and filial both known as also were 242 for biography been dutiful in in Only they the their of sons serving stepmothers. Sengjing did Huijiao, describe at a little more length how Sengjing was a filial he his died, Sengjing's When than mother's more son made others. mother grave and planted trees around it all by himself He also lived beside his mother's 243 for biographies how The three grave a monk was years. which mentioned about filial including foreign less in GSZ. the than ten a son,, monks, were About the political identity of the monks, it seemsthat Huijiao did not regard it important issue. did judgment in He the biography of as an not make negative Daoan on his staying in Chang'an and acting as the non-Chinese iruler Fu Jian's imperial adviser for so many years. In fact Huijiao suggested that monks who help its the stayed on under a non-Chinese regime might protect people under rule. In the biography of Daoan, Huijiao describes how Daoan tried his best to dissuade 244 In the biography of Fotucheng Huijiao Fu Jian from invading the south. for because Fotucheng Fotucheng high stayed with the ruling regard expressed -140 GSZ 4, "Biography 241 GSZ 7, "Biography 2,2 GSZ 5, "Biography 243GSZ 7, "Biography 244 GSZ 5, "Biography of of of of of Zhu Sengdu-, p. 173. Daowen-, p.287. Zhu Fakuang-, p.205; "Biography of Daoheng ", p.246 Sengjing" p.293. Daoan" p. 182. 98 family of the Later Zhao regime and advised Shi Hu not to kill innocent people. 245 As we have seen, Huijao's main goal was to construct positive identities for monks that were valued in Chineseculture. He constructedmany kinds of cultural identities for the monks in his book by emphasizing the monks' abilities to benefit the state and the people. He emphasized the connections between educated Chinese and the monks and showedmonks as men of educationand culture who were able to obtain respect from people of high social status. By constructing the many kinds identities have discussed I Huijiao of cultural which was responding to the anti-Buddhist propaganda. 245GSZ 9. "B iography of Fotucheng", pp.351,356. 000' 99 Chapter 3 Luoyang qielanji Xuanzhi Yang by identities and recreated As we have seen in the previous chapter, for Huijiao, the issue of identity was how to make monks more acceptable to educated Chinese while maintaining their identity as monks. The issue of identity of Yang Xuanzhi the author of Luoyang qielan ji (ýýWfbnk-gPE),was more complicated than Huijiao's. Huijiao focus identity himself had but Yang to could on religion also concern with questions and politics and ethnic problems at the same time. Under the complex identities for his lost in Yang Luoyang Xuanzhi circumstances created capital different respects to show what he thought about identity and culture. The Book and the author's purpose in writing Luoyang qielan ji (LYQL,]), "Record of the Monasteries of Luoyang" written by Yang Xuanzhi, is a book on the history and city geography of Luoyang when it dynasty. Wei Northern the the capital city of was The book contains five chapters, one for the area within the inner wall of the five four for The this the suburbs outside extensive wall. chapters are city and made up of topographical entries organized around the cityýs primary Buddhist The in LYQLJ the accounts of city nunneries. are accompaniedby monasteriesand kind the text, appear within which as a of supplemental anecdotes and stories Some that the scholars claimed annotation. writing or statement form of 100 LYQLJ----w"he ben zi zhu F-1 is its the text together with annotations, affected by the form of Buddhist sutras and was regarded as a new developing form of literature since Northern and Southern dynasties.I In the so-called annotation of the text there is much information about People and events associated with the monastic establishments of Luoyang city. Many monastic establishments of Luoyang had been the houses of royalty or aristocrats until their secular owners perished in the disorder of Luoyang's last years. The information is much more vivid and attractive than the main text which is like a book, However, the two the the monotonous city guidebook. aspects of geographical writing which appears as main text and the historical writing which appears as annotations, are in fact indivisible, and they complement each other. As Professor Lin pointed out, we may regard the main text of LYQLJ as geographical historical the and annotation as writing writing; we may see the cold brain and rational pen of the author in the main text, and in the annotations we feel how the heart filled author's was with hot blood and how his pen was turned into a 2 passionate one. There is no direct information to tell us when the book was written, apart from in Yang Xuanzhi the the preface to the book. He said "In the what author said Chen Yinque was the most important scholar to hold this opinion. See Chen, 7hi Mindu xueshuo kao" and "Du Luoyang qielanji shu hou" rim in Jinminguan conggao chubian (Shanghai: r Shanghai guj i chuban she, 1980), pp. 141-167 and Jinminguan conggao erbian rr.j-- ýQfffl) (Shanghai: Shanghai guj i chuban she, 1980), pp. 150-160. Also see "Chong kan "Chong kan Luoyang qielanji Chen xu" Qftf Ij Luoyan qielanji xu" (M both in Xu Gaoruan Chong kan Luoyang qielanji (M ftHk-ýpE)(Taipei: Zhongyang yangjiuyuan lishi yuyan yanjiusuo, 1960), also see Fan Z iye "Luoyang qi elan ji de wenti tezheng yu zhonggu foxue" 6,1998. Wenxueyichan (3ZIME) -11 "Luoyang qielanii de leng bi yu re bi Lin Weny u A -j! ýA)-, in Zhonggu uvnxue luncong (EP-ýf3ý, (Taipei: Daan chuban she, 1989). rOW%FFRR) 101 ding-mao (-Tgp) year, the fifth year of wuding(AZ, 547), my official duty brought me back to Luoyang. ,3 According to Jenner's research, LYQLJ was conceived and written between 547, when the author Yang Xuanzhi visited the site 550.4 late 549 Luoyang for Wei Eastern early the or of on a mission regime, and As Yang Xuanzhi said, also in the preface of his book, the reason for writing the book was to record his memories of Luoyang's prosperity and let people not forget 5 the glorious days of the capital city in the past. However, what Yang Xuanzhi said is only the ostensible purpose of the book; his ambition was more than that. Professor Jenner's opinion will give us a clearer idea of Yang's purpose. He said that the book is the earliest substantial account of a Chinese city to survive, and this gives it a general value to the historian extending beyond the mass of evidence it gives us on city, state, and society as the Northern Wei regime slid from apparently unbounded wealth and power to humiliating impotence. As a document of the decades immediately following Luoyang's destruction it is also a reflection of, and commentary upon, a profound crisis for 6 flourished had there. So the purpose of the Han-Chinese aristocratic culture that for but for book Yang's the memory giving view of the writing was not only history of the Northern Wei when its capital was Luoyang. His concern was with the Han-Chinese culture in crisis. And, I will add that there is a concealed purpose, the identity question, which Yang Xuanzhi was addressing with his writing. 3= (Taipei: SeeYang Yong (fAT), Luoyang qielanjijiaojian (ýýWfýn Zhengwen shuju, 1882),p. 1. The English translation in this chapter will follow Professor W. J. F. Jenner's translation which was contained in his book Memories ofLoyang: Yang Hsiian-chih and the lost capital. (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1981). ' SeeYang Yong, Luoyang qielanjijiaojian, p. 1, Jenner,Memories of Loyang.- Yang Hsiian-chih and the lost capital. p. 15. 5 See Yano Yoncy,Luoyang qielanjijiaojian, p.2. 6 W. J. F. Jenner. Memories of Loyang.- YangHsiian-chih and the lost capital, p.3. 102 The Author of Luoyang qielanji-Yang Xuanzhi Direct information about the author of LYQLJ, Yang Xuanzhi, is very limited. It is very difficult to know the place his family originated from, the years of his birth and death,or any information about his friends and associates.We only know his name and a few pieces of self-statementabout his official titles and the events he participated in, which can aid our search for autobiographical details within the text. Even his family name is uncertain although its pronunciation is clear. We it for his family is be Chinese the name; correct word character cannot sure which fg. FA based is be However, there on a reasonable assumption could or -T- or Jenner's research which suggeststhat Yang Xuanzhi was very possibly one of Yang Gu's (%[M) five sons. Yang Gu (465-523) was a member of a gentry family in north China. His family had produced several officials for generations. Yang Gu devoted himself to both military and scholarly matters.7 His eldest son was Yang Xiuzhi 509-582), who rose to quite high office under the Northern Wei and later served the EasternWei Northern Qi Ob-ulf)and Sui (rfg). He was among other things historian,, helping )X "Diaries to the compile an official of activity and repose"(kU, ýJ, qi-ju-zhu) for the last emperor of the Northern Wei. 8 According to Yang Xiuzhi's biographies,he preparedthe documentsfor the Wei abdication to Qi. If Yang Xiuzhi was a brother or a cousin of Yang Xuanzhi, that might be explain why Yang Xuanzhi had access to palace records and was privy to court secrets and knew much about what happened at court which became materials for his book. A ' See Weishu 72 "Biography of Yang Gu WW" attached to "Biography of Yang Ni ([% ýL')-,also in Bei shi 47, "Biography of Yang Gu", attachedto "Biography of Yang Ni". 8 Weishu 72 and Bei shi 47, Beiqi shu 42 and Beiqi shu 30. 103 younger brother of Yang Xiuzhi, Yang Chenzhi the to with stand chose Western Wei regime when the Northern Wei ended.9 It shows that the brothers stood in different political positions. Another younger brother of Yang Xiuzhi was Yang Junzhi He was also both an official and a writer. However, Yang Junzhi's writing was licentious and of poor quality. His "coarse and crude" hexasyllabic verses known as "Yang the Fifth's Friend" (Yang wu banIfl, WHO fH) were widely quoted and sold in Ye as the work of an ancient worthy. 10 This is 1 in fond literature LYQLJ. reminiscentof a writer who was of writing comic There are only three pieces of information related to Yang Xuanzhi's career in LYQLJ. Yang Xuanzhi tells us that he was a court guest (feng-chao-qing, A=rin involving few duties court a post substantive which offered an apprenticeship life for well-bom young, in the years of Yongan QQý,c, 528-530). 12 In the preface to the book Yang mentioned that he visited Luoyang again because of his duties in 547, implying that he was an official then, when the Northern Wei had already fallen. The third piece of information we have is the title which was placed on the first page of the book in all editions. The title is fujunfu sima Irt Ký,), the first assistant to a general. The other two official titles Yang Xuanzhi held are found in other books: a prefect of Qicheng (in Piyang county, southern Henan) 13 14 in has keeper Palace Archives Jenner the and a of which post, as pointed out, he documents had have he drew in to the state access personally on which would 9 Bei shi 47. 10Bei shi 47. 11 See Yang Yong's LYQLJch. 2, p. 93. 12 L YQLJ ch. 1, p. 63 4 and Fayuan zhu Lidai sanbaoji (W, ýHffrE) 9, Ta Tang neidian lu 1] 9 cited in Fan Xiangyong ('ýUgrft Luoyang qielanjijiaozhu lin Gaoseng 1, 6a. Xu ýp E 356. an zhu pI p. *f-, qLHA, 14 Guang hong n7ingji (J_M_ 5) 6, p. 12a. 104 15 his writing memoir of Luoyang. Yang Xuanzhi's attitude to religion is another problem to today's readers. In a Buddhist encyclopedia Guang hongming ji its compiler, the Tang Daoxuan (L'O"FI),said that Yang objected to the extravagance and avarice of monk the Buddhist monasteries and temples and the damage they did to the state and the how Buddhism LYQLJ According Daoxuan Yang to to showed show people. wrote 16 Jingde for Buddhist In the chuandenglu collection people. another no concern the Northern Song monk Daoyuan ( LAFyv) gives us almost ly_ he lay Buddhist information Yang that since was completely contradictory was a between Yang Daoyuan Buddhism and young. also quoted conversations about 17 Bodhidharma. Both pieces of information about Yang's religious attitude are in However, the no matter absence of more persuasive evidence. problematical it is he Yang Buddhist, that an anti-Buddhist or neutral clear was whether was a deeply concerned about Buddhism in the Luoyang period of the Northern Wei dynasty. As most of his life Yang lived in Luoyang under Northern Wei rule his ethnic identity must remain a matter for conjecture; even if it is very likely he was Han Chinese, his cultural identity, is clear. We have his strong pride in the highly developed Han culture of Luoyang in the past and up to its recent abandonment but Chinese, his dislike HYA), Tuoba (j; the and of some non-Han not of ruling and from Chinese fiang the south, of some educated nan His excellent writing in he Chinese that man educated a well was culture and tradition. skills prove Moreover, by reading through his book we find that in fact identity is a big issue, 15 Jenner, p. 15. 16 See Guang hong mingji. " SeeJingde chuandenglu 3, ch. "Biography of Bodhidharma". 105 or we can saya centralissue,in LYQLJ- The circumstances of writing Luoyang qielanji When Yang Xuanzhi visited Luoyang again on his official duties in 547 the Northern Wei had been divided into two regimes, each keeping the dynastic name Wei, for more than ten years. The Eastern Wei was dominated by Gao Huan ( AAR, 496-547) who placed on the throne a puppet emperor Xiao jing r.534-550), Yuan Shanjian r=I Wei his Ye. The Western to capital and moved by Yuwen Tai was controlled di (3Z-ýý, r 535-551), Yuan Baoju 7C 505-556) with another puppet emperor Wen in their new capital Chang'an. Yuwen Tai was originally non-Chinese in blood. Gao Huan was probably of Chinese had frontier but lived the origin on and absorbed non-Chinese culture. northern Gao and his family were much less Chinese in their culture than Yuwen, but he was 18 in much stronger the numbers of the military forces than his opponent. As a northern frontier soldier, Gao Huan had risen quite smoothly and quickly through his martial and political abilities from obscurity to become the dominant figure of Luoyang's last period. He had strengthened his position still further by moving the capital eastwards to Ye (W) in 534. He carefully observed the form of his due to to respect a sovereign puppet emperor while maintaining real control of the state from his military headquarters at Jinyang H Taiyuan, Shanxi). He in key in his his trusted positions men political system in Ye, but he allowed placed the young emperor and his court a measure of dignity in order to make a show of 18 See Wan Shengnan ',6,flýj IN-,Fi M*ýL *A ýp --j,, ed., Chen Yinque WeiJin Nanbeichao shijiangyan lu (F* jj4 a, ) (Hefei: Huangshan shushe,2000), pp.292-300. 106 loyalty and used it to command loyalty from others. He kept the high-born Han bureaucratsat the capital and the non-Han soldiers and tribal leadersout of each far others' way as as possible. However, things changed when Gao Huan died in 547. His son Gao Cheng ( AArA) succeededhim as a dictator. Unlike his father, Gao Cheng did not show his him. He four than to the three years younger or respect puppet emperor who was had a very bad relationship with the young emperor. He sent subordinates to spy on him., ordered him to be struck, and insulted him publicly. The young emperor hint his Some bear humiliation to to the of at wishes. recited a verse once unable his men including a number of Wei princes and Han officials were encouraged by his verse to conspire with the emperor in an unsuccessful attempt to kill Gao Cheng. Some conspirators were executed; many members of the royal family died, imprisoned in Gao Cheng Although the the successfully palace. and emperor was foiled that attempt to reassert Wei imperial power, he was not to enjoy his victory for long. In the seventh month of 549 he was killed by a kitchen slave. It seemed a its lost for house but it. Wei to the they recover power, could good chance not use Gao Yang QV-Qu-ýT, 529-559), the cooler and younger brother of Gao Cheng, his brother's dictatorship later, Nearly to the young succeeded at once. one year finally formally emperor abdicated under Gao Yang's threats and the political dynasty in founded 550, Gao, Yang Northern Qi (550-577). the new a reality. It was under this kind of circumstances that Yang Xuanzhi wrote down his like in Yang, Han Chinese For educated well man memories. a culture,, who had lived in a great Chinese city for half of his life and experienced its glory, what the Gao family had done simply went against his life experiences and his expectation has Yang's Jenner As in his pointed out, positive characters of civilization. account 107 of Luoyang are the unfortunate emperors tossed aside or killed at an earlier dictator's whim, and the princes and well-born Han officials who supported them; for these were the groups whose position was most gravely threatened by the new state system of the Gao,family. His villains are low-born favourites, dictators, and 19 others who challenge legitimacy. Yang Xuanzhi's loyalty to the Northern Wei was not simply devotion to the led by house but Chinese Han the to the to the culture which was ruling or state house ruling since Emperor Xiao wen di. What Yang was apparently concerned between but Han difference between Han the with was not ethnic and non-Han was in basis Northern Wei the the the culture and non-Han culture since of politics Luoyang period was accommodation of Han Chinese culture. The circumstance of between family house led Gao Wei the the to serious worries serious struggles and for Yang. Whether the great Han Chinese culture on which Yang Xuanzhi's identity based be destroyed like destruction have been Luoyang the a was would of must heavy burden to him especially when he saw Luoyang's ruin. We believe that Yang's lament for the old capital was much more than an expression of nostalgia; imperial legitimacy is in his so great a concern pages, and why we understand why the misfortunes of the last emperors who reigned in Luoyang are dwelt on at such length, for all these are related to his identity and the identities of the people like him. The identities Yang Xuanzhi recreated for Northern Wei Luoyang In LYQLJ Yang Xuanzhi recreatedmany different identities for Northern Wei Luoyang. The identities included: physical identity, historical identity, religious 19 Jenner. Memories, p. 7. 108 identity as a Buddhist city, identity as an international city and the identity as a Han Chinese city. Physical identity and the Yongning Monastery Among the identities Yang Xuanzhi recreated for Luoyang, physical identity how large he his book first. last In the tells the us about came naturally chapter of He city was. said: The capital measured 20 Ii from the east to west 15 1i from north to south; households lived in it. from 109,000 Apart temples of the soil, palaces, over had four 300-pace and government offices, a square made up a ward, which 320 1376 there total monasteries, of which gates....... were a of wards and 421 remained in Luoyang when the capital was moved to Ye-cheng (WfA) in 20 ff-7F, first Tianping 534). the of year According to Jenner's research and calculation the city was about 7,992 x 10,650 metres and the population was probably more than 600,000 people. It was greater than Beijing (IL, -y,) in the Qing dynasty and rivaled for size only by some like in Rome, Constantinople Han Chang'an in before the and world, or great cities its own time. However, these cities had grown over centuries, Northern Wei Luoyang was only built within a short time, about one year from its planning to finishing the main construction with other construction continuing for another decade. Even in modem times it is hard to find so large a city being created so fast from virtually nothing. As Jenner said it is easy to overlook the sheer size of the but it intended from beginning in Yang's the to be pages, was anecdotal city 20 LYQLJch. 5, p.244. Jenner,Memories, p.271. 000,11, 109 21 enormous. However, this great city is given a plain and ordinary introduction by its four in the in introduces the Yang Xuanzhi the of the sides gates author preface. inner city of Luoyang at first. For example, he said: In the eastern wall of the city there were three gates. The northernmost of these was called the Jianchun ( @4, Establishing Spring) Gate. To the south of this was the Dongyang (*%, Eastern Glory) Gate. The next to the south was the Qingyang (*%, GreenGlory) Gate. In the southern wall of the city there were four gates. The eastemmost was the Kaiyang (rffl%) Gate. The next gate to the west was the Pingchang ( Next again to the west was the Xuanyang F4 Gate. FýýIj) Glory Proclaimed) Gate. 22 West again was the Jinyang (MIM, North of the Ford) Gate. Under each gate he added some information about its history. He did not give any descriptions of those city walls and gates. The inner city and its gates on four sides like four The of city wall were an grid. other parts of the city were connected through the gates.The order of chaptersin LYQLJ is from east,south, and west and direction. in introduced When Yang he the north, a clockwise gates, was guiding his readers to walk around the city wall with him in their memory or imaginations in their minds. the city and organize Although the introduction of the city walls and its gates in the preface gives 21 Jenner,Memories, p. 104. 22 L YQI-J preface, pp.2 Jenner,Memories. p. 143. -3, 110 big how the impression intention forget Yang's to us a clear show we should not He Han East The beyond Northern far Wei the also city walls. city was. city spread When in in describing the the city. emphasizes size and magnificence monasteries jrAj) Gate they would his readers walked in their imagination through Changhe (rp; landmark the see greatest of Northern Wei Luoyang, the most magnificent in Monastery book, (Eternal Yongning the peace) monastery whole the first monastery in the first chapter. Yang's detailed descriptions of this monastery its longest for in book, the the the readers a sense of are any monastery and give beauty beyond imagination; he also recounts many tragic events there grandeur and in the course of the downfall of the Northern Wei. He used numbers to show how high the Yongning pagoda was: the wooden main structure of the pagoda was 900 feet high, with another 100 feet to the top of its golden pole, making a total height feet. Ii from 1,000 He 100 that the the capital. mentions of you could see pagoda He also tells you that when the bells chimed in harmony deep on a windy night they could be heard over ten 1i away. Yang's detailed descriptions of Northern Wei Luoyang still provide very helpful resources for modem archeological research.23 Yang continues to give us numbers. The pagoda was nine-storeyed, and 120 bells hung from all the comers. On each of the four sides of the pagoda were three doors and six windows. On the leavesof the doors were five rows of golden studs, burned When down 5,400 in total the the second month of a pagoda was of studs. KE, 534) the fire lasted three months before going out; the third year of Yongxi (;-]<, it went into the ground to look for the foundation piles, and smoke came out for a 23 Much archaeological work on the exploration and reconstruction of Northern Wei Luoyang draws heavily on the descriptions in LYQLJ. See, for example, Luoyang shi Hr, Han Wei ) Luoyang Awýý j (-ýýWrfi3ZYZ (jmftýý[%A ed. gucheng wenwuju yanjiu 'k 2000. Beij ing: Kexue chubanshe (*V) from Donglai In fifth whole year. the month of the same year someone came had if it just looking dazzling bright the were new as with news that a pagoda inhabitants in by been the it had the the coast of all appeared seen sea, where before a mist arose to conceal it. 24 All these descriptions suggest an enormous in pagoda a extraordinarily large monastery. Yang also emphasized how much gold was used in constructing Yongning He in Monastery. its Yongning Buddha the statues pagoda and attachments and tells us that the 100 feet high pole on the top of the pagoda was golden, and on the top of the pole was a golden precious vase with a capacity of 25 bushels. Yang tells in down by hurricane 526, it blown how heavy this a us golden vase was: when was it fell over ten feet into the ground, and artisans were instructed to cast a new one. 120 bells and 5400 small bells were golden, an 18-foot-high Buddha statue in the Buddha Hall of the north of the pagoda was golden with another ten man-sized 25 There jade in this gold statues. used was more gold and silver, pearls and descriptions lead All Yang's 'the to these construction. simple conclusion: scale up of the building was so excessive'. He did not use strong words to criticize this indulgence and wastefulness. However, by emphasizing the extravagance of this temple, the first he describes in his book, he suggests that the city of which it was the landmark was also flawed by such excess. Yongning Monastery was also a tragic place. Yang Xuanzhi tells us that in 528 the non-Chinese cavalry leader Erzhu Rong (fff. Prince of Taiyuan ýE), assembled his troops in this monastery. Erzhu Rong was the one who created the Tragedy of Heyin in 528 in which his troops killed thousands of 24 L YQLJ pp. I ]- 17, Jenner's Memories pp. 147-163. is See note 24. 112 Luoyang's top people, including the Empress Dowager Hu (ý)Jt Jýý)and her child emperor, princes, aristocrats and officials. The Heyin massacre was a spectacular horrible Yang Luoyang's that tells to when and us also ending of splendour. years Yuan Hao (TER,), Prince of Beihai (I fled had Wei Northern prince who a to Liang in the south, re-entered Luoyang in 529 he too mustered his troops in this in And 530 the rebel Erzhu Zhao (Pff, monastery. -, Zhuang FF- r.528-530), Yuan Ziyou imprisoned the Emperor in this temple. As the most institution, in Yongning Luoyang Buddhist magnificent monastery city and as a Monastery ironically became a prison, a military camp and the temporary home of murderers. Yongning Monastery was representative of all monasteries in Luoyang in Luoyang how It Luoyang's and of city. symbolized physical magnificence ended tragedy. At the end of the section on the Yongning Monastery, Yang Xuanzhi tells us the monastery was burned down in the second month of 534. In the seventh month of the same year, the Prince of Pingyang identified as Xiaowu di Yuan Xiu (7-1fa), also -6; Chu di (ffi; last 532-534), the or r. emperor of Northern Wei, fled to Chang'an under compulsion from Husi Chun (A44jffft the military controller of Luoyang. In the tenth month of the year the capital was transferred to Ye. In this account of the Yongning Monastery Yang Xuanzhi brought together the fates of the monastery, the state and the capital city, Luoyang. When the Yongning pagoda was burned down, with hindsight this disaster was seen as heralding the end of the city; and the image of flames and smoke devouring this breath-taking red-lacquered tower hung with gold that had been raised over the is its in a spectacular symbol of the end of Luoyang. The capital years of glory Luoyang identity was thus connected to its historical identity. of physical 113 Historical identity Yang Xuanzhi also recreated a historical identity for Northern Wei Luoyang. The historical identity he recreated for the city was based on making connections between Northern Wei Luoyang and the earlier Han Chinese cities on the site, and the way he talked about the history of Northern Wei Luoyang, Making connections between Northem Wei Luoyang and the earlier Han Chinese history In LYQLJ we see how often Yang Xuanzhi connectsNorthern Wei Luoyang with earlier Han Chinese history and recreates the historical identity for this capital city that meant so much to him and to the people like him. Historical references in his often come up stories about the monasteries, gates, houses and other buildings in Luoyang. The most simple way to make the connection between Northern Wei Luoyang history Chinese buildings to that and earlier was mention were on the site of structures built under earlier Chinese dynasties, which formed a heritage for the Northern Wei capital. For example, when Yang Xuanzhi introduced the gates in the four sides of the city at the beginning of the book, he said that many gates were built in earlier Chinese dynasties. In the eastern wall of the city there were three *, The Jianchun (L*, these the gates. northernmost of was called Spring) Gate. During the Han it had been called the Shangdong Gate. This gate mentioned in a poem by Ruan Ji fflfg) Cao Wei the 26 First East) 26 210-263) Jianchun was . and Jin ('H) name, which Gao zu SeeZhao ining wen xuan 23. Establishing followed. To the 114 south of this was the Dongyang (*%, Zhongdong EasternGlory) Gate, which had been called Middle East) Gate in the Eastern Han Dongyang was 27 Cao, Wei and Jin name that Gao,zu followed. Such statementstell us that the 0Lft*Z6-) Wei Emperor Northern Xiao the the when wen of constructedand history. but its historical Luoyang he inherited to moved also site a not only The earlier historical associations of other places in the city are mentioned. Yang Xuanzhi tells us that over one 1i outside the Jianchun Gate was the Eastern Stone Bridge that had been built in the first year of taikang 280) during the Jin. South of the bridge had been the Horse Market of Cao Wei times where Ji Kang 28 Seven Chongyi East the the stone-built was executed. of ward was Li Bridge (-Lt# rrw) where in Jin times Du Yu (fif-14,) rested on his way to Jingzhou (EN)J\[[)29 Although some places were changed in Northern Wei Luoyang, Yang Xuanzhi histories lives in his their still pointed out earlier which connected with people's time. For example, two 1i outside the Dongyang Gate (*wn imperial highway there was the Huiwen ward ýA-r and north of the house the which contained 1% / Grand Protector Cui Guang QV, Grand Instructor Li Yanshi the the of )t-), the Governor of Jizhou (W-fl, [ýq IP-) Li Shao Daozhao (fiý and the Privy Secretary Zheng Sumptuous halls rose where huge gateways opened on depths. be It Huiwen that to the Madao ward cavemous said ward used LATA-)of Jin times, Li Yanshi's house was the house of Liu Chan (WqýTiTl) the Shu. (M) it Harmony Mansion in Wu the of was monarch,,and east which ruler Sun Hao, lived. Li Shao's house had been that of the Jin Lord Chancellor Zhang Hua (ýK 21 LYQU Preface, p.'-', Jenner, p. 143. )'s L YQLJ ch. 2, p.77, Jenner,p. 181. -)gL YQLJ ch. 2, p.83, Jenner,p. 185. 115 Jjffi) Convent was said to belong to the house of A pool inside the Zhaoyi (R-rT: the Jin dynasty Imperial Assistant Shi Chong South of the pool had been his beloved concubine Green Pearl's ( 4, %) Pavilion. Those who passed by 31 thought they saw the beauty Green Pearl . Some anecdotes are ghost stories. Yang Xuanzhi tells us that three Ii outside the Qingyang Gate to the north of the imperial highway was the Xiaoyi (*-&-, Filial Piety) ward, in the north-west comer of which was the grave-mound of the Warring States strategist Su Qin ( .. Beside this tomb was the Baoming (0- H)J) Monastery. The monks often saw Su Qin going in and out of the tomb with a 32 horses, just like ceremonialretinue of chariots and a modem chief minister. The lived just like Su Qin inhabitants The Luoyang's their ghost of neighbours. with in Datong Su Qin the the section on story of appeared again Monastery. Yang tells us that south of the monastery was the house of the assistant to the Senior Ministers Gao Xianluo PJ On several nights he saw a red glow digging feet deep below in front his hall; ten the of and after over moving around inscribed: family found he 'The 100 the pounds of gold place where glow was seen behalf. Gao finder deeds ' Xianluo Su Qin. May the on my perform good gold of then built the Zhaofu (TBFm)Monastery. People said that this had been the site of 33 it This house. SuQin's story, seemsto me, was not only telling that the ghost of Su Qin lived with the people in Northern Wei Luoyang but also telling that the influence lives. in A had history their told the on similar story was a strong early Xiufan the section on Monastery. North of the monastery was the Yonghe 30 LYQýU ch. 2, pp.87-88. Jenner, p-186. 31 LYQLJ, ch. 1, p.53, Jenner,p. 170. 32 L YQýUch. 21,p. I 12. Jenner,p.200. 33 110. L YQLJ ch. 3, p. 131. Jenner, p.. 116 Commander in Grand dynasty Han had been house the the ward which of In the north and south of the ward were ponds that had been Dong Zhuo Qff *). dug by Dong Zhuo and still held water, never going dry in summer or winter. This known jade, here Digging was as a grand ward. and precious often yielded gold, trinkets: cinnabar and several hundred thousand copper cash with an inscription in dug belonged Zhuo Grand Commander Dong that they to the saying all up were house. Later Dong Zhuo came by night to demand them from Xing Luan's 34 Xing Luan, who refused to give them up. A year later he dropped dead . In L YQLJ there are many mentions of digging up antiques or ancient remains. Yang Xuanzhi tells us that inside the Xiyang (N%) Gate was the Yongkang in house Commanding General Yuan Yi the the ward which was of When being inscription found that said this was the an old well was re-dug a stone was house of the Han Great Marshal Xun yy u 35 -). WAq South of the Zhaoyi Convent, lay the Yishou (AM, Helping Longevity) ward in which was the house of Duan W\f -: t: Hui, the magistrate of Baoxin county In this house the sound of a bell was often heard coming from underground and a light of many colours regularly hall. in he had When light the the the shone main place where shone excavated they found a gold statue some three feet high with two bodhisattvas. It was inscribed at the base 'Made for the Imperial Assistant and Head of the Secretariat fifth fifteenth in Xun Xu (ýFqjj' the the the second year of taishi of month ýj) on , Ab, have in ' It been house 266) Jin. that this the the generally agreed was must of ý,Fj, 36 Xun Xu. There was a three-storeyed pagoda in the Baoguang (Wf)ý) Monastery built Stone this Pagoda that the stone and old was evidence on a very which was 3' LYQLJch- 1, p.58; Jenner, p. 17-2. LYQLJ ch. 1, p.40. Jenner, pp. 163-164. 36 L YQýUch. 1, p.54. Jenner, pp. 170-171. 117 Monastery of the Jin dynasty used to be here, the only survivor of forty-two Buddhist temples of Jin Luoyang. The monks also found a well and an ancient bathroom and several dozen flagstones below the bathroom by digging a place in 37 the garden covered by luxuriant fruit and vegetables. All this implies that earlier Chinese history formed the backdrop to Luoyang people and their lives and that history had a material presence. This was related to what Yang Xuanzhi wrote it. history he last Wei Northern the the the about of reason why wrote period of and The way Yang Xuanzhi talked about the history of Northem Wei Luoygng The way Yang Xuanzhi talked about the history of Northern Wei Luoyang identity he recreated for the city. We can focus on three the to was all related aspectsof this: (1) His references to the Emperor Xiao wen of the Northern Wei, (2) history before how Northern Wei Luoyang, (3) the the they to avoiding of moved he wrote about the history of the last years of the Northern Wei and crisis of Northern Wei Luoyang. Northern Wei Emperor Xiao the of wen * 471-499), Xiao wen di (*3Z; ýý), of the Northern The Emperor Gao zu (-F`A-l-j-jftR, Wei (386-534) was inseparably connected with Luoyang's history in the way Yang Xuanzhi refers to him. In all cases but one the emperor is linked to places in Luoyang. The exception is when Xiao wen di was the host of a palace dinner for a discuss in later from Apart from that the we will a section. south refugee scholar di Xiao in Yang wen with establishments and this case places always connects Luoyang. For examples, he tells us that north of Yaoguang 37 LYQL.Jcli. 4. p. 174. Jenner, p.233. 000" Convent was the 118 Jinyong Castle During Wei. Cao built by the the yongkang which was inside imprisoned (i]ý,, di F& 300-301) Hui dynasty Emperor Jin the years was of the this wall. East was the Small Luoyang Wall built during the yongiia years 307-313). In the north-east comer of the Castle was the Hundred-Foot Tower Off R IV) of the Emperor Wen of the Cao Wei It still looked as it had when despite its built Guangji Hall Inside Gao the the new age. castle zu Hall a ,, in Castle Jinyong he Brilliant Ultimate), the the the the gate of named after which 38 Guangji Gate (Yýýcrq). With this long list of historical buildings we see Xiao in buildings himself imperial di locating in Chinese the tradition of wen was Luoyang. Xiao wen di is shown as making changes within the Chinese heritage in Luoyang. He was like a receiver of the Chinese history of Luoyang who made the Luoyang of earlier Chinese dynasties into Northern Wei's Luoyang by renaming historical places or establishments, and constructing new structures on the site of some old establishments or places. Yang tells us that inside the Jianchun Gate there was the Di Spring (VIA) in mentioned the Spring and Autumn Annals as the place where Wangzi Hu (T--T T, -', ) and Hu Yan (jjfK) in Jin the seventh century BC. The of made a covenant bright Gao Prefect the the zu situated office of still so clear and of water was Henan north of the spring. West of the spring was the Hualin Park (V#N). As the it Canglong Gao Lake the the zu called park spring rose east of Inside the Hualin Park was a large lake that had been the Pool of the Heavenly Deep in Wei times. The Jiuhua Tower (,+LVO) of the Cao Wei (Tianyuan Pool, Emperor Wen still stood in the middle of the Pool. On this tower Gao zu built the Qingliang Hall ýIyl Hall of Coolness). Emperor Shi zong 38 LYQLJ ch. 1, p. 47. Jenner, p. 167. had a - -1 1-, 119 Penglai Mountain (1-0 Lodge immortals' lake in with an constructed the )\, M) on it. 39 East of the Qin Taishanggong Monasteries was the Lingtai Grand Duke of Qin) Spirit Mound) built by the Emperor Guang wu Piyong Mound Spirit Eastern Han. East the the the was of of Royal college) built by Emperor Wu of the Cao Wei (ftA; rfl, to the south-west of (T)ý, during built Mingtang (H)l Hall) Bright rlýt, zhengguang which a was 40 Similar introductions to the historical sites in Luoyang 520-525) in Yang's era . Xuanzhi is Yang in It that obvious came up almost every chapter and every section. is telling us that (a) Xiao wen di was deeply connected with the history of Luoyang he (b) Luoyang's was among the emperors of recent existence, and also with Chinese dynasties who had made great contributions to Luoyang, and (c) Luoyang his dynasty link Chinese di's Xiao to through with efforts wen was constructed history. history before Wei Luoyang Avoiding Northern the to talking move about e It is striking that Yang Xuanzhi never talks about the history of the Northern Wei before Xiao wen di moved the capital to Luoyang. He was obviously avoiding in it. LYQLJ There strongly connected to are several places mentioning life, di's but Wei, Xiao Yang Northern to especially related wen pre-Luoyang avoids mentioning these associations. As the most magnificent monastery in Northern Wei Luoyang, the Yongning Monastery shone during the whole period until the eve of the destruction and The Yongning Monastery thus was the symbol of the capital city. abandonment of 39 LYQLJch- 1. pp. 62-63: Jenner, pp. 173-174.. "L YQLJ ch. 3, p. 131; Jenner, p. 11. 22 120 Luoyang. However, there was another Yongning Monastery in Pingcheng (-TA), Northern Wei's second capital city before Luoyang. The Yongning Monastery in Pingcheng was built by Emperor Man wen of the Northern Wei in the second year ff2ý, Tian'an of 467). Man wen di (M3Z; 6-) was father of Xiao wen di, and he built the Pingcheng monastery to celebrate the birth of his heir when Xiao wen di bom in (Nift Wei According to the that shu was eighth month of year. they also built a pagoda in the monastery. The pagoda was seven storeys and about three hundred Chinese feet high, or about a hundred meters high. Its foundation was very in its large. It the the structure was very greatest pagoda wide and was seen as 41 in di Since Xiao the times. that time. the monastery many world wen visited Yongning Monastery of Pingcheng was meaningful to Xiao wen di and it had the it is hard Luoyang Yongning Monastery to understand why the of same name as Yang Xuanzhi did not mention it unless he was deliberately avoiding anything frontier. his Luoyang the associating northern with The same phenomenon appearedin the section on the Baode Monastery (fflý, N Yang Xuanzhi tells us that the Baode Monastery was founded by the Emperor ). 42 Xiao wen di,, to obtain blessings for the Dowager Empress Feng The Empress Dowager was Xiao wen di's grandmother, he grew up under her his fact had dominated In Northern education. she protection and she oversaw Wei's politics probably since her son Emperor Man wen di's reign (466-471). She in history important Empress Northern first Wei. She had the the of was great 43 influences on Xiao wen di and they were very close to each other. ,I See Wei shu 114 "Shi Lao Ai --I-- 42 LYQýUch. 3, p. 135; Jenner, p. 212. 43 See Wei shu 13, "Biography of empresses di Man Man Emperor wen zu of FTill*3Z--iW)-- Yang Xuanzhi 114 "Shi Lao zhi", 6 "Biography 7 "Biography of Gao zu Xiao, wen di 121 did not mention that there was also a Baode Monastery in Pingcheng built by the JH. (), for fourth in the same reason the spring of the same emperor year of taihe 480). The Yaoguang Convent also was a place strongly related to Xiao, wen di. There were several empresses who lived in the convent for different reasons. Among them was another Empress Feng, one of Xiao, wen di's empresses.She lost her title for having a bad relationship with her older sister, a concubine of Xiao di future joined his. The Empress Feng the royal wen and a empress of older family later than the younger one but she was more beautiful and much more beloved by Xiao, wen di although she was weak in health and morality. After losing her position in the palace the younger Empress Feng lived in Yaoguang Convent for the rest of her life. The older one was given poison when Xiao wen di heard of her immoral affairs. 44 A important di's life. like Yang Xiao, to this story was wen Xuanzhi preferred to say nothing about this unpleasant episode. Another opportunity for talking about Northern Wei history before they book. in Yang Xuanzhi Luoyang the the their to preface of comes moved capital tells us that in the seventeenth years of taihe (493) the Emperor Gao,zu moved the Chancellor Mu Liang Lord Luoyang, the to capital ordering 450-502)45 to c. 46 build the palaces and houses. However, he neither talked about the reasons for leaving the old capital city Pingcheng nor talked about what the Northern Wei house's departure. On did the the the ruling after other capital old with government hand, the readers of LYQLJ might expect some stories about Mu Liang, the " See Wei shu 13, "Biography of empresses". 4S - Biography 27, Mu Chong in is Wei (fg"Biography Liang" to Mu attached of shu t::) of 20. in Bei shi also 4' L YQLJ Preface, p. 2, Jenner, p. 143. 122 Xuanzhi Yang It founding that the executor of the new capital. seems city plan of kept silent on purpose about the earlier history of Northern Wei from the beginning. Avoiding talking about the history of Northern Wei before they moved their from history Luoyang Luoyang Yang to the thus to of capital enabled separate Northern Wei in the Pingcheng or the pre-Pingcheng period. All this tended to for for Chinese Yang, Chinese Luoyang that regime. emphasize capital a was a last The history Yang Xuanzhi talked the the o way about of years of the Northern Wei and the final crisis of Luoyang. Yang Xuanzhi talked about the history of the last years of Northem Wei and the crisis of Luoyang at very great length. It shows that his focus is here. When last few its it Yang the these to that reading stories about years and crisis seems me Chinese Northern Wei Luoyang's talking to was about a struggle protect cultural identity. He directly showed his hatred for the Erzhu, one ethnic group that was against day for, in his Luoyang On Erzhu Zhao the troops that and stood strong words. all Luoyang, River Yellow Yellow to the the the attack of water unexpectedly crossed River was too shallow to reach the horses' bellies and Erzhu Zhao crossed the river his in di in Zhuang 530. Yang boats, the palace winter of and captured without Heaven the will of and also made a sharp criticism made a strong complaint about He Erzhu. the said, of Things like this were unprecedented in written record. When in the old days Emperor Guang wu of the Han received the mandate of heaven a bridge of ice fonned over the Hushui (ilV*) ^ so that he could pass over the danger, and 123 leapt ) Emperor (0ý, horse Dilu lie his YW Zhao the muddy a when of out arose, ,,, stream and saved his master's life. They were both right with Heaven and blessed by the gods. This was why they were able to save the world and he had divinity if But the the august protect any perception common people. hornet's his have how Zhao, Erzhu this eyes, should with seen evil was jackal's voice, and conduct as unspeakable as the owl and the puojing (fk ý 47 ), his his instead holding back his troops monarch and slaughtered who of family. Yet to aid his treason the divinity made the Meng ford come is in knees. Changes (yijing, If to the the the this test only up any saying that heaven smites the wicked and the spirits bless the humble is 48 meaning ess. Although he complained that the will of Heaven was unfair he still connected the heaven happened in in last Luoyang the will of with what years. He tells us many bad luck the stories about supernatural phenomena which predicted of a coming he For Pingdeng there the event. example, said was a gold statue outside Monastery which had the divine property of showing when disasters were going to ", 527) the hit the country. In the twelfth month of the third year of Xiaochang (* F71 face from both its had Tears streamed statue's a sorrowful expression. eyes and its 'Buddha body People for It this three called sweating'. whole was wet. went on days before it stopped. In the fourth month of the following year Erzhu Rong '9 Luoyang the officials, strewing the ground with corpses. and slaughtered entered " Puojing is a kind of creature in Chinese legend. It looks like a wolf or leopard but birth. father It its devours devours its that the was said after owl mother after smaller and hatching. See Mena Kang's annotation to Han shu "Jiao si zhi". 48 LYQLJch- 1. P. 17, Jenner, p. 161. 49 L YQLJ ch. p. 101, Jenner,p. 193. 22, 124 When the Prince of Pingyang ascendedthe throne and had a grand assembly in the Pingdeng Monastery in the second year of yongxi 533), a stone statue outside the monastery gates moved for no reason, bowing its head and raising it again. In the seventh month the Emperor was forced by the Imperial Assistant Husi Chun to flee to Chang'an, and at the end of the tenth month the capital was moved to Ye. 50 In the Yongming Monastery Q,, --H91') -1-T a statue walked its disappeared; for days throne then around after that the every night and some 51 believed in Ye Yang Although the to the the capital moved winter of same year. fall of Luoyang and the Northern Wei was an unavoidable destiny he particularly facing his dignity admired some of emperors who showed great courage and impossible circumstances. Yang Xuanzhi's feeling about Zhuang di, Yuan Ziyou, the Prince of Changle di became Zhuang Northem the the seems very complicated. emperor of Wei with Erzhu Rong's support in 528. His reign lasted for only two years. We see that all the chaos during the last years in Luoyang started in fact from the he be between him In Erzhu Rong. seen as a traitor and one way might conspiracy to the Northern Wei dynasty. However, he killed Erzhu Rong on the ninth month of the third year of yongan, two years after he came to his throne, and fought the Erzhu till he was captured and killed in a temple in Jinyang in the winter of the last he Northern Wei five Among the the period of was the emperors of same year. his formal by di" "Zhuang Xuanzhi Yang title to posthumous and referred only one his he It his time the title events occurring were mentioned. in and when year used his legitimacy he there the of that reign only although were three admitted means 50 LY(?LJch. 2. p. 103; jennerp. 199. sl LYOLJ ch.4, p.200; Jenner, p.25 1. 125 more Wei emperors after him, two of which were created by Gao Huan, the real controller of the Eastern Wei where Yang was living and working. Another emperor who was written about as a man of honour regarded highly by Yang Xuanzhi in LYQLJ is Yuan Gong 7C Prince of Guangling also titled Emperor hernin (J'prýz$rW)and Former Fei di Qrijjg-ýý) in Wei shu. He be for dumb to pretended struck eight years after the and stayed out of politics years of zhengguang (520-525) when the political situation was unstable. He was by in Erzhu Shilong the throne the third month of the second on put unwillingly 52 he lost his in Xanming (@H)], 53 1) Although the throne year of next spring. and became the puppet emperor of the Northern Wei under the Erzhus' control he still kept his own principles and did not compromise with the Erzhu. When his J-) Zicai Xing (ff gentleman-in-waiting -Tý drafted an amnesty in which he included the charge that Zhuang di had murdered Erzhu Rong, the Prince of Guangling said that for the Emperor of the yongan period to dispatch with his own hand an over-powerful subject showed no lack of virtue. However, because heaven had not yet ended his troubles he was killed by one of his own ministers. Yang Xuanzhi said that all gentry and commoners within the seas proclaimed the Shilong former When Erzhu to two emperor a sage monarch. wanted reward Northern Wei generals who had surrendered with all their men to Erzhu Zhao and helped the Erzhu to attack the palace the Prince of Guangling said that they both but Yang Erzhu their to them. the and country refused not reward served said that the emperor was then regarded as a man of stem integrity. Whenever Erzhu Shilong attended a palace banquet the emperor would observe that Erzhu Rong had ý-)L YQLJ ch. pA01, Weishu 11. 22 126 deservedto die for the crime of taking credit due to Heaven.53 It was said that this Guangling Erzhu Shilong. Prince described Yang Xuanzhi the as a tragic scared of hero who insisted on doing what he had to do without considering how dangerous the situation was and that his efforts were futile. Another prince Yang Xuanzhi talked about in a positive way was Yuan f), the Prince of Beihai OL MUT). Yuan Hao returned to Luoyang in the HaoOt-I'TT, fifth month of the second year of yongan(529) with Liang support and proclaimed himself emperor. Yang did not criticise him although he stood in the opposite side to Zhuang di whom Yang Xuanzhi acknowledged as a real emperor. When Yuan Hao decided to fight the Erzhu he sent Zhuang di a letter in which he said Erzhu Rong was a murderer, their people were Hu (ý)J) and Jie ()%) barbarians, and he letter The them tigers was compared and wolves and other animals. whole with let letter be down LYQLJ. It Yang to the to that passed recorded in seems wanted future. defeated by in When Yuan Hao's Erzhu's the troops, armies people were Yang described the situation with deep sympathy. He said that all the five thousand jT-) from (a) brought Yangzi (iiang, Huai Yuan Hao the the that and youngsters hands him leave they took their took off armour and wept as clasped and with of 54 eachother. Yuan Ye (7-CHV),Prince of Donghai (* r-UýE)was put on the throne in the tenth by (530) Erzhu Shilong. kept his He for the third title of year yongan month of his He but did han-n to made no contribution months. country six only about no just He in Erzhu for LYQLJtool the a was which could use claiming either as seen their power. Yang only mentioned him to explain how the crown was passed on L YQLJ ch.2. pp. 102-104; Jenner,pp. ] 96-198. LYQýU ch. 1, pp. 14--16; Jenner, pp. 155-15 8. 127 through him. He received his title of prince when he was pushed to abdicate in 53 1. 55 Yuan Xiu (jýfft di *R; Prince of Pingyang (ZFMT-, also titled as Emperor Xiao wu ýi- or Emperor Chu first Wei) Northern the was crowned on of the (532) Huan by he Gao Gao Huan. However, turned year of yongxi about against two years later. When his armies were defeated by Gao Huan at Heqiao (jqfrr,4I-)in 534 he abandoned his country and his people and fled to Chang'an to seek Yuwen Tai's protection. Yang Xuanzhi mentioned him three times in LYQLJ and two of them were connected in a direct statement about his fleeing west, which resulted in 56 the move of the capital to Ye and the division of the state. It is obvious that Yang Xuanzhi blamed him for causing this unforgivable damage to Luoyang and to their country. There was one short-lived emperor never mentioned by Yang Xuanzhi in his book. He was Yuan Lang, later titled Later Fei di and made Prince of Anding when his crown was taken away from him by Gao Huan. He was on the throne for only six months, from the tenth month of the second year of fianming (531) to the fourth month of the secondyear of zhongxing (FPý4,5 32) and in the 57 find he demoted information Prince. We to can not any next month was about him in LYQLJ. As Yang Xuanzhi mentioned the other four emperors during the Yang that omitted this young emperor on purpose. years of chaos we must conclude When we read the official history of the Northern Wei, we find that he was one Gao Huan used for increasing his political power and holding important positions in Luoyang. Just as Yang Xuanzhi avoids any mention of Gao Huan and his family ýs LYQLJ ch. 1, p. 16, ch.2, pp. 101,102. 56 LYQLJ ch. 1, p. 17, ch.22,p. 103, ch.4 p. 199. 57 Weishu 11, -Biography of Later Fei di 128 he also reftised to include this puppet emperorin his book. In his treatment of the last Northern Wei emperors Yang thus makes clear his dynasty's identity. the view of proper Religious identity --- A Buddhist city For Yang Xuanzhi Luoyang's Buddhist identity was both something to be deeply proud of and problematical. In LYQLJ Northern Wei Luoyang was definitely a Buddhist city where Yongning Monastery Moreover, the monasteries and convents were everywhere. in its landmark be the most magnificent the to stood city as and with a claim in in its the time. Yang employed the words of the monk monastery world Bodhidharma, later to be regarded as a founder of the Chan school, for confirmation. When Bodhidharma saw the Yongning Monastery he said that in his long life he had been everywhere and travelled in many countries, but a temple of this beauty can not be found anywhere else in the continent of Jambudvipa and all the lands of the Buddha. 58 Besides numerous monasteries and convents Yang Xuanzhi also tells us about how Buddhism was active in Northern Wei Luoyang, including preaching, learning, the number of foreign monks and others, in the city. For example, he said that in Qin Taishangjun Monastery (Agt, ±jff') -11-T there were always monks famous for their great virtue preaching on all the scriptures, as well as novices by the 59 thousands receiving instruction. There were also many women of famous 58 L YQLJ ch. 1, p. 13; Jenner, 151. LYQLJch. 2, p.88, Jenner,p.86. 129 families who cut off their hair and left their parentsto worship in covents in their love for enlightenment. 60The nuns of the Hutong Convent I famous were throughout the capital for their spiritual quality, they were fine preachers who put great skill into explaining the Truth and used to go into the palace to talk about the dharma to the Empress Dowager.61 There were over three thousand monks from 62 in important journey Yongming An Monastery. the other countries was religious in helpful LYQýU. Yang also mentioned materials to tell us about employed many 63 historical The Empress Dowager of the Northem Wei sent a this travel. Dunhuang man Song Yun Chongli Monastery ýI--, I i-, , and Huisheng a monk of the to fetch scriptures from the West. They went on their first in (ý$ to the the the of religious mission eleventh month of year shengui west 518) and returned to the country in the third year of zhengguang (522) and brought back with them one hundred and seventy scriptures, all marvellous classics Great Vehicle. the of 64 Yang recreated Northern Wei Luoyang as a Buddhist city, describing a flourishing Buddhism. He was obviously proud of it. He tells us that Tanmozui (3M. 1ýr -f. ýF, - " Monastery Rongjue the of a monk in the study of was an expert dhyana. He preached on the Nirvana and Avatamsaka sutras and had one thousand disciples. When Bodhiruci the foreign monk from India, saw him he famous in for his him bodhisattva. West Bodhiruci him, the a was calling revered 60 LYQLJ ch. 1, p.47, Jenner, 167. 61L YQLJ ch. 1, p.57, Jenner,p. 171. 62 LYQLJch. 4, p.200; Jenner,p.249. 63 Yang tells us that the materials he used in this section included Huisheng's Xingji (ff Song Yun'sjiaji Jenner said 'The =E), Biography of Daorong and PP in follow is document Huiseng'sjoumey Yun the that Song the pages a and of of account first importance for history of Central Asia at this time, only the briefest of notes on it are ' Jenner, 255. 8. Loyang. book in here see p. note about a offered 64 LYQLJch. 5, p.209; Jenner, p255.. 130 him foreigners Buddhism, an expositions of the meaning of called and the various arhat. He knew the Wei language and the clerkly script (lishu, translated and FEI twenty-three sutras and sutras including the Ten Stage (Dasabhumika) and Lankavatara sutras. When Bodhiruci read Tanmozui's Essays on the Meaning of the Great Vehicle he admired them and translated them into his foreign tongue and in West. Yang them to the the West often turned east to pay that sent said monks 65 By their respects to him and gave Tanmozui the title of 'Holy Man of the East . famous western monks' words the identity of the Buddhist city of Northern Wei Luoyang was once again confirmed. However, the identity of a Buddhist city which Yang Xuanzhi recreated for Northern Wei Luoyang seemsnot without problems. The way Yang Xuanzhi talked in harmful Buddhism It the about city sometimes suggested phenomena. seems to his description is that the the me emphasis of of monasteries and convents on their functions. less He talked much social and wider cultural about religious activities than about the beautiful gardens inside the monasteries and convents and festivals held in in Buddhist the monasteriesand the wonderful entertainmentsat he described Jingming Monastery How the the garden of city. 3r=; -i-- is best the =,: T) example. The shade of its dark trees and the patterns of its green waters made it a beautiful in its there thousand place and were over one rooms refreshing and towering buildings. The windows and gutters of many-storeyed halls and faced dark joined terraces other; each and purple pavilions were and structures No flying it by the matter passages. what season outside, was never connected freezing or torrid in here; beyond the eaves of the buildings were only hills 65 L YQLJ ch.4, p. 197: Jenner, pp.247-248. 131 holding lakes. iris the Pine, bamboo, the wind steps, and overhung orchid, and There fragrance dew three their the they were and gathering spread as ....... lotuses in the grew. pools monastery where reeds, rushes, water-chestnuts, and Yellow turtles and purple fish could be seen among the waterweeds; black ducks and white geese dived and swam in the green waters. There were by bolters water. edge-runner mills, rotary mills, pounders, and all powered 66 This was regarded as the finest of all the monasteries. We see a beautiful picture of a magnificent garden inside a magnificent building but not of monks or any Buddhist activity. When Yang said 'it was regarded as the finest of all the monasteries', he was talking about its garden and buildings, not its Buddhist works or anything else which related to Buddhism. This is what he tells important held by the monastery. us about an activity On the seventh day of the fourth month all the statues in the capital were brought to this monastery. According to the Department of Sacrifices of the Chancellery they numbered over one thousand. On the eighth the statues were taken in through the Xuanyang ("El%) Gate to the front of the Changhe (r,-ýrAU) flowers The Emperor them. the gold and the on scattered palace where flowers dazzled in the sun and the jewelled canopies floated like clouds; there incense, Buddhist fog India forests banners the music and of of and of were kinds All heaven of entertainers and trick riders performed and earth. shook famous hosts Virtuous their to of monks came, carrying shoulder. shoulder flowers; faithful, holding horsemen Buddhist the staves; there were crowds of in beside backed When each other an endless mass. and carriages were packed he indeed West from that this this the would proclaim was saw all a a monk 66 LYQLJch. 3, p. 124; Jenner, p..207. 132 67 land of the Buddha. Was this a land of the Buddha? Through his description we see a city with its prosperous economy and great activity by the citizens. He says little about Buddhism although it was a religious festival. In the section of the Changqiu Monastery he tells us a similar story about a Buddha statue in this monastery made entirely of gold and jewels: On the fourth of the fourth month it used to be taken out in procession with lions and gryphons leading the way before it. Sword- swallowers and fire-belchers pranced on one side of the procession; there were men who flagpoles, climbed ropewalkers and every kind of amazing trick. Their skill was greater and their clothes stranger than anywhere else in the capital, and in in the wherever statue rested spectators would pack round a solid crowd 68 death. which people were often trampled to Such unnecessary deaths offended against both Buddhist and traditional Chinese festivals hand described by Yang Xuanzhi in his On the the moral values. other books were not purely religious but also quite secular. As some scholars have said, Buddhist activities in Luoyang were not purely religious but were mixed up with public entertainment. 69 The entertainment function can be found in many monasteries and convents in " LYQLJ ch.3, p. 125; Jenner,p.208. 68 L YQLJ ch. 1, p.44; Jenner,p. 165. 69 See Wang Wenj in (-T-3ZLf), Jingtu shang deftngyan-Luoyang qielanji (P± ± 0ý0 (Taipei: Shibao wenhua chuban gongsi, 1982), pp. 136-137, He Jipeng(fqrf&6), "Bei Wei shiqi f6jiao fazhan de liang ge xianxiang" (ýLPR4,1 R in Thought and Words(EP49): Journal of Humanities and Social Science, 21: 1,1983, Lu N ing (24i), "You Luoyang qielan ji kan Bei Wei de zhongyuan faha" (Fý in The VoiceofDharma, 12,1998; Wang Meishiu (T ýý), Lishi, Kongiian, shenfen-Luoyang qielanji de wenhua lunshu QK T' -L*L)(Taipei: Liren shuju, 2007), pp.238-270. 133 In Northern Wei Luoyang. A typical example was the Jingle Convent Yang's description the nunnery had a beautiful garden. Moreover, he tells us that he there, sometimes women musicians performed praised the music and and dancing. As this was a nunnery, men were not allowed in, but those who could go to see it felt that they were in paradise. When Yuan Yi (TcfT-), Prince Wenxian (ýZ EeýD - in founder died, the the the nunnery were the of monastery, restrictions AkE) and from longer somewhat eased and ordinary people were no coming and prevented Prince Runan the going. Later Yuan Yue (Tcjt), 7L of - the younger brother Prince Wenxian, kinds He the of restored convent. of musicians and summoned all display beasts Strange to their talents there. entertainers animals and outlandish danced and clapped in the halls and courtyards. There was flying through the air illusions and other such as had never been seen before; the practitioners of many strange arts assembled here, including those who skinned asses then threw them down wells, or planted jujubes or melons that were ready for eating in a moment. 70 The gentlemen and ladies who saw it were dazed and astonished . Yang says nothing about nuns practising their religious activities or studying sutras. It was hold for for lay like It to trips to or concerts. was a place people make more a place Such for life, to their to mind. phenomena not religious people purify people enjoy in Gaoseng described Huijiao's from how different zhuan. monasteries are are quite In GSZ people would gather in monasteries to listen to preaching; it is rarely said in for GSZ The that people visited monasteries entertainment. monasteries were for literary but like playing music, centres not places places of education or more drinking wine and writing poems with friends. Yang gives similar descriptions for other monasteries, such as the Baoguang 70 L YQLJ ch. 1, p.5 1, Jenner.pp. 168-169. 134 Monastery (W )ý 4, ), Monastery (ýqrjj=f--)73 Fi E IT 71 72 the Ningxuan Monastery the Hejian Yang does to It that emphasize wanted seem not and others. the Buddhist nature of thesemonasteriesor to win respectfor Buddhism. it is more likely that Yang was trying to tell us that so many beautiful and magnificent in in fact less important in Wei Luoyang Northern religious than monasteries were in social and cultural ways. This is a problematic situation. How could Yang Xuanzhi recreate a city identity with flourishing Buddhism and be proud of it it? he deconstructing To the time solve this problem we need to same while at was know what was Yang Xuanzhi's attitude toward Buddhism. Helpful information about how Yang Xuanzhi thought about Buddhism can be found in the section on the Chongzhen Monastery A'). , -T, -, j He tells us a story being back life Huining (EMM) to the after about monk of monastery who came dead for seven days. He was set free and sent back the human world as a mistake had been made over his name. The monk told people what he had experienced in the palace of King Yama. He said that in the examination by King Yama after death, the monks who were ascetics, practised meditation and recited sutras when they be The to paradise. monks who preached, copied sutras, were alive would sent up built Buddha and monasteries when they were alive were all sent to a made statues dark place. As King Yama said, 'Preachers of the sutras have minds full of them insult beings. is in form This they their the arrogance other worst of and me and ' his follow 'The the way, monk must control mind and coarsenessamong monks. devoting himself to meditation and chanting scriptures. He should not concern himself with worldly affairs or be involved in action. To have sutras copied and 71 LYQLJ ch.4, p. 174, Jenner, pp.233-234. 72 LY(?LJch. 5, p.209, Jenner,p.254. 73 L YQLJ ch.4, p. 180, Jenner, p.244. 135 is the he from the statues made of wealth getting and others, must obtain wealth beginning of avarice. Thus the three Poisons are not eradicated and they cause vexation.' As for those who were officials and building monasteries with bending justice the King Yama twisting they government support, and said were law and were robbing the people of their wealth to build monasteries. Yang said that the story was confirmed by Empress Dowager after inquiries were made. Xu He the Gentlemen in Waiting, then proposed that one hundredmonks who sat in meditation should be invited to come to the inner palace. A decree was issued forbidding begging at the roadside while holding sutras and Copying statues. sutras and making statueswith one's private wealth was permitted. The monks of the capital all practised meditation and chanting, taking no more interest in preaching the scripture. Huining became a hermit monk living in Bailu (nft) mountain. 74 We cannot tell how much influence this story had on the religious policy of Northern Wei, or whether the monks in Northern Wei and other Northern dynasties less interested in thereafter preaching the scriptures than Southern monks, or were 75 how much effort they devoted to meditation and reciting sutras. However, it is Yang Xuanzhi thought that meditation and reciting sutras were that very clear did building He Buddhist not approve of extravagance such as activities. positive did He Buddha statues, and copying sutras. not approve of monasteries, making find just Yang's We that to the attitude preaching was preaching scriptures either. Gaoseng devoted Huijiao's In Huijiao's. themselves monks zhuan who of opposite in book it largest Huijiao the that the group and seemed to preaching were regarded 74 LYQL.J ch.2, pp.76-77, Jenner, pp. 179-181. 75 See Tang Yongtong, Han Wei liang Jin Nanbeichaofojiao shi (Taipei: Luotuo 487. 1987), p. chubanshe, 136 them highly. Yang's negative attitude toward the extravagance of Buddhism was obviously a response to the real situation of his time He tells us many times about his objections to the extravagance of Buddhism. He says that the scale of Yongning Monastery was excessive.76 He told us that aristocrats and high officials parted with their horse and elephants as if they were kicking off their sandals; commoners and great families gave their wealth with the 77 leaving footprints, implies We he then that this ease of was not good. and he details the understand why always mentions of the magnificence of monasteries how huge buildings how how the tall their and convents, pagodas, many were, inside the monasteriesand convents, how much valuable materials, statueswere like gold and silver, were used, the number of the rooms in the monasteries, and so on. The method of detailed description used by Yang Xuanzhi therefore obtained descriptions he detailed First, to reflect the reality of these several goals. used flourishing Buddhism in Northern Wei Luoyang and recreate a Buddhist identity for the city. Secondly, through these detailed descriptions he was trying to tell us that all the extravagance of Buddhist activities was damaging to the state and to society. On the other hand he tells us how the functions of those magnificent became increased they public places offering entertairunent when monasteries were festivals how Buddhist those to the enlivened the city and made people, widely Luoyang citizens' lives more colourful even if that had not been their original different identity Xuanzhi Buddhist for doing Yang In created a so purpose. Northern Wei Luoyang. The Buddhist identity of Northen Wei Luoyang was not 76 77 0-l' LYOLJ ch. 1, p. II- LYQLJ preface,p. 1. Jenner,p. 141 137 purely religious but also more social and cultural. This is very different from Buddhism in Huijiao's GSZ. In GSZ Huijiao did book in his in talk the the not much about south although many monks cities GSZ Buddhism in In Chinese the associatedwith upper class educated and cities. its relationship with Chinese high culture is the centre of the book. Huijiao does interest life in how fitted into Buddhism the not show much of society or material in buildings. In LYQLJ the ideas of Buddhism seemnot so important although the book was about a Buddhist city. In GSZ Huijiao tried very hard to play down the foreign characteristics of the monks and make Buddhism more Chinese but in LYQLJ it seemsthat Yang Xuanzhi deliberately used the foreign characteristicof Buddhism to make his Luoyang more international. An international city We have discussed how Yang Xuanzhi created Northern Wei Luoyang as a Buddhist city by emphasizing the religious function in social and cultural aspects. Buddhism was an important factor to Yang Xuanzhi in constructing Northern Wei Luoyang as an international city. Within so many monasteries and convents in Northern Wei Luoyang Yang Xuanzhi tells us there were some two monasteries, the Puti Monastery and the Fayun Bodhi) 78 founded foreign by Monastery, He also monks. ý wm; founded by foreign He the that monks tells us were were exotic. which monasteries halls Buddha Monastery Fayun in the the the that and monks' cells were all said decorated in the foreign style with dazzling reds and whites and gleaming gold and '8 L YQLJ ch. 3, p. 153; Jenner, p.222. 138 jade. He also tells us that the foreign monks taught Buddhism in different ways so it from dharma learn foreign loved the to the the all of monks of came capital who Tanmolo 79 W,), the founder of the Fayun Monastery. In the section on the Yongming Monastery we are told that there were over three thousand foreign monks from different countries, the most distant being Da Qin the Roman East) which was at the western extreme of earth and sky. Through the monks from there Yang tells us of their customs, 'They plough, hoe, live in in the the countryside; and and spin; common people sight of each other their clothes, horses,and carts are much like those of China.' We also learn about Geying (V*), another country the country to the south of China. Yang said that 'the country was very far from the capital. Its customs are quite different from ours it has had in China: as never any contact with even the two Han dynasties and the Cao Wei nobody ever got that far. But now for the first time the monk Buddhabhadra reached Luoyang from there'. We can see how Yang was proud of his country, he was telling us that under Northern Wei Luoyang drew more foreign had dynasties. it Chinese Through foreign Buddhabhadra than under earlier visitors knowledge, such as the name of countries, their locations and their customs, were drawn on in the book. Yang Xuanzhi tells us what Buddhabhadra said, After travelling north for one month I reached Gouzhi (ýJff). days to the north I came to Diansun Eleven more From there I headed north for forty days until I arrived in Funan (MM), which with its area of five thousand Ii (W--) is the biggest and most powerful of the countries of the southern barbarians. The people of Fu-nan are many and rich. Their country produces it in betel-nuts. jade, ftirther A and crystal, abounds and month's pearls, gold. LYQI-Jcli. 4, p. 176, Jenner, pp. 234-235. 139 1 Linyi leaving journey to the north brought me to Linyi (#M), U3 and on in Yang After Yan. Xiao the province a year entered spending country of Budhabhadra came with Farong the capital. (Mj+j), Yang to province of a monk 80 Monks who came from distant countries were not only proof of how flourishing Buddhism was in Luoyang but also are used to show Luoyang as having a wide international appeal. Yang Xuanzhi created the identity of an international city for Northern Wei Luoyang in large part by showing that although Buddhism was it in foreign from His Luoyang. to originally a religion monks afar came practise international Luoyang was also not limited to immigrant monks but also extended to religious exports. As we have mentioned, Tanmozui QýAft), a monk of the Rongjue Monastery (htW4, ), was an expert in the study of dhyana. His Essays on the Meaning of the Great Vehicle was translated into an Indian language by a great Indian monk Bodhiruci. The translated version was read widely in the west and for TarumoZUi8l the won respect of western monks Besides emphasizing the function of the Buddhism in creating the identity of international city for Luoyang, Yang Xuanzhi also used the journey of Song Yun diplomat in Pakistan 518. Fluisheng, to today's a and a monk, and Yang tells us that when Song Yun and Huisheng came to the walled town of Hanmo, there was a six foot high statue with stupas beside it, and tens of thousands hung banners banners Most them. the and parasols were on of were of coloured from the country of Wei, on many of which was written in the clerkly script (495)' 'second year offingming taihe 6nineteenth year of 80 LYOLJ ch. 4, p.200; Jenner, pp. 249-250. 81 LYQLJch. 4, p. 197. Jennerýpp. 247-248. 0-0, '(501), or 4second year of 140 Xing Yao dated (LIEFEi, just 513); the time to yanchang' there was of one (394-415 ). 82 The original readers of LYQLJ would have recognized that all these dates came after Northern Wei moved the capital to Luoyang. The year names taihe, fingming and yanchang all belong to the period which was between the best Luoyang's Luoyang Empress Dowager Hu to move years and seizing power, for Yang. Yang continued to tell how Northern Wei was known by the western countries. In the country of Wuchang(F,'-, Udyana) Song Huisheng Yun and were -UA, received with great honour. According to the material Yang used in his book,, he his King Song Yun, Great Wei, the the the when received envoy of raised hands to his head and bowed to accept the edict. On hearing that the Empress Dowager honoured the Buddha's Law he turned east, put his hands together, himself he his her from He to and prostrated paid as respects afar. sent language Wei the to make communication with someone who understood Song Yun and Fluisheng. The king also asked, 'Does your country produce sagesT Song Yun explained about the excellence of the Duke of Zhou, Confucius,, Zhuang zi, and Lao zi; he went on to tell him about the silver immortals halls Mount Penglai the of and and sages gate-houses and golden he Guan (WM), live Lu Hua. Tuo's the there; spoke about soothsaying of who (VrL, -) healing powers, and Zuo Ci's (2ýErk-)magic. He gave systematic JVAI it is ' king, 'If 'then is things. the as you say, replied yours account of all such indeed a land of the Buddha. I hope to be reborn there when this life of mine 83, is ended. '2 LYQLJch. 5, p. 210; Jenner. p. 256. 83 LYQLJcll. 5, p.212, Jenner. p. 262. 141 What Song Yun told the king of Udyana about was the central Han Chinese cultural tradition, which was always mentioned by educated Chinese proudly. We see from here how Song Yun, a Dunhuang man who lived in Luoyang regarded himself as a Han Chinese. And the Chinese cultural tradition he told the king about was representedas a cultural tradition of Northern Wei. The Chinese cultural tradition was transferred into the Northern Wei cultural tradition in front of a king. Looking at this we find Yang Xuanzhi created the identity of western international city for Luoyang by emphasizing its Chinese culture. As Song Yun regarded himself a Chinese, he talked about the Chinese tradition and followed Chinesevalues. Song Yun, presenting himself as a Chinese, asked the western king to practise Chinese rituals. Yang said that in the first year of zhengguang (520) they entered the country of Qiantuoluo (t#rLFT, Gandhara).When Song Yun reachedthe royal handed king imperial decree, the king was so the the military encampment and it discourteous he Realizing barbarian to that too rude and as receive seated. was a distant to be controlled, Song Yun was unable to upbraid him and had to put up he his had him, Later Song the the to to on when chance put matter with arrogance. Yun asked the king of Gandhara why, when the kings of the Ephthalites and Udyana both bowed when they received the decree, he alone could not do so. The king answered, 'If I saw the Wei King in person I would bow to him, but what is him down? from letters letter When the sitting people get wrong with reading a from their parents they read them sitting down, so of course it shows no discourtesy if I stay seated to read a letter from the Great Wei, which is like a 84 father and mother to me.' Song Yuri was unable to cap this argument. 84 LYQLJ ch.5, pp.213-2 14; Jenner, pp.265-266. 142 Through stories such as these Yang shows Luoyang as the centre of the Chinese world and on good terms with many distant countries. This international communication was in a large part but not only through Buddhism. At the same time Luoyang was the capital of the Northern Wei and was a symbol of the Northern Wei, therefore when Song Yun and Huisheng were working to strengthen the image of their country in the far west they were also creating the identity of an international city for Luoyang. The identity of Luoyang as an international city was not only fonned by the by but the city system the communication with other countries outside state also for foreigners inside Luoyang. Yang Xuanzhi tells us that south of Luoyang there for from from including the the was an area people who came other countries, dynasties. He says, southern South of the Eternal Bridge, north of the Round Mound and between the Yi four for four hostels foreigners. Luo The the the the and and rivers were wards hostels were east of the imperial highway and were called Jinling Fusang (M') Yanran Yanzi and To the west of the highway Returning four foreigners' Guizheng (ý4Truth), the to the LE, wards: were Guide (Rjýf Muyi Returning to Virtue), Muhua (4,ý-kf-L,Admiring Civilization), and , & Admiring Justice).The men of Wu who came over to our country had been for in Jinling Hostel, they there three the and after years put were they were given houses in the Guizheng ward ....... When barbarians from the in Yanran for Hostel the they three to put were years and us over came north The barbarians Guide in houses the ward . ...... then given eastern who came later in Fusang Hostel houses in the the Muhua and given to submit were put 143 85 Hostel in Yanzi Western barbarians the ward. ...... who came over were put 86 and given houses in the Muyi ward . From Yang's description Luoyang had a very clear system for immigrants from different directions. For Yang it was important that Luoyang was a city to which from from known Apart the people monks and political all over world came. immigrants there were a large number of other immigrants, such as traders, merchants, artisans, performers, and musicians. Yang Xuanzhi tells us, The number of those who made their homes there because they enjoyed the beyond China atmosphere of counting; there were over ten thousand was families of those who had come over to our way of life. The gates and lanes Dark the tight together. were neatly arranged and entrances packed 87 locust-trees gave shade and green willows hung down over the courtyards. . Many foreigners became Luoyang residents and thus helped to construct its identity as an international city. Yang tells us that one of these four foreign hostels, and one of four foreign dynasties. from he for The Wu', 'men the southern of people examples wards was took were Xiao Baoyin (4ff WC-) and Xiao Zhengde (MIEffi). He tells us that, Early in jingming (500-503) Xiao Baoyin, Prince of Jian'an (R2ýT-) under the bogus Qi, submitted to us. He was ennobledas Lord of Guiji and a house in he for him Guizheng be Later built Prince the to ward. was elevated of was Qi and given the Princess of Nanyang QM%ýa-1::) in marriage. As Xiao Baoyin felt humiliated at being classified among the foreigners he got the Lff Emperor Shizong ( 500-515) W-T,!, be the to to petition r. asking princess 85 86 87 LYQI-J ch. 3, pp. 144-145; Jenner, pp-218-221. See note 85. See note 85. 144 in house him the into Shizong to the allowed a gave and move agreed city. Yongan ward. In the fourth year of zhengguang(523) Xiao Zhengde, Marquis Xifeng of ,5-x Hostel in Jinling he the too to was put submitted us, and later house Xiao Zhengde built for him in Guizheng the until a was ward. 88 become the Guizheng Monastery. gave this to The way of settling southern aristocrats was no different form that of other foreigners. In this paragraph it shows directly that Northern Wei people thought the foreigners. have Southerners As I southemers were noted elsewhere, were in immigration had Luoyang the they marginalized system of and no position of 89 cultural superiority. As traditional Chinese people always thought that they were the centre of the world, and other peoples around them on four sides were barbarians, they were doubly marginalized by their position outside the Chinese 90 in identity. four foreign hostels From their the cultural core and system of and four immigrant wards we see Luoyang standing in the centre of the world but also keep foreigners designated hostels to to wanting confined wards and south of the foreigners in These Luoyang their marginal status city wall. who accepted its identity Chinese. As an that to remained essentially contributed as a world city international city and the centre of the world Luoyang was logically the centre of Chineseculture. 88 LYQEJ ch. 3, pp. 144-145, Jenner, pp.218-22 1. 89 See Wang Meihsiu, "Guoji dushi dejiangou yu weiyi xiaoyin ftjff)" in Lishi, kongiian, shenfen-Luoyang qielanji de wenhua lunshu, pp.271-288. 90 See Shan Dexing "Yi wo ailun ru quanfu-tianshi dao beige de mingke yu AMWMfQ)in )ýfPZOMMý, Z-ARUfVk Mingke ('rgRJ,? j,,u zaixian -huayi zaixian R: W7-UZWV-Plunji (Taipei: 9 wenhua ON mei uo wenxueyu Maitian chubanshe,2000). p-55- 145 A Han Chinese city It is unquestionable that Northern Wei Luoyang was a typical Han Chinese city as representedin LYQLJ. Through the stories told in the book Yang Xuanzhi for he identity his The for Chinese Han the recreated used capital. ways of a city recreating the identity of a Han Chinese city of Northern Wei Luoyang included: A. history between Wei Luoyang's Northern the emphasizing and the connection histories of earlier Chinese dynasties; B. emphasizing Northern Wei Luoyang's Han Chinese characterics; C. indicating the differences between people in Northern Wei Luoyang and some other non-Chinese people; D. indicating the differences between the Han Chinese culture in Northern Wei Luoyang and the Han Chinese in the South. The connection between Northern Wei Luoyang's history and culture the histories of earlier Chinese dynasties has been discussed in the previous section historical how identity for I Yang Xuanzhi his talked when about recreated a from discussion how Yang Xuanzhi I In this section will start my capital city. emphasized Northern Wei Luoyang's Han Chinese characteristics. Emphasizing Northem Wei Luoyang's Han Chinese characteristics Just as he made connections between the history of Northern Wei Luoyang dynasties his histories Chinese Yang Xuanzhi told the when of earlier readers and for in Chinese Han the city, the people who places and establishments pasts about lived in the city also were the heirs of Han Chinese predecessors. When Yang Yuan Yong the talked about wealth of Prince of Gaoyang PJ in Northern Wei Luoyang lived life luxury, the who a richest aristocrat of probably 91 Han Jin his in 'no times was he said that and equal prince since extravagance.' 91 LYQI-Jch. 3, p. 155; Jennerp. 224. 146 He tells us that Yuan Chen (7-c Prince of Hejian (jqrMIT), one of the richest being in Northern Luoyang Wei aristocrats who was always resentful about not he did Wei Yuan Yong, that than told richer not mind not another prince once having met Shi Chong 92 but regrettedthat Shi Chong never saw him. Shi Chong was an aristocrat in Jin times; he was known for his incomparable wealth. In making such comparisons that included implied criticism Yang was still locating his princes in a Chinese tradition. When Yuan Yi 7C Prince of Qinghe (ýp4jq T-), died Empress Dowager gave him a solemn and honourable funeral ceremony which was modeled on that of the Jin dynasty Prince Fu of Anping H 93 bad Qi When the the area, some officials and scholarscriticized customsof Ly-). Cui Xiaozhong from Qi province an official N did not accept the by influenced Taigong He told that the criticism. people area was the imperial advisor to the Zhou king Wen wang ( Mr,3ý,!F.), and the Confucian scholars &-"ý--F) followed by had Qi Jixia ( Many people rites and moral criteria of academy. been formed by them. Even though it might be in decline Qi was still a model to 94 Yang tells us a story about a teenage Luoyanger Xun Ziwen of the world. Yingchuan (ý,Rj I jlfýi-TZ- As a child he was brilliant and his character was exceptional: when he was rffl (TA) Kong Rong Wan (M Huang twelve neither nor him. When Pan Chonghe of Guangzong (BUWýk) Annals Autumn Spring and V- have could excelled lecturing Fu's on was in Zhaoyi (H-TJ') the commentary Of% him his Li Cai his teacher. Ziwen to take Xun tucked as of clothes up ward, Zhaojun (jMgý. J-) asked Ziwen where he lived, Ziwen replied that he lived ()) LYQLJ ch.4, p. 179; Jenner,p.243 93 LYQLJch. 4, p. 163, Jenner,p.228. 94 LYQLJ ch.2, p.88, Jenner, p. 188. 147 in the Zhonggan (FP-[T) ward in the south part of the city that was seen as a low level area. When Li teasedXun about the area he lived in, Xun replied is 'The He the with quick and witty words. south of capital an excellent said: district, so why are you surprised that I live there? For rivers the Yi (f)I-) and the Luo (ýý) flow between towering cliffs, and if we are to speak of antiquities there is the Spirit Mound and the Stone Classics. Of beautiful have Baode the monasteries we and the Jingming; and among the richest and noblest men of the age we have the Princes of Gaoyang Guangping (-F, "--,-j [M) and The customs of the four quarters of the globe and of here. If we are to speak of countless countries and cities are represented distinguished people there will be definitely me not you. ' Li Cai was unable to 95 answer. The figure like this remind me of many clever and talented young adults and in Shishuo xinyu children Another similar story Yang told in his book PLI impression. Champion General Guo Wenyuan (%3ZA) gives a similar had a house Li Yuanqian Longxi to that of a monarch. of splendid which was able match for Guo's mansion and saw alliteration, once passed an enthusiast his splendid gateway and he asked whose house it was in an alliterative sentence.A him in house Guo's quickly also a alliterative came out and answered slave girl of both in had The two alliterative short exchange with each other, sentence. he defeat in Li is that It the that slave girl admitted could not said sentences. The the told over city. all was story alliteration. 96 If in a young adult and slave girl Northern Wei Luoyang could act at such a high level in Han Chinese culture then it " LYQLJch. 3, p. 156; Jennerpp. 225-226. 96 LYQLJch. 5, p.209; Jenner,p.254. 000, 148 be Chinese that will poem. no surprise a princess could write a Wang Su (T-#R) was a learned scholar from the south who became an important high official in Gao zu's court from the eighteenth year of taihe (494). Wang Su had married a daughter of the Me (M) clan when he was in the south, Me had he Later Lady he the to the and when who came capital married a princess. been left behind in the south becamea nun and came to join Wang Su. When she found that he had married the princess the Lady Me wrote a poem to him recalling their old days. The response to this by Wang Su's later wife, the princess, was look it In the type. that another poem of same she suggested people should not back to the past.97 A woman writing poetry was not very common in traditional Chinese society. The Me clan was a famous and important family in southern dynasties, well known for their high level of culture as well as their political is female famous family It this that contributions. not a surprise a member of wrote a poem. But Yang tells us that a Xianbei princess could also write as good a Chinese poem as a lady from a traditional Han Chinese gentry family. Obviously he was telling us how deeply Han Chinese culture had been rooted even among the Xianbei if did know in Wei Luoyang. Indeed, Northern we not aristocrats that she was a Xianbei we would not have guessedit. When we read the story of Yuan Yu his Xianbei origins are nowhere to be seen. Linhuai Prince Yuan Yu ()tpA), of )-C He was well versed in classical books and gifted with a discriminating intelligence. His manners were joy behold. bearing his When in to the a all princes assembled and exquisite the capital on the morning of New Year's Day he would stroll along the palace " LYQLJ ch.3. pp. 135-136; Jenner, p.214. 149 him his hands. All would who saw corridors with a gold cicada gleaming on forget their wearinessand sigh with admiration. He was both a lover of forests and streamsand a convivial man. When the flowers and trees were brightly in his breezes he like brocade in the coloured morning meal spring would eat the southern pavilion and banquet in the back garden at night with crowds of officials and aristocrats. Instruments of silk and wu-tong wood played while the goblets were passed around. Lyrics and prose-poems went hand in hand, brilliant and conversation was made up in the spur of the moment. Everyone grasped the mysterious and put narrow vulgarity out of their minds; all who house Yu's it like becoming immortal. Zhang Pei to went said was an J), Exalted from Talent Jingzhou (MI4, a man of province once wrote a poem in five-word lines which contained two outstanding couplets. Yu rewarded him brocade in a dragon design. Others were given red silks and purple with some damasks. One man, Pei Ziming of Hedong drink told to was a feeble for he drank four-fifths picul of wine as a punishment writing verses; of it before collapsing in a drunken stupor. His contemporaries compared him to Shan Tao (ýU =- 98 Yuan Yu was a member of Northern Wei ruling house and thus non-Chinese in he barbarian. from However, Chinese Han In people's view was a many ethnicity. Yang Xuanzhi's description we only see a Chinese scholar and poet and his happen? barbarian. How Yang Xuanzhi life, literary this no could we see wonderful formed by his by learning his practice, was tells us about and which education not his parentage. 98 LYQI-J ch. 1, p. 176. Jenner, pp.235-236. 150 Indicating the differences between people in Northem Wei Luoyang and some other non-Chinese people While Yang Xuanzhi had to be very careful to avoid derogatory references to the Xianbei,, who still held power when he wrote his book, there was one ethnic group on which he could focus his hatred. They were the Erzhu. He talked about the family background of the Erzhu. Yang tells us: Erzhu Rong from North Xiurong was His family was hereditary ruling chiefs of the first rank and Dukes of Boling jun. (t4kRgý)- He had over eight thousand tribesmen, several tens of thousandsof horses, 99 and wealth to match a heavenly treasury. This is a short paragraph but clear enough to let his readers understand what kind frontier, Xiurong (Shuoxian, Shanxi), they the of people were. a place on north was in fact not the Erzhu place of origin, but a fief given to them as a reward when one Gui Tuoba (Jýj&Jj), their to of ancestors made military contributions Emperor Tai ýFT[d family dynasty. in (), 386-409) Northern Wei Their the of earlier place was zu r. the area of Erzhu River from where they received their sumame'00--this also is in Chinese The Erzhu society. evidence of non-Chinese customs medieval were an from Asia Jie ()%), non-Xianbei race central a non-Chinese, or ethnic group of identified for late fourth China In They Asia. they slaughter. century were western in from Chinese Han Xianbei different their and ethnic origin, their were 101 behaviour. did directly in Yang their that they were not say appearance and barbarians in this paragraph but he implied it. He tells us that they originally came 99 LYQýU ch. 1, p. 13-,Jenner, p. 152. 100See Wei shu 74, "Biography of Erzhu Rong "' See Jenner, pp. 86-87, Wan Shengnan, Chen yinque Wei Jin Nanbeichaojiangyan /u. (Hefei: Huang shan shuju, 2000), pp. 83-99. 151 from Xiurong in the north and that their social statuswas that of hereditary chief, with their wealth counted by how many tribesmen and horses they controlled. 102 In all these respects they were unlike the sinified Xianbei aristocrats. In other parts his book he referred to them by their non-Chinesenameswhich look barbarous of when written in Chinese, such as Erzhu Houtaofa (ffl. and Erzhu. FuWgui ( ýff.T,;ý 4ý M"). He called their armies 'Hu cavalry' and he called them Hu-barbarians. This word was used in a most derogatory way in the story of the Princess of Shouyang. The Princess of Shouyang, the elder sister of the Emperor Zhuang, was very beautiful. She was married to Xiao Zong ), Prince of Danyang, a refugee from the south who had been given high positions in the Northern Wei. aristocrat When the capital fell Xiao Zong abandoned his province and fled north. Erzhu Shilong, who was dictator at the time, had the princess brought back to Luoyang. When he tried to force her she reviled him with the words, 'How dare you insult the daughter of a heavenly king, you barbarian dog? I would die by the sword be by barbarian. his fury ' In Erzhu Shilong strangled than rather sullied a mutinous 103 her. The princess called Erzhu a "barbarian dog (Hu gou, ý)JFqj)" and called herself the daughter of the heavenly king (tianwang nii, making a clear difference between herself and the Erzhu. She, or through her Yang Xuanzhi, directly insulted Erzhu in the strong language because the Erzhu were a different like Gao Huan Xianbei, Yuwen Tai. From the catastrophic damage and people, not 102On the Northern Wei feudal system of hereditary chieftainship, see Zhou Yiliang (JJ. A), WeiJin Nanbeichao shi lunii Aff. 9A Beijing: Beijing daxue 2000. chubanshe. 103 L YQLJ ch.2, p.7-2,Jenner,p. 178. 152 in lived Xianbei, Erzhu it is did Luoyang the the which to who clear that unlike Luoyang and had made the city much more magnificent than in earlier Chinese dynasties, the Erzhu had no love of Chinese culture. Among the people of Luoyang, the Tuoba family of Xianbei had transformed their cultural identity to Han Chinese and lived a Han Chinese life in a Han Chinese city. They were completely different from the people like the Erzhu, whom they saw as barbarians in culture and in ethnicity. Yang tells us another story. When Erzhu Shilong made another puppet in emperor Luoyang, a temple for Erzhu Rong was erected on the Shouyang (-6M) Mang the peak of ridge Mr, had been Duke Zhou's ( the temple where of ýa) in remote antiquity. Erzhu Shilong built the temple here because he wanted to put the achievements of Erzhu Rong on a par with those of the Duke of Zhou. After it it destroyed by fire. One burning for three was completed was column went on days without going out until a thunderbolt shattered it in a thunderstonn three days later; the stone base of the column and the titles of the temple all fell in fragments 04 ' like be bottom Erzhu How to the the could people compared to the of mountain. Duke of Zhou,, one of most respected figures in Chinese history and one of the founders of Chinese tradition? The story implied that the people like Erzhu Rong definitely did not deserve so honorable a historical position, because of what he had done and because of what he was. In Yang's book Heaven showed its will in an lightning, heavenly through as a most serious which was seen extreme way. Chinese in traditional society. punishment By showing a clear difference between the people in Luoyang and some like Erzhu, Yang from Xianbei the separated some people people part non-Chinese 104 LYQLJ ch.2, p. 102; Jenner. p. 196. 153 house included He by the of non-Chinese people and some other ruling culture. Xianbei people in Luoyang into the part of Han Chinese people and once again reconfirmed that Northern Wei Luoyang was a Han Chinese city. However, Yang Xuanzhi did not refer in a derogatory way to all the people who were called 'Hu' in his book. The meaning of the word sometimes just indicated people from the west. For example, when Yang mentioned Bodhidharma, Yang said that he was a Persian Hu. 105When he tells us that the Puti (Bodhi) Monastery and the Fayun Monastery were founded by Hu monks, 106the word 'Hu' here did not involve any value judgment. In fact sometimes he talked about Hu monks in a respectful way. For example, in the section on the Rongjue Monastery Yang called Bodhiruci a Hu monk of Tianzhu (India), but he tells us what an extraordinary scholar he was and how he translated Chinese 107 Buddhist works into Hu script in order to help the western people to read. We also see some cases in Song Yun and Huisheng's journey to the west. Yang tells us that when they came to the city of Shan-shan the master of r=-=l 108 from the Western Hu. the city had three thousand men with which to protect it In the country of Wuchang Udhyana) Song Yun and Huisheng also saw his by Buddha from to used clean which a small sprig an aged willow growing 109 is in All Hu known tells us tongue They the tree the as poluo. teeth. was said he just 'Hu'; down look did the Yang sometimes used people called that on all not In their the culture. some examples we also western people and the word to refer to He the he talk to person. only used the word a respected about that word used see ,"L 106 YQLJ ch. 1, p. 13. LYQLJ ch.3, p. 153, ch.4, p. 176. 107 LYQLJ ch.4, p. 197. 'o, LYQI-Jcli. 5, p.209. Jenner, p.255. '09 L YQLJ ch.5, p-2 121:Jenner. p.263. 154 in a derogatory way in talking about the Erzhu for they destroyed his cultural Luoyang. The Erzhu were unforgivable becauseof what they had done to Luoyang, by his judgment because He their not not people's racial made of ethnicity. differences but by their degreesof civilization. From LYQLJ we see that Yang Xuanzhi was not a narrow-minded racist but a culturist; for him cultural identity His identify important the to places. was most and classify people and way Luoyang was essentially a civilized city in the Chinese tradition. The physical down. he its inhabitants generally played ethnicity of was something Indicating the differences between Han Chinese culture in Northem Wei Luoyang in Han Chinese and culture the South Showing the difference between the people in Luoyang and some different. However, difficult. Their to culture was non-Chinese people was not in Northern Wei Luoyang Chinese between difference Han the the culture show in Han South because in South the the were mostly people was not easy, and Chinese. What Yang Xuanzhi tried to do in his book was to show that the true traditions of Chinese culture flourished in the north, and that some aspects of 'barbaric'. southemculture were in from down looked Xuanzhi Yang the is It that to people or on see easy 'Wu find Yang in LYQLJ the that In southerners calls we many places south. (Wu ren, people He calls the Southern dynasties bogus regimes, refers to by them directly their and criticizes jokes about names, make personal their rulers he In South. the shows some writing about southerners the people and culture of in be modem society. as racist that classified would attitudes For discussing Yang Xuanzhi's attitudes toward the southerners and the 155 in the south,, I have to quote a long story which contained many messages culture about what Yang and the people like him and the southern educated people thought by long discuss I this their quotation paragraph culture. will about each other and nil paragraph. Yang tells us that: East of Xiaoyi ward was the Little Market of Luoyang, and to the north was the house of Zhang Jingren the General of Chariots and Cavalry. Early in Zhang Jingren was a man from Shanyin in Guiji 10 he (MjfC-). (520-525)l Xiao Baoyin zhengguang came over with He was house Commander Wings Guard Forest the south appointed and given a of of known in Guizheng (Returning Orthodoxy) the the to of city wall ward, also because lived Quarter Wu the there. the as many of southernerswho cameover It was near the Yi and Luo rivers to let them feel more at home. There were in had households the they three thousand set up their own over ward and delicacies. it People Fish the called and street market selling mainly aquatic Turtle Market. Zhang Jingren found living here so humiliating that he moved to the Xiaoyi (*&) As the court wanted at the time to welcome men ward. from distant parts it treated southerners with great generosity. Men who had tucked up their skirts to cross the Yangzi were given very high positions. Zhang Jingren enjoyed fame and high office although he performed no service. Here Yang gives us several messages; (1) refugees like Zhang Jingren and Xiao Baoyin who came from the south were given high positions in the government 110A wrong date is recorded in LYQLJ as early years offingming in his Memories, footnote 84, p.200. Jenner Professor by corrected 500-503), it is 156 even though they made no contribution to the state; (2) the southerners usually lived together in an area close to rivers where the atmosphere and the circumstanceswere similar to their homeland. This large number of southerners lived in Luoyang still had southern lifestyles under the arrangement made by who the Northern Wei and out of choice; (3) the areathe southernerslived in was called Wu Quarter,the market they set up was called Fish and Turtle Market. Both were honoured not names, implying that they were looked down upon by the people in Luoyang; (4) Zhang Jingren did not want to stay with his own people, he was trying to avoid his original identity and win acceptancefrom Luoyang's rulers. The next paragraph deals with a brief interlude when Luoyang was under southern occupation. In the second year of yongan (529) Xiao Yan Chen Qingzhi sent the Head Clerk to escort the Prince of Beihai when he usurped the imperial throne in Luoyang. Chen Qingzhi then became Imperial Assistant. Zhang Jingren, who had known Chen Qingzhi in the south, prepared a banquet for him and invited him home. The Deputy Minister of Agriculture Xiao Biao Head Chancellery Junior Assistant Zhang Song the of and (ýRA,:,), both southerners,were also there; the Counsellor Yang Yuanshen()M Wang Xun from Counsellor Palace the the the only gentlemen were and he drunk Qingzhi Chen When Xiao, Biao, to said was northern plains present. flourishing dynasty is but it is Wei 'The Song, Zhang still referred to as a and barbarian one. The true succession should be south of the Yangzi, and the imperial jade sealof the Qin dynastyis now in the Liang court.' between This started a serious argument northerners and southernersand this declaration Yang Xuanzhi's important of cultural allegiance. argument was a most 157 The argument was started by the southerners. Their concerns were (1) even if the Northern Wei had been developing their civilization they were still barbarian, this house (2) Northern Wei; the the to the ethnic origin of of was according ruling heirs Chinese the true traditions, also they that southerners claimed of were becauseof their ethnic origin; (3) the evidenceof their declarationwas the imperial jade seal of the Qin dynasty which had been a symbol of legitimacy of a dynasty dynasty. Han the since 'South of the Yangzi, ' replied Yang Yuanshen solemnly, 'they enjoy a temporary peace in their remote comer. Much of your land is wet; it is cursed hole insects. Frogs toads single with malaria and crawling with and share a live in flocks birds. You the are the gentlemen of the while men same with long bodies hair, have heads. You tattoo the and none of you puny cropped Rivers Floating Three the or rowing on the on with which you are endowed. Five Lakes you are untouched by the Rites and the Music and cannot be Qin (4ý) Han Although by survivors some and statutes. official refon-ned languages Han the speech, awkward of convicts provided an admixture of Min (r-4) and Chu (V) are beyond improvement. You may have a monarchy but your rulers are overweening and your masses unruly. This was why Liu Shao (WqM) murdered his father and Liu Xiulong later committed incest with his mother. Such breaches of human propriety make you no better Shanyin Princess On beasts. birds this the top of of than and used ignoring jeers in husbands, her domestic bought for the men as to ask debauchery. You, sirs, are still soaked in these old ways and have not yet 0440) like Yangdi You the are people of who are so absorbed civilization. 158 has dynasty Wei ' 'Our find do them ugly. not used to goitres that they by Mount founding heaven, a stable government received the mandate of Song (A,,) and River Lo rM The Five Mountains are our peaks and the Four Seas are our home. Our laws to reform the people are comparable to the flourishing Our Five Emperors. the achievements of court ritual, music, constitution, and edicts excel those of the hundred kings. If you fishes and turtles come to Pay homage at our court out of admiration for our justice, drinking from our pools and eating our rice and millet, how can you be so When heard Chen Qingzhi this elegantand cultured the arrogantT and others from keeping Yang in directions Yuanshen their they speech rushed about all mouths shut and pouring with sweat. Such was the picture that Yang Xuanzhi and people like him gave of the in The Chinese Yangzi Han the the south. area south of culture southerners and River had been seen as an uncivilized area, though its culture had been fast developing since the Eastern Jin dynasty lost their control in the north. Han Chinese history in the south was much shorter than that of Luoyang. Yang lived Han Chinese the that not a place of southerners was where emphasized influence Chinese it For the on southerners. cultural culture, and could not provide Yang the place the southerners lived in fact was barbaric. Under such improve keep their the the culture nor southerners could neither circumstances by Chinese Han the they their culture, as already affected southern were of purity barbarian culture. However, the southerners did not realize that they had already been transformed into barbarians by the culture surrounding them, so that their Chinese heirs Han kind be tradition true to culture and of was some of claim 159 sickness.By contrast,Northern Wei was founded in north China, the sourceof Han Chinese culture which had been a long history. The people living in a place like Luoyang had received all kinds of Han Chinese cultural influences and also had been developing it to an unprecedented level. They had created a high civilization. They were not barbarians but the southerners were. It is clear that Yang wanted to create a thoroughly Chinese cultural identity for the northern people based on 11 lived kind where they and what of culture the place provided for them. A few days later Chen Qingzhi fell ill with acute heart pains. When he asked people to cure him Yang Yuanshensaid that he could do it, so Chen Qingzhi him to come. Yang Yuanshen filled his mouth with water and spurted it asked Chen Qingzhi. 'Wu devils', he said, 'live in Jiankang. You wear your over hats too small and your clothes too short. You call yourselves "a-nong (Fnjfn)" "a-bang and each other Your staple foods are the seeds of tares and drink tea, sip at water-lily soup, and suck at crab spawn. In your grasses; you hands you hold cardamorns and you chew betel in your mouths. When you find yourselves in the central lands you long for your home country and %) for fast back Danyang (ff humbly As to as as you can go. scamper your bom devils, you catch fish and turtles with your nets from islands in rivers is lotus-root, hair long. You still nibble at water-chestnut and pick when your broth frog and oyster stew as great chicken-head" plants, and regard delicacies. In your hempen coats and grass sandals you ride facing backwards ft Qjj), On Yuan Xiang (ý, the on water-buffaloes. ... See Wang Meihsiu, "Kongj ian jueding wen hua" lunshu, de 188-218. wenhua pp. shenfen-Luoyang qielanji T- Jiang (ýT_)and Han (jM) in Lishi, kongiian, 160 float the rivers you wield along with the current or row upstream; oar as you dances, in You like fishes you gape whirl white grasseloth your as you swim. ballads. Clear fast the scattering off as as you can-go waves as you sing your back to your Yang province (4gj+j)., 112 Obviously this description of southern culture was designed to belittle it. At the end of this, the longest argumentin his book, Yang Xuanzhi put a conclusion into the mouth of Chen Qingzhi, a southernerwho had seenthe light. When the Prince of Peihai was executedChen Qingzhi scurried back to Xiao Yan, who appointed him Governor of the Metropolitan province. Chen Qingzhi gave far more responsiblejobs to northemers than had been given before, which made Zhu Yi so indignant that he asked why. 'Ever since Jin and Song times', Chen Qingzhi replied, 'Luoyang had been called a desolate here is barbarian; Yangzi but that the region, and we say everyone north of a found families Luoyang I to that out on my recent visit of capped and gowned live on the northern plains, where proper ceremonial and protocol scholars flourish. I cannot find words to describe the magnificent personages I saw. In the language of the old saying, the imperial capital was majestic, a model for the four quarters. How could I fail to honour northerners? Men who have been hills, have little Tai Mount think those and of mere who on the climbed Yangzi or the open sea despise the Xiang and Yuan.' From then on Chen Qingzhi adopted the Wei style of feathered canopies, insignia, and dress. Gentlemen and commoner alike south of the Yangzi competed in imitating 112 0---, LYQL-Jch.2. pp. 113-114.Jenner, p-202. 161 him; wide-skirted gowns and broad belts were worn even in Moling It seemsto me unlikely that people in the south would have changed their life style because of what Yang Yuanshen had said and what Chen Qingzhi thought. However, Yang Xuanzhi had made his point here: Seeing Luoyang a desolate region and people north of the Yangzi as barbarians was a serious mistake. The identity he creates for Luoyang is as the true centre of Chinese civilization. He also enjoys pointing out the mistakes of southern scholars. The Gu River ('*R*) , it flows the winds around city walls until eastward W) Jianchun Gate joins Canal Yang (W the the outside and at the Stone Bridge. The bridge had four columns, and on one south of the river was the inscription 'Built by the High Artificer Ma Man (F,%) in the fourth year of A in in (WV6,135) Han'. In (527) third the the year of xiaochang our yangiia dynasty floods from a torrential downpour destroyed the bridge, burying the The In the two still columns north of road stand. my view southern columns. the statements in Liu Chengzhi's Mountains and Rivers Yesterdayand Today ;ý7 114 -7 P The Western Expedition Yanzhi's Dai and N A ff gE) that this bridge was built in the first year of taikang (280) during the Jin p both born it Yangzi As I the they south of and were see are completely wrong. had never traveled in the central lands until they passed briefly through them did the that they not see most of antiquities meant which while campaigning, basis heard fabricated the they of what accounts on with their own eyes and so 113 LYQLJ ch.2, p. 114; jenner, p.203. 71, '"Mountains and Rivers Yesterdayand Today(W) I I-N WD also titled Yongchu II Yongchujunguo by 7 ri (A -rEf ýJjj zhi was written shanchuan gujinji 9E) 1P (#qý Western Expedition dynasty. The Qi Southern = was written Liu Chengzhi of the f&Fjrý). books The in (, Dai Zuo Sui E, L! two (f& 7), Yanzhi are recorded -, Dai by named also -', jingjizhi. 32, shu 162 11 5 for long. later deceiving been have too They their travels. students on In this story Yang shows us evidence that the southerners were no longer the true heirs of Han Chinese culture. They could not get their history right. All they had was memories of the north, memories that could be reduced by time. In a short had been from Luoyang Yang too tells that the sentence, southern scholars away us long to be sure about the details of Luoyang. Their insistence on their Chinese cultural identity depended on their memories of the past and that was unreliable. The way of life of Chinese in the south, one of the factors in cultural identity,, had also changed.In LYQLJ there is another story about how Wang Su revertedto diet he had lived in for Luoyang a northern when some years. Yang said that when Wang Su first came to the north he did not eat or drink such things as mutton or yoghurt-drink, feeding himself on carp broth and drinking tea. But several years later, when at a palace banquet with the emperor Gao zu, Wang Su consumed a great deal of mutton and yoghurt. Gao zu was astonished. Wang Su was then asked to compare the difference between Northern food and finest land, fish is food. 'Mutton He the the the of product and answered, southern best of the watery tribe. They are both delicacies in their different ways. As far as flavour goes there is a great gap between them. Mutton is like a big country the Qi size of Zhu fish like (U) Ju (Pw) Lu small states as and are such and and (-A). Tea is way off the mark and is the very slave of yoghurt. " His answer made Gao zu very happy and then Gao zu gave them, the guests of the banquet, a riddle, is Chinese it to character 'xi the answer a meaning 'practicing, learning', used to', or 'changing gradually" The palace Counsellor Liu Gao (WA) 1" LYQLJ ch.2, p.70, Jenner, p. 176. 000, made a practice of drinking only tea 163 (jýfAýE) Pengcheng Prince to The for Su's Wang said out of admiration of style. him, 'Instead of the eight princely foods, sir, you are like a drowned slave. You foul followed by be the the the to could rightly smell or the sea who man compared woman who practiced frowning. ' The Prince of Pengcheng also teased a southern in his household in this way. From then on everyone was shamed out of slave drinking the tea provided at banquets given by the court and the nobility except the from had from Yangzi the the refugees other side of who come afar to submit; they " 6 liked it. still This story contained some complex indications about southerners and is diet because he It Wang Su's northemers. not clear whether change of was be formal because he to wanted polite on a occasion or wanted to win more in high in he Luoyang. When acceptance society said that tea was the slave of he below That yoghurt, was ranking southern culture northern culture. made the happy. did he do liked However, He this to northern people quite sincerely? still drink tea. Drinking tea was a mark of southemers in Luoyang. Moreover, Yang tells us through the story that people in Luoyang always hoped to have a high identity in drinking had Chinese tea true which no part. cultural cultural identity, a Nor should we ignore Gao zu's riddle: learning and practising. People always determined identity by learning It their practising. was not and cultural could create by ethnic origin or the past. As we shall see in the next chapter. In sum, Yang Xuanzhi reconstructed Northern Wei Luoyang not only for different identities for but it the to city reconstruct and also what personal nostalgia identities for he looked back Through the city constructing and represented. 116 LYQLJch. 3, p. 136; Jenner, pp.215-216. 164 final By its Luoyang Wei history Northern crisis. period and re-measured the of the for identities himself he identities Luoyang the the constructing also redefined of and the people like him who had been living in the north under non-Chinese rule He flourishing also made a clear response to and experiencing sinification. southemers' claims to be the true heirs of Chinese tradition by asserting that the had book be hopes it. Chinese His that north culture may also expressing preserved be dominant broke down. Eastern Wei to the would continue as order 000, 165 Chapter 4 Yanshijiaxun Yan Zhitui and Yanshijiaxun (ATIIPýV)11)was a book which reflected a different kind of identity problem during the Northern and Southern dynasties. Compared with Huijiao, and Yang Xuanzhi, Yan Zhitui (AflZift the author of Yanshifiamn, had harder identity problems to deal with. On the other hand, the identities which Yan Zhitui reconstructed for himself and recommended to his family in Yanshijiaxun in life future. toward the were more useful real and more oriented vanshi Jiaxun --- A family instruction and a book for recreating identity A 99 Yanshi Jiaxun (YSJX) was written by Yan Zhitui (531-590+) in the late period dynasties. Southern Northern the and of The origin of the family instruction writings can be traced back to Confucius (Ii, his learn Songs Book demanded the the that and proper rituals of son who Similar works were written in the Han Dynasty. However, unlike the YanshiJiaxun, fragments in discourses, book these writings were usually essays with systematic a family instructions Yanshi Jiaxun The to the prior contents of or a single essay. following first is instructions The into fell three type the categories. one of usually (A. Zhitui "Yan (Mffi) Yue Miao nianpu See 226-252. 1978; Sanlian pp. Hongkong: sbuju, tr)", in Dushi cungao -qj" -ql- 166 for family members' behaviour and demands that family members' be diligent in studying. The second type is posthumous: testaments setting out rules for family members. The third type includes an account of the author's own history and a family genealogy.2 Yanshi Jiaxun has a much wider scope than earlier family instructions. It not only includes all of these categories but also discusses literature, phonology, art, social customs and religion. Therefore, Zhou Fagao held that, 'The family instruction genre set by the Yanshi Jiaxun is Furthermore, its later be by unprecedented. essence could not captured even 3 followers. ' In the history of Chinese writings, YanshiJiaxun was usually regarded not only as the "starter of the family instruction literature ,4 but also "the model of the family instructions. 5 ,, The book has been widely circulated since early Tang times. It was welcomed by both Confucians and Buddhists, and was also 6 by descendants the propagated of the author. On the title page of this book the author is usually given as "Bei Qi Huangmen Shilang Yan Zhitui (ýLAAMM qMAR,, 7ý7M)"--Yan Zhitui, the fact but Qi, YSJX Northern Secretary the was not completed in of supervising during the Northern Qi, parts of the book mention occurrencesand eventsearly in the Sui (Pfq) dynasty. There are also some words replaced to avoid the personal 2 For a categorization of the family instruction literature, seeZhou Fagao Fl--, -J in 22: 2, Dalu de zazhi "Jiaxun wenxue yuanliu 22: 3,22:4; 1961. 3 See Zhou Fagao, "Jiaxun wenxue de yuanliu". 4,, 10, )of Song dynasty, Zhizhai Shulu Jieti (P*J& Zhensun Chen See dynasty, in Ming his (ýEF-gj4) Sanpin "Jiaxun Wang lei of -ZaJia and Gujin Shiwu Kao GýVI/4MV) chapter 2. Following their comments many researchers have referred to YanshiJiaxun with such praises. H diss.. PhD Zhituiji -Hý-JE=ýJj Yan Yazi You qijiaxunyanjiu See 279. 1991, daxue Guoli p. suo, guowenjlanjiu Taipei: shifan 6 See Wang Liqi (ýEf 11ý9ý"Preface of Yanshijiaxunjýie 1. 1983, ing Hanj p. Taipei: wenhua :gongsi, _I 167 history Sui dynastic In dynasty. Sui the the name of shu emperor of the A-) it is (F"FjFEI also mentioned that Yan Zhitui took part in a meeting to discuss court music in the second year of kaihuang (rffl*, 7 582). The book was probably started late in the 8 Northern Qi and was completed in early Sui. The reason why this Northern Qi official title was used, according to Wang Liqi (Tf fjýg), was because whoever put 9 book highest in his this title on the thought this rank was the one career. The book includes twenty chapters in seven juan (S). The contents are: Preface, Teaching children, Brothers, Remarriage, Family management, Customs and manners, Admiration of men of ability, To encourage study, On essays, Reputation and reality, Meeting practical affairs, To save trouble, Be content, A becoming heart life, The Turn to warring against nourishment of your warriors, Buddhism, Evidence on writing, On phonology, Miscellaneous arts and Last will. When we read the book we find all chapters are concerned with practical family for family looks like his in is, It It matters. a manual guiding many subjects. as the family. for in his book instructions Yan the of author says preface, a What is remarkable is the number of different matters on which he gives family how is in fact handbook Yan book The the on was to create and a advice. in identity its troubled times. preserve The author of YSJX.---Yan Zhitui and his life Yan Zhitui's family was originally from Linyi in Langye (fjý ýý W, ýq 7 SeeSui shu (PFjM) "Yin yue zhi 8 See Li Zhenxing(jýf&ffi). YanshiXamn (f= "Introduction (49-*, )-offinvi ý11),Taipei: Sanmin shuju, 2001. pp. 2-3. Aa, )- of Yanshijiaxunjýie 9 See Wang Liqi GEf Ug), "Preface Q,,, 1-2. 1983, pp. Hanj ing wenhua gongsi, UQ Taipei: 168 Linyi, Shandong). His ninth-generation ancestor Yan Han Rui later Yuan Emperor 7c :-ýr followed Sima Dynasty Jin Eastern 317-323) the of r. (317-420) and moved the family to the south when the Jin dynasty lost power in ' 0 Jing, Marquis Yan Han China. Sima Rui's In the of northern was entitled court the highest rank ever bestowed on the Yan family. Yan Han created a respected for his did family in China their status not stand social status southern although Me families, Wang (T) Family to the the the equal most aristocratic such as and " (M) family. After several generations, Yan Zhitui's family still enjoyed the privilege of holding high positions in society and in the court. Yan Zhitui's grandfather Yan Jianyuan (Aflyjýf,%) was a leamed scholar who served the Emperor He (THV, 501-502) of the Southern Qi ( 479-502 ) from when the emperor was still a prince. When Xiao Yan (464-549), the future Emperor Wu of the Liang dynasty, took the throne from the Southern Qi and founded his own regime in 502, Yan Jianyuan 2 ' father Me death in himself Yan Zhitui's Yan to protest. starved so he jobs loyalty his that at court and only worked avoided respected grandfather's for princes in the provinces. Yan Me worked for Xiao Yi (XM), Xiangdong the Prince of ýY, (W7-C; 552-555) future Liang Yuan Emperor the of the and Liang Dynasty in Jingzhou for almost his whole life. He was famous for his '0 For the biography of Yan Han, seeJin shu ('At) 88, "Biography of Yan Han" included in the collective biographies of "Biographies of Xiao you 11 According to Albert E. Dien, the Yans' family belonged to the second category of lower (531-591 in Chih-tui A Buddho-Confucian", "Yen See Dien, +): status of noblemen. Arthur F. Wright and Denis Twitchett (ed.) Confucian Personalities. (Stanford: Stanford Ranguang 43-64; Mao Zhongguo zhonggu shehui 1962). Press, University pp. fiFffl Taipei: Lianjing chuban gongsi, 1988. shilun Nan shi QM*-4-1) 72,"Biography of 12 See Liang shu 50, "Biography of Yan Xie in included biographies biographies the both Xie", collective are of Biographies of Yan (Jjo 40, Zhou Yan ZhIyI iff) Also -Biography shu of see wenxue 169 3 ' wide learning and his calligraphy; he also was a writer and a poet. His abilities and achievements in art and literature had deep influences on the younger generations of the Yan family. I will discuss this in a later section of this chapter. Z(9,9, Yan Zhishan and Yan Zhitui had two elder brothers, Yan Zhiyi 14 r=: I When their father died young, his elder brothers took on the responsibilities of guiding Yan Zhitui's education. Yan Zhitui was bom in Jiangling (ýIk) when his father still served Xiao Yi as a secretary in the prince's office. His family followed Xiao Yi to other places and were supported by him for many years. When Yan Zhitui was eighteen he became a secretary and a gentleman-in-waiting to Xiao Yi. In this year Hou Jing (fq'ýy-,) started his rebellion. The tragedy of Yan Zhitui's 111 life and of his country was beginning. In 55 1, when Yan Zhitui was twenty-one, he by in Hou Yingzhou (3TFj+j) Jing's troops was captured and was sent to the capital Jiankang ( L-*)*). Next year the rebellion of Hou Jing was suppressed by Liang's dynasty became Xiao, Yi Liang the the armies and emperor of in Jiangling. Yan Zhitui was set free and returned to official life. He served Xiao Yi as a Gentleman Cavalier Attendant (San qi shi lang, in and was put charge of editing the imperial library. In the third year of chengsheng 554), when Yan Zhitui become Wei, Northern Western to the the the twenty-four, shortly armies of was Zhou, invaded their capital Jiangling. The Liang court could not fight back for they had never recovered from the serious damage caused by Hou Jing. Xiao, Yi, Emperor Yuan di, was killed and many officials, gentry and aristocrats were Among Yan Zhitui Wei his Western by them the were armies. and one of captured 13 50, "Biography of Yan Me (9pl)"and another biography for him EEI See Liang shu (ýRAt) biography in 72. His in Nan 3ý *wenxue the classified title was shi the same with for biographies poets. and writers collective " See Miao Yue,"Yan Zhitui nianpu" in Du shi cun gao, p.219. 170 elder brothers, Yan Zhiyi. They both were sent to Chang'an. In the first year of taiping 556) of Liang dynasty, also the seventh year of tianbao fffg) of Northem Qi OBIVýIr-'), Yan Zhitui fled with his family from Chang'anto the Northem Qi capital Ye becausehe had heardthat Northern Qi would sendLiang envoys and others back to the south. However, in the next year Liang was overthrown by Chen (P*) while Yan was still waiting in Ye (9) to be sent back to the south. Yan Zhitui had nowhere else to go. That year Yan Zhitui was twenty-seven. He stayed in Northern Qi territory becausehe had no other choice. Yan Zhitui became an official of the Northern Qi from the ninth year of tianbao (558) when he was twenty-eight. He held several different official wqiý, his highest in Huangmen to positions until promoted position, shilang t,-a), the third year of wuping (RZF, 572) when he was forty-two. He also became one in Wenlinguan the the of editors working Institute of Letters) where for learned As Yan the talented, government. was scholars compiled encyclopedias in important figure Wenlinguan. he became He the was in an and good at writing friends documents. Ting He Zu (Ijitifff), made with one charge of writing most court Emperor Hou the zhu of of prime ministers Northern Qi 565-577). (r. the of They often talked about literature and assessingpeople in the Wenlinguan. Wenlinguan was founded for cultural purposes; however, it also had political 151n MJý) Qi (r,,, Yue there Miao the court was always northem suggested. purposes as between Chinese, Xianbei between military officials and civil officials, and conflict in friend Wenfinguan. His Zu Zhitui the Yan close was working especially when Wenlinguan Chinese leader the the civil officials, and Ting was seen as a was of Chinese together and civil officials gathered scholars and the where place as seen 15 See Miao Yue, "Yan Zhitui nianpu"" in Du shi cun gao. p.24 1. 171 tried to enlarge their power. In 573 the conflict resulted in a tragic incident. In the winter of 573 the emperorof Northern Qi decidedto go to the northern hard his Jinyang did he the to trying stop city of were very annies when as usually for Some had time. troops southern some moved northward successfully which in leave this critical the thought the that officials capital emperor should not for in they the to the a moment so capital and wait emperor remain petitioned better time for his imperial joumey. A Xianbei official, Han Feng (qw'-FK),told the emperor that the motivation of these officials was that they were planning to rebel. These officials, including four who were members of the Wenlinguan, were further investigations, families their executed without were enslaved and their property was confiscated. As Dien pointed out, the violence and cruelty of the itself Behind does the the not seem at all consonant with remonstration reprisal friction between Chinese Xianbei the the the at and whole affair we may glimpse 16 Yan Zhitui was supposed to sign the petition; however for reasons that the court. it. his He he did through the crisis unharmed on came name put not are not clear but it undoubtedly had a great influence on Yan Zhitui's life and thinking. That forty-three. he was year Nothing is known about Yan's life from 573 to 575. In 575 his name was finance. first In law the to tax support state connected with a suggestion about a V6,577) You Emperor (1*, zhu of year of chengguang Northem Qi, the of Qi 0L Mr, Yan Northern ) Zhou the Northern without much resistance. conquered the Northem Chang'an the back together to with other officials of Zhitui was moved in job had Zhitui Yan Zhou the court Northern no official probably Qi. Under the 16 Albert E. Dien, "Yen Chih-t'LJ (531-591+): A Buddho-Confucian", in Arthur Wright Stanford University Press, (Stanford: Confucian ) (ed. Twitchett personalities Denis and 1962); pp-43-64. 172 for about three years until the second year of daxiang ()ý% 580), when he was fifty. He became yushi shangshi (Mý, ' ý in the Censorate. The following year, _qý), Yang Jian took the throne from the emperor of Northern Zhou and made himself the first emperor (Wen di 3ZIW, 581-600) of a new dynasty, Sui (581-618). There few have in Sui dynasty. As Zhitui Yan the the are records about early years of we seen he participated in a meeting to discuss court music in 582 although his by know he We the that proposal was not accepted emperor. also was appointed to from the Chen dynasty in 583 and he took part in an argument receive envoys dynasty lasted be by the to that the about new calendar which was more new used than ten years from the fourth year of kaihuang (rfflQ, 584). There was no held in his Sui dynasty; however, Yan that the evidence any official position under last year, the tenth year of kaihuang (590), he was summoned by the crown prince to be his Instructor and received very high honours. The date of Yan Zhitui's death is not known; however, there is no record about him after 590.17 Yan Zhitui's problems of Identity Throughout his life, Yan Zhitui lived under several different regimes, half of his "Guan In by founded them autobiographical prose-poem, non-Chinese people. (&AýLPA, wo shengfu A Reflection on My Life), " he said, "Throughout my life I his " According these three to three own commentary, shifts through shifts. went in Emperor iian Liang Jing Hou the Rebellion of which wen was of refer to the 17 This brief introduction of Yan Zhitui's life is basedon Bei Qi shu (JLWýX) 45, including (ZýU', his to "Wenyuan ZhituiYan zhuan which attached "Biography of fu", Miao Yue's Yanshijiaxun Zhitui "Guan "Yan and wosheng biographic prose-poem nianpu-. 173 killed; the attack of the Westem Wei armies which almost destroyed the government of Liang and took him back north as a prisoner; and the termination of 18 Northern Qi by the Northern Zhou. However, in fact Yan Zhitui went through the four shifts- He does not mention the termination of the Northern Zhou by the Sui regime. He had to deal with not only the adaptation to a new environment but also the issue of identity when residing outside of his mother country. Obviously, this formed a major problem that troubled him throughout his life. In Guan woshengfu, he mentioned that he was a man of a destroyed kingdom, and he compared himself to Jing Bo (ýr-fn) of the Spring and Autumn period and Su Wu (q,,A) of the Han 19 Dynasty. Jing Bo became a slave of the Qin State after his country was destroyed. Su Wu was sent out as an envoy to the Xiongnu (,WPV,) but was held hostage and had to serve as a shepherd for nineteen years. Yan Zhitui also himself Wang Zhaojun (T-R-"jR) Princess Lady Wusun to and compared ri -V) who both had to marry foreign rulers forge political relationships between Han Chinese and people of other ethnicities and therefore were exiles for their entire lives. Metaphors such as the birds whose wings were hurt when its home caught fire, and fish whose gills were exposed when it was taken out of water were used in Yan Zhitui's prose-poem to describe his own situation. He also regretted that there fun himself He for him the that made of was so vast. within universe was no place &imitate -) Shouling (XI; like the to tried the ý graceful steps of who of man as Handan (ttýW), and ended up forgetting his own way of walking even before he He like lost big totally learn traveller the was also a who was steps. on a new could 18 See Bei Qi shu 45. "Biography of Yan Zhitui". 19 See note 18. 174 himself descriptions head All did know these to. to of mountain and where not point to an identity problem. When captured and brought to northern China, Yan Zhitui had to deal with the identity issue which could be further analyzed into different aspects. These various facets of his personal identity issue caused Yan Zhitui deep pain. In Yan Zhitui's biographic prose-poem, we find traces of this pain. In another of Yan Zhitui's works, the Yanshi Jiaxun (The Family Instruction of the Yan Family), we can find how he worked on releasing this pain and reconstructing identities for himself and his family, so as to avoid such disaster in future. The identities Yan Zhitui reconstructed for himself and his family For preserving family status and for helping the Yan family to continue in the fature,, Yan Zhitui gave advice to his descendantson many different aspects of the identities they would need. By constructing those identities, Yan Zhitui also identities he family for himself identities Of the all reconstructed, reconstructed first. identity came Family identity In YSJX family identity is regarded as the most important identity. Since the Han dynasty, families were seen as the core and the foundation of Chinese society. Dynasties could be short-lived, but a family could last for many generations over When it if their dynasties members acted properly. and was well managed many influence dynasties, families Southern the lived the Zhitui of aristocratic Yan under houses. They than that of ruling greater occupied even sometimes great, very was formed alliances with each other to high status, controlled social resourcesand 175 keep their wealth and power. During the period of Northern and Southern dynasties personal status depended on family status. The Yan family were middle-level aristocrats when they lived in the South. The origins of this family identity went back to Yan Zhitui's ninth generation ancestor Yan Han, whom Yan Zhitui frequently refers to. The most important contribution he made to his family was that he establishedthe social statusof the Yan family by political services to the ruling house of Eastern Jin. Yan Han's descendantsmaintained the status he gave them and enjoyed the privileges which belonged to it until Yan Zhitui's generation. When Yan Zhitui was captured and he lost in his family have North, As to the the time. sent seen, status at same we his in had low life he had North the time the most of of no official post or only by his by his He those talents ranking positions. earned positions and abilities, not family background. Had his family been a powerful one in the north the situation him different. have been These that personal abilities and taught experiences would family identity were both important to a person. In the advice he gives Yan Zhitui gives much attention to how a family should be run if it was to win and maintain a securestatus. How was this kind of family identity to be? Important internal tasks were the brothers, between in keeping care good relationship education of children, family. having the good management of marriage and remarriage and Education of children Yan Zhitui told his family that education was a very old tradition, and that 20 his family He in kings told that also education. needed antiquity the sage even 20 See Yanshijiavunjýie ch.2 -Teaching Children", p.25 and ch.8, "Encourage Study", 176 become barbarian identity: a civilized could education could changeone's even a 21 focus loyal ideas three Yan's teaching on points: starting and children man. on their education as early as possible, teaching them with both love and strictness and encouragingthem to model themselveson people who were admirable. He told his family the best time for starting teaching children was when they were very young and it should be accompanied with strict training. He said, As soon as a baby can recognize facial expressions and understand approval in is disapproval, be begun doing he told and training and should what bamboo For the rod stopping when so ordered. several years punishment with be Parental dignity avoided. should strictness and mingled with tenderness lead boys feeling to and girls a of respect and carefulness and so will usually filial piety. arouse 22 , If the proper time was missed, the result could be very bad. He said, After the child has formed proud and arrogant habits, they begin to control him. But whipping the child even to death will not lead him to repentance, he increases his After the the resentment. parents only growing anger of while 23 but last becomes a scoundrel. nothing at grows up such a child In the way of teaching he insisted on a strict Policy. He told his family that daughters did intend to their teach not sons and not ordinary parents who could lead them into wickedness; they feared that heavy reprimands would cause the injure by bring face, themselves to the loss children and could not of children Yen Yen (Leiden: E. J. Family instructionsfor the Ssu-yu, clan. shih chia-hsiin. Teng 1; 14 p. is from Yanshijiaxun Wang In the text 52. thesis 4 this all quoted of 1968); Brill, p. and p. is based Teng's English YSJXJJ, translation the on Liqi, Yanshijiaxunjijie, noted as Teng. translation, noted as 21 See YSJXJJ ch-8, "Encourage Study", p. 192, Teng, 73. 22 See YSJXJJch-2, "Teaching Children", p.25; Teno, p.4. 23 See YSJXJJch.2, "Teaching Children", p.25; Teng'.p.3.. 177 rough beating. He made comparison with medicine: if drugs, medicines. 24 be illness the cured. acupuncture and moxibustion were not used, would not Those who were strict in reproving and training were not being cruel to their own 25 flesh and blood. They had no choice. He then gave his family examples of 26 failure and successto show his insistencewas reasonable. Besides strict education,, Yan Zhitui also emphasized care in how children friends how his family He told made and associated with people. a sage was not easy to meet and an extraordinary man was rare. Therefore a learner should 27 treasure the opportunities when they meet a model person. For him personal influences were very important. When men are young, their minds and emotions are not settled. With imbued, dyed they they closely associate, are soaked, moulded and with whomever have laughing Even though they thinking, no and acting. each other's way of intention of imitating their associates, they are quietly moved and unconsciously for As they conduct and skill, end up resembling each other. changed, and naturally the case is even clearer, for these are easier to learn. Therefore, "to live with good long in is like time, one will after a where, orchids of a room staying people is like living bad in be to people a associate with sweet-scented; naturally dried-fish shop, where after a long time, one would unavoidably become imbued 24 See YSJXJJch.2, "Teaching Children", p.28; Teng, p.4. 25 4-7. 29-32, Teng, Children", "Teaching 2, YSJXJJch. See pp. pp. 26 bitter the the toward of children reflected this rearing that Dien claimed stem attitude his lost Zhitui Yan Zhitui's Yan parents at an early age, and was lessons of own childhood. being Yan Zhitui brothers his by brought orphaned. contrasted the after elder up therefore indulgent, by his love to the instruction undemanding parents of conduct proper in careful in life. for his Dien latter blaming early the poor showing brother, claimed experience his lies tendencies that toward the this one's natural are "Behind assumption evil that well as ( Chih-tui Dien, "Yen 53 1-59 E. 1 See Albert " +) firmly be :A controlled. must and Personalities; 43-64. Confucian Wright. F. in Arthur pp. Buddho-Confucian". 21 See YSJXJJch.7, "Admiration of Men of Ability", p. 128; Teng, p.46. 178 ") grieved about the rapid changes of color with the odor". That is why Mo Di (M, IM when silk is dyed, and why a superior man should be careful in selecting friends and companions. Confucius said, "Have no friend not equal to yourself" It is impossible to meet such wise men as Yan and Min in this generation, but any one 28 is who superior to you merits your respect. He was obviously concerned with the social environment the family lived in kinds and what of people they associated with. This was part of Chinese education tradition since Confucius's time. In Chapter Six of his book, "Customs and Manners", writing about when he lived South of the Yangzi, he had a good educational experience naturally and directly, even apart from working at his books, just as pigweed grows up straight in the midst of hemp.29 There may be something behind these words. From other indications in his book he may also have more worried that his family would be influenced by non-Chinese culture. He expected the younger generation would learn from some other people worthy of respect. Keeping good relationship between brothers Brotherhood was another important element in constructing family identity to Yan Zhitui. As he said that "those who regarded human relationships as important brothers be the trustworthy are of who parts same physical with necessarily must inheritance and have the same spirit. As infants they are led by their parents' left or front back They hand the their to or garments. eat at parents' same cling and right from down In have handed to they the one another. school the table, wear clothes direction. Even in though take the their same sometimes tasks walks and same 28 See YSJXJJch.7, "Admiration of men of ability", pp. 128-129. Teno. pp.46-47. 29 See YSJXJJ ch.6,"Customs and manners p.69; Teng, p.22. 000, 179 In -)ý30 loving help brothers disorderly, each other. quarrelsome and still cannot Yan's words, brothers are another self to a person. Especially after the death of their parents, they became the most important and closest people in the world to like he Therefore, "brothers an each other. should regard each other as related said, body bequeathed love its its They to the to object should shadow or a sound echo. by the deceased and have sympathy with the spirit which is a part of their own; 3 1 brothers brothers As these are who else except can share common elements?,, failure the unit, and successof any one of them will relate to each other, moreover, that will influence their whole family. In a short sentence, a successful family is based on a good relationship between brothers. For Yan Zhitui it was essential that the men of future generations of the Yan family should support each other and not quarrel. Care in marria,!ýe and remarriage The relationship between adult brothers also involved the relationship between their wives. Yan told his family that sisters-in-law often became the ones between brothers. He "When hurt the grown, each marries a said,, relationship who little is They begets there coolness even when cannot avoid a children. wife and brothers, between Sisters-in-law, them. true affection are more compared with distantly related. If such distantly connected persons are used to measure intimate base, like be it necessarily placing a round cover over a square would affection, brotherly by deep-seated be This that affection avoided only may unsuitable. hurt by -32 As the be the are ones who sisters-in-law will others. changed cannot 30 See YSJXJJcli. 3, "Brothers", pp.37-38, Ten,,, p.9. 31 See YSJXJJch.3, "Brothers", pp.40-4 1; Teng, pp.9-10. 32 See YSJXJJch.3, "Brothers", p.3 8; Teng, p.9. 180 "The He be between has it brothers, to relationship therefore said, prevented. relation between elder and younger brothers differs from that of other persons;to expect too much easily causes hatred; close intimacy is apt to produce resentment. Take living in a house as an example. When there is a hole, stop it up; or a crack, it; plaster there will then be no danger of ruin. If one is careless about sparrows and mice and defenseless against wind and rain, walls collapse, pillars are undermined house be Servants like the and cannot saved. and concubines are sparrows and mice; wives and sons like wind and rain-how terrible! 33 ý, While this suggestion it how important it him brothers to that shows sexual prejudice also shows stay was Otherwise the continued identity of the family would collapse. united. A stepmother could cause more serious damage to a family. He told his family, Among the common people a second husband generally loves the fatherless child of the previous husband;but the secondwife is certain to maltreat the is This because the son of previous wife. not only women cherish jealousy have but husbands indulgent inclination, because while an also circumstances bring about such a result. A fatherless child of a former husband dares not dispute about family property with the son of the new husband, who fondles for him devotion love between them. and gradually arises and grows and cares A son of a former wife was always ranked above the later children; in training for government service, and in marriage, etc. he was given protection and so he was maltreated by the stepmother. If those doted on were of a different father be hated; if done by the the or mother would mistreatment was surname the stepmother, the brothers became enemies. Any family where such 33 See YSJXJJch.3, "Brothers", pp.37-4 1and 43: Teng, pp.9-10. 181 34 conditions are found, facesdisorder in the household. He also warned his family against promoting a concubine to the status of wife. From his viewpoint, that kind of promotion would only cause more troubles for the family. It would cause trouble to a family if their member's marriage or remarriage from he Interestingly, were not arranged wisely. saw marriage alliance with people high status or wealthy families as dangerous to the Yan family's solidarity. Yan Zhitui therefore told his family to be careful about it. He reminded them that their ancestor Yan Han had warned that the family should not covet a girl from a family. powerful 35 Simple marriage arrangement irrespective of social position was the Ching Hou established rule of our ancestor Nowadays there are those daughters for buy their who sell a woman with a payment of silk. money or They compare the rank of fathers and grandfathers, take account of trifling items, ask for more and offer less, just as if bargaining in the market. Under in family boorish the son-in-law might appear or an such conditions a honour in household. To the covet and seek arrogant woman assume power for gain are, on the contrary, incurring shame and disgrace; is that not lack of 36 care? As we shall see elsewhere,,Yan Zhitui believed that a key to family survival was danger. caution and avoiding Good management of the family 34 YVXJJ ch.4, "Remarriage", pp.49-50; Teng, p. 1-3. YSJXJJch. 13, -Be Content", p.316, Teng, p. 126. 36 See YSJXJJch.5, "Family Management", p.64, Teng, p.20. 182 Family management was another key point to ensure a family maintained a proper identity. Yan Zhitui suggested that the younger generations should manage best family He the in that this their thought was with strict rules as a government. in ferrule "If He and wrath are not used way to prevent making mistakes. said, family discipline, the evil practices of mean-spirited sons will immediately appear. If punishments are not properly awarded, the people will not know how to act. The ý37 in is in family the same as a state. use of clemency and severity governing a However, rules and punishment should be reasonable. Family rules that were too strict or too loose would bring trouble and dangers to the family. An official in the south mismanaged his family by using extreme severity and oppression. His kill hired to together an assassin wife and concubine 38 intoxicated. him while he was A northern official who was too loose in managing his family house His which was rented out was almost suffered when a servant ran away. 39 demolished for fuel by the slaves and servants of the tenant. He also asked his family to live a simple and economical life. He claimed that 40 this was the Confucian tradition. The family was to work daily at producing food For Yan Zhitui this not only led them to live frugally but also would give .41 them practical and useful experience for the future. No doubt he drew on his own did be from like He Yans the to not want catastrophe. experience of recovering aristocratic youth. Living in a time of peace, they do not know the disasters of a time of chaos; 37 See YSJXJJch.5, "Family Management", pp.53-54-,Teng, p. 16. 38 See YSJXJJch.5. "Family Management", p.56; Teng, p-17. 39 See YSJXJJch.5, "Family Management", pp.56-57; Teng, p. 17. PFAm! Arffff ( "' The words of Confucius seeLun yu ('fiHN=n: ý-)"and-Taibo "Shu pian er pian -rrIj) fn MFFFI)"- 41 See YSJXJJch.5, "Family Management", p.55; Teng, p. 16. Z-- OOP 183 lodged in court palaces, they do not know the worries of a battlefield; know do the toil of they maintaining a source of regular emolument, not farming; commanding subordinates and giving order to the people, they do for know is difficult it hard Hence the to them the meet not work of corvee. needs of the times and to handle practical affairs. 42 He thought such practical physical exercise would also be useful to family management and to being an official. He criticized again the young generation of Southern dynasties aristocrats. They had lived in Jiangnan (ý:[M) for eight or nine lived hard farming, but "not them generations, still on a salary. one of worked at Since all that they had was done by young slaves, they had never seen the furrow did know blade the they removing of a of soil, nor pulled a of grass; not fundamentals know in How then they to other of sow or reap. could month which home Therefore, they they could achieve nothing; at world affairs? as officials, 43 idleness leisure. faults , All these of and are could manage nothing. Based on the simple and economical life, Yan did not encourage his family to family had his He He too personal standard of wealth. property. much accumulate female in family have "I the twenty that thought of mouths male and a said, always ffl) land ten twenty of good ch'ing persons, with slaves should not at most exceed horse keep house to away wind and rain; a carriage and just good enough and a simply to take the place of walking stick; and a reserve of some ten thousand coins for the expenses of lucky, unlucky, and urgent circumstances. If the family has be distributed in if it the these rest should charities; than and requirements, more has less than this standard, the difference should not be obtained unrighteously. ý44 92. Teng, p. 115. 42 See YS.JXJJ ch. 11. "Meeting practical Affairs", p.22 41 See YSJXJJch. 11, "Meeting practical Affairs", p.297, Teng, pp. 116-117. 44 See YSJXJJch. 13,"Be Content", p.317- Teng, p. 126. 184 This is slightly different from other family instruction in the later dynasties. In those family instructions the authors usually encouraged their families to 45 accumulate property as a kind of fund for helping relatives in need. Yan Zhitui had some opinions on women's duties in the family. In his prejudiced view women by their nature could not treat the family fairly, and easily in family be in family. Therefore trouble the caused a should very cautious 46 arranging women's positions and their duties. He said that women in presiding household foods over supplies should use wines, and clothing only as the ceremonial rules require. In the state women should not be allowed to participate in in family important be in they to politics; should not permitted meddle other it in helping they talented, they their talents matters even were wise and should use by men supplementing the latter's deficiency. He said no hen should herald dawn lest misfortune f 0 110 47 W. He praised northern women, who were so superior to 48 their southern sisters in the arts of weaving and sewing and in embroidery. His between but did the that sexes concern was not with equality with ensuring women family identity into the the the to threaten of which they continuation of nothing married. Official identity Necessity of constructing an identity as an official 45 See Zeng Chunhai, "Song Yuan Ming Iixuej ia de j iaxun" in Furen xuezhi-renwen 51-78. 28, bu pp. no. O*shitzhi 40 See YSJXJJcli. 5, "Family Management", p.62-63, Teng, 47 See YSJXJJch.5, "FamilN,management", p.59. Tenton, p. 18. 48 See YSJVJJch.5. "Family management", p.62; Teng, p. 19. 185 For survival and for helping their family to continue, constructing an identity be family. Being Yan Zhitui Yan to as an official was essential to eligible and the an official no matter what dynasty was in power would help the Yan family to ensure both their security and their livelihood. Political identity would also help their family to reconstruct their gentry identity and standing even if they had to leave their own country to serve a new regime as officials. Yan told his sons and grandsons that when they came to the north, My brothers and I should not have enteredgovernmentservice,but becauseof the decline of our clan fortune, the weakness of our family members, the lack of superior persons within five generations, our scattering outside our native leaving influential be help fear lest to country no man you, and my you should debased to the level of servants and bring disgrace upon our ancestors, therefore have brazenly taken a public post, hoping to preserve the family from fall. in Moreover North the the status government regulations a are so 49 is that strict no one permitted to retire . In this passagehe shows that he is aware that by strict Confucian standards it was family However, first the to the preserving serve a second regime. was wrong between him his Yan Zhitui YSJX In a conversation mentioned and elder priority. "I Silu (goh, Yan son, Chang'an Northern Qi to the they after were moved when It was overthrown. said, Once Silu said to me, " At court you have no stipend or position; at home, you have saved no money. I should expend my strength to care for you, for you have faithfully taught and trained me by hard work on the classics and histories. If I prove ignorant of performing a son's duty, how can I feel at 49 See YSJXJJch.20, "Last will", p.534, Teng, p.21 1. 186 his in keep " "A I him, mind serving ease? son should corrected saying, his let If I father insist son. you stop your parents; a on educating should food, in to to studies provide me with good clothing and order make money the food would have no flavor and the garments no warmth. If you attend to the way of the earlier kings and continue the profession of our family, I will be content with vegetable soup and a wadded robe. ,50 A political identity that could survive changes of regime was important at least to family family identity. the to support maintain Official identity could also provide an opportunity for the family to have contact with the real world, put their knowledge into practice and add to their did his family be like He to experience. not want young southern aristocrats who knew how but did know how have He "In I to to talk the only not act. said, world letters seen men of who can comment on ancient and modem writings as easily as pointing to their palms; yet when employed on probation, most of them are 1 incompetent. .5,5 From what he had told his family, it shows that his consideration in constructing an identity as an official was based on family needs, security, development. survival and Practical and safe official idenjLty What kind of official identity would meet these needs of their family? What kind of official was the ideal for Yan Zhitui? A professional civil official of the best. middle rank was He told his family there were six kinds of officials they might become: 50 See YSJXJJch. 8, "To encourage study", pp 193-194, Teng, p.74. ýj See YSJXJJ ch. 11, "Meeting practical affairs", p.292, Teng, p. 114. 0011, 187 First, as court officials, drawing upon a thorough understanding of polity, policy making, wide learning, and refined manners; second, as officials drawing history, literature concerned with upon an ability to compile and and forget legal documents to phrase old precedents; third, as and statutes, and not drawing decision-making military officials, power, strategic resources, a upon drawing body fourth, frontier strong upon and actual experience; as officials, fifth, love honesty, a clear understanding of popular customs, and of people; in the diplomatic service, drawing upon a grasp of the situation, and adoption bring that of suitable policies no disgrace to the emperor's orders; and sixth, in drawing as officials charge of construction, upon a capacity to accomplish a in due time with good economy, calculation, planning and piece of work diligent in be by Each these those study and who are method. of can achieved in has its human As strength and weakness, a man careful conduct. nature if has ideas in but be be to one general expected capable all six ways; cannot he have in through them them one of ably, will no about all, and can carry regret. 52 He also made suggestions to his family about how high a rank they should aim at. On this issue he rather tended to caution. He warned his family more than once not for in is He "It for high to to seek an official stand a position of said, safe position. front fifty in in back, fifty he the and another can see a persons middle rank with from insult danger. him In is to and case a position protect sufficient number decline it, to this, to courteously and retire your private should you superior from family his this He that their ancestor -53 home. told was a warning received il See YSJXJJch. 11, "Meeting practical affairs", pp.290-20 1, Teng, p. 114. 51 See YSJXJJch. 13, -Be Content", p.319; Teng, p. 127. 188 Yan Han, who passed down the words that the Yan family was a home of scholars. and for generationsit has never been rich or noble. Hereafter the official position of the Yan family should not be higher than an annual salary of two thousand piculs of rice. Yan Zhitui said that through his life he had kept these words in mind 54 famous as a saying. Yan Zhitui employed the words of the classics to tell his family to be content high to and not seek position. A middle ranking position would be safe for an individual and for a family. Even ancient kings and emperors could not avoid failure when they were unsatisfied with what they owned and became greedy.55 What he told his family here was not only book leaming but real personal experience. He said, "In this time of chaos I have seen many who utilized the opportunity to obtain wealth and position by luck. In the morning they took important charge of affairs, at night they were buried in graves; on the first day of the month they were as joyful as Zhuo (*) wept like Yan Yuan and Sý) Zheng (, and on the fifteenth they This did not merely happen to five or ten. ,56 The higher the office the more dangerous it will be. Especially in time of disorder high office would have been too risky to Yan Zhitui and threatened the his family. continuation of Someofficial identities should be avoided For maintaining the Yan family in a safe position there were some political identities the Yan family should avoid. We have discussed how Yan thought that high official rank would be dangerous. There were two other kinds of officials 54 See YSJXJJch.5, -Be Content"', p.316, Teng, p. 126. See YSJXJJch. 5, "Be Content", p.317, Teng, p. 126. 56 See Y,5JXJJ ch.5, "Be Content", p.319. Teng, p. 127 olý 189 they also had to avoid becoming although these were included in the six identities family. his These he two told categories of officials about which official were military official and admonitor. (a) Admonitor According to Yan Zhitui, not every official had the responsibility of giving admonition to their rulers. He told his family that: Censors are used for rectifying the emperor's errors. If you are in a position have to speak, you ought to perform the duty of giving the emperor where you duty, down You take admonitions. should not shun your your your ease, cast head and close your ears. But you should "in every possible way wait on and 57 him,, in do nourish your thoughts, not go out of your place". If his descendantsfollowed his advice that they should stand in a middle rank with fifty officials in front and behind them, then they would not have such it he However, the that to to rulers. seems still responsibility give admonitions by family his to that a ruler writing petitions or might offer admonition worried he into family his For trouble therefore expressed to walk not advising memorials. directly what he thought about the admonitors. He said, Based on their styles and manners, we may say that those who criticize the like divulge those the censors; who strengths and weaknesses of a ruler are fond belong failure those to the category of of making of ministers successor legal charges; those who analyse the advantage or disadvantage of state affairs those try to like and who support or undermine candidates examination are individual their to someone according interests are like the wandering 57 See YSJXJJch.5, "To save trouble", pp.306-307-,Teno, p. 120. 001, 190 inspires luck the ruler who accepts by If the politicians of old . ...... memorial it for the time of need,,the author acquires a priceless reward at the beginning; but eventually unexpected execution might befall him Modem people . ...... do feel However, integrity there to with so. all ashamed would and virtue into to the to those the memorials get court and present were at gate who wait high The they their express speak plans. contents are mostly superficial; but lack for All the that they say sounding words a grand plan whole project. is trifling, like chaff. Not one proposal out of ten is worth adopting The ....... emperor, who wishes to maintain his fame and influence in the outside, may 58 fellows, They but lucky excuse them. are unworthy of your association. Yan Zhitui's criticism of those who offered admonition was very strong. He evidently was remembering what happened in the winter of 573 when he was in life. his family's he losing his For Wenlinguan the to working and came so close he definitely did his descendants disaster. While to not want meet such a security his life for offering unwanted advice might win glory this an official who paid with for family identity Yan to avoid. the was an (b) Military official Yan Zhitui also did not want any members of his family to become a military official. Yan Zhitui disparaged military identity. He said that "those who are trained in horseback have be five the mastered riding can properly called weapons and using do forthwith they but not study, call modem scholar-officials who, when warriors, q See YSJXJJch. 12, "To save trouble", pp.303-304; Teng, 119-120. 191 themselves 'warriors' like in rice-sacks and wine-jars. are reality simply 59 " "Usually men of the world who study can only talk but are unable to put their knowledge into practice both by despised they are ridiculed and military men ....... 60 humiliating it He the that and vulgar officials. most was was telling us if by looked by down educated people were warriors. vulgar officials or upon Yan Zhitui said that in his family the traditional career was being a scholar, his dynasties From Qin Han time not a single the not a military official. and until member achieved success through a military career. Some of his ancestors whose lives were related to military affairs had simply been brawlers. Some of his high had ancestors who reached military ranks all perished. Two of those military 61 had involved been in rebellion and killed. ancestors From the passage we see how deeply Yan Zhitui wanted his family not to be learn his family He that to told military military officials. without any concealment for be them. the to right choice a military official was not skills or In recent times of disorder and dispersion some noble scholars, though followers discarded have and gathered a crowd of without strength or skill, their original occupation to seek a chance for military glory. Since I have for I to mind avoid such adventures up my made my ancestors, respect have seen modem scholar-officials, I have some physical vigor, who immediately rely upon it. Unable to wear annour or bear weapons to protect brag dress they and about their physical gallantly the state, act mischievously, danger death, leads large On to this to and on a small scale scale a exploits. S9 See YSJXJJch. ] 5, "A Warning against becoming warriors", p.326; Teng, p. 130. '0 See YSJXJJch.8, "To encourage study", p. 161, Teng, 60. See )SJXJJ ch. 14, "A Warning against becoming warriors". pp-320-321 - 192 disgrace and insult. No one can escape.62 From Yan Zhitui's viewpoint the rise and fall of a state and the successand failure of an army was in fact related to how knowledge was used. Learned scholars could have positive effects on military actions, but he did not want his family to acquire much military knowledge and take part in the making of military strategy, because that could easily lead to trouble. He said that: I have frequently seen scholars who have read some military books but possess little experience in strategy, during peaceful times look upon the disdain, in the misfortune and calamity of others and take palace with rejoice the lead in revolt, cheating and injuring good people. In time of war they fan contrive and rebellions, repeatedly persuading and deceiving others by every means. They can not foretell who will survive and who will fall, but impulsively leader. Such to any practices are the root of will give support 63 family destruction. personal ruin and It is not clear that how much his disagreement with military identity was related to his experience of the event of 573 caused by the conflict between civil and military is how Chinese. It between Xianbei much the not clear either and officials and had down looked the military officials upon southern custom which usually 64 in Yan Zhitui's in it is However, his that thinking. eyes and very clear affected his thinking, to be a military official and to learn military skills and knowledge was identity family for help and survival. no 62 See YSJXJJch. 14, -A Warning against becoming warriors", p.32 1, Teng, pp. 129-130 63 See YSJXJJch. 14, "A Warning against becoming warriors", p.325,- Teng, p. 130. 6' About the military official was looked down by upper class of southern society in this Jýr)ýIHE j iangzuo ('jjýE: Shaoxing. -Lun Su See shizu gongchen wu fifffj see period. Lianjino (Taipei: de Nanchao in LiangJin chuban gongsi, shi.:u jýjfjj' 1987)ýpp-26-28- 193 Identity as scholars and gentlemen As Qian Mu (Jýjfg-)has pointed out, being an official and a scholar were two in family identity important the to of gentry most reconstruct and maintain ways 65 dynasties. YSJX Southern Northern In the status under we and many chapters of see Yan Zhitui encouraging his family to construct the identity of scholar. The importance of stgdy Yan Zhitui told his family that studying is very important for everyone from kings and emperors of antiquity to ordinary people.66 Study would increase one's knowledge and ability to understand the world 67 and open the mind and clarify 68 in help become Through to the vision order study people would one's conduct. dutiful sons and loyal subjects. People who were arrogant and extravagant would become humble and frugal, inspired by the ancients. Although studying could not from learning be knowledge the acquired can always make a person perfect, applied profitably. 69 However, the main reason why Yan Zhitui wanted his sons and grandsons to key identity that the to the to and was of a gentleman, construct study was family he his identity. family First told that their studying was of all maintaining from distinguish He important to a gentleman a commoner. said, the most way OSSee Qian Mu (Jjf3-), "Lue lun Wei Jin Nanbeichao xueshu wenhua yu dangshi mendi H4, r9M ftf h,l ZE *A 1-ý ýkj in MýL Zhongguo Aff IN `ff3Z xueshu sixiang 4 zhiouanxiM 1 ý'ýýirCjjg, Donoda 1977), (Taipei: M, 152. Oll tushu gongsi, p. -shiluncong(FP[, -, Lti,, 66 See YSJXJJch.8, "To encouragestudy", p. 141, Teng, p.52. 67 See YSJXJJch.8, "To encouragestudy", p. 154: Teng, p.56. 68 See YVkJJ ch.8. -To encourage study", p. 160; Teng, p.59. LI 69 See YSJ.VIJ ch.8. "To encourage study", pp. 160-161: Teng, p.59. 194 Of the children of scholar-officials, not one is untaught, beyond a few years of Zhuan (%Mf), (FT[V) Li Those those the through while and age. who read more, go 0-6-, ) Lun less Shi do T the who read and not neglect fi FM Having arrived at the habits bodies their are generally age of capping and marriage, when and formed, a double effort is needed in instruction and guidance to take determination have faculties. Those their advantage of ambition and who should be trained and encouraged so as to accomplish their proper professions. Those without firm standing will thereafter drop down to the level of common 70 persons. Moreover, Yan Zhitui thought that studying could help his family to survive in times of disorder and also maintain their gentry identity. During chaotic times hard keep Many to their original social status was maintain. aristocrats could not had been did diligent in But a man who status; some not even survive. studying his identity had have than those to who more chances survive and preserve would Yan not. said,, After the time of dispersion and disorder, when the court was overthrown and in those charge of civil service examinations were no conditions changed, longer their relatives as before; the chief ministers who assumed power no longer belonged to the former party. Forced to depend upon themselves, they in do they they of put charge practical affairs, were when were nothing; could had Wearing they taking no more pearls; garments, coarse off the use. no of hide of a tiger. the real body was disclosed. They were as forlom as withered Tottering in trickle thin the the area an exhausted stream. of trees---or as 70 See YSJXJJcli. 8, "To encourage study", p. 141; Teno. p.52. 195 trodden by military horses,they wanderedhere and there until they died in a 71 ditch or stream. But a real scholar would be able to adapt himself to any difficult circumstances. He told his family, Those who have learning or skill can settle down anywhere. In these disordered times I have seen many captives who, though lowbred for a hundred generations, have become teachers through knowledge and study of the Lunyu Ffffp rl F3 and Xiaojing Others, though they had the heritage of for nobility a thousand years, were nothing but farmers or grooms, because they were unable to read and write. Seeing such conditions, how can you not keep few hundred Whoever exert yourselves? can steadily at work on a 72 in the end, never remain a common person. volumes will, It is clear that Yan's first concern was that study could help make his family different from commoners and also could help their family maintain their social disorder. times through of status Scholar as an occupation On the function of study, Yan considered studying Confucian classics was the be like to training an occupation a gentleman scholar was of a scholar, and primary farmer or merchant. He said, Every man born into society should have a profession: farmers plan for deal with goods and prices, workmen go as plowing and sowing, merchants far as possible in making excellent tools and useful objects. artists ponder TenOF, 54. 145: 8, YVXJJ "To See p. encourage study", p. ch. See note 7 1. 0*ý 196 over their methods and techniques, warriors practice archery and horsemanship, scholars interpret and discuss classical books.73 In Yan's eyes to be a scholar was an occupation. The occupation of scholar could better from family in offer than protection and any situation what was received from state. He said, To understand the ideas of the Six Classics or to wade through the writings of the hundred philosophers, even though this cannot add to morality or improve it conduct, nevertheless is a resource on which one can depend. You cannot be dependent father brother; always on a or an elder your home region and be state will not always protected. Some morning there will be a sudden scattering, and no one will be left to take care of you; you will have to call on your own resources. A proverb says, "To amass wealth by the millions does not compare with the mastery of a small skill. " Among valuable skills easy to learn there is none comparable to reading.74 It is surprising and unusual that Yan Zhitui openly considered being a scholar as an occupation and saw study as a kind of professional training. To defend his family's future identity he was brave enough to break with tradition. Although Wang Liqi 7 knowledge in fact his it that -5 was vulgar, argues use of was practical. Yan 16 in in anticipated the emergence of the specialist cultural matters the modem west. Advice on sLudy 73 See YSJXJJch.8, "To encourage study", p. 141, Teng, p.52. 74 See YSJXJJch.8, "To encourage study", p. 153; Teng, pp.54-55. 7i Wang Liqi's (Týfjýg) words is in YSJXJJ"Preface", pp.3-5. 71 Yu Yingshi (54, VR4) idea from Talcott Parsons' The intellectual.- a social the ý7: employed de Yingshi. fazhan See Yu "Gudai zhishi jieceng xingqi yu role catego)ýY4 (Guilin: Guangxi 0ý,RjkEq4p, R)" in Yu Yingshi ivei!ji vol. shifan daxue 25-99. 2004)ý pp. chubanshe, 001, 197 Yan Zhitui gave very clear advice to his descendants on how and what to study. His main points include: starting young, practical study, diligent study and broad study. (a) Starting young Yan suggestedto his family that the proper time to start studying is the earlier the better. Because when a man is young his mind is concentrated and sharp; after 77 his thoughts and reasoning powers are scattered and slow. He took his maturity own experience as an example and told his family that, When I was seven years old, I could recite the fu poem describing the Ling-kuang palace and by reviewing once every ten years I can still it. After my twentieth year, if I put aside for a month the classics I had recall ).)78 read, then my memory was vague or confused. In the Confucian tradition the ability to memorize texts was very useful. If an early longer then to one should start study anytime even when no start was missed young. He told his family some stories about people whose early neglect of study was 79 is foolish for later by He "It those still said, age. conscious effort at a overcome late for the time to too the capping regard and as age of marriage uneducated at face ignorant ýM Even the to against wall. with one's starting study, and so remain become better that a gentleman and was study at an advanced age, one could still becoming a commoner. than giving up on study and (b) Diligent study 77 See YS.JXJJ ch. 8, "To encourage study", p. 166; Teng, p. 6 1. 18 See note 77. 79 SeeYSJXJJch.8, "To encouragestudy", p. 166. Teng, p.62. 80 See YVXJJ ch.8. "To encourage study", p. 166-,Teng, pp 61-62. - 198 Yan also encouraged his family to study diligently. He told them some stories about the people who studied with diligence. The story of Emperor Yuan of the Liang dynasty was one of them. Emperor Yuan of Liang(r. 552-555) once told me that in Kuei-chi (ftfft he fond he He twelve, when was then suffering was already of study. was from sores so severely that he could not close his hands or bend his knees. He hung a reed curtain to keep flies away from his private room where he sat alone and studied with a silver pot of Shan-yin wine, drinking frequently to day he determined Yet the to read more than twenty alleviate pain. every historical by himself, him. Sometimes to teach tutor chuan of works with no he might not know a single word or understand a single sentence, but he held himself to it unconscious of fatigue. 81 , 82 If an imperial prince could do this, so too could commoners. Chu Chan (7'ý)W) of 1-yang (&FA) originally later moved to Yang-tu (Mg). lived in Chiangling and He was assiduous, but his family was poor for few days, he Having to eat a nothing often without any property. having he blanket fill his When to no stomach. was cold, or swallowed paper bedclothes, he lay down hugging a dog. When the dog also became hungry, it it food. His to to return moved the calling voice vainly pitiful steal ran away his he became did he Still studies, and ultimately not cease a neighbors. Garrison Secretary South Adjutant (Chennan lushih scholar and served as ts'anchiin, 83 Xiaoyuan (*)--c) respected. a man whom in it is diligent Yan is This of one person a case study as said. an unusual case, yet See YSJXJJch.8. "Toeilcourage study", P.188; Teng, p.71. See note 8 1. 83 See YVXJJ ch.8, "To encourage study", P.189. Teng, pp.71-73. op" 199 Through the stories Yan showed his family that studying hard was important irrespective of one's original social status. (c) Practical study In studying Confucian classics Yan advised concentrating on the true meaning and practical value of the classics. He had no time for scholars who merely In the their teachers. texts the the remembered of classicsand repeated words of 84 practical affairs not an item of such knowledge was useful. When asked a in hundred they simple question, which words would answer you with several 85 idea, if there was no main nor could they give you a summary asked. He told his family, A proverb of Ye runs, 'A doctor of literature or an erudite man bought a donkey and wrote three documents in which the complicated character Iii (W.) for donkey does not appear once.' If you should follow this doctor as your 86 teacher, I would be choked with anger. In his thinking, the books written by the sagesare to be used for teaching people. If learns the text the thoroughly commentaries and and roughly classical studies one become in a perfect constantly makes progress one's speech and conduct, one can 87 As he regarded study as training to construct the identity of the scholar man. family, he his for his desirable to asked sons and grandsons career a gentleman, is it He in "Time said, valuable, passes away as practical study. spend their time quickly for important You and practical should read extensively as water. 84 See YVX. JJ ch.8, "To encourage study", pp. 169-170. Teng, p.63. 85 See YVXJJ cli. 8, "To encourage study", p. 170. Teng, P.64. 86 See note 85. 87 See YV. kJJ ch.8, "To encourage study", p. 170. Teng, pp.64-65. 200 knowledge 88 help Confucius ,, to your career and service. learning, With , says, emolument may be found in it. ' Nowadays people are diligent in seeking useless knowledge. I fear that is no profession. )589 (d) Broad study Aiming at the practical function of knowledge Yan encouraged his family to depending did bound by Conftician He texts study widely, not only on or classics. not agree with narrow-minded scholars who did not pay attention to perusing many books but only read the texts of the classics and prognostic interpretations and 90 comme aries. When I first went to Ye, I made friends with Ts'ui Wen-yen (W3Za) of Po-ling (t4, FA,, Hopei). Once we discussed Wang Ts'an's (ýE)V, 177-217) in is there collection of writings, which some criticism of Cheng Hsuan's (fiý interpretation of the Book of History (NP Ts'ui reported this point to F=_1 the other scholars. One of the latter was about to speak, but he suddenly felt disturbed saying, 'In a collection of writings there are only poetry, loose PA), inscriptions (ming, (fu, poems (lei, and eulogies on epitaphs how can there be criticism of the classics? Furthermore, I have never heard the name of Wang Ts'an among those of ancient scholars.' Ts'ui laughed and him Ts'an's "91 Wang work. withdrew without showing This story shows that Cui was superior to other so-called Confucians. By broad knowledge be than that ordinary scholars richer and acquire would study one could his He family becoming "A in told help that scholar. a professional scholar a great 88 See YSJXJJch.8, "To encourage study", p. 170. Teng, pp.64-65. 89 See note 88. 90 See YSJXJJch.8, "To encourage study", p. 176, Teng, pp.64-65. 91 See note 90. 201 should honor wide learning of names of principalities and states, mountains and rivers, official posts and surnames, garments and clothing, food, utensils, and institutions; he likes to trace the sources to their origin. Avoiding the influence of Daoism Yan Zhitui set out a curriculum for his family. First of all they had to study Confucian texts, after which they could extend their study to other fields, such as history. Among the Confucian texts Lun yu 0FNri N- Shifing philosophy and G, Lifing (ifi"I Zuo (ýEfl#) Xiaojing ý), zhuan and v, was taught in his youth. 93 He he first the texts were which kind basic these of saw primary studies as a guarantee of their living and identity even after a catastrophe. He told his family, "I have seen many captives who, though lowbred for a hundred generations, have become teachers through knowledge and study of the Lun-yu and Hsiao-ching. ,94 Taking Confucian classics as the centre of knowledge then extending to the knowledge of other fields is the ideal knowledge system for Yan Zhitui. One ideas Six Classics the the and explore the writing of the of should understand 95 hundred philosophers. However, his attitude toward the texts of Daoism was Laozi He that the teaching of said very cautious. and Zhuangzi (r±-T) was to perfect one's true self, nourish one's true nature, not to let worldly cares 96 As for the representative figures of Daoism like Laozi and entangle one's self Zhuangzi, one "hid away under the title of a court recorder and finally went off to distant deserts, while the other concealed his tracks as a small official in Ch'i-yuan 91 8, "To YSJXJJch. See 9, See YSJXJJ ch.8, "To p.2 Q4See YSJXJJ ch.8, "To 95 See YSJXJJch 8, -To 96 See YSJXJJch.8, "To 001, encourage study", p.209; Teng, p.80. 14 land 1, "Preface, 22; Teng, p.52 and study", p. ch. p. encourage 145; Teng, 54. study", p. p. encourage encourage study", p. 153, Teng, p.54. 178; Teng, 66. study", p. p. encourage 202 ( Mj,,Rfl) and eventually declined to become the chief minister of Ch'u Such Daoists mostly devoted themselves to seeking for their nature, escaping from secular boundaries and pursuing freedom. This was no help in preserving family identity. You should know about such texts, but not be too influenced by them. He criticized some of the Daoists of Wei and Jin dynasties, such as He Yian (fq*) Wang Bi and in had done being What Daoists. they was as not real fact against the true meaning of Daoism although they were all famous leaders of 98 Daoists and adherents of their abstruse progenitors. As for others who were fettered in the midst of the dust and dregs of the mundane world, or who were 99 for fame and gain, how could all of them be mentioned. About pure talk crazy (qingtan, ý'Fgg) which was closely related to Daoism, Yan said that one could fine ideas from it the simply select some of and analyse the profound and minute mysteries to please the mind and ear in conversations with friends. Yan's attitude toward Daoism was quite different from that of some people in his time although Daoist activities like pure talk were one of the standards for distinguishing one's 00 ' family status. In other words, it was a useful cultural and social accomplishment, but not a suitable way of life. From this point we may once again see that his identity is family "Daoism for only. not essential security and concern was about "101 It help to the certainly or establishing good customs. was no world saving Yan's family in constructing the identity of scholar and gentleman. Proper writing and pronunciation 9' See YSJXJJ ch. 8, "To encourage study", p. 178; Teng, p. 66. 98 See YSJXJJ ch. 8, "To encourage study", p. 179, Teng, p. 69. 99 See note 98. "0 See Qian Mu, "Lue lun Wei Jin Nanbeichao xueshu wenhua yu dangshi mendi zhi 1. 19 guanxi", p. 101See YS.JXJJch. 8, "To encourage Study", p. 179; Teng, pp.69-70. 203 The identity of a gentleman scholar was constructed by study and learning. but also needed to be recognized by other people. Therefore external presentation family his important. Yan to speak Zhitui the was also younger generation of asked and write in a proper way even during their childhood. Their speech was seriously drilled and corrected. Yan considered any single mispronounced character as his fault, he own and never gave a name to any actions, words or objects without 02 ' books. consulting However, times changed and the language changed too. He accepted the fact that in different times there must be different writing styles with changed he had his deal to charactersand own method with the situation. When I first read the Shuowen(gq3Z), I despisedthe charactersused in the form,, feared in I If I that no one could the correct world. wrote a character fact it it; followed I If I that the the was recognize vulgar style, was aware of learned hardly After I As I start writing. more study, a result, could wrong. how to adjust myself to the changes. I modified my former obstinacy and books, forms I In the still select writing essays and adopted a middle course. in dispatches have official and classical respondents, while of character which 103 forms. follow I the vulgar social correspondence simply He was teaching his family to know how to write in the proper way, but not to insist on so doing if this might make things difficult for them socially or in their doing his family that He they research when work would reminded also careers. have to determine right or wrong and all the available information about characters 04 1 be then. needed would 10' See YSJXJJch. 18, "On phonology", p.474, Teng, p. 190. 103See YSJXJJ ch. 17, "Evidence on writing", p.463. Teng, p. 184. 104See YSJXJJch. 17, "Evidence on writing", p.462, Teng, p. 183. 01», 204 As for pronunciation, Yan Zhitui said that people of different regions of China different dialects; and it had been so since the beginning of mankind. From spoke 105 He made ancient times, his own language and customs had frequently changed. his famous observation and analysis as below, The climate of southernChina is mild and agreeable;human soundsare clear, high and warm, but their weakness is that they are shallow and superficial, and their expressions are unrefined. The topography of northern China is heavy, distinguished the austere and stem; people's voices are sonorous and and earnest; their speech is full of ancient expression. In general, a southern better however, than gentleman speaks a northern gentleman; a northern better his than peasant speaks southern counterpart. The speech of a immediately be detected if he dresses southem-educated gentleman can even hand, behind On the as a commoner. other a wall you cannot tell a northern if listen day. from The to their conversation all a peasant even you courtier Wu-YiIeh imbued have been the the usage of with southerners states,, barbarian habits. have Both have their the assimilated northerners while 106 in detail. " deep-rooted defects which are too numerous to be discussed From his analysis it seems that both northern and southern speech had been his family he influences. However, by clear guidance still gave regional changed because better than southern gentlemen spoke northern that southern speech was better than northern gentlemen. As he wanted his family to construct a gentleman following identity, scholar language be the and pronunciation would southern 187 19 1. 105See YSJXJJch. 18, "On phonology", pp.473 and 487, Teng. pp. and L106See YSJXJJch. 18, "On phonology", pp.473-474; Teng, p. 189. 205 better choice. Presumably he had found from his own experience as a southern prisoner in the north that his southern way of speech was an asset. He also reminded his family that even southern aristocratic language might sometimes not be good, because it had been influenced by uneducated people. He said, The ancients said, 'It is hard to train pampered youths, ' meaning that because of their pride, extravagance and conceit, it is impossible to discipline them. I have noticed that most of the princes, lords and maternal relatives of the emperor speak incorrectly, because they have been imbued with the speech habits of their poorly educated guardians and tutors at court, and they lack 107 friends good teachers and outside the court. " From Yan's thinking, writing and speaking in the proper way not only showed but one's education also showed one was a gentleman. Conversely, speaking and in the wrong way would deconstruct one's identity of scholar and also writing debase identity would one's of gentleman. In all this Yan's concerns were practical: help family in the an educated way of speaking and writing would survive uncertain times. Good customsand manners Yan Zhitui paid particular attention to customs and manners. In YSJX there his family, He this told subject. was a whole chapter on In the Li fing Classic, I have noticed that the teachings of the sage dustpan broom, the and spoon and chopsticks, the way of use of concerning holding candles and washing oneýs coughing and spitting, saying yes or no, hands: all have their apportioned texts which are quite comprehensive. But lo' See YSJXJJ ch. 18, "On phonology-, p. 504; Teng, p. 196. 206 since there are omissions, the book is no longer complete. In cases that are not mentioned or where affairs of the world have changed, well-leamed,, in followed have been have their superior men made own rules which practice. For this reason the customs and manners of the so-called scholar-officials have differed considerably from family to family, and they have discussedeachother's strengthsand weaknessesaccordingto their own viewpoints. Observing their main roads leading north and south, one will, 108 however, learn the best by oneself." So-called customs and manners of the scholar gentry had long been a tradition of Chinese. It was a life style based on the Confucian system. Every gentry educated family would stress their own customs and manners and their family members would learn it naturally without special teaching. That is why Yan told his family that he had learned all his best customs and manners by direct observation without 09 1 books, just the use of as pigweed grows up straight in the midst of hemp. However, Yan thought that this learning environment only existed in the families in his family The lived in the the gentry south. of environment which detrimental for learning these good customs and manners. Therefore he north was had to leave a rough record to help them to learn and to pass down to other 110 his family. generations in Those good customs, manners and rituals Yan wanted his family to learn included: calling people by their correct names and titles, reasonable avoidance, funerals and mourning, and other customs and manners proper rituals of life. in daily The for the number of status examples and stories gentry appropriate 108See YSJX.JJch. 6, "Customs and manners", p. 69; Teng, p.222. 109See note 108. 110See note 108. 207 he gave in this part was large. Qian Mu's opinion is still helpful in understanding why Yan Zhitui had to talk so much about customs and manners of the gentry society in the south. For Yan so-called gentry customs and manners was an important difference between them and ordinary people, it was an identity mark of ' 11 It is the reason Yu Yingshi said that Yan was quite proud of what gentry status. ' 12 In any event, he knew about customs and manners although it was so detailed. Yan had learned the hard way that even when a gentleman lost everything else, he family. his his behavour to could use educationand reestablish Other skills and abilities a gentleman scholar had to obtain To be a gentleman scholar one also needed other skills, including ability in divination, (to play an mathematics, medicine, music writing, calligraphy, painting, instrument), and others. in Ability writing o Yan Zhitui divided writing between what was necessary for a career as an kinds literature for its He that all of argued own sake. official and what was written (-Hff4) Classics Five from derived the and serve many useful purposes such as are in demonstrating justice,, to benevolence merit and virtue order and and manifesting 1 13 look after the people, build up the nation and many other uses. He put the '' 1 See Qian Mu, "Lue lun Wei Jin Nanbeichao xueshu wenhua Yu dangshi mendi zhi luncong; 174. in Zhongguo p. xueshu sixiang shi guanxi112See Yu Yingshi, "Mingjiao weiji yu Wei Jin shifeng de yanbian qý FAIN fflýHLA-ffi FP in Zhogguo zhishijieceng shilun-gudai pian fiffff--Fýft 369. 1980), p. Lianjing (Taipei: chuban gongsi, 113See YSJXJJch.9, "On essays", p. 221, Teng, p.85. 208 for family, his "As He function first, told practical as with other skills. of writing writing essays to mold your own nature and spirit or to give others unembarrassed have If if it is interesting you advice, also a pleasure. part, you penetrate to the leisure after your other activities, you may practice essay writing. "' 14 ýAj)and Shen Yan had a complicated attitude to writing, as Cao Daoheng (-N L-61, Yucheng (aT. ftý) have pointed Out. 115 He liked it. On the other hand he thought that writing ability was often dangerous. He said that from ancient times many men 116 letters from light had He then counted of suffered a mind and a sharp tongue. ) to Me Tiao (M)ft) and claimed that thirty-six literary writers from Qu Yuan (rWJq, 117 Even emperors who also were they all had problems in their moral qualities. free from writers were not entirely moral weakness. "8 I have often thought, on the basis of accumulated experience, a body of essays his him interests, develops the proud and nature, and makes exhibits writer's determined Such trouble affects and aggressive. negligent of control as well as in deeply A letters the generation. proper expression present even more men of fly fact their to the spirits of one or a clever construction of one sentencemakes nine skies, and their pride towers over the other writers of a thousand years. They read aloud again and again for their own enjoyment, forgetting other hurt Moreover, people more as a grain of sand or a pebble may persons nearby. than a sword or spear, their satirical remarks about other persons may spread faster than a storm. You should carefully prevent such habits in order to keep Teng, p.85. ... See YSJXJJch.9, "On essays", p. 2221, 0j) LA?, Yucheng (ý5LýE, ), Nanbeichao Shen ftv, (_ff Daoheng See Cao and wenxue shi (Beijing: Renmin wenxue chubanshe, 1998); p.409. 116 See note H 4. 1-222: Teng, pp.85-89. 1" See YSJXJJch.9, "On essays", pp.2222 118See YSJXJJch.9, "On essays", p.222*,Teng, pp.89-90. 209 119 your original safety. Having literary writing ability could harm a person's safety but lack of it would hamper one's identity as a gentleman scholar. How to strike a balance was therefore a big issue. Brilliance was not his first priority, In seeking knowledge some are sharp, some are dull. In writing essays some dull A are clever and some stupid. student with untiring work may overcome the hurdles to mastery; a stupid hand will be a mediocre writer in the end no how hard the tries. Therefore if one becomes a scholar, one can matter certainly be an independent man; if one lacks the natural gift, one does not 120 have to compel oneself to be a penman. He meant that becoming a scholar was the first concern and it depended on how diligent one was in study. Writing ability did not depend on how much time and his family in devoted it. Yan to that to the efforts you suggested writing essays ideas be to expressions proper style with presentable and readable was enough a 12 1 And when they were writing they had to control their emotion talented scholar. and will. He said,, Writing an essay is analogous to a man riding a horse. Even though the horse has excessive strength, its speed should be controlled by a bridle; you should 22 1 fall into ditches. its let it courseand run out of not Calligraphy, painting and music e For learning other skills and obtaining other abilities which could be useful to Yan had Zhitui identity the scholar, a gentleman always of an eye on constructing 1,9 See YVXJJ ch.9, "On See YSJXJJch.9, "On 121See YSJXJJch.9, "On 122See YSJXJJch.9, "On essays", p.222, Teng, pp.90-9 1. 237, Teng, 91. p. essays", p. Teng, 92. p239, p. essays", Teng, 2248, 95. p. essays". p. 210 their functions and always wanted his family not to cross the line. He wanted his family to learn them but not become too professional in case their gentleman scholar identity would be damaged. In calligraphy, Yan said that it was another face to a person. People sometimes would level recognize one's of family education and by status oneIs handwriting. 123 Good calligraphy also was his family tradition: as we have 124 he father famous he Yan Zhitui's However, mentioned said was a calligraphist. himself was not an excellent calligrapher although he was fond of it by nature. But it was not necessary to be a very fine calligrapher, because "the shrewd are drawn to trouble, the wise to grief, and an eminent calligrapher is always obliged to write 25 ' for from be Wei He took something others, which would a nuisance. examples Dan Wang Bao both of whom toiled at service with pen and ink having family handwriting, his to avoid priding told and regretted good and 126 He said many persons of low position did gain themselves on their calligraphy. beautiful handwriting. Thus "those whose through their recognition or promotion 127 lay for different " cannot plans one another. courses are But Yan's family and other people who were already in the upper class would fame in identity. depend it Having this skill sometimes their to maintain not on could even causetrouble. 128 Painting and In painting and music, Yan's thinking is even more cautious. There in to was certainly no need specialize them music were merely amusements. 123See YSJXJJch. 19, "Miscellaneous arts", p.507; Teng, 198. 124 SeeNan shi 72, "Biography of Yan Xie" attachedto "Biography of wenxue". 125 See note 123. 126See YSJXJJch. 19 "Miscellaneous arts", pp.507-5 10; Teng, pp. 198-199. 127See YSJXJJ ch. 7 "Admiration of men of abil ity", p. 133 and ch. 19 "Miscel laneous arts",, 199. 47-48 Teng, 5 10; p. and pp. p. 128 See note 123.. 211 unless one already had a high position. He told his family, "if your official position is not high enough, you are frequently ordered to paint for the government or for 129 friends, Gu Shiduan " For is disgusting private example, service. which also a LW (810ý: in his both Gu (8.40) Ting and calligraphy, playing son were excellent music and painting. Whenever they were ordered by the Liang Emperor Yuan to felt humiliated. Another gentleman Liu Yue they paint, brilliant a very was "-r scholar with unsurpassed ability in painting. Later on he followed Prince Wu-ling to Sichuan, where he was compelled to paint the walls of a temple for a high 130 lived Yan said, together with other craftsmen. official and If these three scholars had been ignorant of painting, simply engaging themselves in their original humiliations? professions, would they have met such 131 As to music,, Yan said that he was fond of it and we also know that he had such knowledge he in formal took that good about music and once part a meeting of discussion in be Sui. However, the early one should not a performer. court music He said that "At the beginning of the Liang dynasty, children of the respectable lute how have did know to the to play were considered not scholar class who datong the end of missed something, near 535-546), this tradition was , family, he his " But warned completed neglected. for have in this then you will to a reputation art, you should not allow yourself have to entertain nobles, sitting in a humble place and taking the insult of 132 drinking the dregs and eating the cold remains. 129 130 131 132 See YSJXJJch 19 "Miscellaneous arts", p.517, Teng, p.201. See YSJXJJ ch 19 "Miscellaneous arts", p.517, Teng, pp.201-202. See note 130. 526, Tengg. 205-206. "Miscellaneous 19 J YSJXJ. arts", p. See pp. ch 212 9 Divination,, medicine and other skills. Yan Zhitui believed in divination's predictive ftinction. However, his concern disapproved his he family's So identity. of the practice of was survival and divination in this own times for three reasons.First of all, he said that Divination was a work of the sages.In modem times there are no longer good Generally speaking, teachers and many predictions have not come true ....... the yin and yang are bom together with heaven and earth. We cannot but believe their correlation with luck and misfortune, goodnessand punishment. Unfortunately we are far away from the sages, and the current books on divination were produced by the poorly educated with slang and superficial expressions. Their predictions were more often wrong than correct. Obviously he did not want his family to waste their time in such low grade his identity. Secondly, be That to their concern was that would activities. useless divination might bring misfortune to his family. He said, Tradition says that he who understands the yin is (W) and yang principles frequently is disappointed devils; he by and poverty-stricken who envied luck. have bad I noticed that since the near-ancient period the encounters have been Ching Fang diviners Tskilful , Kuan Lu (WM) and Kuo P'u disastrous deaths. but high met official rank all of whom obtained no Hence what the tradition says may well be believed. Finally, he worried about possible problems with the law: the reputation of 33 ' Therefore he be a source of woe when something goes wrong. prophets might divination in he believed it if done family his although off practising warned correctly. 133see YSJXJJch. 19 "Miscellaneous arts", pp.520-521 Teng, pp.203-205. . op" 213 Mathematics and medicine are important and respected professional skills in modem society, but for Yan Zhitui they still belonged to kinds of skill which his family needed to know but should not specialize in as professionals. He said, Mathematics is an important subject in the six arts. Through the ages all scholars who have participated in discussions on astronomy and calendars have had to master it. However, you may take it as a minor occupation, not as a major one. 134 Medicine is very difficult to understand thoroughly. I do not advise you to pride yourselves on being experts. A little knowledge of the nature of medicine and the making of some simple prescriptions for first aid at home is goo . 135 He thought that these two useful skills could help his family in daily life were not to be made their occupation: this would damage their gentleman scholar identity. he As for other skills, such as: archery, chess and tou-hu (Tt thought they z), Q all were refined games and when one was tired one might play at these games be better than over-eating, sleeping soundly or sitting occasionally, which would Still. 136 But he reminded his family again that these games were also likely to duties. A be scholar neglectful of other should not make people self-indulgent and 137 his family learn Zhitui learn Yan All to told to and not of what was an addict. identity the of gentleman scholar and maintaining aiming at one goal: constructing it. identity family through their gentry 134See YSJXJJch. 135See YSJXJJch. 136See YSJXJJ ch. 137See YSJXJJch. ooý, 19 "Miscellaneous 19 "Miscellaneous 19 "Miscellaneous 19 "Miscellaneous 524-525; Teng, 205. arts", pp. p. arts", pp.525-526; Teng, p.205. arts", p.527; Teng, p.206. 527-528; Teng, 207. pp. arts", p. 214 Religious identity as lay Buddhists During the Northern and Southern Dynasties many educated Chinese chose either Buddhism or Daoism as their religious beliefs. At that time,, Buddhism was hand, foreign Daoism, the still regarded as a was a native religion. on other religion. However, Yan Zhitui was not a Daoist believer. Yan Zhitui's skeptical attitude toward Daoism We have already looked at Yan Zhitui's attitude to Daoist philosophy. In Yan's time Daoism was also a very popular religion in the upper classes. But Yan Zhitui Yan Daoism. First rather negative about all, claimed that rejecting was religious of family his family Yan Yan Daoism that the tradition. excluded said religious was diviners discussion the any mention or of prayers of or necromancers, and never made use of Daoist charms or thanksgiving sacrifices. waste money on such crazy superstitions. He told his family not to ' 38 Apart from the family tradition of rejecting religious Daoism, one of the he leaving Daoism behind Zhitui's Yan thought that that rejection of was reasons the secular world and living in the mountain or forests to practise an ideal Daoist life was impossible for most people becausethey had secular duties. A man living in society has entanglements everywhere. In boyhood he has to in is his his the to care of manhood added wife and parents, render service food duties, both The the of and and pressing necessary cost clothing children. hope to that those to the escape such who can are private, and public find from forests the the pomp and seclusion and vanities of and mountains 138See YSJXJJch.5, -Family management", p.68; Teng, P.1 I. Z-- 215 139 world are not one in a thousandor ten thousand. Daoist practices for longevity were doomed to failure. The time and money for in be for had the to an mountains required performed such practices, which duties. And family time, and social extended period of entailed relinquishing one's in the end one would die anyhow. In addition, the price of gold and jade and the necessary crucible and have beyond Those the studied equipment are who reach of a poor scholar. few have hairs the those succeededare as alchemy are many as on a cow; who bones horn. foot Hua (JW) At the the of whitened as a unicorn's of mountain the dead are piled up like jungles. Is there any possibility that immortality can be achieved? Examining the Inner Doctrine (NR) find that even though a we he die immortality, and cannot escape the must eventually man should obtain 140 world. Therefore he directly ruled out such a search. To stress his Point Yan gave how Daoist to practice was. unreasonable examples show Those who nourish their life should first take precautions against calamity by keeping their whole body and nature intact. When there is a life, they can it be lifeless, become have it. When they nourishing will vain. already nourish Shan Pao (-Wr-J) took care of his inner self but a tiger took his life externally; Chang I (ýRK) took care of himself externally but disease destroyed him internally. These are warnings from earlier wise men. Hsi K'ang (ft,ýW) wrote for life but he his the was executed arrogant nourishment of a treatise on Ch'ung Shih toward others. attitude desired to secure the elixir of life "9 See YSJXJJch.5, "Family management", p.327. Teng, p. 132.. 140See YSJXJJch. 15, "The nourishment of life", p.327-,Teng, pp. 131-133. 216 but incurred disaster from indulgence in dissipation. These show how past 141 generations went astray. Those Daoist followers failed to attain the goal of immortality or preserving lives. They even failed to preserve their lives and families at the time of political turmoil. Obviously his concern was on family survival and preservation. Practical medical Daoism Although Yan Zhitui held a relatively reserved attitude towards Daoism, he long Daoism to theories as they seemed accept certain medical as connected with were usedwith caution. If you are fond of nourishing the spirit, taking care of your breathing, carefully regulating the time of rising and sleeping, making suitable from drinking, to careless eating and adaptation cold and warmth, abstaining and taking or preparing medicine according to physical need to avoid 142 fault find. have death, I to then no shall premature He then told his family some stories about how people successfully used Daoist health. their to take care of medicine and medical methods Once I had trouble with loose teeth which were about to come out. The eating learned both I Pao-pu (IlNf hot drinking tzu's painful. of or cold were or hundred Following biting times three them this morning. each on method of have kept it days few I Such for little and up cured, until now. was a practice 143 learn harm do them. to may work; you your no methods killed by be had themselves to But one mistaken use of careful: many people 1-41See YSJXJJch. 15, "The nourishment of life", p.332, Teng, pp. 134-135. 142See YSJXJJch. 15, "The nourishment of life", p.327-,Teng, p. 133. 143See YSJXJJch. 15, "The nourishment of life", p.327, Teng, p. 134. 217 drugs. 144Learning these useful medical skills or prescriptions must not upset the 45 1 By emphasizing Daoism's medical conduct of business or harm their works. function, as Mitsuo Moriya has suggested, Yan lowered Daoism's level from a 46 philosophical to a practical one while promoting Buddhism's social status-' Lay Buddhists While adopting some medical aspect of Daoism and rejecting the overall Daoist view of life, Yan devoted himself to Buddhism. He claimed that belief in Buddhism was the tradition of the Yan family. 147He fact "The that, said of the transmigration of life in three existences, is true and is hearts It in family tradition turn to Buddhism, you to self-evident. a our our it. fully Its in theories the sutras (basic should not neglect profound are explained discourses) and abhidharmas (treatises by later masters). I cannot again briefly here. fearing Nevertheless, them that you are not yet firrn in your praise and narrate 148 faith, I therefore repeat my little advice and persuasion." It showed that Yan was family but his his his family telling personal religious choice also wanted not only to follow his path. The identity of a lay Buddhist which Yan constructed for 144 See YSJXJJch. 15, "The nourishment of life", p.327; Teng, pp. 133-134. 145 See noye 144. 146 See Mitsuo Moriya, Cyflgoku Kodai no Kazoku to Kokka.(Ky6to: Ky6todaigaku Tay6shi Kenky(ikai, 1968), pp.520-521. 147The evidence for the tradition that the Yan family was Buddhist is actually unclear. There is no direct evidence that Yan Zhitui's direct lineal ancestorswere Buddhists. We have known that some Yan Zhitui's collateral line ancestors,such as Yan Yanzhi and his Yan Zhitui's lineage. But Buddhists. devoted the they ancestors of are not main son, were Moreover, Yan Zhitui never mentioned Yan Yanzhi as his ancestor in YSJX.The only time he mentioned Yan Yanzhi's name is when he criticized some writers who were incomplete in their virtues. Yan Yanzhi was one of these writers. For further discussion about this i ssue, see my pubI ication "Lun Yan Zh itu i de foj iao xinyang yu shenfenj iangao de 9;? T, ýA- ff PM 0 ý, a ýýRfm Ofl ('A Yanshijiaxun pian wei yiju guixin ý1 -4 guanlian-yi in Zhongzheng daxue Zhongwen xueshu niankan (rP 06.2007; pp.75-95. 148See ySJXJJ ch. 16, "Turn your heart to Buddhism", p.335; Teng, p. 137. _ILE 218 himself and wanted his family to keep was based on three elements: Hopes for the Pure Land and for the future and, a supplement to Confucianism. (1) Hopes for the Pure Land and for the future Yan had a firm belief in the pure land and the theory of reincarnation expounded in Buddhist sutras. He told his family, Though the body dies, the soul is still preserved. When a man is alive in the it world, seems inappropriate to look for future existence; but after death the relation to former existence resembles that of old age to youth or morning to night. There are not a few cases in society where souls have in dreams, descending upon the body of concubines or inspiring a appeared wife or maid to ask for food or request a blessing. Nowadays people, if humble, blame themselves for poor, sick or sorrowful, without exception deeds in former life. From this point of view, how not cultivating virtuous a for in future the can one not prepare a good place life?, '149 Yan described the world of mystic happiness in the kingdom of Xiangjia (Sankha) inexhaustible; in treasures this and are spontaneously precious where rice grows 150 from fairms for be profit and sericulture. no need to seek world there would Moreover, he said, When one has a son or grandson, it is simply an addition of living beings in the universe; in what does it concern his personal affairs in the future? Yet one bequeaths land buildings. to them loves them takes and of and care and still 151 it Then,,with regard to one's own soul, why should one cast off entirely? "9 See YSJXJJch. 16, "Turn your heart to Buddhism", p.363, Teng, pp. 147-148. 150See YSJXJJch. 16, "Turn your heart to Buddhism", p.360; Teng, p. 147. M See YSJXJJch. 16, "Tum your heart to Buddhism", p-363; Teng, p. 148. 219 By acting well as a Buddhist one could benefit descendants. For Yan, Buddhism for hope bring but bright land hope was not only a also could of a mythical pure 152 have family is I in future has And Qian the Mu that what argued. generations,as discussed that Buddhism's theory of three lives had been employed in Yan's idea of 153 Believing in Buddhism's future life was transferred to three generations. believing in one's future generation. ' 54 He explained to his family that causal retribution was not only a Buddhist belief but also accepted in Confucianism. It was only a matter of time before one's deeds had their consequences.He told his family, If when you see those who do good occasionally suffering a disastrous result doing those or evil sometimes rewarded with good fortune, you complain and doctrine be lie Buddhist the to consider a and a cheat; then the theory of false, be be ) Shun (R) Duke Chou Yao (P, to may said and emperors and like believe What Confucius then to are also untrue. would you and rely and life? the guide of your upon as 155 It seems that he was encouraging his family to have faith in their endeavor and insisted on what they had to do although what they encountered was sometimes looked unfair. Accordingly the causal retribution would repay them with good results eventually. (2) A supplement to Confucianism. is-) See Qian Mu, "Lue lun Wei Jin Nanbeichao xueshu wenhua yu dangshi mendi zhi 196-197. pp. guanxi"; 153See Wang Meihsiu "Lun Yan Zhitui de foj iao xinyang yu shenfenj iangao de , Yanshijiaxun yiju". wei pian guixin guanlian-yi 151My idea is inspired by Mitsuo Moriya and Louis Duprep's The Other dimension: A Search.for the meaning of religious attitudes. 155See YSJXJJch. 16, " Turn your heart to Buddhism", p.354-355; Teng, pp. 145-146. 220 Undoubtedly believing in Buddhism could give Yan Zhitui and his family hope for the future. However, becoming a Buddhist might be seen as opposed to the identity of the Confucian which was essential to the family's identity as by Confucian Huijiao had Buddhist to that scholars. monks were acceptable show standards. Yan Zhitui had to make being a lay Buddhist compatible with Confucian identity. maintaining a We have already looked at the sinification of Buddhism in the writing of HuiJiao. From Yan's efforts in this subject we will learn more about the developing his from lay Yan Huijiao's Buddhist told thinking time of after perspective a family, The two religions, the Inner and the Outer are, however, fundamentally the from in depth became different Gradually they each other and same. very five At Inner there to the the are prohibitions shallowness. entrance scriptures justice, humanity, to the propriety, wisdom and sincerity of which correspond the Outer scriptures. Humanity corresponds to the prohibition against taking life. Justice corresponds to the prohibition against stealing. Propriety depravity. Wisdom to the corresponds to the prohibition against corresponds lust, and sincerity corresponds to the prohibition against prohibition against falsehood. As for hunting and fighting, feasting and punishments, the original be but be the eradicated all at once, people cannot should characteristics of Duke Chou Confucius To from turn to and and reject excess. restrained Buddhism is foolish indeed! 156 Yan's belief that Confucianism as an external guidance, and Buddhism, as an internal teaching, are one was not his invention, the idea and the terms had been IS6 See YSJXJJch. 16, - Tum your heart to Buddhism", p.339; Teng, pp. 138-139. 221 used for a long time. His clear combination of Buddhist prohibitions and Confucian moral requirements has been a widely known method for filling the gap 57 ' between Buddhism and Confucianism even in modem times. This combination in discuss his identity Confucian. We the next this also modified subject will as a family his He this that ordinary men needed education, thesis. told section of also did in Buddhists. Buddhists Buddhist to and so sutras the same way as need study ordinary men need to study the classics. He said, How does the study of sutras and discipline texts by ordinary monks differ 158 from studying the Book of Odes and the Book ofRites by secular students? By this explanation and combination he turned back to the questions of what to identity help his him belief in For Buddhism study and of construction. could family in many aspects, but they still had to keep up an unbroken chain of family identity. I have argued elsewhere that Yan Zhitui's belief in Buddhism was based ' 59 be identity identity like But this to the a monastic one on construction. was not be his family lay Buddhists. He GSZ. He to said, subjects of urged Buddhism has many avenues of approach. To give up one's family by faith is If them. you can really cherish and entering a monastery only one of filial piety, act with humanity and charity, then like Hsu-ta (Sudatta) and Liu-shui (Jalavahana), it is not necessary to shave the beard and hair. How build land be demand to the that exhausted monasteriesor all all could one 160 the people be registered as monks and nuns? Obviously the first choice of Yan was becoming a lay Buddhist, believing in 157See Tang Yongtong, Han Wei liang Jin Nanbeichaofojiao shi; p.443. 158See YSJXJJch. 16.,"Turn your heart to Buddhism", p.3 85; Teng, p. 146. 159See Wang Meihsiu, "Lun Yan Zhitui de foj iao xinyang yu shenfenjiangao de Yanshijiaxun pian wei yiju". guixin guanlian-yi 160See YSJXJJch. 16, "Turn your heart to Buddhism", p.360; Teng, pp. 146-147. 222 Buddhism, practicing some chanting and reading of sutras, but not leaving the family to become a monk. If you, my sons, want to plan worldly affairs and establish families, and cannot leave your wives and sons to become monks, you should nevertheless cultivate your pious conduct, observe the precepts and pay attention to chanting and reading the scriptures in order to provide a passage to your future stage of existence. The opportunity for human life is difficult to get; do it in not pass vaint 161 Becoming a lay Buddhist was his ideal religious identity for Yan Zhitui and his family. They could have the benefit of religion and maintain family identity in the secularworld at the sametime. Modified Confucian We have seen how Yan Zhitui constructed a religious identity for himself and family be lay his Buddhists. He to also constructed a modified also wanted Confucian identity in combining some aspects of Buddhism and Confucianism. In Yan's instructions on his own funeral arrangements we see more of his modified Confucianism. As Dien has pointed out, Yan does not mention the kind of things ' 62 had find in held high the to tomb of one who expect office. which one would Besides not wanting to waste the financial resources of the Yan family he asked his his tomb the to grave array of goods so usual of would not much avoid children 161See YSJXJJch. 16, - Turn your heart to Buddhism", p.364; Teng, p. 148. `2 SeeAlbert E. Dien, *'Instructions For The Grave: The Case of Yan Zhitui-, in ('ahiers dExtreme-Asie 8 (1995), pp-41-58. 223 163 surpassthat of his parents, and thus cast him into the role of an unfilial son. Furthermore, we see how Yan modified Confucian practice by including Buddhist elementsin his funeral. He instructedhis children: The use of the Inner Scripture (Buddhist ceremonies) to raise merits may be determined by your financial strength, but do not use up what is needed for living four hungry. leave The to your so as seasonal sacrifices you cold and were taught by Duke Chou and Confucius with the hope of deathless filial devotion. look into If Inner Scriptures, they are the remembrance and we kill living beings for To useless. such purposes only adds to sin and trouble. If you would requite the boundless love you had received and alleviate your it is intensified by the change of seasons,an occasional vegetarian grief when festival in delivering the mid-seventh-moon, the offering and services at soul from I are all expect you. 164 From Yan's instructions above, it shows that his expectation of his own funeral was beyond the kind of simple burial (bozang, 4ýj,ýE) which was widely practiced in 165 his time. It was a combined Confucian and Buddhist funeral. In fact, a modified Confucian identity was also seen in other respects. When he constructed the identity of scholar and gentleman, he encouraged his family to study widely and by Confucian bounded be the classics. not The rise and fall or negligence and emphasis of subjects of study vary dynasty Han brilliant In different the to all wise and periods. according from developed they then the to tried classics, which master one of students 163See Y&JXJJch.20, "Last wi I I", p.536, Teng, p-210. Dien, "Instructions For The Grave: dExtreme-Asie 8 41-58. (1995), in Cahiers Zhitui", Yan pp. The Case of 164See YSJXJJch.20, "Last will", pp.536-537, Teng, pp.210-21 1. in Nanjing daxue 165See Wei Ming (11%), "Wei Jin Bozang Kaolun 133-143. 1986.4. pp. xuebao, olý 224 the truth of the sages, understand natural phenomena, and analyzed human affairs; in this way many became high ministers. ' 66 But situations changed in time. He praised some respected scholars who were famous for other learning besides Confucian classics. In the city of Loyang I heard of Ts'ui Hao (Wn, 386-450), Chang Wei (ýKf*), (WF) Liu in I saw Hsing Fang (Wq)g, 453-513); Yeh the and city of and Tzu-ts'ai (Jffi-j"-j-, died ca. 560). These four scholars, though they are fond of classics, are also well-known for their gifts and wide learning. These savants highest from Apart the them the rest are mostly rustic persons are of order. 167 is whose speech rough with unrefined manners. For his purpose of constructing a modified Confucian identity he emphasized the him For the value of Confucian practical usefulness of selected classical sayings. learning was basically that it would enable the Yan family to maintain its identity. He told his family, Confucius says, "with learning, emolument may be found in it The ... ...... books written by sagesare used for teaching people. If one thoroughly studies the classical text and roughly learns the commentaries and constantly makes become in a perfect man. progress one's speech and conduct, one can In general, political concerns are a major issue in Confucianism, but, Yan avoided OMAN), in Beiqi Yan Zhitui biography In the this subject. shu of it is said that 168 Yan mentioned Yan's family was good at Zhou guan Zuo and shi (ýEfq). Zhou guan seven times, Zuoshi, twelve times, and Liji Shi fing mentioned (ýAME), = nine times. He but in discussing exception with one only often, most 166See YSJXJJch.8, "Encourage study", p. 169, Teng, pp.62-63. 167See YSJXJJch.8, "Encourage study", p. 170, Teng, p.64. 168See Beiqi shu 45 "Biography of Yan Zhitui 1. . 225 characters and pronunciation(linguistics 169He rarely directly and phonology). discusses the arguments and the ideas in those classic texts. As Albert Dien has in in in his their Classics Yan them, to suggested, or was not seeking approach implications, an answer to his higher needs. The body of the Confucian canon formed for Yan the basis of learning, but it was to be taken at face value, and its place in his intellectual pursuits 170 limited. is This was why his some of instructions to his family are selective in their approach to Confucian tradition. As we have already seen, he told his family that as officials they should not take unnecessary risks by offering unwanted advice that they were not required by their posts to give. He did not wish to see his descendants becoming martyrs to Conftician principles. It was necessaryat times to be flexible. He told his family, Since the Ch'un-ch'lu (,*R) have been (722-481 ) C. B. there period many families annexed and nations conquered; and thus the relationship between a 17 1 be Areal gentleman permanently maintained. prince and a minister cannot friendship ill breaks latter. If the with a person should never speak of who in bend his knees he he has to serving another person, should not suddenly former his his thoughts toward chief, whether the chief still exists or change ORM) Ch'en K'ung-chang When not. Yuan Shao, (SAUýPm)in under worked he Ts'ao Ts'ao the called correspondence, charge of jackal a or wolf, for Wei Kingdom, he later the regarded writing official proclamations while Yuan Shao, as a venomous serpent. He may have had no control over this, having been ordered to use such terms by the current ruler; nevertheless, this 16' About how many times Yan Zhitui mentioned different Classics, seeZhou Fagao, lian huizhu Tai (Taipei: 1975), in Yanshijiaxun V'" guofeng chubanshe, "Appendix p.212. 170Albert E. Dien, "Yen Chih-t'ui (531-591): A Buddho-Confucian", in Confucian personalities. pp-51-54. 171See YSJXJJch.9, "On essays", p.240; Teng, p.92. 226 is a great source of trouble for men of letters. You boys must tactfully avoid it. 172 In other words, they should avoid such embarrassments if they could; but they family for find forced the themselves to to might sake of adapt new circumstances survival. For Yan the histories were also important. Dien says, Yen made specific reference to worth-while knowledge to be found in later literature, especially the histories, which he cited constantly in the Instructions. If the Classics, particularly those relating to Li, were the histories, beginning then the repository of codes of conduct, with the but later best the canonical ones continuing with ones also, were source of actual examples of the traditional code in operation. In this sense,the Classics history and profane could be said to merge into one, a literature of edification 173 instruction. and However, Zhang Peipei has a different opinion. She has said that Yan liked Han shu (jMAI) because it enabled him to discuss questions of linguistics and FEi for it had living because for teaching personal any or phonology, not political 174 in interest linguistic Yan's in Nevertheless, and phonologic questions affairs. historical texts was undoubtedly important to his family and their later identity. His (AflWV) Minchu Yan son wrote a commentary on the Han shu, some of which famous by into Yan's Yan Shigu (ffi% incorporated the more one grandson was 1'2 See YSJXJJch. 9, "On essays", pp. 240-241; Teng, pp. 92-93. 173Albert E. Dien, "Yen Chih-t'ui(531-591): A Buddho-Concucian". in Confucian personalities; p-55. 174Zhang Peipei (ýY,?§?,ý--),"Cong Yanshijiaxun kan zhonggu zhishi fenzi de zhuanxing (tý If I AKkWIIvIPTIf p. 19. Conference paper on 'Zhonggu wenxue, lishi bianqian (F-ý-N3Z%W, de guannian Fý-JL!, yu sixiang zhong Nj L2,, M)ý, R); 28.01.2005. daxue by Taiwan 3Vf held -Mf wenxueyuan and organized 227 175Yan Zhitui himself left two books in the field linguistics and phonology of that have since been lost and also made contributions to the development of phonology. 176 By extending learning beyond the Confucian canon, Yan Zhitui constructed the identity of modified Confucian for himself and for his family. As we have seen, Yan had a negative attitude toward both religious and ý-T), book Daoism. he drew Daoist However, Baopuzi (fiNf philosophical a with on 177 from Shichang Qjftn) Kang time to time. a strong critical character, has said that there are many stories and viewpoints in YSJX, such as the cure of dental learning be to problems, starting young and encouraging study, which seem borrowed from Ge Hong (gA) 178 it his Bao However, Yan that and seemed pu zi. deliberately avoided referring to the many stories about politics in Bao pu zi. As Zhang Peipei has said, Yan made intellectuals less tolerant. By the discussion above we have learned how Yan constructed the identity of for his family. for himself He Confucian required the traditions of and modified his family but for himself for identity them the and of adapted practical of antiquity identity his Confucian His in time. the was reality of social circumstances of needs his family. the security of adaptable and aimed at To sum up, for Yan Zhitui constructing and maintaining the Yan family identity called for a clear view of priorities that put the family's status and survival 175SeeJiu Tang shu 73 "Biography of Yan Shigu F=1 176See Sui shu 34, "Jingji zhi and Lu Guangzheng(Y'MINFE),Xunguxue tonglun (Tianjin: Tianjin guji chubanshe, 1996), P.384. rýRýN, ýE (Beijing: 177See Yang M ingzhao (fAHABE),Bao pu zi waipianjiaojian (TiNf Zhonghua shuju, 1997), p.3. PhD dissertation: Han WeiLiuchao 178See the chaper 8 of Kang Shichang's JEVJw-A, ft ,). (Taipei: Zhongguo daxue, 1996) (jA wenhua iiaxun yanjio u , /\ 228 through any future times of trouble ahead of all other considerations. Everything from education to religious practice had to serve this. The later history of the Yan family in Tang times was to show that his approach succeeded. 229 Chapter 5 Conclusion In the previous three chapters I have discussed how questions of identity were reflected in three books from the Northern and Southern dynasties. The authors of the three books had their different aims, but they all dealt with identity questions in the times of change. Huijiao's main purpose was to show that Buddhist monks could be acceptable to a Chinese society based on Confucian values and traditions. The identities he for the monks in Gaoseng zhuan are made compatible with Chinese emphasized tradition as far as he can. The monks also could make contributions to society in many different ways. In LuoYang qielan ji Yang Xuanzhi had different concerns. His main purpose was to represent a magnificent and prosperous city in its glory different identities for Through the city Yang redefined years. constructing many the Chinese identity for himself and for the other educated people like him who had been living in the north and served non-Chinese rulers for a long time. By implicitly his beloved lost Luoyang Yang capital city claimed that constructing identity depended on culture not ethnic origin, and that the true heirs of Chinese tradition were not in the south but in a place like Luoyang which had a long history is his family Yan Zhitui"s identity Yanshijiaxun In high main concern culture. and identities family his instructed help He family to create which would survival. and disorder high in times the and maintain a of social status whatever them to survive focus be. His than there those of was rather more narrow might changes political Huijiao and Yang Xuanzhi, for Huijiao cared about the identity of all monks, his Xuanzhi Yang Chinese the traditional cared about was own people, and what 230 leading class, people with the same experience as him, and the development of Chinese culture in the future. All three books had to deal with the questions of shizu, ethnicity, and Buddhism. In Gaoseng zhuan we have seen how Huijiao tried his best to make monks have a status equivalent to gentry status. I am not saying that Huijiao regarded the identity of scholar or mingshi as more important than the identity of monk, but that Huijiao approved of monks who were treated as equals by the gentry. It was one of Huijiao's purposes to show how monks could acquire honorary gentry status. That image. in his improve The their the would eyes promote social status of monks and how have We Yang Xuanzhi problem of shizu which seen met was not so simple. he faced the challenge of the southern educated Chinese about whether they or have like heirs We Yang Chinese the true tradition. also seen northemers were of his hatred and sorrow at the destruction of Luoyang, a cultural and political centre had Chinese that tradition accepted of where officials of shizu origin served a state Chinese values. In Yanshijiaxun Yan Zhitui showed us that keeping the identity of his descendants. have he As I task the pointed out, nearly all set main shizu was Yan's concern was how to maintain the identity of gentry, shizu. These three books also have different concerns about Buddhism. The issue Gaoseng In Luoyang Huijiao's Yang ji to zhuan. qielan was of course central Xuanzhi seems to have mixed views about Buddhism although his book was based in Buddhist have We learned description city. of monasteries and convents a on the devoted inexpensive themselves he to who practical and monks that approved of Buddhist practices such as chanting sutras and practising meditation, and was Buddhism. In in his book find the of some places extravagance about we negative 231 that Yang was proud of the prosperity of Buddhism in Luoyang, but in a deep sense he was proud of the city not the Buddhism. He used Buddhism's foreign In Chinese international identity Luoyang's to characteristics city. construct as an Yanshijiaxun Yan Zhitui's religious choice was very clear. He defended Buddhism his follow family his to against other anti-Buddhist propaganda and wanted path become lay Buddhists in ways that did not challenge Confucian public values. and Since his main concern was in constructing a gentry identity for his family and maintaining high social status, he advocated keeping Buddhism as a private matter for he could not allow himself and his family to go against Chinese traditional based values on Confucian ideology. They were also all concerned with ethnic questions, but in different ways. Huijiao's main problem of ethnicity was that monks were the members of a foreign Some factor foreign immigrants. The them themselves religion. of were alien was fact him to an undeniable and to other Buddhists. His method of dealing with this it down. fact, identities he In the the to more problem was play constructed for less foreign by Chinese the the educated characteristics monks were accepted identity he for For the constructed of scholar and mingshi example, when mattered. included foreign he in his It Gaoseng some monks. meant that zhuan, some monks Huijiao intended to play down the alien characteristics of Buddhism as much as he iao hand,, Huij On the was not concerned about monks serving other could. he in that can see we still used some negative words non-Chinese rulers, although his book to describe the non-Chinese regimes whose legitimacy was not recognizedin the south. Yanc,Xuanzhi's problem of ethnicity was much more serious and complicated r-I Chinese Northern As the Wei Huijiao's. northern of gentry and a member a than 232 subject who had experienced the great but temporary success of sinification Yang Xuanzhi could not bear the reversal of sinification which was carried on after the fall of Luoyang by a Xianbei-ized Chinese ruler, Gao Huan and his family. He could not talk about it frankly as the Gao family was controlling political power he when wrote Luoyang qielanji. He therefore openly attacked the Erzhu instead and used other indirect methods to imply his ethnic attitude. As we have seen Yang did not make any negative opinion about the foreigners who come from other countries to live in Luoyang; on the contrary, his attitude to those people was quite positive, becausethose foreign people brought to Luoyang more activity and more international recognition. His attitude was always based on culture. He always high level is he Chinese This the stood on side of supporting culture, culture. why had to fight for his cultural identity against the southemers. Yan Zhitui's attitude to ethnic problems was somehow ambiguous. He did not talk about this sensitive question directly in his book. However, in a few places of Yanshijiaxun we are still able to see something obscurely. In the book he rejects the idea of learning the pi-pa, a western instrument, and the Xianbei language, and have discussed his family becoming We his that to military officials. objects becoming life, both 573 in his the captive and events, experience of catastrophe have direct little We by evidence on non-Chinese military people. were caused Yan's thinking about ethnic questions; however, we can be sure that Yan had ethnic information in his to autobiographic prose-poem and some problems, according Yanshijiaxun, but he did not want to talk about it in his book to his family. In his dangerous. They his threaten and could sensitive thinking, such questions were family's identity and survival. All his concerns and all his hopes were with his family"s future. 233 Identity construction as reflected in Yanshifiaxun is explicit and in Gaoseng zhuan and in Luoyang qielan ji is implicit. Cultural identity construction in Gaoseng zhuan is based on Huijiao's present, Luoyang qielan ji is based on the past and Yanshijiaxun is looking at the future. 234 A comparative List of biographies in GSZ and MSZ (Aft44) AL (, 949*) This comparative list of biographies in GSZ and MSZ shows which monks are included in each of the two books. No Dynasty 1 Han 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 lo 11 12 13 14 15 WeiA Place / Monastery / Monk )". Fit /I ON Luoyang Baima si Kasyapamatanga 4/ R-1* * 1% / 9,1115 -4 Luoyang Baima si Dharmarakcha A 1% / 6, A34/ Luoyang / Anqing Luoyang/ Lokasema *1% Zhu Fosuo, * -tlAnxuan -2ýý -3ý Yan Fodiao A*-SY-9 Zhiyao Kangju Kang Mengxiang Luoyang/ Dharmakala A Sam!ghavarman At 4116 Tandi f (Wu) Jianye / Jianchu si Kang Senghui #1 416, 3t i)7 4/ 3t Zhiqian Wu Wuchang / Vighna ( ý-, )A : 18 19 20 21 Jin / t- 1114 Fali ;kA Faju ;k FChang'an Dharmarak (Zhu Fahu) *7-Z 1-1 1(I 5411 ) ; It 31 --k -k-2zý/I -t!--t! Nie Chengyuan A*it6-A, Nie Daozhen 4ý1-: Chang'an Boyuan Bo Fazuo $ ;-k4ý Wei Shidu Oi 4--1 ýffmitra / Jiankang Jianchu si 41 /ýp 1v tz #/t4 1114 MSZ IT*,44 It 0 Mianyan 16 17 22 23 24 25 26 GSZ Aý' 4100 44 -67 0 0 235 27 --f8 ý -9 32 33 34 36 37 38 39 Chang'an Sajghabhiiti f, / IlNlOvffA; k -2ý Fotu luocha *M4 4W Chang'an/Dharma-nandi Zhaozhengk4 -E Lushan Sajghadeva Sam!gharaks!a It, fba, 4 Chang'an/zhuFonian Jiangling / Xin si / Dharma-yas'as ; Lpt / +4 / *144Zhu Fadu ;-kI &2ý Aý*r*ff _Chang'an/KumdrajTvaf, / -2ý _Chang'anPunyatdra Chang'an / Dharmaruci Ik, /" 0 42 43 44 45 46 47 48 49 50 51 52 53 Hexi/Dhanna-raksa ;q& -MR-A-A'"A Daoj in Anyang hou -5ý1%A, Daopu: ýdFasheng ;-k -A Fawei Sengbiao Luoyang / Zhu Shixing M Zhu Shulan Wu Iuocha-,41,A JI.Huaiyang / Zhi Xiaolong ;t 1% Yuzhang shan / Kang Sengyuan 54 55 56 57 Kang Fachang Zhi Mindu AAA& Gaoyi / Zhu Faya_ El", 62 63 64 65 Zhu Faxing ;-k4t Zhu Facun ýk 4Yandong / Yangshan / Zhu Faqian J-i 0 0 0 40 41 58 59 60 61 0 0 0 -2ý Shouchun Shijian si / Vimaldksa R--rotx Chang'an /Buddhayas'as Jingshi / Daochang si / Buddhabhadra Pifu IýUtAL Tanxiang -'&HR Tanxi * --V Zhongshan / Kang Falang Ling Shao Dunhuang / Zhu Fasheng 0 *; k A)] j 0 0 0 0 236 IrpLb 66 67 68 69 70 71 72 73 74 75 76 77 78 79 80 81 82 83 84 85 86 87 Zhu Fayou ;-kA Zhu Fayun ;k kang Fashi *Cktal Zhu Faii ;-kAYan / Wozhoushan / Zhidun ý 11/ ;ýk;m Lý / jL AI Zhi Faqian -k -t; Zhu Fayang ý-t-;-klcp Yanshan / Yu Falan ý-k LL Zhu Faxing ;-ký4 M Zhi Fayuan -k; -tL; Yu Fadao t; -klt Yan / Baishan / Yu Fakai 61LLI AF1 Yu Fawei t; k Dunhuang / Yu Daosui ýji Yan /Gexianshan / Zhu Fachong Daobao A_VF =, Shining shan /Zhu Fayi -Y. - ý J-j Dongwan / Zhu Sengdu 7rý ýý4 Jt Zhu Huichao ý-t#, A-ý Chang'an / Wuji si / Shi Daoan T-Ad-4c, A -2ý IL A4/f f-T;-kjv Puban Shi Fahe Taishan / Kunlun yan / Zhu Senglang I-L 88 89 90 91 92 93 94 95 97 It R)i ýItý itZhi Sengdun Af1,11 Jingshi / Waguan si / Zhu Fatai 4/K --I171 Tanyi Taner Feilong shan / Shi Sengxian A it Lb 3L Daohu Jingzhou / shangming si / Zhu Sengfu HA4/f3,411 * irij M/ -E Jingshi / Waguan si / Zhu Sengfu ýfl9ý /K -Ir4/ 96 ýk it I'MA, R Jingzhou / Changsha si / Shi Tanyi All M/R ;ýý4 Sengwei J,ý, IjHk 0 0 0 237 98 99 100 101 102 I Jingzhou / Changsha si / Shi Fayu Ali M/A ;-kA ;ýý4/ff Shangming si / Shi tan hu 8A4 -L Chang'an / Fuzhou shan / Shi Daoli R /ff /AA &L a-) it -ýý Changsha si / Shi Tanjie Wuqian / Qingshan si / Zhu Fakuang Y; 1-1001/ 103 104 105 JALLU 4/ ; 4TA-4: -k (Wu) Huqiu shan / Dongshan si / huDaoyi -k tJ44 / / 0ýF-Olftuild-, Bo Daoyou $ i-S-tK Daobao A- Vf 106 Shanyin / Jiaxiang si / Shi Huiqian / dillk / A#4 107 Jingyan ý4ýfflz Lushan / Shi Huiyuan 108 At I 109 & di Shu / Longyuan si / Shi Huichi 110 Huiyan III Senggong 112 113 114 115 Daohong il-, JA Tanlan Ap&1 Lushan / Shi Huiyong Sengrong f*,,Aý 116 Lushan / Shi Sengji PAji 117 Xinyang / Shi Faan 4,fT1% 118 Lushan / Shi Tanyong A 119 Wutai si Shi Daozu 4,4: 4 120 Huiyao, 121 Tanshun EAR 122 Tanshen A-St 123 Fayou ;kA 124 Daoheng AdVk 125 Daoshou 4-41t 126 Changan / Da si / Shi Senghuo 4/ff It R 4c- / 1-k -*I] 0 Hongi ue 11,it 0 127 A, J4/f T-4, ;Y, 0 0 0 ý04;k -5ý :T- 238 128 139 140 131 132 133 134 135 Pengchengj un / Shi Daorong Chang'an / Shi Tanying Chang'an / Shi Sengrui -2ýc 4R f T-1104 0 Sengkai Chang'an / Shi Daoheng Daobiao i#-AA Chang'an / Shi Sengzhao Vc Yezhong / Buddhacinga (Fotucheng) ýw& 44 ýt/ 1*1 136 Daoj in 4- ilt 137 Luofu shan /Dan Daokai rt; jL ib 138 Changshan / Zhu f6diao 139 Luoyang / Qiyu 140 Luoyang / Panchi shan / Jiantuole ; ý- 1% / Irs", A 44ý ;k",f%/ -1 AA rr, A /* J4 142 Luoyang / Luozhi shan / Heluojie ;ý- 1% /4 3-i a-, / SlIq 'IF* Xiangyang / Zhu Fahui 143 Fancai 144 Luoyang / Dashi si / Anhuize 41 4 141 1% A -Tr 145 Huichi 146 Chang'an she gong 147 Xiping / Shi Tanhuo 148 Shangyu / Longshan / Shizong / At LL) / *', ',-r, -L4, At Jiangzuo / Zhu Sengxian ;L Yan Yinyue shan Bo Sengguang 149 150 ýM 151 152 153 154 / Fý -IJ7 J4 6-PI ! -: / It, ffl ff )ý, Shifeng Chicheng shan / Zhu Tanyou +, A VI-I / -, Al Huikai Huizhen /ff Chang'an / Shi Huiwei -5ý 0 9 239 155 156 157 Guanghan / Yanxing si / Shi Xianhu A/ ff R,11 PalIM4/ Shifeng / Chicheng shan / Zhi Tanlan A-m +, Aai/k! ýI,- tz I/-, Shu / Shishi shan / Shi Faxu ME / I; G ý J4 /fT; -k ý* 158 159 Huoshan / Shi Sengqun Lb Heyin Baima si Shi Tansui 160 Yuecheng si / Shi Faxiang kkA4 / - - Tangai * 7-3z Sengfa 1,6ýk Shanyin / Xianyi si / Zhu Fachun 161 162 163 164 167 168 Shu / Sanxian si Shi Sengsheng 11 / -- it 4/ fftll 1 -:: Bingzhou / Zhu Huida Wuling / Pingshan / Shi Huiyuan AA/ 41 ff -T-LL, A Zhu Huizhi Jingshi / Waguan si / Shi Huili 169 Jingshi / Anle si Shi Huishou 170 171 172 Zhongshan / Bo Faqiao J4 Sengfu ýk Jingshi Jianchu si / Zhi Tanyue 173 Jingshi Zhihuan si / Shi Faping / --I171,4 Fadeng ;k Song 5K Jiangling / Xin si Shi Faxian 165 166 174 175 ; -T- PAL /*4/ ff ; -k Huanglong / Dharmodgat Jiankang / Longguang si / Fo Tuoshi / *rr-14+ / *AA 178 179 Hexi/Buddhavarman iV5 Jingshi / Zhiyuan si / Shi Zhiyan 180 181 182 ff 0 0 0 A 176 177 4, R IM 0 AS 0 Air A /ff 501", Liuhe shan / Shi Baoyun tJ Jingshi / Zhihuan si / Gunavarman ýf,O / 4(ý;A4 / Jingshi / Fengcheng si / Sajghavarman 0 240 183 184 185 186 187 188 'IfI Af Shangdinglin si Dharmamitra !4, L- If t#4/ -E Jingzhao / Shi Zhimeng Jingshi /Daolin si / Kdlayas'as 191 192 193 194 Sainklesadatta It, ftv it I, !o, Sengqie luoduoduo Jingshi / Zhongxing si / Gunabhadra 4ým x rn AAL4/ A na mo di Pqjypq-,4EK Jingshi / Longguang si / Zhu Daosheng 9T / )rl Baolin Fabao Huisheng Jingshi / Wuyi si Shi Huirui 195 Jingshi / Dong'an si / Shi Huiyan 196 197 198 199 200 Fa zhi ;-k Jingshi / Daochang si / Shi Huiguan *1 9T/ Sengfu Faye ;-k Jingshi / Zhihuan si / Shi Huiyi 201 202 Sengrui Jingshi Pengcheng si Shi Daoyuan 203 204 Huilin Jingshi Pengcheng si Shi Sengbi 205 206 4, Dong'e Shi Huij ing Jt Jingshi Zhihuan si / Shi Sengbao 207 208 Fahe ;-k4v Yuhang / Fangxian si / Shi Sengquan 41-SI-k *1 tt / ýý A4/ff Jiangling / Xin si / Shi Tanjian 4/ ff R'ý,LI/ , --]ý Daohai I-A Huikan # 4'p, Huigong # Ap 189 190 209 210 211 212 0 0 0 0 0 241 213 214 215 216 217 218 219 Tanhong Daoguang A-4,q' Daoguang 4- 3ý, Lushan / Lingyun si / Shi Huian 41 4. J-4 /AT4/ff -ýý Huainan / zhong si / Shi Tan Wucheng ARL, A ;t Th /t4/fff Taniion2 * fflJingshi / Lingwei si / Shi Senghan ýf, 220 221 222 223 225 Sengyin 226 Sengyin 227 Sengwei 228 (Shu) Wudan si Shi Daowang (11R)AM4 / 229 Purning 9)] 230 Daoyin Ral 231 Shanyin / Tianzhu shan / Shi Huijing 41* / ff / 41 jj flýk Ib lk Changsha / Lushan / Shi Famin / / lij 234 IM 0 *, Sengzong J,, Jingshi / Bei Duobao si / Shi Daoliang 235 Jinglin *4 236 Huilong 237 Danyang Shi Fanmin 238 Sengyue to I* Jingshi / Zhongxing si Shi Daowen 239 0 Daohan I Jiangling / Pipa si / Shi Sengche / flt-194 / ; -LFt 4 Sengzhuang 4,, 1,6 (Wu) Huqiu shan / Shi Tandi Shouchun / Shijian si / Shi Sengdao f T-It 4 233 0 gý/A 224 232 0 A-[% 0 0 242 240 241 242 243 244 245 246 Sengqing Huiding 4, Sengsong Itj Aq, Jingshi / Zhuangyan si / Shi Tanbin -gý // Tanj i Tanzong Jingshi Heyuan si Shi Huiliang 4/--%17 247 Xia Dinglin si / Shi Sengjing / fTI'MA Tt#4 248 249 Tanlong *& Jingshi / Linggen si / Shi Sengjin 250 251 252 Tandu *1 Xuanyun -3ýig Jingshi / Xinghuang si Shi Daomeng 253 254 255 256 257 258 259 260 261 Daoj ian A: _ Huiluan # Huifu #, Vj Sengxun 1,111-5011 Daoming :4-H)l Shanyin / Lingjia si Shi Chaojin ff J4ft- / IN A.- 4/ Tanji &4ADaopin AWuxing / Xiaoshan / Shi Fayao 262 263 Tanyao Jingshi / Xinan si / Shi Daoyou 264 265 266 Daoci Huizheng A, 11Jueshi t-ff- 267 Jingshi / Yecheng si / Shi Huitong ýfl4/ A4/ ;101- ff AR 14, 'IF -f 268 Jingshi /Beidu 269 Seng quzha 41,111-1v-ýE 270 (Bei Wei) Chang'an / Shi Tanshi / ff R A) 0L -5ý V. - Gaochang / Shi Falang 271 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 ýkffl o 243 272 273 274 Zhizheng Minshan JJKLL Rangling ; 275 276 277 278 279 280 -T- Senglan. Fawei ;klk _(Bei Wei) Pingcheng Shi Xuangao Huichong 0 1 Tanyaoo&* =5z Chang'an Hanshan Shi Sengzho R 281 ty Tongyun si / Shaoshuo fr3lz "P Zo, -4/ r--, V Pipa si / Shi Huian 4ý / ýr- ff 411,14, A Sengliang 282 Chang'an Taiho si Shi Huitong R -2ý / )ý-,rd 4/ ff #1A4 283 Yuhang / Shi Jingdu ft',-4;L /f T-ýý I 284 Shifeng / Pubu shan Shi Sengcong ff / I'll 4*+/;;,, L. 4t J4 -4i 285 286 287 '-R; /ff 1, -*, Jingshi / Zhongxing si / Shi Huilan 4/ ff AA Jingzhou / Changsha si / Shi Faqi All M/ Rk ff ýk Al Guanghan / Shi Facheng 288 Daoguo 4-, * 289 Chengdu / Shi Daofa 290 Shu / Anle si / Shi Puheng 4/ ff +ý / In --ffa-5ý-1*1 ; F& Jiangling / Shi Huiyou -T- 291 292 Wu Xianju si Shi Sengye OM 444ffI 3-1' P. 293 Huiguang #, 3ý 294 Jingshi Changle si / Shi Huixun 295 Jingshi Zhuangyan si / Shi Sengqu ff loo4 AllA4/ 296 -T Daobiao A-A ;-kA 0 FO 0 244 297 Pengchengj un / shi Daoyan AIýIJAM ff AM * Huiyao hangling / Shi Sengyin ; Ft / ff IN'PA -TChengju AR _Guanghan / Shi Daofang f T-i 4Jingshi / Xianxin si / Shi Daoying 298 299 300 301 302 *0/ 303 304 Huiyou Pengcheng hashan / Shi Tancheng Xff A-44 ff Gaochang / Shi Fajin 0/ --; '27 Sengzun J*,,A Wei jun / Tingwei si / Shi Sengfu T-fI ISWI Am/ ý1-f-44/f Qin Puban Shi Fayu ItA ilk ff ;-kAl Huishi #, ý* Linchuan / Zhaoti si / Shi Huishao 305 306 307 308 309 310 Cull 311 312 / 47VIA4 / ff-AIRVIF Sengyao -RLushan / Zhaoyin si / Shi Sengyu 471 F J& Jingshi / Zhulin si / Shi Huiyi 313 315 Shu / Wudan si / Shi Sengqing & IMMI, 'Al / A* 4/ff Yan / Fahua tai / Shi Fazong 316 ff / ', / ; ;k*4: Ij -k-F, -ý / Shi / 314 I Jingshi Nanjian si Daojiong Flu 317 318 319 320 wJj / Lushan / Shi Huiqing MJ / Lingwei / Shi Puming H)l Jingshi / Daochang si / Shi Fazhuang ff ýk h"±' Al *4/ ýfl 4/ Jingshi / Waguan si / Shi Huiguo 4/ ff A lk 321 Jingshi / Dong'an si / Shi Fagong 322 323 Senggong Jingshi / Pengcheng si / Shi Sengfu t 6341 lk'/', ýý -, Jingshi / Chongming si / Shi Senghui 4-, ýfl 4/ 1--r-, 324 0 0 245 325 Shanyin / Fahua shan / Shi Sengyi ji &/ ;-k * Daojing A..ýk A Yuzhou Shi Senghong ff4 Ill ;rAu Jingshi Shi Sengliang Jingshi Yanxian si / Shi Fayi 326 327 328 329 330 Jingshi Baima si / Shi Sengrao ffit, IPA Daozong A ýKt, 331 332 Chaorning 333 Minghui a)] 334 Anle si / Shi Daohui 335 ff Song / Me si / Shi Zhizong 5r- / I'At4/ff 336 "R, Huibao 337 Daoquan 0 I-k 338 Jingshi Zhihuan si Shi Daozhao 339 340 Huirning Changgan si Shi Tanying f R+4 A, -f FLV4 Waguan si / Shi Huiqu 341 342 343 344 345 346 347 348 349 350 351 352 -ld 4, Linwei si / Shi Tanzong Qj 21V*4 / ff #4 / ff f- , zz ,F ' Sengyi4,*,,-;v, Linwei si Shi Tanguang If v*4 hankang Zhengguan si / Guýaviddhi t#,, / jE-#X4 / *Rr*LJ+, Sajghavarman (Savghapdla)l,*,,Ov4, FX (BeiWei) Jizhou / Shi Sengyuan 4- M/ ff f"N"A M -A) (3LA)ffL-j (BeiWei)ShiTandu Jingshi / Zhuangyan si / Shi Daohui ff4 A, Xuanqu -3ýAt Sengda Jingshi / Zhongxing si / Shi Sengzhong 4 ff AL Vý 0 0 0 0 9 0 246 353 -ý54 j5- 5 Tanchen ! -A Tanqian 1- ASengbiao 356 Sengzui 357 Minda tA it 358 359 360 A Sengbao Qi Jingshi Tianbao si Shi Daosheng Jingshi Xianggong si / Shi Hongchong 361 Faxian 362 Gaochangj un Shi Zhilin 363 Jingshi / Linggen si / Shi Fayuan AT ;k lk 364 Faai ;k 365 Fachang ;-k I 366 Zhixing Ay M 367 Shu / Qihou shan/Shi Xuanchang ()* )ýýji /ff -3ý+4 ShangDinglin si / Shi Sengyuan / Willut Daoping Faling Huitai Jingzhou/ Zhulin si / Shi Senghui ýrl)lli / lilt#4 / Tanshun1-MA Huichang 4, P-A' Sengyoufl, thib ShangDinglin si / Shi Sengrou 368 369 370 371 372 373 374 375 376 377 378 381 req Hongcheng Sengba Huixi 4, Shanyin/ Fahuashan/ Shi Huiji AlJ4 SengxingIt, 4-t 0 247 382 Huixu #, LE' 0 383 Daohui 4_,ff?, 0 384 Huiyong #, ;y, _ _Huishen #,; 3ý 0 385 386 Fahong 387 Jingshi / Xie si Aý 4/ / At ýIr, f 0 0 Shi Huici 388 Sengbao 389 Sengzhi 390 Fazhen 391 Sengxiang 392 Sengmong 393 Fabao ;-k Huiyuan Jingshi / Heyuan si Shi Huilong T-A* ýf, 9ý / Iq M4/ 394 395 396 0 0 398 Zhidan t, 319Sengbian _Sengxuan 399 Daohui Ad A 0 400 0 401 Fadu ;-k 1 Jingshi / Taichang si / Shi Sengzong 402 Tanzhun 403 404 405 406 407 408 409 4 10 Fashen ;k, 4 Fazhen ;kA, Huiling 9, -ýFaxian ;-kib Fazui ;-kik Sengjing Daowen 411 412 Jingshi / Zhong si Shi Faan ff ýk ýfl 4/1: 14/ -2ý Huiguang 413 Jingyi 1-k! 414 Guangzan )ý, 415 Huitao # jr,5 416 Daozong 397 ;ft 0 0 0 0 0 Sengxian 0 248 417 Taozong I- 418 Jingshi / Zhongxing si / Shi Sengyin 17 419 420 421 422 423 424 425 426 9T / 1: 7 VE, rp Huilong Langye / Nieshan / Shi Fadu J4 / JPm/A Fashao ;kM, Senglang J,*,,RA Huikai It, Pffl Fakai ;-k F)tj R73P Sengshao41,6 Shi Fagui Jingshi / Zhiyuan si 427 428 429 430 431 Fakai ;-k4* All )-ij Jingzhou / Shi Senghui Huiyuan #. irý Shouchun Shi Huitong -JAF Wuchang Fanshan / Shi Fawu A Ai /A a-I /ff 432 Daoji Ad-; -ý4f 433 Jingshi / Lingjiu si / Shi Sengshen 434 Sengqian fgli# 435 Chaozhi AýZLo-\, 436 Fada ;kit 437 Huisheng 438 Qiantang / Lingyin shan Tanchao IN PAa A187 SRI- f T-j"*,# 439 Shifeng / Chicheng shan Shi Huiming /A vv-130-6ji / ff A- 8A 440 441 442 443 444 445 Zhongshan Lingyao si / Shi Zhidao - 4q2 Chaodu Jingshi / Duobao si / Shi Faying Huiwen -X Shu / Lingjian si Shi Falin III / IRA4 / W-A-4 Jingshi / Anle si / Shi Zhicheng 249 A013 446 447 Congchao gtAg _Jingshi / Jianchu / Shi Sengyou si 3,t4,7] 448 448 450 ff J*Ij3 ýt Longxi Shi Faguang f%U5 Facun Jiaozhi Man shan Shi Tanhong 3"t pw_- / 451 4/ IJ4 J4 / ff IA Jingshi / Gaozuo si Shi Huijin P51 452 453 454 455 456 457 458 459 460 461 462 463 464 465 466 467 468 469 470 471 Pk 0 0 0 Sengnian Yongxing / Bolin si /shi Hongming ACV%, / 4A#4 / ffILH)l Jingshi / Linggen si / Shi Fayu f T; k ft, Fayin Shangdinglin si Shi Gaosong ff r-10-7 Et#4/ -7 r-? Shangdinglin si / Chaobian t#4/ Aý-Ila -E Faming ;-k 1"T Sengzhi Fading ;kt Shanyin / Tianzhu shan / Shi Fahui J4Fk / -k J4 / Tanyou iq Jingshi / Hougang Shi Senghou I F4 ff It Nt Huiwen Nanhai / Yunfeng si / Shi Huijing 41 ff a A/ if SINZ ý4/ Th Nanhai / Zangwei shain/ Shi Faxuan ArAiLb ff; / / rhA -ku Shangdinglin si / Shi Faxian / ff-ýM -Et#4 +* Xuanchang -iý Wuyi si / Shi Tanqian Fachang Daoyan ;k 1% 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 250 472 Dongan si / Shi Tanzhi 473 Daolang 474 AM Faren 475 476 477 Ag'fik, Zhixin 4, ý6 Huiguang Anle si / Shi Sengbian -5ý*4 Senggong I,rl, 6 Baima si / Shi Tanpin 0 4-3t Daoguang ! -: Beiduobao si Shi Huiren 478 479 480 481 482 483 484 485 486 487 488 489 490 Falin Tanbian Huinian Tangan Apif Tanjin -t Huichao Daoyin Tandiao 491 492 493 494 495 496 497 Qifu si / Shi Daoru 194 It Sengxi -'9Waguan si / Shi Huizhon 503 504 505 Ad-1% Fajue ;kt Zhengsheng si / Shi Faxia ff-*4 Qilong si / Shi Fajing Daoqin Baoxing 499 501 502 WIMP Xingfu si / Shi Huifen 498 500 -"Elf il-A !j-f fig, Daodeng Liang Jingshi / Yecheng si Shi Zhixiu Sengruo Sengrui Daosheng All M Jingzhou / Shi Huiqiu Jingshi / Lingyao si / Shi Sengsheng 0 ;-k#A 0 251 506 507 508 509 510 Faxin Zhichang At Fajiong ;-k 1.1 Senghu f 6"', tf, Sengshao 511 Shanyin / Yunmen shan si / Shi Zhishun 04 fl7k -l"Fla-14 lz / ffAE-ulfi, 512 Jingshi / Lingwei si Shi Baoliang 513 Daorning i:-d_ Q)J 514 6)k Sengcheng 4ý,, 515 Sengbao 4,*,,Vf 516 Shangdinglin si / Shi Fataog 1- t#4/ 517 Zhij in Ayi#-- 518 Jingshi / Zhaoti si / Shi Huiji 9ý/ --I17 111 Yan / Fahua tai / Shi Tanfei ff UZ 519 520 Fazang ;-kA 521 ^v Mingqing H)J 522 523 524 525 '-9ý Jingshi / Shi Baozhi Daoxiang 4- Aj Senglang If, RA Shangdinglin si / Shi Huirni 526 527 Faxian Fuyang Qijian si / Shi Daolin 528 Yan / Shicheng shan / Shi Senghu / ;GJAJ-l / ff-l'yoll-st ýM Jingshi / Zhengjue si / Shi Fayue 529 Ast 532 286 252 Bibliography Ban Gu. 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