Download - White Rose eTheses Online

literature
in
the
Cultural identities as reflected
dynasties
Southern
period
Northern
the
and
of
th
th
(4 -6 centuries A. D. )
Author: WANG Mei-Hsiu
Submitted in Accordance with the requirements for the degree of
PhD
The University of Leeds
School of Modern Languages and Cultures
29 August 2007
The candidate confirms that the work submitted is his own and that appropriate
has
been
has
been
given where reference
made to the work of others.
credit
The copy has been supplied on the understanding that it is copyright material
from
be
the
thesis
that
quotation
no
may
and
published without proper
acknowledgement.
i
Acknowledgments
This dissertation would not have been possible without the generous support
have
indebted
those
to
2000,1
August
who
people
am
also
since
people
of many
to
me.
mentor
as
acted
F.
W.
J.
Professor
dissertation,
have
this
Among those who
contributed to
Jenner, who is my supervisor, guided this dissertation and also inspired me to
in
knowledge
developing
in
and widening my perspective vision.
my
greater effort
He also offered me great support for my living in London in the last stage of my
different.
be
life
his
Without
and career will
support my
study.
Professor Flemming Christiansen, who is my tutor and my supervisor too,
2002.
in
I
the
summer of
encouraged me when was worried about my upgrading
Professor Delia Davin, who is also my supervisor, concerned herself with my
helped
job.
has
for
She
in
I
also
my
progress especially when stayed my country
in
dealing
me
with practical matters related to my research and examination.
Professor Chialing Mei, my external supervisor in National Taiwan University, has
in
always encouraged me my research.
My family, my husband Professor An-yuan Chang and my two daughters, Yun
have
been
important
in
Wei,
the
always
most
and
support my study. Without their
I
have
been
long
to
this
understanding and support would not
able complete
path of
study.
ii
Abstract
During the period of the Northern and Southern dynasties of China identity
disorder
by
became
into
in
thrown
questions
political, religious
serious
a society
and ethnic problems. This thesis uses three books written in the sixth century to
discuss how educatedChinese faced identity problems and how they dealt with
them.
The Buddhist monk Huijiao, dealt with the problems of sinifying a foreign
religion. He constructed many different identities in addition to the Buddhist one
for the monks in his book Gaoseng zhuan, (Lives of Eminent Monks), a collection
of biographies of Buddhist monks, to bring Buddhism closer to Chinese tradition
and more acceptable by Confucian standards. Through the identity construction he
also made responsesto anti-Buddhist ideas.
Yang Xuanzhi's Luoyang qielan ji, (Record of the Monasteries of Luoyang),
deals with the identity problems of Chinese officials serving a Xianbei regime in
the north and of the short-lived capital of the Northern Wei in Luoyang. Yang
reconstructed a Chinese identity for the lost capital as a true heir of Chinese
tradition, as were the emperors, princes and officials who lived there. He created
an identity defined not by ethnicity but by culture.
Yan Zhitui's Tanshi jiaxun, (Family Instruction of the Yan Clan), is book
a
which tells his descendantshow to construct and maintain the future identity of his
family.
He drew on his own experience of recovering from
own
repeated political
catastrophes to set out an identity that would help the family to survive disordered
times and maintain their status in society.
iii
Note on Romanization
This dissertationincludesa number of namesand terms in Chinese.Where
in
have
their
their
names roman
modem writers
own preferred ways of writing
letters,,these have been followed. Otherwise, I have used the Hanyu pinyin system
for Romanizing names and terms throughout this dissertation except in quotations
in which I have kept their original spelling. Chinese and Japanesecharacters for
the names of authors and the titles of their works can be found in the bibliography.
q
iv
Abbreviations Used in the Text
GSZ
Gaoseng zhuan
LYQLJ
Luoyang qielanji
msz
Mingseng zhuan
SGSZ
Song gaoseng zhuan
sxz
Shenxian zhuan
A2
P311i
faPwl,
-ri
Aýfj
I
[Of-I
A,I
XGSZ
Xu gaoseng zhuan
YSJX
Yanshijiaxun
AflfýV)ll
YSJXJJ
lanshijiaxunjýie
ffivý 1ýXIlllItl-;
z-W
TSD
Taish5 Shinshfi Daizc5ky6(Taish5z5k).
)aRFTOJýWW"
F5QU
()dOW)
V
Contents
Acknowledgments
Abstract
Note on Romanization
iv
Abbreviations Used in the Text
Chapter 1
1
Introduction
6
Shizu
12
The Ethnic questions
Buddhism
20
Chapter 2
Identity problems caused by Buddhism and
Gaoseng
the
to
solutions --- according
zhuan
Gaoseng zhuan-Biographies
31
of Buddhist monks
Huijiao-The
Gaoseng
32
author of
zhuan
Huijiao's motivations
37
Dissatisfaction with Mingseng Zhuan
Influence of Sengyou
38
40
The tradition of historical writing and the new tide of
Buddhist biographical writing
43
As a response to anti-Buddhists and a new form
of identity construction
49
Sources and structure of the Gaoseng zhuan
The sources of Gaoseng Zhuan
The categories and its ranks
53
57
Similarities to Shenxian zhuan
61
The structural model of Gaoseng Zhuan
biographies
The identities Huijiao constructed for monks
Miracle worker and imperial adviser
Philanthropist, ascetic and hermit
Scholar and mingshi
Other problems
89
96
53
74
80
63
73
30
vi
Chapter 3
The Luoyang qielan ji and identities recreated
by Yang Xuanzhi
The book and the author's purpose in writing
Xuanzhi
The author of Luoyang qielanji-Yang
99
99
102
105
The circumstances of writing Luoyang qielan ji
The identities Yang Xuanzhi created for Northern Wei Luoyang
Physical identity and the Yongning Monastery
Historical identity
107
108
113
Making connections between Northern Wei Luoyang and
earlier Han Chinese history
113
The way Yang Xuanzhi talked about the history of
Northern Wei Luoyang
117
Emperor Xiao wen di of the Northern Wei
117
Avoiding talking about Northern Wei history
before the move to Luoyang
119
The way Yang Xuanzhi talked about the history of the last years
of the Northern Wei and the final crisis of Luoyang.
Religious identity --- A Buddhist city
An international
city
A Han Chinese city
122
128
137
145
Emphasizing Northern Wei Luoyang's Han Chinese characteristics
145
Indicating the differences between people in Northern
Wei Luoyang and some other non-Chinese people
150
Indicating the differences between Han Chinese culture in
Northern Wei Luoyang and Han Chinese culture in the South
Chapter 4
Yanshijiaxun
154
Yan
Zhitui
and
Yanshi Narun --- A family instruction and a book for
165
creating identity
The author of Yanshijiaxun --- Yan Zhitui and his life
165
167
Yan Zhitui's problems of identity
172
The identities Yan Zhitui reconstructed for himself and his family
174
vii
Family identity
174
175
Education of children
Keeping good relationship between brothers
178
Maintaining good relation betweenbrothers
170
Care in marriage and remarriage
179
Good managementof the family
181
Official identity
184
The Necessity of constructing an identity as an official
186
Practical and safe official identity
Some official identities should be avoided
188
193
Identity as scholars and gentlemen
The importance of study
193
Scholar as an occupation
195
Advice on study
196
Avoiding the influence of Daoism
201
Proper writing and pronunciation
202
Good customsand manners
205
Other skills and abilities of the gentlemanscholar
Religious identity as lay Buddhists
Chapter 5
Conclusion
214
216
Practical medical Daoism
The modified Confucian
207
214
Yan Zhitui's skeptical attitude toward Daoism
Lay Buddhists
184
217
222
229
Appendix:
A comparative list of biographies in Gaosengzhuan and Mingseng zhuan
234
Bibliography
252
Chapter 1
Introduction
This thesis is a study of identity as reflected in three books that were
They
in
in
China
the
the
with
all
concerned
are
century.
sixth
completed medieval
time from the fourth to the sixth centuries, the period in Chinese history usually
Han
Eastern
dynasties.
Southern
After
Northern
the
rule,
collapse of
called
and
four
identity
in
Chinese
For
the
centuries
nearly
new questions of
appeared
world.
it was politically
divided and unstable. Large parts of China were ruled by
from
In
their
troubled
times
many people moved away
non-Chinese conquerors.
homelands. Buddhism,, a religion of foreign origin, challenged the ideological
Confucian
Chinese
From
traditions.
then till
supremacy of
and other
the
M,
by
Yang
Jian
(%,
541-604), the founder of the Sui (Pfj, 581-618)
reunification
dynasty, in 589, a long period of unrest and disorder, Chinese people not only
faced various serious struggles for physical survival but also experienced great
in
These
traditional
changes
values and rearrangements of social status.
changes
by
factors.
And they all posed
were affected
political, religious and geographical
identity.
serious questions of
The problem of identity that educated Chinese faced in this period were many
difficult.
Instead of one dynasty ruling the whole China world that commanded
and
the political loyalty of all of them for centuries there were many regimes, mostly
China.
Political loyalty involved hard choices.
that
short-lived,
only ruled parts of
There were also problems of ethnic identity and loyalty when from the early fourth
China
by
dynasties.
What
north
was
ruled
many non-Chinese
century onwards
ý111
f
2
China
divided
In
did
for
Chinese
this create
their
subjects? a politically
problems
local identity became more significant, especially when there was much population
identify
did
be
identity
Local
with where
you
movement.
could also problematic:
foreign
left?
family
had
As
lived
the
new and
or with the place which your
you
did
in
how
dominant
China
became
Buddhism
this affect people's sense
religion of
identity?
be
Could
of cultural
one
a good Buddhist and an adherentof traditional
Chinese cultural values? The question of identity of educated Chinese in the period
individual
just
Southern
dynasties
Northern
the
an
of
and
was complex and not
Identity
in
Chinese
large
Han
It
society.
experience. affected a
number of people
into
first
in
in
forms
the
turned
questions appeared
at
and
very soon
period political
identity questions which contained ethnic, religious and geographical aspects. Han
Chinese people, especially educated Han Chinese, had to face the serious challenge
identities
Chinese
Han
In
transformation
their
of
of
within
culture.
general,
Chinese
in
identity
by
the
their
educated
period constructed
culture and this
in
histories
but
in
literature
the
the
situation was not only reflected
also
of this
identity
family
In
the
the
period.
addition,
survival and
of
patriarchal
unit through
Such
issues
times
unstable
provide enlightening angles
was an ongoing problem.
for research into the literature of the Northern and Southern dynasties.
From the end of the Eastern Han,,civil wars and rebellions continued to create
disruption and misery. In 220 A. D., the age of the Three Kingdoms (Sanguo, E W)
began when three rival regimes contended for control. In the north Cao,Cao (TWF,
4p,
155-220) and his son Cao Pi
187-226) founded the new regime of Wei (P,,
220-265) with its capital at Ye (W, Anyang, Henan). Usually it is called Cao Wei to
distinguish it from the later Northern Wei. One year after Cao, Pi's claim for the
legitimacy of his throne, Liu Bei (Wqrgj, 161-223), a descendant of the Han
3
imperial family, declared himself emperor of the Han dynasty (221-263) in the
Sichuan (H) I[) area with great help from his political and military adviser Zhuge
Han
Shu
Shu
(Q)
known
is
Liang (A-: ff -4r,
dynasty
181-234).
This
or
as
also
9-ul
I14W
222-280),
(I-q,
Wu
221-263).
Another
one
established
was
regime,
political
jxq
later
by
Sun
Quan
year
in
Jiankang
city
_,
182-252) in the Yangzi valley and made its capital
today Nanjing). Historians sometimes call this the "triple
division of the Chineseland"
for
60
lasted
This
tianxia).
about
sanfen
finally
fall
in
280
Wu,
the
to
and
of
sixteen years after the
came an end
with
years
Sima
family replaced the Cao family's Wei dynasty with their own dynasty
in
Jin
265.
of
Throughout these sixty years the main identity question for educated Chinese
did
loyalty?
The
to
they
the
their
a
political
was
one:
which of
rival regimes
owe
Jin appearedfor a time to have resolved that question by restoring a single political
authority.
The Jin regime gave Chinese people only about ten years of peace after their
had
been
fulfilled.
Soon
death
the
the
goal of unification of
country
after
of the
founder Sima Yan
r.265-290) the newly risen consort family of Jia (-&)
dissent
followers.
The troubles lasted from 291
the
their
caused
among
nobles and
to 305, and for seven years a serious civil war, known as 'the Rebellion of the
Eight Princes' Oý
AD, brought the princes of the imperial family into conflict
deteriorated
from
first
This
few years of the
the
with each other.
situation
rapidly
fourth century onwards, with further problems of droughts and locusts, which
famine
in
by
the
the civil war. In addition the tribes
already
regions
ravaged
caused
installed
in
the north and northwest took
people
non-Chinese
of nomadic
form
independent
to
the
rebel and
general chaos
advantage of
political units. As
4
Cheng
kingdom
founded
()
Cong
the
of
303
family
early as
of proto-Tibetan
a
Han
(MR)
Xiongnu
X, 303
in
Sichuan,
the
while
-347)
WJ
Shanxi
of southern
ffq) proclaimed themselvesindependentand copied the dynastic name of the Han.
They were followed by anotherfifteen non-Chinesedynasties' that rose and fell in
different parts of north China. In 3 11 the Xiongnu chieftain Liu Cong
seized Luoyang
in
316
Chang'an
and
fell in turn to the assault of
(M
family
fled
Yangzi
imperial
leader,
Yao
(WqHM).
The
Xiongnu
Liu
to
the
another
leaving
historical
their
two
capital cities and most of the people under
valley,
followed
Many
this great exile and most of
non-Chinese rule.
nobles and officials
them never returned to their homeland in the north where their ancestors had lived
for thousands of years.
The rivalry between non-Chinese regimes and the troubles they caused in
in
historiography
from
is
known
Chinese
China
303
439
to
as
north and northwest
'Sixteen Kingdoms of the Five Barbarians (TIM+AW,
Wuhushiliuguo)' or 'Five
Barbarians bringing chaos to China CHMADW, Wuhuluanhua)'. No matter which
term historians have used for the period, Chinese historians have blamed the
disordered society and the difficult
times and their exile on the attacks by
2
be
if
so simp, e. Educated Chinese
non-Chinese people even the problem may not
at the time tended to see the non-Chinese as evil and uncivilized, and to emphasize
that they were different from themselves. On the other hand, upper-class Chinese
in
loyalty.
The
them
the
the
their
north served
new regimes and gave
who stayed
The expression "sixteen kingdoms and five barbarians" is commonly used. In fact the
five,
kingdoms
than
the
the
ethnic
group
was
more
non-Chinese
of
and
number
number of
they founded was more than sixteen.
2 The reasonsfor the great movement of Chinese people to Southern China are more
factor,
including
factors
flood
famine.
See
than
the
ethnic
a
simple
as
well
of
and
complex
Shanghai:
Shanghai
Wang Zhongluo (ýEfýP*), WeiJin Nanbeichao shi
ýP
FE1
2003.
renmin chubanshe,
5
identity questions that appeared in this period were more complex than during the
time of the Three Kingdoms. It is understandablethat Cao Cao, the founder of the
fonner Wei, who had low social statusas the adoptedgrandsonof a court eunuch
and was without any connection with the late Han aristocracy, sought to strengthen
his own position at the expense of the great gentry families who had occupied the
forefront of the political stage since the killing
is
in
189.
It
the
of
eunuchs
understandable too that Liu Bei emphasized his descent from the imperial family
of the Han dynasty to strengthen his legitimacy in founding a new dynasty in the
southwest even if there is a shortage of evidence about his actual ancestry.
However, educated Chinese after the collapse of Western Jin rule had to face more
difficult identity questions than their predecessors who had served Cao Cao and
Liu Bei. How did they face the reality that Chinese people were unable to maintain
their supremacy over other ethnic groups? And how did they accept the end of
unified rule of the Chinese world? Those questions were more serious than
questions of family lineage and political loyalty. Moreover, when the Eastern Jin
was founded in Southern China, the geographical factor also influenced questions
of identity.
Sima Rui
276-322) refounded the Jin state in South China in 317
after the loss of the North, thus initiating the age of the Eastern Jin (*',
317-420).
The Eastern Jin in the south lasted more than a hundred years, much longer than
the Western Jin in the north. During this long period, the ruling house, aristocrats
and the educated Chinese in the south persistently hoped to return to their
homeland in the north. The armies of the Eastern.Jin tried to reconquer the
north
with the support of northern aristocrats in 312 and 313,352 and 365, and again
from 416 to 418. However, their dream of regaining power over all of China
was
6
shattered when Fu Jian ( I'T
338-385), the ruler of the Former Qin
HIi
351-394), one of the northern non-Chinesedynasties,launcheda massive invasion
that was stopped on the River Fei in 383
Feishuizhizhan ). At the same
time, people in the south had an interest in creating a stable, prosperous state in the
legitimate
leader
himself
the
the
their
of
south although
as
ruler regarded
government of the whole of China.
The first decades of Eastern Jin rule in Jiankang (Rf, *, Nanjing) and the
period after the River Fei campaign presented identity questions to educated
Chinese in the south that were slightly different. In the beginning refugees from the
north saw themselves as temporary residents. Most expected that they would go
back to the north shortly. Therefore they acted as superior to the local Chinese and
took a lofty attitude to them. After they largely lost hope of going back to the north
the identity question for the families from the north changed too.
Shizu
From the point of view of the Eastern Jin, the River Fei campaign was a
from
the non-Chinese kingdoms of north
successful effort at stopping attacks
China and keeping a certain security for the southern government which enjoyed
forty more years of peace. On the other hand, the cost of the River Fei campaign
had shown that there was little hope of recovering the north for the imperial family
had
fled
from
house
381,
After
Sima
the
the
who
north.
other
people
and
ruling
of
had to face the difficult question of powerful families, known as shizu
a
3
in
the south.
their
arrival
problem since
There are five Chinese words that are all pronounced shizu:
fttA,
f±tA
7
Shizu consistedmainly of imperial families, powerful families, and educated
families. Zhao Yi (MR), a famous scholar of the Qing (fflq) dynasty, said that the
knowledge
formed
because
intellectuals
their
took
of
shizu
professional
some
Confucian classics for an heirloom and passedit on to their descendantsso that
they could have the opportunity to take high positions in government. After some
became
high
families
these
generations,
social status and
were eventually accorded
4 However, the
LTc)
has
Shiyuan
(Mý:
Kuang
shizu.
modem scholar
pointed out that
it is relevant to the question of the development of shizu that since Confucianism
-6,
ideological
basis
by
Emperor
Wu
(A;
the
the
was recognized as
of
state
r. 140-87
BQ of the Western Han (N&
206 BC-8 AD), the younger generations of some
families
had
high
by
High
traditional
rich
won
office
studying
classics.
office was
also a way of acquiring wealth. Thereafter, if these families still held high positions
in government for generations without falling from political favour, their families
5
became shizu. Those families would increase their property, mostly by enlarging
their own land, after their family members became officials and held political
family's
it
had
As
its
to
power.
a
property grew
more chances educate sons and for
them to gain political position, so that their families became more and more
influential.
In short, the three prerequisites for shizu status were rich
powerful and
knowledge of Confucianist classics, a wealthy family, and holding high posts for a
few generations. Shizu status became very important for the identity of leading
Mr)ý.
differences
in
between
There
are
slightly
meaning
and
one and another and all are
W-FP-11fifif
See
Hanguang
Zhongguo
Zhonggu
Mo
(FP
shehui shilun
related.
EJA
a1988.
In
for
Lianjing
I
Taipei:
this
thesis
the
gongsi,
chuban
use
general
ý:
fi[ffj).
from
families.
Chinese
powerful
meaning of educated
(Taipei: Shijie shuju, 1983); vol. 5, "Leishi
See Zhao Yi, Nianer shi zhaji
Jingxue
5
Kuang Shiyuan
"Wei An mendi shili zhuanyi yu zhiluan guanxi" (ft-'r9m
ff
'fifFu, )
in WeiJin Nanbeichaoyanjiu lunji
(Taipei: Wenshizhe chubanshe, 1984), pp.29-79.
8
families.
Many powerful families had backed Liu Xiu
emperor of the Eastern Han
6 B. C. -57 A. D. ), the first
25-220), when he fought to found his own
dynasty in the first quarter of the first century. Most of these powerful families
became shizu later on because of their contribution, to the new regime and
therefore their families had the first chancesto hold and keep high posts in court. A
between
imperial
families
developed
had
strongerconnection
shizu and
since then,
and this situation continued under the Cao Wei dynasty. Even more than the Later
Han, the Cao Wei regime was founded on the support from many powerful families,
(ýM)'6
like those of Xu Chu
.
Zhong Yao
(Mg)'7
Du Ji
(fig).
8
Those families
from
had
Eastern
Han
the
their own armed forces. It
were all shizu
period who also
in
fact
the transfer of power between different groups of families when the
was
Cao Wei replaced the Eastern Han, and it was the same when the Sima took the
throne from the Cao. Therefore, scholars have long maintained that the period from
Wei to Jin it was dominated by "shizu politics".
The position of shizu was consolidated by the grading system known asjiupin
(A
guanrenfa
ON
also calledjiupin zhongzhengzhi (A'FPIE$q),
QQ
although
this system was not established especially for the shizu's benefit. The system was
Cao
Cao and his successor Cao Pi and was used for nearly four
established under
9
hundred years. The original purpose of the system was for the efficient selection
6 See Weizhi
18 "Biography of Xu Chu" in Sanguo zhi (E
' See Weizhi 13 "Biography of Zhong Yao" in Sanguo zhi, the annotation to
which quotes
ýL-%ýýjtt).
from
information
'Xianxian
xingzhuang'(7,
some
8 See Weizhi in Sanguo zhi 16 "Biography of Du Ji".
9 Jiupin guanrenfa was announced in the first year of Huangchu (RV], 220) and
was
in
Kaihuang
(rffj*,,
591).
for
It
371 years. See Wei
the
of
eleventh
year
abolished
was used
%3).
Sui
(
However,
in
Sanguo
and
shu
zhi.
although the publication of the system
zhi
Wei
Wendi
(P,
dated
Shen
Yue
3ZV)
Song
the
to
the
period,
author
was
of
shu (5r,
IF), attributed this effort to Cao Cao. SeeSong shu 94, the preface of -Biography of
9
in
Intended
for
principle
government.
and promotion of the most suitable officials
in
it
the
identify
impartial
best
to
the
consisted
selection,
officials and guarantee
However
in
families
t is system
their
classification of all officials and
nine grades.
(FPiE),
families
began
favour
the officials
the
to
the
as
very soon
zhongzheng
great
in chargeof the selection who held the right to decide which families belongedto
Chen
designer
from
Even
this
the
of
system,
which grades, usually came
shizu.
Qun (P*flT) himself came from a typical shizu family. In the special circumstance
of the time the right of selection was held in the hands of great families, so that the
jiupin guanrenfa eventually became a system which made the shizu more powerful
and more unshakable.
At the beginning of the jiupin guanrenfa, the zhongzheng normally made his
family
based
intellect,
the
selection and recommendation
on
abilities, virtue, and
background of educated individuals. However, by about the end of the Jin dynasty
family background became the only real prerequisite; intellect, abilities and virtue
into
if
They
taken
sometimes were only nominally
account.
would see a person's
high
in
had
holding
a record of
posts,
government, especially
recent ancestors
during three generations from his father to his great grandfather. This was not
10
based on distant family history. That is why the imperial family was usually
belonged
in
families
but
in
to
shizu
one
period
and
shizu and why some
included
decided
by
family's
how
in
(family
A
actually
grade) was
pin
not
another period.
families
it
held
Powerful
the
time.
were usually shizu although
at
much power
families
were not.
some powerful
Enxing
10 SeeTang Changru (*RfX),
"Shizu de xingcheng han shengjiang
han
duiwu
de
kuoda
tequan
-Shiren
shizu
yinzu
and
ýLýAý
(Beijing:
Zhonghua
both in WeiJin Nanbeichao shilun shiyi (ftffn*
N
-ýfiffl
64-78.
53-63
1983).
and
pp.
shuju,
10
The statusand composition of shizu changedwith the passingof time. When
the Song (*)
dynasty was founded in 420, military success brought about a
founder
The
of
rearrangement of political resources and a reclassification of shizu.
the Song dynasty in the south was an army chief named Liu Yu (Wqr4,363-422),
living
his
born
family.
in
humble
He
as a woodcutter,
who was
earned
and poor
a
fisherman and shoe seller when he was young. He began his career under several
from
late
fourth
finally
became
the
military groups
a ruler of a new
century and
fifth
by
from
family
in
first
decades
Sima
the
taking
the
throne
the
the
regime
of
century. As an emperor, his family was included among the shizu during the Song
but
it
first
it
to
the
period,
never came up
grade of shizu since was not "old"
for
high
in
Military
to
enough
qualification.
power was not a new path
posts
however
it
found
families
their
government;
a
was new way people
of promoting
to higher ranks in society. Liu Yu was the first model of this kind of social
advancement, and he was followed by three more founders of new dynasties in the
Xiao
Daocheng
(a
south:
427-482) of the Southem Qi (PN*, 479-502),
*, a
Xiao Yan (Mfýjf, 464-549) of the Liang (W, 502-557) and the Chen Baxian (P,
503-559)
Chen
(Ft,
557-589).
of
7t,
There were some other low class families like the Liu family upgraded into
rq), common families
high statusby military achievement.Quite a few hanmen(Aý_,
humble
families,
high
in
through
or
won
status
military achievement the period. In
fact, only humble families could succeed in the army. The members of shizu did
joining
join
Actually
the
time.
they
the army and winning
the
army at
regarded
not
kind
disgrace.
Such
held
by
as
a
of
military achievements
views were
most shizu
fifth
the
to the sixth centuries, as we shall see when
the
through
whole period of
looking at Yanshi jiaxun
00,
In this period the families of successful
by
"better"
true
but
in
shizu
soldiers rapidly rose
were not regarded as
status,
families
531-591+), although they had shizu status
such as Yan Zhituils
illegal
drove
for
law.
desire
to
The
to
actions such as
according the
some
shizu rank
falsifying family records. Powerful people would ask zhongzheng to change their
family records in order to upgrade their families to higher status for exemption
from taxes and labour requisition and for winning respect in society. " False
family records produced many fake shizu and this became a serious problem to the
government. The government made several general checks, under pressure, on the
family records of shizu during the period of the Song and Qi dynasties,but they
finally abandoned this campaign around 480, under more pressure, and pen-nitted
numerous fake shizu with false family records.
Besides the rise of military families, marriage connections were another factor
heterogeneous.
One typical example was the Xiao family
which made shizu more
of Lanling (WpjffiýQ).
The Xiao family became one of the most famous shizu
families in the late period of the Southern dynasties. They were the imperial family
dynasties,
Liang.
Qi
Before
two
the
the
then Xiaos were married into the
of
and
future Song ruling house. The stepmother of Liu Yu, the first Song emperor, came
from the Xiao family. Since the Liu family was humble, it is improbable that Liu
Yu's father had married a lady from a high status family. Therefore the Xiao family,
Tang
Changru
as
had pointed out, was not included in shizu originally
became
illustrious
family
from
Song times. The status of
they
an
although
shizu
the Xiao, based on marriage connections, lasted till the early years of the Tang (*)
ynasty.
I
'' Some records may be found in Nan shi
49, "Biography of Yu Bi
" See Tang Changru, "Shizu de xingcheng han shengjiang
in wei
-4H4-AJLýAýA
Jit7Nanbeichaoshilunshiyi(V,
(Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 1983),
12
From the simple discussion and description above, it is clear that shizu
identity was unstable, especially during the period from the fourth to sixth century.
How did people who prided themselves on their birth and education keep their
identity amidst such confusion? This was a central question for Yan Zhitui, the
author of the third book we will look at in this study.
Ethnic Questions
The problem of shizu in the north was more complex than in the south: it was
by
issues.
affected
ethnic
When the government of the Western Jin dynasty collapsed and withdrew to
the south in 317, powerful families had four choices. Some of them followed their
left
homelands
in
Yangzi
They
to
to
their
the
the
north
move
valley.
ruler and
became
fled
Some
the
time.
them
to
gradually
southerners with
passing of
of
*)
Liaodong (L#.,,
l)
in
Youzhou
([*fl,
the
area northeast China which Chinese
and
had developed since the Three Kingdoms period. Some of them moved to
Liangzhou ýly
in the west of China. Some of them chose to stay where their
family had lived for many generations. Except for the people who moved south,
the others were usually regarded as northerners, for the whole of north China was
dynasty
in
Northern
Wei
(JLV,
439.
)
the
eventually united under
Unlike the great families that moved to the south, the great families that
had
forces.
built
in
They
fortresses
the
strong armed
north usually
strong
stayed
families
dependants
to protect themselves and their
and
and organized extended
53-63.
pp.
13
properties when the government was unable to maintain order and the populace
was confronted with the threat of war and bandits. Someof the smaller and weaker
families would attach themselves to the great families to ensure security. Such
groupings could become powerful military structures. Their fortresses and armed
forces were so strong that they could sometimes resist regular soldiers. This kind
13
had
dynasty.
Following the
of self-protection strategy
evolved under the Han
from
the beginning of the fourth century to
establishment of non-Chinese regimes
the middle of the fifth century the great Chinese families lost their military power
but remaineddominant in local finance and administration.
To maintain control of their Chinese subjects the non-Chinese rulers of the
kingdoms
in
the north usually tried their best to establish good
various
relationships with those Chinese great families. The rulers in the north would make
friends with the leaders of those families, and some of the barbarian kings even
identities
for the great families. During the period of Sixteen
restored shizu
Kingdoms, the non-Han rulers, including the rulers of the Zhao (ffi) kingdoms and
the rulers of the early years of the Northern Wei dynasty, restored and classified
identity
for
families
in
the
the north with the jiupin zhongzheng system
shizu
great
family
to
the
and also according
old
records which had been made in Cao,Wei
and Western Jin times. Problems within the different classes of shizu and
between shizu and non-shizu were still apparent from time to time in the north.
However, the shizu problem in the north was not as serious as in the south. To the
in
Chinese
the
to
their
rulers
north
non-Chinese
and
subjects the more serious
problem was always the ethnic question.
13 See Ch'u, T'ung-tsu, Han social structure. (Seattle: University
of Washington Press,
1972), p.209.
14
Ethnic questions in the period of the Sixteen Kingdoms remained serious
When
China.
it
dynasty
Northern
the
Wei
whole of north
the
unified
under
after
the
between
the
China
divided
of
power
military
rival regimes,
northern
was still
important;
the
therefore
problem of shizu was
non-Chinese peoples was all
Kingdoms,
Sixteen
the
kings
hand,
On
the
as
the
such
of
secondary.
some
other
Murong
family of the Yan
families of the Zhao,(ffiý) kingdoms,
Qin
kingdom, 14 the Liu (Wq) and the Shi (;H)
15
F
families
(ýft)
Yao
(j
Fu
the
of
fI) and
and the
kingdoms' 6 had been sinicised to a degree; their knowledge of Chinese
tradition and the use of Chinese culture had been of great help in their rule. Any
in
Chinese
large
Chinese
to
that
order
officials
needed
regime
ruled a
population
do so. During this period of nearly a hundred years, the shizu problem did not
become a serious issue until a Xianbei
branch destroyed most of its
in
founded
China.
a great empire north
northern rivals and
In 386,, Tuoba Gui (Týfi&Jj, 371-409) founded a non-Chinese regime in
Pingcheng (-7FfA, Datong, Shanxi). The kingdom was also named Wei and is called
Northern Wei in Chinese history in order to distinguish it from Cao Wei. The
Tuoba family, a branch of Xianbei, had founded a state called Dai (ft)
built
and
*, in inner Mongolia) in 312 that came to an end
their first capital in Shengle ('A5wj,
in 376. Ten years after their first kingdom fell, the Tuoba family founded a new
kingdom. After their establishment of the new kingdom, by the middle of the fifth
" SeeJin shu H EN 109, "Biography of Murong Guang
I 10I "Biography of
127, "Biography of Murong De
Murong Jun
SeeJin shu 101, "Biography of Liu Yuanhai
102 "Biography of Liu Cong
103, "Biography of Liu Yao (TqRM)"; 104 and 105, "Biography of Shi Le
k)
106 and 107, "Biography of Shi Jilong
A 16 SeeJin shu 113 and 114, "Biography of Fu Jian
115, "Biography of Fu Pi
117 and 118, "Biography of Yao Xing
116, "Biocyraphy of Yao Chang
im)"; It 9, "Biography of Yao Hong
ýI
15
China
in
destroyed
first
and
their
Northern
Wei
north
rivals
the
all
century
rulers
The
direct
the
best
then proceeded as
peasantry.
they could to establish
control over
families
from
Chinese
to
house
Wei
Northern
shizu
the
ruling
relied on educated
of
for
to
laws
kinds
institutions,
the
state,
new
and other systems
establish many
of
first
lands.
This
in
Chinese
the
stage
was
enable the government to work properly
its
Chinese
its
dealings
in
dynasty
Wei
Northern
the
the
with
of
sinicization of
had
Wei
houses
in
Northern
As
to maintain good
the
the
subjects.
north,
ruling
had
families
families
in
Chinese
to
those
the
north, and
relation with powerful
by
house
loyalty.
One
those
the
to
their
great contribution made
serve
ruling
show
helped
families
Chinese
Chinese
the
the
tradition
which
political
powerful
was
Tuoba family to build their own bureaucratic structure and rule their new kingdom
effectively.
While north Chinese shizu helped the Tuoba family to establish their
high
before
by
its
them
tried
to
take
status as
government and
systems, some of
from
They
the
they
office.
using
power which
received
wanted to reorganise the
by
social order
making a clear classification of shizu. In any classification of shizu
based on Chinese tradition and Chinese history, nonually only educated Chinese
families were able to keep records of their families' political experience. That
be
have
high
Xianbei
to
the
able
social status although
aristocracy would not
meant
their political status would remain high. That was not only a shizu identity issue
but was an ethnic question. What Chinese shizu wanted to do caused serious
tension between the Xianbei aristocracy and the Chinese shizu. This situation
in
450,
in
history
(W
Cui
Hao
named
after
eventually caused a widespread crisis
history
W-92$ft-).
(guoshi
the
official
crisis
or sometimes called
sh4ian,
Cui Hao,(?-450) was born in a famous high grade shizit family in north China.
16
He was the most important of the educated Chinese from shizu families who
helped the Northern Wei dynasty to establishtheir bureaucraticsystemunder three
A,
(t,
Taiwu
409-423)
(H)ITE,
L-6A,
Mingyuan
386-409),
and
r.
emperors:Daowu (
r.
424-452).
holding
After
r.
political
having
long
for
time
an
and
a
power
Cui
Hao
families,
the
social status of northern
unconcealed wish to re-rank
feel
he
interests
them
Xianbei
threatenedthe
made
and, moreover,
aristocracy's
that educatedChineselooked down on them as uncivilized. Cui Hao was executed
because he wrote directly about the history of the Tuoba family in a disrespectful
17
between
in
fact
he
died
In
the
the
educated
conflict
emperor.
way and offended
Chinese and Xianbei aristocracy over sinicization. Many Chinese shizu were
involved in the Cui Hao,incident, and thousandsof membersof shizu families were
did
banished.
it
However,
executed or
not stop the process of sinicization of
Northern Wei even though there continued to be tensions and suspicions between
Chinese and non-Chinese.
The process of the sinicization of the Northern Wei climbed to its peak in the
time of Xiaowen di (*3Z; -6, r. 471-499), the sixth emperor of the Northem Wei
dynasty. His reign has become synonymous with sinicization. In his reign he
for
into
Chinese
Xianbei
transforming
announced many policies
culture
culture.
Xiaowen di, Tuo,ba Hong
had accepted Chinese culture since he was
from
his
Dowager
Empress
Feng
grandmother,
very young and mostly
441-490), the daughter of a Chinese shizu family. He also took much advice on
his
high
from
in
Su
Wang
the
of
one
officials
sinicization
court,
436-501), a
17 There are many resourceswhich mention the Cui Hao incident in Weishu,such as: 35
48 "Biography of
"Biography of Cui Hao (jTn)", 47 "Biography of Lu Xuan
I
Gao Yun ( AAt)" and 24 "Biography of Cui Xuanbo
17
18
typical Chinese shizu intellectual, when he took direct control of his government.
Xiaowen di and his grandmother changed almost every aspect of state and society
in a drastic reform programme directed towards the goal of smicization. He
Xianbei
the
ways and even the use
enforced sinification and outlawed many of
old
family
Xianbei
language
their
their
name
original
of
clothes styles, and
at court;
for
identity
banned
in
intended
Chinese
laws
them.
to
the
cultural
were
createa
new
Finally to move away from the "barbarian" influences of old customs, in 495
Xiaowen di moved the capital from Pingcheng to the ruined site of Luoyang. Such
it
had
in
the
the
thirty
that
twenty
a
resources of
or
were
reformed state
some
years
half
had
been
buildings
there
great city of
a million people with magnificent
where
but
before,
leaders
Xianbei
tribal
nothing
ruins
and
while also maintaining many
19
hundredsof thousandsof soldierson the frontiers.
The sinicization after Xiaowen di moved his capital to Luoyang became more
thoroughgoing. He adopted the jiupin grading system for leading families. In 495
he even made a new law to change Xianbei family names from their original forms
to Chinese style ones and ranked eight of them, Mu (fg-), Lu (Ft), He (fff), Liu
(Wq), Luo (ff), Yu (-T),
Ji
I,
first
Wei
(PT-,
),
These
and
as
grade names.
eight
family names were shortened from polysyllabic Xianbei aristocratic names.20
After the change those family names became very similar to some Chinese family
di
for
Xiaowen
then
announced another strong measure
sinicization. He
names.
leaders
had
his
Tuoba
the
tribal
to
the
especially
people,
who
submitted
asked
18 See "Biography of Wang Su" in WeiShu 63 and Bei Shi 42.
19 SeeJenner, WTF., Memories of Loyang.- YangHsuan-chih and the lost capital (493-534)
(Oxford: Clarendon press, 1981), pp. 16-60.
Modem discussions seeTang Changru, -Lun
See WeiShu 113 "Guanshi zhi
in WeiJin Nanbeichao shilun
Bei Wei Xiaowendi ding xingzu
2)
L
*A
'H
(Beijing:
Zhonghua
1983),
79-9
1.
Also
(ft
Yao
iy
i
shuju,
pp.
see
sh
Beichao huxing kao (JL*AMft1V). Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 1958.
Weiyuan
18
family and moved to Luoyang from the northern frontier with the ruling house, to
historical
According
).
(ýqn*
to
Henan
records,
change their place of origin to
family
hundred
than
people of more
a
became
Luoyangers
surnames all
21
thereafter. Xiaowen di had tried to close the gap betweenthe Xianbei aristocracy
between
Chinese
differences
Chinese
to
and non-Chinese.
and
shizu, and minimize
In a word, he wanted all his people to become Chinese in culture. He even
different
law
announced a marriage
which made clear rules on marriage among
blood.
law
According
Chinese
the
to
this
races.
and non-Chinesewould share same
When the ruling house of the Northern Wei and its people in Luoyang were
large
brought
by
Xianbei
the
the
were
sinicization,
numbers of
enjoying
prosperity
left behind in the north. Most of them were the Xianbei soldiers who stayed on the
kingdom
frontier
for
long
These
Xianbei
the
time.
northern
a
garrisons guarded
from
in
their
state
other steppe armies' attacks a severe environment.
and protected
Those once honoured armies were neglected and mistreated by a remote and
insisted
in
Xianbei
Luoyang
their
they
since
still
on
culture and
sinicized court
in
identity.
Luoyang
The
the
area produced a new
successful sinicization
ethnic
identity of high civilization for the Tuoba family and their followers, and this new
identity made them different from their own people left in the northern frontiers.
The differences turned into discontent, the discontent became anger and
broke
into
that
the
northern garrisons
a rebellion of
out around 524.
accumulated
This rebellion destroyed the Northern Wei army. The state had to turn to the heavy
ff.
Erzhu
(f
the
cavalry of
tribesmen of Iranian descent long settled in Shanxi, to
imposed
The
Erzhu
dictatorship
did
fatal
then
their
the
rebellion.
and
suppress
21 See WeiShu 113 "Guanshi zhi" and the preface of 'Shibu
M) 33. "Jingj i zhi
Sui shu (P'Fj
puxipian
in
19
damage to Luoyang and killed many of its Xianbei and Chinese elite. The
down
finally
Erzhus
The
disappeared
Luoyang
put
were
prosperity of
very quickly.
Huan
Gao,
Chinese,
by
by
Xianbeiicized
Luoyang's
but
not
a
armies
496-547)
22
,a
(FUlljR,
former northern garrison officer and associate of theirs. Not long
2
Huan
it
is
Gao
his
Erzhu,
that
moved
said
after
successful suppression of the
days'
its
from
Luoyang
three
notice to a new capital
million people
and
environs at
dynasty.
Wei
(Anyang,
Northern
Ye
Henan).
This
the
the
at
end of
was
./
=f--
The Northern Wei dynasty split into two lines after 534: the Eastern Wei (,T,
zf-li: t
(NVA,
535-556),
Western
Wei
his
534-550),
Gao
Huan
the
jý%,
and
sons,and
under
507-556) at Chang'an. In 552 the eastern
Gao's
Yuwen
Tai
under
rival
branch was dethroned, and Gao Yang P-j
OLM
Northern
Qi
the
emperor of
529-559) made himself the first
550-577). In 557 the Yuwen family ended the
fiction of Western Wei rule and took the throne as the Zhou dynasty, later known as
the Northern Zhou OL ME 557-581). About twenty years later, when the Northern
Qi regime was weakened by its own wealth, Northern Zhou marched its armies to
Ye and destroyed it in 577. The same fate befell the Northern Zhou in 581, when it
by
its
Jian.
Chinese
Yang
Having
reasserted
partly
generals,
overthrown
one
of
was
Chinese supremacy in the north as the first Sui emperor, Yang Ran went on to
China.
the
conquer
south and reunify
When north China was under the control of the Gao family and the Yuwen
family, sinicization was disrupted by many strong anti-sinicization policies. Both
language
Xianbei
houses
their
the
to
own
people
use
again on
encouraged
ruling
formal occasions, especially when their leaders made speechesto the armies. They
22 See Wan Shengnan(M%fft
Chen Yinque WeiJin Nanbeichaojiangyan lu. (F*jýfiýjg
ap).
Huangshan
(Hefei:
2000),
2922-300.
shushe,
pp.
BVIAJOAMA
20
Xianbei
family
the
people.
the
names of
also restored the place of origin and
Moreover, they gave Xianbei surnamesto their Chineseofficials when they made
honour.
having
Xianbei
They
sumame as a mark of
great achievements.
a
regarded
The policy of the bestowal of surnames in this period moved the mixture of
Chineseand non-Chinesein the direction of Xianbeiization, and made it difficult to
distinguish between those originally of high rank and those of low. The policy also
by
influence
Chinese
the
the
the
out
carried
a
part
of
was
of
reversal of
restoration
23
for
Chinese
had
They
the
times.
culture,
non-Chineserulers of
no great respect
and people with Chinese culture.
Looking at the situation like this and looking back at the history of north
China, with changing government policies on sinicization and an ever shifting
in
living
in
how
did
Chinese
China,
the north see
political situation
north
people
their identity? When Xiaowen di of the Northern Wei carried out sinicization and
later rulers reversed their policies, how did Chinese and non-Chinese identify
themselves? Yang Xuanzhi, a Chinese gentleman who had served as an official in
the short-lived Northern Wei capital Luoyang, reflected directly and indirectly on
the identity of Luoyang as a Chinese city and on the role of Chinese officials and
in
he
it
its
Xianbei
the
city when
sinified
aristocrats
wrote about
after
disappearance.
Buddhism
It was said that the second emperor of the Eastern Han, Ming di
About the reasonsand functions of the bestowal of surnamesduring this period, see
Albert E. Dien, "The Bestowal of SurnamesUnder the Western Wei - Northern Chou: A
Case of Counter-Acculturation" in T'oung Pao 63 (1977), pp. 137-177.
21
his
front
in
flying
58-75),
he
had
palace.
of
r.
saw a golden man
a dream in which
One of his officials, Fu Yi (fft),
there was a sagein Tianzhu
24 an erudite scholar, told him that he had heard
India), called Buddha, who was able to fly, and
flying
body
hue.
He
the
that
to
man
golden
say
went on
whose
was of a golden
led
di
dispatched
Ming
Buddha.
in
dream
envoys
seen the emperor's
was probably
by Cai Yin
and Qin Jing
his
learn
this
to
sageand
more about
abroad
teachings. The envoys brought back with them the Sutra in Forty-two Sections (VY
+-
FF,
deposited
in
Si
Baima
the
the
which
emperor
Horse
White
-1
Temple) constructed in the western part of Luoyang. According to this story, this
beginning
the
was
of Chinese Buddhism, and the sutra was the earliest piece of
Buddhist literature in China. This version of the introduction of Buddhism into
25
China cannot be accepted as authentic and reliable. However, this story was
believed,
by
from
fourth
talked
to sixth
the
widely
about and rewritten
people
26
legend
fundamental
identity
The
century.
addressesa
question about Buddhism's
in
implied
China.
It
this was the result of a Chinese emperor's decision,
arrival
Chinese
Buddhism
Chinese
to
which made
seemmuch more
and subordinated a
ruler.
Although the exact date of when Buddhism first came into China remains
Ar,
fift
its
In
Gaoseng
(
the
the
unclear,
speed of
propagation was astonishing.
zhuan
the famous collection of biographies of more than 500 monks compiled by a
r5ý,
in
(M,
497-554)
dynasty(502-557),
Huijiao
Liang
the
there were
scholar monk
214
SeeHou Han Shu 70 "Biography of Fu Yi".
25 See Kenneth K. S. Ch'en, Buddhism in China: a survey (Princeton: Princeton
University Press, 1973), pp.29-30.
26 About the legend of Yongping, seeTang Yongtong's
"Yongping qiufa
kaozheng
(;
in
Hanwei liangiin nanbeichao
zhi
chuanshuo
(Taipei: Luotuo chubanshe, 1987), pp. 16-30.
juojiaoshi
22
Three
from
Han
the
Eastern
and nine
only about ten monks from the period of the
Kingdoms. By contrast, the book includes 155 from the 155 years of the Western
Jin and Eastern Jin dynasties (265-420). Huijiao gave biographies of 358 monks
from one hundred years from the first years of the Song dynasty to the eighteenth
year of the Tianjian
27
This
(420-519).
dynasty
Liang
the
rapidly
era of
knowledge
does
Huijiao's
times
near
of
greater
growing number
not only reflect
in Wei Shou's
his own. According to "Shilao zhi
Weishu (VAM),
EHI
the number of monasteries in China by 477 was 6,478, and it increased to more
than 30,000 in 534; the number of monks and nuns in China by 477 was 77,258,
28
in
it
increased
2
534
to
million
and
.
The number of monasteries increased about
five times and the number of monks and nuns increased about twenty-six times in
became
57
Buddhism
At
this
the most popular
only
years.
astonishing speed
foreign
in
by
despite
being
China
the
religion
a religion of
origin
sixth century
fast
its
Besides
with many non-Chinese elements.
propagation, also worthy of
from
is
in
fourth
China
that
the
to the sixth
attention
nearly all monks and nuns
century were Chinese. Taking the evidence of Gaoseng zhuan, there are only 65
foreign monks in the book, and more than 400 Chinese monks. There is little
information about why so many Chinese became monks or when they became
it
is
hard
know
how
to
monks;
also
well all of them were educated or where they
27
4), with Tang Yongtong's annotation and
See Huijiao (V-,,r,z) Gaosengzhuan QQ-fifff!
F--J
41!
L,
-T,
Wvr=-=t1
R
(J
Zhonghua
),
different
Beijing:
1997.
According
to
shuju
correction.
in
Gaoseng
the
total
of
monks
number
editions
zhuan and the number of monks in each
different.
in
The
Taishaz6)
total
number of monks Dazhengzang
category are
in
is
is
Jinling
in
516,
501,
the
the edition of Haishanxianguan
edition of
edition
is 50 1. In this thesis the materials taken from Gaoseng zhuan are all based on
Tang Yongtong's edition published by Zhonghua shuju.
28 See Weishu H4 "Shilao zhi
and the chart of the number of monasteries and
by
Tang
Yongtong
in
Han
liangiin
Wei
compiled
nuns
monks and
nanbeichaofojiaoshi,
1
512-5
pp.
).
-3
23
received their education. This was the most successful example of cultural
in
before
China
westernization
modem times.
The successful propagation of Buddhism in medieval China depended greatly
Many
in
house
from
the
the
of
period.
ruling
on the support
rulers and members of
the rulers, Chinese and non-Chinese,in north China and in south China, showed
during
China,
for
In
the
Buddhism.
the
the
of
period
north
great enthusiasm
Sixteen Kingdoms, Shi Le (E*ft
319-350), Fu Jian
Yao,
Xing
and
QALfJ,
kingdom
Zhao
Later
the
the ruler of
the ruler of the Former Qin kingdom
?-
351-394),
U-A-T,
-,
--I(HI
^384-417),
kingdom
(&
Qin
Later
the ruler of the
all
f-,
,
for
Buddhist
help
in
large
institutions
translating
sutras in
provided great
setting up
its
fast
Wei,
Buddhism
China.
In
Northern
the
the
growth.
continued
period of
north
Buddhism was subordinated to political power and the chief monks were usually
first
bureaucracy.
Although
the
the
persecution of
members of
goverm-nent
Buddhism in Chinese history happened in the early period of the Northern Wei,
Buddhism still grew successftilly in north China from the fifth century to the sixth.
The great enthusiasm for Buddhism from the ruling house of the Northern Wei was
in
Yungang
the
two
temples:
evidenced
caves of
world-famous groups of cave
in today's Datong
Shanxi
Rrj)
Longmen
(-[ýj
the
and
caves of
.
from
460
These
Luoyang.
two
to 523, using much
projects went on
about
near
labour.
in
The
Buddhism
China
growth
of
north
money and conscripted
also made
Luoyang, the third capital city of the Northern Wei after Xiaowen di moved there
from Pingcheng in 495, one of most beautiful and prosperous international cities in
the world with many magnificent temples and monasteries.
In south China, the way of representing enthusiasm for Buddhism was
different from in the north. There was also high-level support for Buddhism. Many
24
imperial family members became believers in Buddhism, among them Emperor
Wen (3Z-ýY,r.424-453) of the Liu Song (WqTz)dynasty, the Prince of Linchuan Mv
jI1 '1), Liu Yiqing (Wq&,ffi,
(-AR
Jingling
Prince
dynasty,
the
of
and
of the same
T-), Xiao Ziliang (WffJ_ft), of the Southern Qi dynasty. The most famous was
Xiao Yan, Liang Wudi, the first emperor of the Liang dynasty. He was an
himself
Buddhist
devoted
He
Buddhist.
temple to
to
a
even gave
up
extremely
four
least
for
his
labourer
times
the
at
serve as a menial
paid
release
until
state
from 527 to 547. When Ch'en said, "As a way of raising funds for the Buddhist
temples this practice was without rival, and Liang Wudi undoubtedly indulged in it
29
is
his
Buddhism.
,
However,,
to show
there
patronage of
another view advanced
by Yamada. He claimed that the reason why Liang Wudi gave himself to a
Buddhist temple was because he was trying to combine the identity of an emperor
identity
bodhisattva.
himself
Through
the
the
to the
and
of a
ritual of giving
Buddhist temple as a menial labourer again and again, Liang Wudi made himself a
bodhisattva-emperor, an emperor in a secular world and also a bodhisattva in the
final
he
Whatever
Liang
Wudi's
the
time.
religious world at
same
purpose was,
his
it
Did
produced contradiction and confusion among
people.
mean that
Buddhism had become a national religion? Could an alien religion become a
foreign
became
be
How
to
seen after a
religion
national religion?
were monks
a
became
bodhisattva-emperor?
their
emperor
national religion and
a
Without question the successful propagation of Buddhism in medieval China
However
important
factors
be
the
to
to
of
rulers.
support
other
owed much
Confucianism.
Early
Daoism
Chinese
Buddhism
to
and
are
converts
considered
29 See: Kennetli K. S. Ch'en, Buddhism in China.- A historical survey. P.125. Princeton:
Princeton University Press, 1973.
25
had often been attachedto Daoism, a traditional religion and philosophy with a
long history in Chinese society. People sometimes took them as the same kind of
Chu
Ying
like
Prince
the
both
time,
of
religion and practised
religions at the same
(IPT-' Vý:
) in the Eastern Han. The relationship between Daoism and Buddhism was
became
first
Buddhism
friendly.
than
However,
popular
even
more
at
when
very
Daoism in China,, especially when Buddhism became a popular religion among
began
Chinese,
between
to change.
the
two
the
religions
upper-class
relationship
The growth of this alien religion inevitably evoked opposition from the native
long
is
interesting
Daoism.
It
Tang
to
ago, that this
religion of
pointed out
note, as
in
different
forms
in
China.
In
the north such
took
opposition
and
south
north
30
opposition sometimes took the form of persecutions based on political power.
In
the south the opposition appeared in the form of treatises attacking Buddhism on
31
debates,
In
the
treatises,
theoretical
south many
arguments and
grounds.
various
took place in court or on private occasions between Daoists and Buddhists. They
32
historical
the
problem of
priority
and ended with a central
usually started with
issue: the difference between barbarian and Chinese (Yixialun,
Religious
became
identity,
therefore
opposition
a problem of
a problem Buddhists always
had to face.
The identity problem of Buddhism was not only raised by Daoists; it was also
30 One in 446 and another in 574-577. On these events,,see Ch'en,,Buddhism in China.
31 SeeTang, Buddhism history, p.462 and Ch'en, Buddhism in China, p. 136.
32 4,
/b"
Fo dao zheng xian (M L-94P7 the argument over the priority problem started from
,
The argument over the priority
Wang Fu's (T-4) Laozi hua hujing
historic
debate
became
in
in
520,
that
took
the presence
a
court
eventually
place
problem
516-528)
Northern
dynasty,
Xiaoming
Wei
Emperor
the
r.
of
and a series of
of
debates started in 568 under the supervision of Emperor Wu
r.561-578) of the
Northern Zhou dynasty. The later resulted in a serious suppressionof Buddhism which
began in 574.
26
brought up by Confuciansfrom time to time. As said above,the difference between
barbarian and Chinese(Yixiazhibian, ý4020,4*) was always a central issue in the
issue
It
between
Buddhists.
Daoists
the
of
the
the
central
was also
arguments
and
the controversies between the Buddhists and the Confucians, specially when the
famous polemic Nxialun was published. The anti-Buddhist polemic Nxialun
(Treatise on the Barbarian and the Chinese) was written by Gu Huan (8,4R,
33
390-483) in the period of the Liu Song dynasty and aroused great interest and
discussion.
Indian
Tang
Ch'en
Gu's
As
to
that
nature
aim was show
much
and
said,
from
different
those of the Chinese.Hence Buddhism,,
and customswere evil and
34
having originated in India, was not suited to Chinese. Gu Huan's point had
been
forth
in
debates
between
Daoists
Buddhists
the
earlier
put
and
and arguments
language
in
his
have
Gu
However,
the
as we
seen already.
used
polemic was
in
his
basis
for
than
this
stronger
previous works,
made
writing a model and a
anti-Buddhist writing thereafter, such as: Sanpolun (Ef6ým, Treatise on the Three
in the Qi period, Shenmielun (ý$M-'finfl,
Destructions) written by Zhang Rong (ýRFVA)
On the Destruction of the Souo written by Fan Zhen
period,
35
A), also in the Qi
jff)
in
Guo
(%iftffig)
Xun
ffý,
Zushen
Ji's
the
and
and
memorials written
36
time of Liang Wudi. Some of the writers of these anti-Buddhist polemics had a
37
Daoist background, like Gu Huan and Zhang Rong; however, they all took the
defending
the Confucian value system. Some of them posited their
position of
33 Gu Huan's "Yi xia lun- was recorded in "Biography of Gu Huang" in Nan Qi shu (n* W
M) 54.
34 SeeTang, Buddhism history, p.464 and Ch'en's Buddhism in China, p. 139.
35 SeeLiang shu (Wa) 48, "Biography of Fan Zhen" in "Biography of Rulin
and
Nan shi (M* ýý) 57 "Biography of Fan Zhen- attachedto "Biography of Fan Yun
36 SeeNan shi 70, "Biography of Guo Zushen" and Bei shi OLýP) 83. "Biography of Xun
Ji- in -Biography of Wenxue (3ZýP)-.
37 Some historical information indicates that both Gu Huan and Zhang Rong were Daoists
SeeTang, Buddhism historv, p.465.
27
the
took
them
family
from
viewpoint
of
the
some
structure,
questions
of
viewpoint
from
Buddhism
the
to
Chinese
them
tradition, and some of
objected
of protecting
from
No
interests
matter
and the stability of the state.
viewpoint of the economic
brought
they
their
all regarded
those
questions,
up
which viewpoint
writers
Buddhism as an evil power which would destroy the Confucian value system and
Chinese tradition. As the Confucian value system was (and still is) the basis of
Chinese tradition and society, how did the Buddhists respond to the questions
brought up by the Confucians? How could Buddhists fit in to Chinese society
despite the undeniably alien elements in their identity? Did the Buddhists modify
their identity to make themselves more acceptable by Confucian standards?
For exploring the identity questions Chinese people faced in the sixth century,
flfff-ft,
AR
Gaoseng
(
books
They
three
are
zhuan
written then offer much material.
Luoyang qielanji
p
Yanshijiaxun
and
These three books
history
in
late
the
the
to
of the
were all written
middle
sixth century and reflected
time from different angles. Although the three books apparently deal mainly with
buried
have
identity
deeply
they
other subjects,
all
questions
within them.
The collection of biographies of Buddhist monks, Gaoseng zhuan was
compiled by the scholar monk Huijiao
r,ý) in southern China by 554,38 when
.
Buddhism already had long been the dominant religion in Chinese society. This
book raises issues of how Huijiao, constructed identities for Buddhist monks to
fit
in
Chinese
Confucian
ideology,
tradition
the major secular
them
with
and
make
in
value system, the period.
38 According to the postscript written by the monk Sengguo, Huijiao died in 554, therefore
the book must have been completed no later than this year. See Gaoseng zhuan, annotated
by Tang Yongtong (Beijintur:Zhonghua shuju, 1997), p-554.
28
Luoyang qielanji
Yang Xuanzhi
by
55039
late
549
547
between
early
or
and
was written
during
China
in
living
the
Chinese
age
north
educated
an
Luoyang
Wei
Northern
book
China.
Through
the
capital at
this
about
of segmented
that had been the expressionof Xiaowen di's sinification policies, we will have
facing
issues
identity
the
northern shizu serving a
more understanding about
identity
important
book
Xuanzhi's
Yang
suggests some
regime of alien origin.
him
did
like
How
be
that
to
create and
people
questions
need
considered,such as:
define their own identity? How did he relate to Chinese history? What was the
identity
between
connection
at a time when the non-Chinese
ethnicity and
Northern Wei rulers gave themselves a more Chinese identity and failed? How did
deal
identity?
did
How
Yang
Xuanzhi
a city or a place affect one's
with the
in
in
Chinese
the
true
tradition
the
questions of whether
north or
was maintained
the south?
Another book full of insights on identity is Yanshijiaxun, written by Yan Zhitui
it)
40
book
Yan
Zhitui's
the
the
around
end of
sixth century.
was one of
instructions to his sons and descendants. His concerns were mainly with family
identity and survival in troubled and uncertain times. Yan was a southernerwho
had been moved to north China as a captive and a refugee in the late period of the
Liang dynasty. He wrote this family instruction to his sons and grandsons when he
his
family
book
China.
discloses how he
This
to
to
and
were unlikely
return
south
his
family
identity
to
their
create
and
maintain
wanted
as gentlemen scholars no
disasters
happen.
Yan Zhitui gives his descendants
political
might
matter what
39 According to W.J.F. Jenner's research.SeeMemories Loyang: YangHsuan-chih
of
and
the lost capital (493-534). (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1981), p. 15.
40 See Wang Liqi (Ij 11ý9),Yanshijiaxunjijie
(Taipei: Hanjing wenhua
gongsi, 1983), p.21.
29
clear instructions on the kind of identity he wanted them to make for themselves.
What were the most important componentsof identity for Yan Zhitui? How did
Yan Zhitui look at his past in south China? And, how did Yan Zhitui urge his
family to modify the traditional valuesthat had defined shizu families in the past?
30
Chapter 2
Identity problems caused by Buddhism and solutions
according to Gaoseng zhuan
The identity of monks was a controversial issue in medieval Chinese society.
As a foreign religion Buddhism had been a serious challenge to Chinese society
first
into
its
different
ideas
images
it
introduced
China.
with
very
and
when was
During the period of Northern and Southern dynasties, Buddhism was in some
integrated
into
Chinese
However,
as
ways
society and also met with resistance.
Buddhism became more and more successful in China, hostility to Buddhism also
became more and more pronounced. As the representatives of Buddhism, monks
became central to religious arguments, which, in the documents available to us,
initiated
by
Chinese.
Anti-Buddhist
mostly
were
educated
Chinese
educated
in
but
Buddhism
their attitude toward monks was generally
attacked
various ways
to look down them. The monk's shaven head and simply robe were a challenge to
L'62ý)
Chinese
It
Daoan
(
that
the
upper-class
customs. was said
even
great monk
his
"spoiled
appearance" or was a "self-mutilated man"
was called a man who
by
he
kingdom
in
Fu
Jian,
the
trusted
although
non-Chinese ruler of a
was
north
'
China, to whom he was as an imperial adviser. Yan Yanzhi (AqLIE,7ý7)was a lay
Buddhist, however, when he had a problem with the monk Huilin (Mi#) he called
2
him a survivor of penal mutilation. Anti-Buddhists
Gaoseng zhuan (r---j
'R-flgf-A)5. "Biography of Daoan
Link, "Biography of Shih Tao-an- in T'oung Pao 46, p.32.
I, `
Song shu (5ý'Jf) 33, -Biography of Yan Yanzhi
looked on monks as a
pp. 182-,also seeArthur E.
31
different kind of people and the difference usually also meant they were seen as
inferior.
biographies
of
Gaoseng
In this chapter I will examine
of
collection
a
zhuan,
kinds
discuss
China,
in
to
of
Buddhist monks written by a monk
what
medieval
identity problems the author and other monks encountered and how he constructed
identities for the monks in his book to counter the bad images their opponents
for
created them.
Gaoseng zhuan--- Biographies of Buddhist monks
is
Monks,
Eminent
GSZ),
Biographies
Gaoseng zhuan Q'flfff-W,
the
a set of
F--J
of
biographies of Buddhist monks who lived and worked in China during medieval
rQ),
lived
(#,,
by
Huijiao
It
under the
times. was compiled and written
a monk who
Liang dynasty. There are more than five hundred Buddhist monks' lives in the
biographies,
in
fifty-seven
hundred
Two
the
with
main
monks are
and
collection.
The
biographies.
in
forty-four
time
hundred
two
supplementary
monks
and
another
from
(the
67
fifty-three
four
hundred
tenth
A.
D.
year
years
and
covered spans about
(A
Yongping
the
of
dynasty)
(the
519
Han
Eastern
A.
D.
the
until
era of
Tianjian
the
eighteenth year of
dynasty).
Liang
the
era of
The book is divided into fourteen chapters (juan, U;)3, thirteen chapters of
text and one chapter of postface and content. The biographies of monks are
The numbers of GSZ are slightly different within different editions. The chapter number
is
TSD)
(Taish5z5,
Daizokyo
Shinshuthe
TaisW
edition,
popular
edition
at
present,
most
of
fourteen. In this thesis, all discussion will be basedon the fourteen chapter edition,
by
in
hereafter,
Beijing:
Zhonghua
1997,
Yongtong
Tang
by
published
and
shuju
annotated
GSZ.
32
(2) Exegetes
(y4ing,
into
Translators
(1)
They
ten
grouped
are:
categories.
(yijie,
Aq); (3) Miracle workers (shenyi, ý$
devoted to wonder-workers; (4)
_W),
ý,I
Practitioners of Meditation (xichan, NýTM-);(5) Elucidators of the Regulations
(minglu, H)]T$), devoted to scholars of the Vinaya; (6) Those Who Sacrificed
themselves (wangshen, r'-4)
devoted to monks who sacrificed their bodies to
feed animals, or as offerings to Buddha or bodhisattvas; (7) Chanters of Scriptures
(songiing,
rim -
(8) Promoters of Blessings (xingfu, ]EQ,
.1ý
devoted to monks
for
(9)
funds
Buddhist
to
enterprises;
construct monasteries or
other
who solicited
Hymnodists(iingshi,
(10)
HH"W).
Preachers
(changdao,
and
Huijiao--The author of Gaoseng zhuan
There is very little information about the life of Huijiao (497-554 AD). It is
difficult
know
his
family,
his education, or when and why he chose to
to
very
become a Buddhist monk. There is a very simple biography of Huijiao, in the Xu
gaoseng zhuan
X GSZ), written by another monk Daoxuan
in
the Tang dynasty.
4
list
he
Shi
According to the contents
XGSZ,
Huijiao of the Jiaxiang
of
was
Monastery in Guiji (iftfRA44,
). Jiaxiang Monastery was located in today's
Shaoxing, Zhejiang and was founded in the Eastern Jin (no later than 400)5 by a
4 "Biography of Huij iao- is included in Tang monk Daoxuan's Xu gaoseng zhuan
f-4), chapter 6, entitled 'Liang Guiji Jiaxiang si shi Huijiao zhuan'. See TSD, vol. 50,
fff
62.
2060,
p.
no.
5 See GSZ 5, "Biography of Zhu Daoyi", p.207 , "Biography of Wang Hui" is in Jin shu
At) 65. Zhu Daoyi died in the year of Longan
397-401) of the Eastern Jin, the
date of building Jiaxiang Temple must be not earlier than Zhu Daoyi's death. Therefore, it
is a reasonableassumption that Jiaxiang temple was built in 400. Seealso Zheng Yucling
Q-Q
V)",
dili
kao
T:
(%Jýr tlýf
in Gaoseng zhuan yanjiu `-flfff-41
-Fqjiao zailiua
-
33
local official Wang Hui (-EE*). When the construction of Jiaxiang was finished
Wang invited an eminent monk Zhu Daoyi
to live in the new monastery,
Huiqian
Zhu Daoyi became the abbot of the monastery. Another eminent mo
from
five
for
lived
in
the early
than
the same monastery
years,
more
also once
6
his
life.
Another
PE,
day
final
that
Yixi
Q&
405-418)
the
till
place
of
years of
.,IN\
Huijiao might have lived for some time was the Hongpu Temple
According to a short passage in Jinlouzi
Liang Yuandi (WTcV,
7C
in Guiji.
Fa-,zJ-
Xiao Yi (4ffM), the emperor
by
Huijiao
552-554),
collected works of calligraphy
r.
before he came to the throne. In this short record, it said that Xiao Yi visited "the
in
is
Guiji".
Huijiao
Hongpu
Temple
This
the
monk
almost certainly our
of
7
Huijiao. Besides this information
is
information
he
lived,
the
there
no
on
places
family
from
life
his
family,
his
Huijiao
the
that
about
was
early
of
and
except
Shangyu (--L&) in Guij i, the west part of today's Shangyu, Zhejiang.
According to the XGSZ Huijiao was a Buddhist scholar monk with rich
traditional Confucian knowledge. He preached during spring and summer and
his
during
he
lived
in
Jiaxiang
the
worked on
autumn and winter while
writing
Monastery. In addition to his most famous work, Gaoseng zhuan, he also worked
on commentaries on some Buddhist sutras. Two of his important Buddhist works
were Niepanjing yishu
ý,§&Pjj'L) and Fanwangiing shu
It was
Buddhist
highly
two
that
these
said
works were very
regarded. Daoxuan said that
it
GSZ
in
completed,
was
read
and
was
passed around the whole country and
when
fff -A), pp. pp. ] 12-12222.
6 GSZ 5, "Biography of Huiqian", p.209.
SeeJinlou zi vol. 2 "Jushu pian (R, LAE93: p. 101. Taipei: Jiaxin wenhua j ij inhui, 1969.
8 InXGSZI-luijiao's two works are titled asNiepanyishu
1ý
Fanwangiing
and
*:%P),
L)
is
different
from
it
in
the postface of GSZ, in which there
slightly
which
shu
Fanwangfie
Niepan
jý'[L)
and
shu
are
34
was widely recommended.
According to the biography, after GSZ appeared Huijiao disappeared without
leaving any message to his friends and other people whom he would usually
information
important
However,
is
there
piece of
contact.
another
happened in Huijiao's later life. In the last chapter of GSZ,
on what
by
a postscript written
Huijiao's fellow refugee, the monk Sengguo (fift,%) of Longguang Monastery (fi'k
)ý
Sengguo said that after GSZ was completed, in the second year of
Chengsheng (*W,
Jiujiang, Jiangxi) as a
553), Huijiao, fled to Pencheng
by
during
Hou
Jing's
troubles
the
caused
refugee
I
He
(548-552).
rebellion
died
in
He
in
Buddhism
Pencheng
the
taught
city.
as usual
and
and preached
stayed
in the second month of the next year, at the age of 58. His funeral was managed by
buried
in
Chan'ge
he
the
the
cemetery of
and
was
chief monk Huigong
monastery on Mount Lu
Sengguo,had lived with Huijiao, in the
fellow
he
had
in
his
Huijiao
to
mountain area as a
refugee, so
a chance meet
old
j
iao's
last
Huij
age and saw
ourney of his life.
There is little direct information on Huijiao's social activities and connections.
However, we know that he associated with some important people in his time, like
Zhang Wan ( ýK,ýg )
and Xiao Yi (WffW), the future emperor Liang Yuandi. Also a
in
Jinlouzi, states that Zhang Wan gave a copy of GSZ to his friend
short record
Xiao Yi. Zhang was a literatus and a young member of a shizu family. He was the
RSý)
Yuzhang
(f*V:
during
539
544.9
Zhang
his
to
two
chief secretary of
Eel
and
-
' SeeJinlouzi 2 "Jushupian" and the researchby Tang Yongtong in the
appendix of GSZ,
the edition of Beijing Zhonghua shuju, pp.564-566. Tang said that Zhang Wan was
during
the years of Datong (539-540), however, in Liang
ichang changshi
'OM
he
Yuzhang
in
Zhang
(TV
Yuzhang.
He
when
was
neishi
was
only
shu
EEI
-ýý)
in
job
Yuzhang
in
his
till the tenth year of Datong. See Liang shu 34 "Biography of
stayed
Zhang Wan" attached to "Biography of Zhang Mian".
35
(ýR*)
Mian
Zhang
brother
brothers
His
elder
oldest
were all book-lovers.
his
books
second older
and paintings;
collected more than ten thousandjuan of
brother Zhang Zuan (ýRM, once refused to be promoted f or many years so he
had
the
library
in
imperial
to
job
in
the
the
read
chances
more
could stay
and
same
book."
As Xiao Yi, the future emperor Liang Yuandi (r.552-555), collected Huijiao's
calligraphy, we can reasonable assume that Huijiao was a good calligrapher or a
for
he
As
implying
the
that
collector of calligraphy works,
was well educated.
between
(Mfflh'ý)
Yongtong's
Xiao,
Tang
Yi
Huijiao,
to
relationship
according
and
for
knew
Huijiao
they
assumption,
probably
some years when
was still
each other
in Guiji. Xiao Yi's mother Lady Ruan (Rfgý4)
from
in
Guiji,
Shangyu
was
Huijiao's hometown. She was a faithful Buddhist and liked to make friends with
in
his
his
lived
When
Xiao
Yi
Prefect
Guiji
monks and nuns.
of
youth,
mother
was
1
1
him
in
but
Guiji.
knew
Huijiao
Xiao
Yi
then,
with
and
probably
each other since
friends.
important
friendship
A
tell
they
we cannot
whether
more
were close
was
that between Huijiao and Wang Manying
It is quite lucky that two letters preserved at the end of GSZ offer important
information about Huijiao's close friend Wang Manying. The two letters were
between Huijiao, and Wang. The subject of the letters was GSZ. It seems that
Huijiao sent a copy of GSZ to Wang when the book was just completed and Wang
letter,
making approving comments on GSZ. From the letter we
replied with a
know that Wang was a literatus with good knowledge of Confucianism, Daoism
10 The biographies of Zhang's three brothers are all in Liang shu 34, "Biography of Zhang
M ian".
'' According to the researchby Tang Yongtong, SeeGSZ, p.566.
36
family
12
Wang's
information,
historical
came
Buddhism
According
to
and
some
from Taiyuan
during
families
The Wangs of Taiyuan were one of the great
in
lived
Wang
However,
dynasties.
poverty.
the period of Northern and Southern
When he died his family could not even arrange a formal funeral for him until they
R
Jian'an
Prince
(19%),
Wei
friend
Xiao
help
from
of
a generous noble
received
2ý1-) and later Prince of Nanping
13
2FT).
Xiao Wei was the eighth son of
Emperor Liang Wudi. He was known as a clever and talented youth in his early age.
He was also known to respect and value able and virtuous people and help people
ýA-Y--ý)
in need. He was very good at Daoist philosophy and qingtan-style(ý'mý=,
writing.
He became a devoted believer in Buddhism in his later years.
We may guess what kind of people Huijiao associated with by looking at the
Ge
(ýI*).
friends
One
Jiang
Wang.
them
of
was
of
other
Jiang was once a chief
Xiao Zong
When Xiao, Zong
secretary of the Prince of Yuzhang
lost his fief Pengcheng (V
Jiang became a captive of the Northern Wei general
LIH)J).
Yuan Yanming (Tc
Although
7C
Yuan treated Jiang with great courtesy and
did
in
directions,
for
Jiang
Jiang's
talents
not
and capabilities
many
respectfulness
his
feet
bow
kneel
Yuan
He
to
to
the
that
and
using
excuse
were
respond.
refused
death.
him
He
Yuan
to
threatened
to
painful even when
put
refused to write an
epigraph for the Zhang Ba Temple stele
even when Yuan threatened
him with a public beating and kept him in prison with extremely bad food which
keep
him
just
Jiang
he
to
alive.
was
enough
was nearly sixty years old when
14
his
difficulties.
Besides
these
strong, unyielding principles, it is also
encountered
12 According to what Huijiao, said in his letter to Wang. See GSZ p.554.
13 See Liang shu 22 -Biography of Prince of Nanping"(T*' ZF
and the same biography
-T-)
in Nan shi (M*1-1)52.
" See Liang shu 36 "Biography of Jiang Ge" and the biography of same person in Nan
shi
60.
37
known that Jiang Ge associated with many famous literary people in his time, such
Wang
Rong (ýEMt), Xie Tiao
as
Shen Yue
Fang
Ren
and
Jiang Ge made the first visit to Wang's family when Wang had just passed away
difficulty
him
family
Wang's
their
to
arranging
explaining
and
cried and appealed
the funeral. It is evident that Jiang was a very close friend of Wang and his family.
It is quite difficult to know more about Huijiao's social connections from
direct information. However, the few indications we have point to his friends and
including
acquaintances
We
the
may with
elite.
well-placed members of
beside
his
life,
had
literary
Huijiao
that
and social
a rich
confidence conclude
life.
religious
For more information on Huijiao and his attitudes we can turn to his book.
Huijiao's Motivations
There are several indications of why Huijiao wrote and compiled GSZ.
Daoxuan's opinion was that Huijiao was pushed to write and compile GSZ because
he was dissatisfied with Mingseng zhuan
MSZ), a prior collection of the
biographies of Buddhist monks. A modem opinion is that the reason for compiling
influenced
by
because
Sengyou
GSZ
Huijiao,
and writing
was
was
another
dynasty,
his
Liang
the
eminent monk of
and
writing. However, there are other
is
historical
One
the
tradition
possible reasons.
of
writing and the new tide of
Buddhist biographical writing in Huijiao's day. The other is that GSZ was a kind of
form
identity
for
Buddhist
to
the
and
a
new
of
anti-Buddhists
response
construction
monks.
LIBRARY
"o UNIVERSITY
'177,
0000,
38
Dissatisfaction with MiLigseng zhuan
first
GSZ
The central opinion on why Huijiao, wrote and compiled
was
Daoxuan
According
Huijiao.
to
by
biography
in
his
Shi
Daoxuan
expressed
of
(596-667), an eminent monk of the Tang dynasty and the author of the biography
he
GSZ
in
Huijiao,
that
Huijiao
the motivation of
was not
was
compiling
of
15.
by
Baochang
MSZ
Mingseng
(MSZ)
the
monk
was compiled
satisfied with
zhuan
(VYHH,a.495-529) of the Liang dynasty, between about 5 10 and 514. The book was
16
his
Daoxuan
before
GSZ
thirty
made
was compiled.
published about
years
influential comment in Huijiao's biography in XGSZ. He said, 'Because there were
depreciation
belittlement
and
many unjust praises and commendations and unfair
in
Mingseng zhuan, Huijiao decided to set a new model and extend
of monks
17
Daoxuan also made a connection between his own comment and a
widely'.
famous paragraph which Huijiao wrote in the preface of GSZ. In the preface,
Huijiao said that 'Most Buddhist biographies which have been compiled and
fame
(famous
However,
written previously were usually entitled mingseng
monks).
is only the guest of the truth. If men of real achievement conceal their brilliance,
then they are exalted but not famous; when men of slight virtue happen to be in
accord with their times, then they are famous but not eminent. Those who are
famousbut not eminentare, of course,not recordedhere; those who are exaltedbut
15Mingseng zhuan (-'F:
is
longer
However
few
fragments
from
today.
the
no
extant
a
jfIRf_q)
book with the table of contents of the whole book do survive in a thirteenth-century
Japanesecopy preserved as Meisodensho in XZJ v. 134. The surviving part of the book
by
Taipei:
Xinwenfeng
was republished as Mingseng zhuan chao (-?:
chuban
jf1fffjft4J/)
1975.
gongsi,
16 According to Tang Yongtong, the complete work
of compiling GSZ must be no later
than 540 for iti this year GSZ was circulated among some people close to Huijiao. SeeTang,
in appendix2, GSZp. 566.
"You guan Huijiao (TTrAjU,
17 See Xu Gaoseng zhuan
6 "Biography of Huijiao" (CBETA, TSD, vol. 50,
62_.
2060),
p.
iio.
39
I
the
Therefore
famous
have
in
been
fully
replace
treated the present work.
not
word ming
famous) with gao
eminent)'.
18
The statement Huijiao made in the preface became major evidence on the
directly
did
Huijiao
for
GSZ.
Although
refer
not
motivation
writing and compiling
to the book MSZ or to its author Baochang in his preface, people still matched
by
his
biographical
Baochang's
replacing the term
simply
collection
critique with
first
Huijiao
However,
to use the
the
the
terin
was not
mingseng with
gaoseng.
term gao in the titles of biographical collections. Several biographical collections
AR
&*),
Gaoyi
(
before
in
Huijiao,
their titles
such as
zhuan
used the term gao
Gaoshi zhuan
Fl--:,
U
"
am/,
rqfEU).
Interestingly,
Gaoyi
(mPJ
and
shamen zhuan
the first two of them are not Buddhist biographies. The use of the term gao instead
distinction
between
indicates
deliberately
MSZ
Huijiao
that
of ming
making a
was
and GSZ.
Huijiao never mentions MSZ in his book. The dismissive comment on lives of
"famous" monks made in Huijiao's introduction does not suggest that Huijiao did
his
book,
know
he
Baochang
Baochang
the
not
and
although
mentioned
name of
just once in GSZ. The name of Baochang appeared at the end of GSZ's "Biography
Gunaviddhi"
of
It said that in the early period of the Liang dynasty
foreign
Sanghapala
monk
a
scholar
China,
to
came
who
stayed and
in
Buddhist
Zhengguan
Monastery
(jE&
the
translation
the
of
sutras
worked on
18 See XGSZ 6 "Biography of Huijiao" (CBETA, TSD), p.62 and GSZ 14 "Preface",
(Peijing: Zhonghua shuju, 1992), p.525. The English translation of Huijiao's preface in my
thesis is according to Arthur Wright's translation with slight modifications according to my
Wright's
GSZ's
is
included
in
text.
translation
the
original
of
of
preface
own understanding
his article "Biography and Hagiography: Hui-chiao"s Lives of Eminent Monks" in Studies
in Chinese Buddhism (New Haven and London: Yale University Press, 1990), pp.73-1 11.
19
has
Gaoyin
Gaoshi
Nanqi shu (M*
F--]
already
zhuan(`-ýREfft
zhitan PJ
was
Jr9f,
?
Gaoyi
Q"-Lt
)
in
hi
Shishuo
shamen
zhuan
also
seen
xinyu
seen
Shishuo xinvu.
40
').
20
The Monk Baochang was one of his amanuenses. This is the only point at
which Huijiao mentioned the name of Baochang. It is very possible that this
Baochang is the author of MSZ.
Another clue to how Huijiao saw MSZ is in what Wang Manying wrote. Wang
made a short criticism of MSZ in the letter he wrote Huijiao. He said, 'The book
Baochang compiled was the one most near to the present time. However, when
looking closer into the contents of the book, its verbosity would bring up deep
feelings of dislike. ' Wang's direct comment on Baochang's MSZ did not receive
any response from Huijiao, in Huijiao's letter in reply. Although the reasons why
Huijiao never mentioned MSZ are still unclear, as in the connection between
Huijiao's GSZ and Baochang's MSZ, from the information above we can be sure
that Huijiao knew about Baochang and his book. Considering Wang's critique of
MSZ and the silence of Huijiao about Baochang and his book, one reason for
compiling and writing GSZ must be that Huijiao was not satisfied with MSZ.
Influence
Sengyou
of
Although quite a number of modem scholars2' have agreed with what
Daoxuan said about why Huijiao compiled his Buddhist biography collection,
there are also other opinions about this question. Zheng Yuqing (,MIWPM), a
declared
that the motivation of Huijiao, to compile GSZ was
modem scholar,
20 See GSZ 3 "Biography of Gunaviddhi", p. 139.
21 Such as Chen Yuan
Li Fengmao
Zhu Hengfu (ýkfff 5ý) and Cao
See Chen Yuan, Zhongguo fojiao shiji gailun (FýMRJAUP P" fpI)ý
Shibang
fifffl
(Shanghai Shanhai shuju chuban she, 200 1) p. 18; Li Fengmao, '*Huijiao gaosengzhuan ji
V,,
Aflfff-4R
ý$
R-'ý4
(,!
in
Zhonghua
(F-P*Jý3rp-)
qi shenyi xingge
xueyuan
jWlIfIf'ý)"
-11141:
( December 1982) pp. 123-137, Zhu Hengfu, "Gaoseng zhuan zhiqian de sengren zhuanji
M
fff
)\,
f&E)"
in
Xinyi
Ppfj)
(ýFfý
(-fi-fef-4
PJ
-Q(Taipei: Sanmin shuju,
F--ý
rl
==
gaoseng
zhuan
,
2005) pp-5-9-
41
because of the influence of Shi Sengyou (flffjfýj, 445-518). Zheng argues that
Huijiao was not satisfied with Sengyou's book Chu sanzangjiji
CS
22
j).
CS-7JJ
E144
(ffiEWP --Zý--:
is a collection of Buddhist bibliography, prefaces to Buddhist
sutras and Buddhist biography. There are thirty-two
biographies of Buddhist
it
is
GSZ,
Huijiao
in
last
book.
In
that
to
the
the
a
says
monks
postface
part of the
book,
in
biographies
the
that
there
thirty
and that
of monks
pity
are only about
23
is
Zheng
this
that
treated.
one of the
claimed
many important monks are not
for
important
biographies
Huijiao,
to
more monks.
most
reasons which pushed
write
In addition, Sengyou was a great Vinaya master (lzýshi ý$O orfieshi A%)
with a
high
lived.
Since
Vinaya
Huijiao
Huijiao
time
the
was also a
reputation at
very
master, Zheng believed that there is a very high possibility Huijiao was influenced
by Sengyou in many ways, including Sengyou's success in writing. By writing
24
GSZ Huijiao was trying to complete what Sengyou had begun.
Zheng's opinion is acceptable in some ways. However, some questions need
further thought.
First of all, the postface to GSZ shows that Huijiao was not satisfied with
many prior biographical writings, and CSZJJ is one of them. Second, it is still not
clear that both Huijiao and Sengyou were Vinaya masters. There is no doubt that
Sengyou was a Vinaya master. His biography is placed in "Elucidators of the
Regulations (minglii)" in GSZ. According to his biography, he was the pupil of
Fada
(&&)
several great monks, such as
Faying
and
famous
who were all
for their mastery of Vinaya. As a follower of such great masters, Sengyou studied
11 SeeZheng Yuqing, Gaosengzhuan yanjiu (Taipei: Wenjin
chuban she, 1990) p. 10.
23 See GSZ 14 "Preface", p. 524. The component of CSZJJ,
see CBETA TSD vol. 55,
No. 2145
24 See Zheng Yuqing, "Huijiao qiren qishu
rv
E
A,
in Gaoseng zhuan yanjiu
-E
RJ,
,
7-40.
pp.
42
better
than
hard
by
Vinaya
day
became
other
even
master,
very
a
and night and
25
In
Vinaya
before
Huijiao
him. It is possible that
master.
also was a
masters
addition to Zheng, Cao Shibang (-fffjýF)
Vinaya
Huijiao
insisted
that
was a
also
Fanwangiing
is
Huijao's
One
His
included
shu,
two
work:
master.
evidence
points.
Huijiao,
If
Vinaya
Fanwangiing.
Fanwangiing
was
sutra.
was a
an annotation of
in
Moreover,
Vinaya.
have
been
for
it,
he
to
an expert
must
able make annotations
Shisong
his
knowledge
had
Cao's
Huijiao,
the
to
of
rich
shown
according
opinion
26
rim
Sarvastivada-vniaya) in many places in GSZ.
Suggesting his
27
familiarity with Vinaya. But is it necessary that because both Sengyou and
Huijiao were Vinaya masters Huijiao's writing of GSZ must be influenced by
Sengyou?
Another possible way in which Sengyou may have served as a model for
Huijiao was his great fame. Sengyou was respected and relied on by Emperor
Liang Wudi. He performed as leading monk in many monasteries, houses of nobles
designer
in
He
the construction of
the
and palaces.
also played
role of engineer and
images
during
large
Buddha
Emperor
Liang
temples
the
time
of
some very
and
28
Wudi. Huijiao said that "the Majesty respected and relied on Sengyou so much,
he consulted with him about all kinds of monastic matters before making a
decisions. Sengyou was allowed, with great honour, to enter the palace in a sedan
chair to administer vows to the emperor's concubines when he suffered from
GSZ II "Biography of Sengyou", pp.440-441.
According to Mochizuki Fanwangiing was a apocrypha which named under
Kumarajiva. See Mochizuki, Shinkou: Zyoudokyou no kigen to hattatsu. (Tokyo:
Kyouritsusya, 1930), pp. 155-184; atso see "Admonitions of the Fanwangjing sutra" in De
Bary, Wrn Theodore (ed.), Sources of Chinese Tradition, vol. 1, pp.429-432.
'7 See Cao Shibang
Zhongguofojiao shixueshi (F-PMMJAýP-0,1-ýP)
(Taipei:
Fagu wenhua, 1999).
28 GSZ II "Biography of Sengyou", p.440, GSZ 13 "Biography of Senghu
Fayue
GSZ
13
"Biography
490-492,
490-492.
of
and
pp.
pp.
43
including
followers,
his
feet
in
his Old age. The number of
pupils and
painful
29
According
to
thousand
Buddhists
secular
and monks, was more than eleven
.
Zheng's chronology, Sengyou was fifty-two
When
Huijiao.
years older than
Sengyou stood at the peak of his career with the highest honours from the ruling
house, a great reputation in society, and followers almost everywhere, Huijiao was
30
he
it
is
that
As
was
very possible
an ambitious young monk,
around twenty.
influenced by a great monk like Sengyou.
Among the influences of Sengyou, his achievements in writing and compiling
In
love
deep
had
himself
the
impressed
Huijiao
have
Huijiao.
of
writing.
a
must
letter he wrote to Wang Manying Huijiao said, 'I was not diligent at holding
books or carrying book boxes when I was young. However as I grew older I
had
the ability to publicize good and virtue with writing and
those
who
admired
31
hard
in
-)
Therefore
I
time
writing records working
used my spare
painting.
Besides the influence of Sengyou's great fame and high reputation, writing may
be a major connection between Huijiao and Sengyou. Sengyou's works apart
from the most famous, CSZJJ, included Fayuan ji
ýE),
(ýýrErl
Shijia pu (fT
If Sengyou did have some
Hongming
ji
and
Shýie
ji
(t%p
influence on Huijiao, as discussed above, the influences must include Sengyou's
in
books.
is
It
Buddhist
writing and compiling
very
prolific and successful work
32
follow
his
Huijiao,
to
that
was
encouraged
path.
possible
The tradition of historical writing and the new tide of Buddhist biographical
writing
29 See GSZ II "Biography of Sengyou-, p.440.
30 Zheng Yuqing, "Huijiao qiren qishu" in Gaosengzhuan
yanjiu, pp.7-40.
See GSZ 14, pp.553-554.
See Zheng Yuqing, "Huijiao qiren qishu".
0000'
44
After talking about the influence of Sengyou, the influence of the tradition of
historical writing and the new tide of Buddhist historical writing should not be
ignored if we want to learn more about the motivation of Huijiao, in writing and
compiling GSZ.
Historical writing had flourished and became the most popular form of
33
dynasties.
The
during
Southern
Northern
the
causes of this
period of
and
writing
Confucian
include
(1)
texts,
the
weakness of studies of
special phenomenon may
for
(2)
the
non-Confucian studies;
which made more possibilities and space
historical
historians
that
absence of permanent official
under some regimes, so
into
dispersed
have
been
kept
by
material which might
government officials was
the hands of literati in non-government circles; (3) the basic teaching and study of
the "four types of leaming (sixue,
VY "f-
led
to
more
educated
people
which
_-y34
35
devote themselves to historical writing in pursuit of political position; (4) the
traditional belief in the power of history --- educated people usually believed that
history would give a final judgment to a person, the tradition was formed since the
Spring and autumn (Chunqiu,
-k
2)
by
Shiji
(_4,1
chronicle and continued
and
36
historians
had
but
invisible
(5)
other
and their works. Historians
real
power;
33
Lao Gan
Weifin nanbeichao shi ftfl--M*ýL*AýP) (Taipei:Zhongguo wenhua
daxue chubanbu, 1980) p. 131.
34 Si-xue was founded by Emperor Song Wendi in the
year of Yuanjia ffER0, si-xue
included: Confucianism, Xuan xue (3ýýft literature and history. SeeSongshu (5rq"--) 93,
in "Biography of Yinyi
"Biography of Lei Cizong
3ý On the influence of si-xue to educatedpeople, seeLiangshu 14, "Biographies
of Jiang
Yan (jj*)
and Ren Fang (f-JH)ý)".The four causesare discussedby many modem scholars
in Zhongguo tongshifianbian (43ELM r,IQ (Hongkong:
such as Fan Wenlan ýP,
-4-1
Nanguo chuban she, 1985); p.420-,Wang Zhongluo (ýEfrp*), in Weifin nanbeichao shi
A ff !NJL*A-4-') (Shanghai: Shanghai renmin chubanshe,2003); p.827, Wan Shengnall (M
in Weifin nanbeichaoshi lungao (V, 'H-M*lL*A ýVfiFffl
(Taipei: Yunlong chubanshe,
1994), p.413.
36 Anonymous, Liangiin nanbeichao shi (Taipei: Taiwan kaiming
shudian, 1983)
pp. 1394-1409.
45
became
different
between
ethnic problems --- when the conflict
ethnic groups
serious, history writing often became a most useful way of asserting ethnic and
identity.
cultural
37
The results were fruitful for historical writing. Take the example of dynastic
history during the period. There were thirteen different histories of the Later Han
dynasty written, more than ten of the Three Kingdoms. About two hundred and ten
different history books were used by Pei Songzhi (R*2,372-451)
for
Sanguo zhi
wrote annotations
he
when
'). There were more than twenty different
histories of the Jin dynasty, about thirty for the Sixteen Kingdoms and more than
38
for
history
dynasties.
twenty-four
the
of the eight
Besides of the writing of dynastic history various non-governmental. historical
writings appeared, without being bound by the form which dynastic history had
in
established, this period. They were called zashi
and Buddhist historical
39
included
long
list
A
them.
writings were
among
of Buddhist historical writings
in GS7s postface is direct evidence of this new phenomenon. The list included the
history of Buddhism, records of monasteries, Buddhist biographies and some ghost
and miracle stories which concerned Buddhists. There is another list made by
Huijiao's close friend Wang Manying in his letter to Huijiao. The two lists are
40
differences
to
between
similar each other; nevertheless,there are still
them. The
37 Wang Zhongluo, Weifin
nanbeichao shi (Shanghai: Shanghai renmin chubanshe,2003)
827.
p.
" So-called Badaishi,
including the histories of Liu Song, Southern Qi, Liang,
Chen, Northern Wei, Northern Zhou, Northern Qi and Sui.
39 SeeTang Yongtong, WeiJin liang Jin Nanbeichaofojiaoshi;
546-600.
pp.
40
See GSZ 14 -Postface", p. 55-2. There are thirteen biographies in Wang's list, six
of them
`r), a
are different from Huijiao's list. It includes a tale written by Yuan Liang (_7EI-L
biography written by Faan
biography of Shan Daokai (M_L-6rffj) written by Kang
Hon.o,,
biography
a
of Shi SengyuQTfOftf'gj),a record of Shi Xuanchang QT3ýM),
and Baochang's MSZ. SeeGSZ 14. p.552.
46
kind
lists
biographical
of popular
Buddhist
two
writing was already a
reveal that
The
day.
Huijiao's
historical
literature
writing in
tide
and
writing and was a new
of
list also tells us that Huijiao must have paid attention to this field for a long time.
In addition to the titles he listed in his postfaceHuijiao drew on other biographical
aR-K,
)"
(ý!
Fakuang
Zhu
"Biography
GSZ.
Among
them were the
of
sources in
41 "Biography
Ljgýk)"
(tDaosheng
Zhu
written
of
by
Gu
Kaizhi
written
by Wang Wei
42 "Biography
Shi
Tanjian
of
Bian (ýRt4), and "Biography of Shi Sengyu
by
Zhang
written
by
Zhang
also written
43
Bian. This information shows that Huijiao had great knowledge of historical
he
Buddhist
and non-Buddhist, and also once again reminds us of what
writing,
did
history.
Huijiao
his
Although
in
his
letter
to
not cite
about
ambition
write
said
directly any historian as an example to himself, unlike his followers Daoxuan and
44
Zanning in the pages of GSZ or in the letter to Wang Manying, we believe that
Huijiao must already have regarded himself as a historian since he was standing in
the tradition of historical writing and in the new tide of Buddhist historical writing.
Just as Kieschnick has said,,when Huijiao, was writing and compiling GSZ he was
in
biographical
the
tradition
participating
of
writing of Buddhist monks.
45
Arthur
Wright has also observed that Huijiao was steeped in Chinese historiographical
46
tradition and also consciously sought to write a work within that tradition.
" SeeGSZ 5 "Biography
of Zhu Fakuang ", p.206.
47 SeeGSZ 7 "Biography
of Zhu Daosheng", p.257.
43 SeeGSZ 7 "Biography of Shi Tanjian", 274,
p.
and GSZ 12 "Biography of Shi Sengyu
p.452.
44 The compiler of Song
f-4),
he related himself to Sima Qian IN
gaoseng zhuan
%ffl) and Chen Shou
SeeSong gaoseng zhuan. (CBETA); p.709b. Also see
I
Kieschnick's argument is in The Eminent Monk Buddhist Ideals in Medieval Chinese
Hagiography. pp.6-7.
45 See Kieschnick, The Eminent Monk: Buddhist Ideals in Medieval Chinese Hagiograpy;
6-7.
pp.
i#
" See ArthUr F. Wright, "Biography and hagiography: Hui-chiao's Lives
of Eminent
47
Moreover, we believe that Huijiao wanted to be a better biographer of monks
Huijiao
biographies,
his
Buddhist
his
In
than
predecessors.
criticism of prior
complained that many of their authors often leave out some of their material
inappropriately in order to shorten and simplify their works. Due to the omission of
the resources by those authors, many extraordinary acts of great monks would soon
in
lived
from
disagreed
He
the
those
a state,
monks
who said
pass
memory.
with
from
isolated
be
king,
their
to
the
society.
and
not
aloof
owed obedience
and should
However, Huijiao stressed that the men who left those they loved and gave up
fact
honours
become
in
trying to construct perfect
to
secular
monks, were
for
in
life
themselves
personalities and a pure
style
religious ways which were
totally unlike the secular world. He then raised a question, 'What shall we record if
47
kept
in
he
don't
like
He
that
the
these?
always
mind
also said
we
record
men
down
historical
information
recording and passing
materials and
which concerned
Buddhist matters and monks. What Huijiao talked about how to write Buddhist
biographies and criticized other writers' biographies this showed that Huijiao
himself
historian,
better and more thoughtful than
Buddhist
already regarded
as a
biographical
before
him,
Buddhist
he
that
other
writers
and also
was trying to
establish a new tradition of Buddhist writing.
One way of seeing why such biography was needed is that there are only a
few monks' lives recorded in official history during the whole period of Northern
Southern
dynasties,
in
and
even
some of the histories that were recompiled or
rewritten in Tang times. Since Buddhism was introduced into China only six
bio
in
included
"Biographies of Yishu (U. ýQjft)" in Jin shu (ff
monks'
9H
raphies
Monks", in Robert M. Somers ed., Studies in Chinese Buddhism (New Haven and London:
Yale University Press, 1990), pp.73-111.
47
SeeGSZ 14. p.524.
48
4ý). 48
FEI
As Huijiao observed in his postface, from Han to Liang was nearly five
49
hundred years, during which many outstanding monks appeared in China. The
Wright
fairly.
histories
Therefore,
Buddhists
did
the
treat
secular
obviously
not
desire
in
GSZ
Huijiao
to
that
the
suggested
was a
writing
one of
motivations of
bizarre,
biography
Buddhist
from
limbo
the
the
the
and give to
rescue
of
exotic and
the lives of monks a place of honour in the cultural history of China. In short, one
his
in
to
the
of
motives was
advance
naturalization of monks and monasticism
Chinese history and society.50
GSZ became a model of Buddhist biographical writing in China after it
in
dynasty.
least
Liang
There
two sets of Buddhist monk
appeared
are at
biographies following Huijiao's work. In the seventh century, Daoxuan (596-667),
dynasty,
Tang
Buddhist
the
a monk of
compiled a new collection of
monk
biographies, the Further Biographies of Eminent Monks (Xu gaoseng zhuan) which
coveredthe lives of monks who had lived since Huijiao's work had beenpublished.
In the late tenth century Zanning
S7!,919-1001), another Buddhist monk of the
-rEv-
Song dynasty, compiled another collection of Buddhist monk biographies, Song
Biographies of Eminent Monks (Song gaoseng zhuan,
F--J
recording the
lives of the monks who lived during the period between Daoxuan's death and the
early years of the Song. Besides the content of these two collections of Buddhist
biographies, even just from the titles it is very easy to recognize that the Xu
gaoseng zhuan and Song gaoseng zhuan see themselves as sequels to Huijiao's
The
work.
intention of the compilers was obviously trying to make a connection
48 The
six monks are: Fotucheng
Shan Daokai (-WL6rHj),Tanhuo
rfa), Sengshe &6)
r-4%ffl.
(rjTutt
Kurnarajiva
(A
and
49 See GSZ 14, 523
p.
-
Maru
See Jin shu95.
" SeeArthur F. Wright, "Biography and hagiography: Hui-chiao's Lives
of Eminent
Monks", in Robert M. Somers ed., Studies in Chinese Buddhism, pp. 73-111.
49
between Huijiao and themselves." By developing and changing the writing of
Chinese
lives
Huijiao
tradition
monastic
of
monks'
a
new
establishing
was
biographical writing with GSZ.
As a responseto anti-Buddhists and a new form of identity reconstruction
If we accept that the reason why Huijiao wrote and compiled GSZ was
Buddhist
historical
by
Chinese
tide
the
the
tradition
of
new
writing and
of
affected
historical writing in his day, he was also responding to a contradictory atmosphere
lived.
in
he
both
Buddhism
the
time
thriving
the
and
strong anti-Buddhism
of
The state Huijiao lived in was ruled by Emperor Wu of the Liang dynasty (r.
502-549) who called himself or was called Bodhisattva-Emperor. Although he was
the ruler in Chinese history most famous as a promoter of Buddhism he had been a
52
Daoist before he came to the throne. During his reign Buddhism prospered and
became a kind of state religion. His imperial patronage and his inordinate devotion
to Buddhism, whether his purpose was simply religious or may have included
53
inevitably
in
political considerations,
resulted
some strong protests against the
" SeeJohn Kieschnick,, The Eminent Monk: Buddhist Ideals in Medieval Chinese
Hagiography; p.6.
52 1Fhe religious attitude of Liang Wudi is a big issue and has been discussedby many
liang
See
Tang
Yongtong.
Han
Wei
Jin Nanbeichaofojiaoshi; Ji Xianling (ýP'M,
scholars.
Off
Ji Xianling lunfojiao
Tsukamoto Yoshitaka, Chfigoku chu-sei
5K
bukkyOShironk5. (T6ky6: Dait6 syuppansya,1975), Michiba Yoshihide, Chfigoku bukky5
sisoshi no kenkyfi: Chfigoku minshu-no bukky5 Jyuy5. (Ky6to: Heigakuzi syoten,1983);
Kenneth K. S. Chen, Buddhism in China: a historical survey. (Princeton: Princeton
University Press, 1964); Arthur F. Wright, Buddhism in Chinese history (Stanford:
Stanford University Press, 1959).
i.1 Tang Yongtong declaimed that Liang Wudi's devotion to Buddhism
was in fact
ideal.
See
Q3ý
Confucianism
Tang,
474-477.
Shangwen
Yan
(aA
underlined with
pp.
r,
suggestedthat Liang Wudi was trying to reunite segmentedChina. SeeYan Shangwen,
Liang Wudi (WR--r'ff) (Taipei: Dongda tushu gongsi, 1999); pp.317-320 and Mori
Mikisabur6, Ry5nobutei-Bukkyou0ch5 No Higeki. (Kyoto: Heirakuzisyoten, 1985),
rfýrp)
3-5.
Yan
Yaozhong
(jR
pp.
said that Liang Wudi's attitude toward Buddhism actually
between
to
the
related
ruler and shizu. SeeYan Yaozhong. Jiangnanfojiaoshi
relationship
50
by
religion
native gentry.
Ih
Ih
6
4
from
to
during
the period
Almost all anti-Buddhists we know of
time
people
the
educated
many
same
at
although
centuries were educated people,
the
arduous
Ziircher
Buddhists
As
an
was
the
gentry
of
too.
conversion
said,
were
by
fettered
tradition,
The
mentally
than
task.
groups
social
other
gentry was more
to
Chinese
horizon
ready
and
culture
of classical
confined within the narrow
the
to
threaten
if
that
to
seemed
eliminate, anything
necessary,
oppose and,
54
from
ZUrcher
that
interests
added
time-honouredideals and vested
of their class.
the beginning of the fourth century onward we find traces of strong anti-clerical
directed
the
the
sangha as an organized
of
and
aims
activities
against
sentiments
body within the state and against the way of life of the individual monk. It is a fact
Chinese
Buddhism,
that,
importance,
fundamental
early
of
characteristic
of
had
in
India
to compete with other, analogous religious
the
sangha mainly
whereas
into
destined
in
China
to
the
conflict with the gentry,
come
monastery was
groups,
55
itself
the aristocracy, the imperial bureaucracy, and sometimes the government
.
Opposition to Buddhism by the same sort of people for the same reasons still
for
by
in
The
Huijiao's
time.
anti-Buddhists
arguments proposed
continued
four
Buddhism
types.
attacking
were usually of
(a) From the political
and economic viewpoint,
the activities of the
in
detrimental
to the authority of the government
monasteries were
various ways
and to the stability and prosperity of the state.
(b) From the utilitarian viewpoint, the monastic life did not yield any concrete
(Shanghai : Shanghai renmin chubanshe,2000); p. 100.
5' E. Zurcher. The Buddhist conquest of China. The
spread and adaptation of Buddhism in
ear4i,medieval China (Leiden: E.J.Brill, 1972), p.255.
is E. Zurcher. The Buddhist conquest of China. The
spread and adaptation of Buddhism in
ear4vmedieval China. p.255.
51
in
results this world, and was thereforeuselessand unproductive.
Buddhism
feeling,
(c) From the viewpoints of cultural superiority and ethnic
It
foreigners.
not
was
"barbarian"
to
the
needsof uncivilized
was a
creed, suited
knew
Sages
neither
the
in
antiquity
of
the
the
and
past
golden
of
records
mentioned
it.
it
of nor needed
life
the
From
meant an unnatural
(d)
the viewpoint of morality,
monastic
is
behaviour
therefore
and
asocial
and
the
sacred canons of social
violation of
highly immoral
56
.
forms
in
on
Such anti-Buddhist arguments were still written up
various
different occasions during Liang Wudi's rule. Among them may be found the most
by
Zhen
Fan
Buddhism
vitriolic attacks on
Xun Ji
()'Lý
59
).
f3A,,
(-
57
I_qýV
Guo Zushen (I Ift
)58
and
immorality,
Buddhist
They charged the
monks with sedition,
but
fact
in
the
The
hypocrisy.
harm,
new,
nothing
contents were
and
economic
in
to
language
in
their
they
as
the
strong
so
they
was
writings
used
put and
emotion
have a wide and deep influence which even lasted into the Tang dynasty.
Fan Zhen was a contemporary of Prince of Jingling, Xiao Ziliang
of
60
dynasty.
It
Liang
Wu
dynasty
Emperor
Qi
Southern
the
the
was probably
of
and
56 These four types of anti-Buddhist argument were summarized by E. Zurcher, basedon
China:
The
Buddhist
See
Zurcher,
The
China.
the situation of early medieval
conquest of
four
255.
However,
China;
Buddhism
these
in
p.
early medieval
spread and adaptation of
types of anti-Buddhist argument continued till Huijiao's time.
57 ý4
Biography of Fan Zhen" is placed in Liang shu 48 "Biographies of Rulin
and
biography
Fan
Yun".
"Biography
in
Nan
57,
the
of
of
supplement
also
shi
58 See "Biography of Guo Zushen", Nan shi 70.
59 See"Biography of Xun Ji" in Bei shi 83 "Biographies of wenxue
60 Prince of Jingling (A[WT-) was the second son of Emperor Wu of Southern Qi dynasty.
During his lifetime he was one of the strongest supporters of Buddhism in the south. His
for
(
Jilong
a
meeting
place
was
practically all the outstanding
san
residenceat
literary men and clerics of the age. It was said that every important monk of the (Southern)
Qi kingdom had visited him at one time or another. Due to his patronage the religion
literary
following
the
aristocratic
among
and
circles of the southern court.
gained a wide
The biography of Prince of Jin9 ling can be found in Nan Qi shu (ftjýfj-)
r-1 EM 40 and Nan shi
52
during the time he was associatedwith the prince that he wrote his anti-Buddhist
treatise, entitled Shenmie lun (On the Destruction of the souo, but he rewrote and
It
in
it
himself
Buddhism.
deeply
indulging
Liang
Wudi
publicized when
was
in
both
it
Fan
Zhen's
that
treatise was circulated causedan uproar
was said
when
had
in
it.
He
impelled
Liang
Wudi
the
to
court and
wider society.
answer
was
treatise circulated and solicited refutations from his ministers and officials: in all
sixty-two replied.
61
Guo Zushen was also a contemporary of Emperor Wu of the Liang dynasty.
When he presented his anti-Buddhist memorial, with twenty-nine charges, to Liang
Wudi he was carrying a coffin with him. 62 Another anti-Buddhist treatise written
by Xun Ji was also in the form of a memorial, called Lunfojiao biao (3ffufRRp, A
memorial Discussing Buddhism). Xun charged Buddhism with harming the state
and the people in ten criminal ways. It is said that the words he used were so strong
that Liang Wudi was infuriated. The emperor decided to execute Xun, who escaped
63
back
secretly to the north and never came
south again.
All this opposition to Buddhism by educated people in upper society occurred
in Huijiao's lifetime. Considering Huijiao's sensitivity to history and to his own
identity, we confidently believe that Huijiao must have known about these
44. About his belief in Buddhism and the supports, seeTang, pp.457-461
and Ch'en,
p. 123.
61 Fan's
anti-Buddhist treatise is included in Hong mingji (qLH)J%0-)
chapter 9, and all the
treatises against him are included in chapter 10 of samebook. Some discussions of Fan's
treatise may seeTang, chapter 13; Ren Jiyu
Zhongguofojiao shi (EPNfRin ýk)
(Beijing: Zhongguo shehui kexue chubanshe, 1981); chapter 9 and 10; Wang Zhongluo,
WeiJin Nanbeichao shi; pp.800-808; and Kenneth Ch'en, Buddhism in China;
138-142.
pp.
61 See"Biography
of Guo Zushen", Nan shi 70. Discussions on Guo's memorial, seeTang,
p.480; and Ch'en, p. 127.
63 See "Biography
in
Xun
Ji"
Bei shi 83 "Biographies of wenxue". Xun's anti-Buddhist
of
writing is preserved in Guang hong mingji (J_VýAHA%)chapter 7. The discussions on
Xun's writinc-,,seeTang, pp.480-482; Ch'en, pp. 142-144; and Wang Yousan (T-) -E ),
L_
_Y_
Zhongguo wushenlun shigang (EPfflýAý
ý%'ffoP-M,) (Shanghai: Shanghai
E%EN
renmin chubanshe,
1986); chapter 3.
53
If
that
them.
to
their
agree
we
polemics and
counteract
consequencesand wanted
biographical writing can be a way of expressing an author's identity construction
for his subject,64 and if we also accept that writing biographies of monks is a way
Buddhism
to
Buddhism
acceptable
cultural
of
adaptation of
and a way of making
65
GSZ
Chinese
Huijiao's
then
was undoubtedly a
educated
writing of
people,
identity
form
to
response anti-Buddhists and a new
of
construction.
To demonstrate this we need to explore further how Huijiao wrote his
biographies of monks and what identities he constructed for monks.
Sources and structure of the Gaoseng zhuan
We have suggestedthat the reason why Huijiao, wrote and compiled GSZ was
identity construction. He wanted to construct for the monks identities in the minds
from
different
the onesthat existedbefore.
of educatedreaderswhich were
The way he wrote the biographies of monks, including the sources he used,
the categories he ordered, and the biographical structures he built, will help us to
kinds
identity
for
he
to
understand what
of
monks.
wanted construct
The sources of Gaoseng zhuan
Many scholars have addressed the relationship between Huijiao's GSZ and
Baochang's MSZ especially when they discuss the sources of GSZ. Their attention
64
Chen Cangduo
Zhuanji mian mian guan
(Taipei: Taiwan
87-1
book
I
I.
The
1970):
pp.
shangwu yinshuguan,
was translated from Andre Maurois,
Aspects of biography. A record of Mourois's speechesin Trinity college, Cambridge, 1928.
65 Fan Wenlan, Zhongguo tongshijianbian-, pp.431-432.
54
66
MSZ.
in
GSZ
in
found
is usually focused on the similarity of biographies
and
Sometimes they assume by from these similarities that the sources of GSZ were
67
from
MSZ
by
As Kieschnick said, very f ew of the accounts in the
Huijiao.
taken
GSZ and its sequels were composed by the compilers; most are instead taken
directly, word-for-word, or with additions and deletions, from sourcesavailable to
them, and that resulted in similarity of those biographies of monks.
68
However, there are two questions we may need to think about. First, is it
in
biographical
GSZ,
MSZ
the
same
the
that
works
other
and
of
compilers
possible
it
is
is
If
then
this
to
the
question yes,
answer
period all used the same materials?
different
in
Buddhist
biographies
monks
of
reasonablethat some or most of the
looked
Secondly,
the
the
same
compilers
used
although
similar.
collections
it,,
different
does
from
the
the
the same places,
compilers used with
way
materials
in
different
lead
deletions,
the
to
the
results
and
reordering,
rephrasing
additions,
different biographies? If the answer to this question is positive again, should we
how
different
compilers used the same material to give
put more emphasis on
different messages?In Chinese historical biographical tradition it had long been
draw
for
historians
to
on earlier texts.
normal
Therefore,, when we discuss the sources of GSZ here, we will concentrate on
he
it
his
book.
how
in
kinds
Huijao,
of material
usedand
used
what
66 See Su Jinren
lishi
Fojiao
(Beijing:
ýP)
wenhua u
H-Y,,,
Zhongyang minzu daxue chubanshe, 1998); pp. 139; Zhu Hengfu
Xinyi gaoseng
5-6;
Kieschnick,
The
Eminent
Buddhist
Ideals
Monk:
Medieval
in
pp.
zhuan
F--J
Chinese Hagiography, pp. 10-11; Koichi Shinohara, "Two sourcesof Chinese Buddhist
biographies: stupa inscriptions and miracle stories", in Monks and magicians: religious
biographies in Asia. (Ontario: Mosaic Press, 1988), pp. 119-182.
67 Zhu Hengfu said that Huijiao took a lot of sourcesfrom MSZ. His evidence is that there
in
GSZ
identical
biographies
221
257
biographies in MSZ. There are
there
and
are
main
are
244 supplementary biographies in GSZ and 92 of them are the same as those in MSZ. See
Xin.yigaosengzhuan. Jaipei: Sanmin shuju, 2005), pp.5-6.
68 Kieschnick, The Eminent Monk: Buddhist Ideals in Medieval Chinese Hagiography,
1011.
pp.
55
Most sources of GSZ were already mentioned in Huijiao's postface to the
book. The sources he mentioned may be classified into four types. The first type
in
first
listed
the
books
GSZ
the
and major sourcesof
records
and
obviously were
69
"Ming
Some
titles,
them
xiangji
postface.
such as
of
were mentioned with exact
by Wang Yan of Taiyuan
Tjý)
,lq,
and the other were not, such as
he
when
said that "monk Sengbao (fiffIN) only wrote about the monks who
travelled around". The list included biographies of monks, histories of monks (fff
records of temples and stupas ('I
and some ghost and magic writings.
The second type of sources of GSZ included chronicles and histories of dynasties
in southern China and some heterodox histories of frontier dynasties. The third
type of sources for GSZ is geographical miscellanies, isolated pieces, and
fragmentary accounts. The last type of sources for GSZ is Huijiao's
own
conversation with experienced ancients and those who had rich knowledge.
Apart from these four types of sources Huijiao mentioned in the postface of
his book, when we read GSZ closely we find that there are a large number of the
biographical sources that contributed to his book. Most of them were written by
famous
in
secular writers, usually a
scholar or a powerful official
an area, after the
monk's death. For example, the inscriptions written by Me Lingyun
Zong Bing
L-6
-t)
A)
death
Huiyuan's
(#,,
after
70
and
the biography of Zhu Daoseng
71a
rg&
by
death
Wang
Wei
(Tbiography
the
after
monk's
written
,)
4)
(*j8!
by
Sixian
Tang
and an eulogy (4,,) written by Zhang Fu (ýRft)
written
72
Sengquan
his
for the monk Shi
(f'Tf%gj) after
funeral. Many such materials
kind
in
GSZ.
If
together
these
we put
of records and the four types of
appear
69 GSZ 14, pp. 523-524.
70 GSZ 6, "Biography of Huiyuan", p. 222.
71 GSZ 7, "Biography of Zhu Daosheng-, p.257.
72 GSZ 7 "Biography of Tanjian-, p.273.
56
GSZ
find
by
himself,
the
Huijiao
that
were
materials mentioned
sources of
we
mostly
from
the secular world.
The histories of different
geographical miscellanies, the conversations with
dynasties, the
experienced ancients and
knowledgeable people, and even Ming xiang ji and Gan ying zhuan
books of ghost and magic writings, all come from educated secular people. Only a
few biographies of monks before Huijiao, were written or compiled by Buddhists.
There are some essential differences between the biographies written by
his
in
by
Shinohara
Just
those
said
as
monks and
written
secular educated people.
discussion of stupa inscriptions, "these secular authors of biographies of monks
in
have
been
must most cases
sympathetic to Buddhism, and perhaps represent the
lay Buddhist religiosity of the community. Nevertheless, these secular writers who
followers
interpreted
from
distance
lay
have
these
admired
as
must also
monks
a
the lives of these religious men very differently from the way those committed to
73
follow the path themselves as monks interpreted them. ,
However, the difference did not become a gap between them like Shinohara
basic
biographies
by
He
that
the
the
claimed.
claimed
orientation of
written
secular
but
in
important
educated people was not simply religious
secular
ways, and the
behind
biographies
Buddhist
the
viewpoint
collection
underlying
of
of monks was
highly
"there
between
monastic and
orthodox; consequently
was a significant gap
the basic orientation of the compilers of biographical collections and the original
for
their collections.
they
the
used
materials
orientation of
-).)74
In fact we see that
his
how
he
did
down
Huijiao
to
the difference
sources
use
chose
not play
when
73 See Koichi Shinohara, "Two sourcesof Chinese Buddhist biographies: stupa
in
Phyllis
Granoff
Koichi
Shinohara
stories",
and
miracle
inscriptions and
ed., Monks and
biographies
Asia
(Oakvill:
in
Mosaic
Press,
1988),
religious
p. 122..
inagicians.74 See Koichi Shinohara, "Two sourcesof Chinese Buddhist biographies: stupa
inscriptions and miracle stories", in Phyllis Granoff and Koichi Shinohara ed., Monks and
biographies
Asia
(Oakvill:
in
Mosaic
Press,
1988),
pp. 12-1-123..
magicians.- religious
57
betweenthe monastic world and the secularworld and did not keep them far away
from each other. On the contrary, he let this difference becomea bridge connected
the secularworld and the monasticworld.
Employing a large numbers of secular sources in GSZ actually did not affect
became
fact
In
the
those
one of the
its unity.
nature of
secular sources eventually
kind
important
is
GSZ,
the
this
of
most
characteristicsof
and
also a reflection of
identity which Huijiao wanted to construct for monks.
The categories and its ranks
The categorisation of monks has been used in Buddhist biographical writings
from
have
his
Huijiao's
GSZ.
Some
Huijiao
that
took
since
example
scholars
said
MSZ. In MSZ Baochang classified monks into eighteen categories. We agree that
there are some connections between Huijiao's GSZ and Baochang's MSZ, as we
have mentioned several times before. Nevertheless, categorizing biographees had
long been a standard method for Chinese biographical writhing. Chinese writers
in
dynasty
historians
had
Western
Han.
this
the
and
practised
method
every
since
This continued in Huijiao's day. For example, the famous collection of biographies,
77 B.c. -6 B.C.), classified many kinds
Lientý zhuan (Yqýkf-q) by Liu Xiang (WqrFol,
biographees
Categorizing
into
was not a method
of women
seven categories.
invented either by Huijiao or by Baochang. It is one of the standard and ordinary
biographies.
methods of writing collections of
Categorizing biographees was usually based on the author's ideology. The
ideology
of
traditional
Chinese educated people
was
usually
led
by
58
Confucianism.75 In fact categorizing biographeesis a central tradition of dynastic
historical writing since Sima Qian's
Shiji
p
In dynastic histories the historian would often classify biographees into
different collections of biographies by the similarities of the biographees. People
had
who
similar political positions, social status, occupations and achievements
"Rulin
Such
be
biographies.
into
the
zhuan"
as:
would
classified
same collection of
(ffif*%,
Biographies of Confucian scholars), "Xunli zhuan" (fffikýff-%,Biographies
"Youxia
of good officials),
zhuan"
Biographies of wandering knights),
"Huozhi zhuan" ('NfflftfAi, Biographies of merchants), "Ningxing zhuan"
Biographies of flatterers), etc. This classification method, which historians had
long employed in dynastic histories, was adopted and adapted by Huij iao for his
biographies
biographies.
Buddhist
The
the
of
collection of
way of categorizing
biographies
in
dynastic
the
the
monks and
of secular people
way of categorizing
histories are the same. Form the attitude of the tradition to historical writings and
its standard method of classifying biogaphees, we may said that Huijiao was quite
secular.
In dynastic histories the different categories of biographies was ranked by the
criteria the author set. For examples, "Rulin zhuan" never came after "Wenxu
zhuan"
Biographies of men of letters), "Zhongyi zhuan"
Biographies of loyalists) never came after "Ningxing
zhuan", "Lienii
zhuan"
(Biographies of virtuous women) were only placed before "Ningxing zhuan", or
in
histories,
last
the
the
part of
were placed
no matter what kinds of woman were
7ý Huang Qingquan
fW is
that 'The purpose of writing Lieniizhuan
said
tý
,)
for propagating the thought of a Confucianist ideal world of rule by virtue and for
ideas
Xiang's
Liu
political
and attitudes. Teaching Confucian ethics and
expressing
book'.
important
is
Seethe "Introduction" of Xinyi lienii
the
of
part
morals another
in
lienii
Vinyi
(Taipei:
(f
Sanmin
zhuan
ilman
shuju, 1996), pp. 1-31.
59
included. This order was evidently based on traditional ideology of educated
Chinese
both
Chinese people. As discussed above, Huijiao was very aware
of
knowledge
had
He
of
his
time.
a rich
traditions and of the new tendenciesof
also
historical writings. We believe that the order of the categoriesof GSZ underlined
histories.
dynastic
did
in
just
historians
as
an assessmentof value,
Huijiao only explained his ranking of three categories in GSZ in the postface
for
'the
for
book.
He
the
translators
enlightenment
special praise,
singled out
of the
for
it
is
this
'
He
dependent
that
China
then
them.
explained
on
was wholly
of
his
head
biographies
he
the
their
work .
of
at
placed
reason
76
This comment
in
involved
judgment
the
indicates
the
of
that
ranking
was
a value
evidently
first.
biographees
he
at
made eight categories of
categories. He also explained that
$W90)
hymnody
(zhuan-du,
function
had
he
However,
to take account of the
of
also
Some
in
H"W)
(chang-dao,
good
monks
who
were
work.
religious
and preaching
H
did
Although
influence
had
these
two
the
not
skills
on
common people.
an
at these
biographies
he
back
two
these
therefore
to remote antiquity,
categories of
added
go
became
Huijiao's
his
his
book
ten.
the
eight categories
and made
end of
at
1,a
hymnodists
he
did
it
that
think
that
and
monks who were
not
commentsmake clear
judgment
in
is
important
This
the
others.
undoubtedly a value
as
preachers were as
his category ranking.
There is no direct evidence to suggest how Huijiao ranked the other seven
by
help
However,
some opinions presented
modem scholars may
us to
categories.
in
has
GSZ.
Cao
Shibang
the
categories
ranking
of
understand more about
for
why the category of wangshen--destroyers of their bodiessuggesteda reason
came after the category of minglii-masters
76
See GSZ p.524.
of Vinaya. He said that Huijiao, was a
60
Vinaya master who thought that monks who harmed themselvesas a sacrifice to
Buddha were in fact acting against the spirit of Buddhism which most emphatically
for
j
I
ives
their
He
forms
f-mortification.
their
the
ust
ects
rej
recorded
extreme
of sel
"
devotion
Buddhism.
to
their
great courage and
extreme
Cases of Buddhist
became
harming
by
Buddha
themselves
to
a macabre
monks making sacrifices
kind of religious fashion only practiced in China since medieval times. It was
78
different from its original meaning and practical situation in Indian Buddhism.
By recording these monks' lives in the way he did Huijiao intended to suggest that
he did not really approve of such actions, which were unacceptable to the
Confucian value system.
In short, Cao's opinion is that Huijiao ranked the monks of the category of
he
did
because
the
not agree with what
category of minglii was
wangshen after
these monks did
79
.
About the category of xingfu-those
blessings'
by
building
'created
who
temples and Buddha images -- Cao, said that it seemed to him Huijiao did not
important
kind
this
religious achievement of monks
of contribution as an
regard
in
it
helpful
Buddhism
to
the
some ways. Cao, was
although was
propagation of
is
from
distant
Huijiao
the way Buddhists think
thought
that
so
surprised
what
80
However,
now.
considering the grounds on which anti-Buddhists attacked
Buddhism in the time Huijiao lived, it will be very understandable why Huijiao
low.
he
We
this
can see
ranked
was trying to play down the negative
category so
impression Buddhist monks made on some secular critics who were shocked at the
is
It
also possible that Huijiao was making
extravagance of religious constructions.
" See GSZ 12, pp.456-458.
78 SeeZurcher, pp.281-283.
79 SeeCao Shibang, Zhongguofojiao shixueshi (Taipei: Fagu wenhua, 1999).
8' See Cao Shibang, Zhongguofojiao shixueshi.
61
low
in
by
ranking wangshen a
another responseto the attacks of anti-Buddhists
because
there were many severe criticisms about the appearancesof monks,
place,
including how monks managedtheir bodies.
Kieschnick has argued that there is no significance in the order of Huijiao's
81
his
indications
does
However,
Huijiao
the
that
order of
categories.
give some
he
his
deliberately
By
ten
was also
categories
ranking
categories was
chosen.
responding to anti-Buddhists'
those
aspects of
emphasizing
and
criticisms
Buddhism that were most acceptable to Confucian values.
Similarities to Shenxian zhuan
GSZ deals both with the secular and with the supematural. These two
his
both
based
Some
Huijiao
the
of
sources
used.
characteristics were
on
materials
in
GSZ,
descriptions,
the
postface of
such as
contained supernatural
as mentioned
Liu Yiqing's
Xuan yan ji
p
lu
You
and
ming
Wang
Yan's Ming xiangji, Wang Yanxiu's (T-LI3ý) Gan ying zhuan, Zhu Juntai's
fW) and Tao Yuanming's (P'IjjMH)j)Sou shen lu
Zheng ying zhuan (fAP%,
82 They
were writings about ghosts and accounts of magic that were very
during
dynasties.
Northern
Southern
These
the
popular
period of
and
writings
for
book.
Huijiao's
By Huijiao's
about ghosts and magic were used as a source
kind
became
this
skilful arrangement
of source
a major element of the supernatural
books,
Li
Fengmao
the
side of
as
has pointed out. 83 This is why
81 See Kieschnick,, The Eminent Monks: Buddhist Ideals in Medieval Chinese
Hagiography, pp.8-9.
82 Suishu. jingiizhi(Pfqill,,,,,
ýýý,
!, P,,---) record as Tao Yuanming Sou shen houji 10juan (a).
2,
ý,
83
1z W. " Hu ij iao Gaoseng
ji
rv-`ý-fifff-j
Li Fengrnao(J-ýV
L
(jU,,
ýýV
zhuan
qi
sheng
yi
xingge
P-1-i
Zin Zhonghua xueyuan
no. 12,1982. pp. 123-137.
ýN
62
Campany has said that in this aspect GSZ is similar to anomaly accounts zhiguai
GýJ\
84
).
For the same reason Kieschnick has point out that for many readers the
GSZ and later collections of monastic biographies were probably seen as subset of
known
became
large
body
literature
that
as zhiguai, or
eventually
a
of secular
85
"records of the strange. , We can find a lot of examples of this kind of writings
in
biographies
in
the
of
chapter
every
of
monks
and
magic
narratives
aDOUtghosts
nil
the book. For example, when Sengquan (fiffgjý) was old and sick, he saw a Buddha,
from
boys
him
in
his
he
had
all
room, and
constructed earlier, visit
whose statue
him;
down
to
take
and on the
care of
came
the heavens (zhutian tongzi,
day before he died his pupil dreamed that gods came to welcome and accompany
86
him to heaven. Fadu
lived as a solitary monk in Mount Nie (&ý),
the
him
large
follower
became
his
the
a
sum of
and presented with
mountain
god of
87
dragon
king
his
illness.
The
came
money, Joss sticks and candles, and also cured
to ask Tanchao (M-LB) about making rain to save lives when he was practising
88
Fazhuang
meditation.
in
was reciting sutras the middle of the night when
89
listen.
Senghui
(fiffg)
to
gods came
Chongming Temple
his
decision
build
to
made
about where
HA') by being instructed by a moving light. 90 We can find
in
in
GSZ.
Especially
the category of Shenyi
many such stories
every chapter of
magic and ghost stories and monks were inseparably linked.
The relationship between monks and supernatural powers will be discussed
" See Robert Campany, Strange Writing: Anomaly Accounts in Early Medieval China.
(New York: State Un iversity of New York Press, 1996), pp. 199-201.
85 Kieschnick, The Eminent Monk: Buddhist Ideals in Medieval Chinese Hagiography,
68-69.
pp.
86 GSZ 7, "Biography of Sengquan", pp.272-273.
87 GSZ 8, "Biography of Fado", pp.331-332.
88 GSZ 11, "Biography of Tanchao", p.424.
89 GSZ 12, "Biography of Fazhuang", p.465.
90 GSZ 13, "Biography of Senghui", p.482.
63
further in a later section. The point we want to make here is that all these
in
Daoist
found
those
collection of
supernatural stories were of the same type as
a
biographies, Shenxian zhuan
SXZ) by Ge Hong
91
283-363),
a
c.
book compiled in over a century earlier than GSZ. This is why Robert Campany
has said that it can be demonstrated that GSZ was compiled in just the same way as
Ge Hong's Sengxian zhuan, and that these two works inhabit the same generic
92
between
However,
Huijiao
to
try
to
make clear connections
niche.
seemed
not
his GSZ and SXZ. It appears that he used those ghost and magic stories for three
by
Chinese
he
First,
the
early
purposes.
reflected
widespread use of magic
Buddhists. Second, he reflected his time, when most people believed in
for
for
liked
to
talk
them
supernatural matters and
about
moral purposes or
he
Chinese
Third,,
Buddhist
to
trying
to
amusement.
monks more close
was
make
tradition and custom, these ghost and magic stories were quite Daoist in style, and
Daoist stories of the supernatural were more acceptable than Buddhist ones in
Chinese
educated
society.
The structural model of GSZ biographies
There is a structural model for most of the biographies in GSZ. The
biographies usually have five parts in a set order. They are:
1. Family background, including secular name, family place of origin,
ancestors,and sometimesrelatives.
Some of the descriptions of family backgrounds of the monk in GSZ are quite
91 See "Biography of Ge Hong" in Jin shu 72.
92 See Robert Campany, To Live as Long as Heaven and Earth: A Translation and Stu4y of
Ge Hong ý Traditions of Divine Transcendents (University of Californ ia Press, 2002);
100.
P.
64
brief, such as: Kang Falang QjýýPfl), who came from Zhongshan
Daoyi's
family name was Lu
Sengzhao (flff T-)
( rp ýQ);
93
Zhu
94
$), and he came from Wu
t).
from
(I'VII
Jingzhao
came
95 However, there are other
descriptions of the background of the monks in the book that give many details.
For example, Daoan's (L'62ý) secular family name was Wei (ft), his family came
from Fuliu in Changshan (rMOj#,jPP), he lost his parents when he was very young
96
ift
by
his
Sengqing's
(M.
(R)
Kong
and was raised
elder maternal cousin
.
family name was Fu (f4), his family came from Niyang in Beidi OLf-OM),
he
Jin
heir
Fu
(f-JLP),
Hejian
(MrFI,
)
Xia
the
the
was
son and
of
a magistrate of
under
dynasty.
97
family name was Ma
Tanw-ucheng's
his
family
and
was
from
Fufeng
(M)A),
but
(Xfft)
Huanglong
to
originally
moved
14 to escape political
98
trouble. Sengyuan's (fiff LA) family
Chonghe in Bohai
Huang
(*);
name was
his family came from
His ancestors came from the Huangfu
family of Beidi Mýt)
however,
became
they
originally;
refugees, they
when
family
their
changed
by
erasing the word
name
'huang'(-j,
word
--fffry-*)
and moved to the coast.
family
from
his
Huayin(*ýý)
Yang
(fg),
was
came
'fu'
99 Huimi's
to just
leave the
(MAR) family name
in Hongnong
he was
00
'
the descendantof Yang Zhen (fAM), a high official of the Han dynasty.
It seems to me that Huijiao, wanted to stress as much as possible the monks'
family background. This method of writing may have reflected the reality that
during the Northern and Southern dynasties people regarded family background as
93 GSZ 4 "Biography of Kan Falang", p. 153.
94 GSZ 5, "Biography of Zhu Daoyi-, p.206.
95 GSZ 6, "Biography of Sengzhao", p.249.
96 GSZ 5, -Biography of Daoan", p. 177.
97 GSZ 6, "Biography of Sengqi-, p.239.
98 GSZ 7, "Biography of Tanwucheng", p.275.
99 GSZ 8, "Biography of Sengyuan", p.317.
100GSZ 12, "Biography of Huirni", p.473.
65
an important factor in one's social status. On the other hand, this way of writing
biographies leads us to think that Huijiao was trying to emphasizethe background
first
in
in
the
the
their
place.
of
monks and was rooting
secular society
position
2. Beginning study in Confucian classical texts or, in some cases, Daoist texts or
Buddhist sutras at a very young age. The biographees were mostly very clever and
diligent in their studies and lived virtuous lives. They were usually filial sons
before they became monks, and had a strong will to study and even had to endure
poverty.
For example, Zhi Daolin (ýZL-Pf/ý)was extremely intelligent and clear in his
101
Daoan (L-62ý) was seven years old when he
thinking since he was a child.
from
he
had
He
to
to
text
read only
started study.
memory a
which
was able recite
02
'
1) was
Daoheng (LP11:
twice, to the astonishment of people in his hometown.
hermit
Zhang
Zhong
the
nine years old when
him
by
the
saw
playing
by
his
he
Zhang
Zhang
that
appearance and
predicted
roadside.
was surprised
his
lived
be
lost
Daoheng
parents when young, and
would
somebody someday.
his
filial
lived
in
but
day
He
with
stepmother as a
son.
poverty
still studied
and
1
03
Sengrou
night.
honest
just
from
his
He
and
childhood.
accompanied
was
he
family
His
to
travel
uncle
and study when
was nine.
was so poor that sometimes
they gathered wild herbs for food and still did not have enough to keep them from
hunger. Sengrou's diligent study was never interrupted by these hardships. 104
he
Sengfu (ft'Qý')
rzm
was very young. He studied very hard
was orphaned when
though his family was penniless. He gathered branches from nearby as firewood
10, GSZ 4, "Biography
102GSZ 5, "Biography
101GSZ 6, "Biography
104GSZ 8, "Biography
of
of
of
of
Zhidun-, p. 159.
Daoan-, p. 177.
Daoheng", p.146.
Sengrou", p.322.
66
had
he
he
all
light
for
in
twenty,
mastered
By
time
the
the
was
and a
study
night.
05
'
Chinese
the
classicsand histories.
This kind of description is almost the same as in the biographies of scholars in
Chinese dynastic histories. We can find the same type of description about the
The
history.
dynastic
in
biographies
scholars
the
the
every
subject of
childhood of
in
histories
had
recorded
very good personalities which appeared at a
usually
to
intelligent,
They
willing
memory,
a
good
with
were often clever,
young age.
be
is
Huijiao
filial,
It
to
that
to
a
wanted
evident
endure poverty.
and able
study,
Chinese historian when writing Buddhist history. Such descriptions are typical in
the Chinese biographical tradition. However, if we probe deeper, we will find that
there is something behind this kind of signification of Buddhist biography. It seems
to me that this is actually a strategy of identity construction. Huijiao was trying to
from
differences
between
Buddhist
the early
the
the
world and secular world,
erase
life.
stage of a monk's
3. Becoming a monk and doing well in his monastic life. Some monks became
important in various fields, establishing a reputation in both secular and monastic
becoming
large
followers.
sometimes
monks
numbers
of
pupils
worlds,
with
and
For example, Yu Falan
became a monk when he was fifteen. He
hard
he
joined
he
his
fame
When
twenty,
studied very
once
a monastery.
was
106
far.
Tanyi
spread
became a monk at sixteen and studied Buddhist sutras
known
He
his
Daoan.
teacher
was
as a self-disciplined monk since he was
with
from
He
also gained respect
very young.
other pupils for his rich knowledge of
105
106
GSZ 12, "Biography of Sengfu-, p.448.
GSZ 4, "Biography of Yu Falan", p. 166.
67
Buddhism.107 Tanbin (Ang-Rij)
became a monk when he was ten. He travelled to
himself
he
Finally
famous
Buddhist
teachers.
many places to study
sutras with
became a master of different schools of Buddhism. When he lectured admiring
108
After
listeners, carrying their book bags, came to listen from all directions.
becoming a monk Huilong
spent ten years concentrating on studying and
became a great master in every field of Buddhist sutras. Emperor Mingdi (H)116ý)
of
the Liu Song dynasty invited him to give a public lecture in the palace that was
lecture
by
hundred
Huilong
After
the
than
received
attended
eight
people.
more
invitations
109
from aristocrats from time to time.
Sengyin
his
started
he
became
life
he
just
From
the
a
monastic
moment
when
was
eight years old.
industriously
in
he
dietary
Vinaya
He
monk
always observed
restrictions.
studied
fields
had
in
became
both
He
and
a great
sutras and
meditation.
a master of
110
influence in the area of Jing (rfq) and Chu (V), the middle Yangzi region.
Huijiao, gives only a few clues about the reason why those men wanted to
became monks. For example, Faxian
be
to
was sent
a novice monk at three:
his father worried that he might not survive as his three elder brothers had all died
III
Puheng
young.
inspired
he
boy
by
was
when
was a
seeing a monk
112
in
daytime
Fazong
the
preaching
sky.
became a monk because he
realized he had sinned when he shot a pregnant deer and saw the deer giving birth
'
13
licked
dying.
her
to
while she was
young, which she
It is also quite difficult to know whether those men met any opposition from
107GSZ 5, "Biography of Tanyi-, p. 198.
108GSZ 7, "Biography of Tanbin", p.290.
109GSZ 8, "Biography of Huilong ", p.327.
110GSZ 11, "Biography of Sengyin-, p.432.
I'' GSZ 3, "Biography of Faxian-, p.87.
GSZ 11, "Biography of Puheng", p.42 1.
GSZ 12, -Biography of Fazong", p.461.
68
their family or other people related to them. There were only a few monks Huijiao
(flftj),
Sengyuan
having
kind
this
mentions as
of trouble, such as
Zhixiu (TV16%)
he
Xuangao
Buddhism
(iý-%).
Sengyuan
(fiffA)
F--J
was still a
when
and
admired
it.
did
his
but
become
he
not allow
parents
child and at sixteen wanted to
a monk,
He insisted and lived like a Buddhist from then on. Finally his parents let him go to
114
Zhixiu
the monastery when he was eighteen.
hoped for a monastic life at
did
They
him
however
his
treasured
agree.
not
a very early age,
and
parents
day
Zhixiu
for
him.
When
the
ran
was close
secretly arranged a marriage
wedding
from
his
home
became
to
parents'
away
a monk without
a mountain area and
115
A,::,
however,
family
believed
in
Xuangao's
(A
)
permission.
some other religion;
Xuangao wanted to become a monk when he was eleven. He went to live in a
16
'
last
he
fifteen.
for
long
time. His parents at
mountain village
agreed when
a
was
To know the reason for becoming a monk and the opposition some would-be
monks faced would help us to learn more about the distancebetweenthe Buddhist
how
However,
Huijao,
the
the
world and
secular world.
way
wrote about
a secular
became
he
In
man
a monk was ambiguous.
most cases
gives the impression that
there was no contradiction between these two worlds. His subjects easily
family
become
their
abandoned
and
monks, especially when most of them started
their monastic lives at such a young age. In most of his accounts it seems that
join
someone would
a monastery without any worries. On the other hand, the
like
for
in
lives
their
monastery also was
a special place
special people,
which
could be renewed.It seemsthat no matter what kinds of families they came from,
families
had,
they
their
what sorts of occupations
or
what status they had before
GSZ 8, "Biography of Sengyuan", p.317.
W GSZ 8, "Biography of Zhixiu-, p.332.
" GSZ 11, "Biography of Xuangao", p.409.
69
they became monks, once they entered monasteries they acquired a new identity.
Huijiao is keen to emphasize cases when a monk is recognized by secular society
as having high status. He plays down the tendency of some leading members of
society to hold monks in low esteem.
4. Associating with secular educated people and with the upper class of secular
by
having
the commendations of educated
society, gathering a greater reputation
becoming
secular people,
a teacher of secular people, and sometimes an adviser to
high officials or even a ruler. Special conduct or special events in which the monk
in
his
could show
great abilities and outstanding virtues are sometimes mentioned
this part of the biography.
In many of the biographies in GSZ once a monk became a Buddhist master, he
became popular among the upper class of the time. Monks lectured in public for
families,
royal
aristocracy, gentry, and other upper class people. The people they
associatedwith included almost every level of the upper class, the emperor, princes,
high
famous
hermits.
For
Fatai
generals,
scholars and
example,
officials,
lectured for Emperor Jianwen (r.93ZV) of the Jin dynasty in Waguan Temple (X
r_-_ --j-_
p
The emperor and almost all high-level officials in the court joined his
117
from
different places to listen to him.
audiences and thousands of people came
LM) was respected by Xu Zhanzhi of Donghai
Huitong (,TV,,
Can of Chen Jun
.v
they regarded him as their friend and teacher;
Emperor Wu of the Liu Song dynasty
Prince of Hailing (ýNk-xýfl
and Yuan
him
befriend
his
to
asked
sons, the
*ZFýE).
Prince
jianping
Xiao
L
(.
Every time
and
of
/J,,
GSZ 5, "Biography of Zhu Fatai-, p. 193.
70
18
'
Huitong lectured students from other places filled up the streets.
Baoliang
in
he
As
he
arrived
soon as
came to the capital city of Liang when
was twenty-one.
Yuan
Can's
his
by
Yuan
further
the city
commendation.
reputation was raised
ff-FZ-ffl.
Baoliang
treasure
the
praised
as a
of
world
The Prince of Jingling
fond
Baoling
him
lecturer
him
be
though
to
was not
visited
personally and asked
a
famous
in
did
like
to make social connections with
of preaching
public and
not
followers
his
including
The
was more
number of
monks and secular
people.
pupils
than three thousand, and hundreds of people came to discuss questions of
Buddhismwith him.
119
Monks also became important guests in the houses of those people and
in
important
They
their
participated
secular matters.
offered
opinions on some
important social activities including qing tan "pure talk" and made outstanding
in
Monks
contributions.
participating
qing tan and acting as advisers of upper class
further
in
be
discussed
later
people will
a
section.
In this part of the biographies many names and titles of important secular
people are found. The readers of GSZ may need patience to figure out the complex
between
the monks and those upper class people. There was a huge
connections
is
index
That
Wright
that
the
to laymen
web of social connections.
why
said
in
the GSZ would read like a no ý Who of the period it covers.
mentioned
120 it
seemsthat Huijiao paid much attention to this part of his biographies, maybe much
more than to other parts. In this part, most of the monks were active and
identity
longer
bounded
Their
by
Buddhism,
it
became
multi-faceted.
was no
a
118GSZ 7, "Biography of Huitong", 301.
p.
1'9 GSZ 8, "Biography of Baoliang", 337.
p.
"0 SeeArthur F. Wright, "Biography and hagiography: Hui-chiao's Lives
of Eminent
Monks", in Robert M. Somers ed., Studies in Chinese Buddhism (New Haven and London:
Yale University Press, 1990), pp-73-111.
71
kind of multiple type. With this kind of identity the monks became a special part of
hard
the
in
Huijiao
to
It
tried
that
extend
the
very
upper class
society.
seems
Wright
No
identities
fix
into
that
them
the secularupper class.
wonder
monks'
and
Buddhism
habitation
is
the
Huijiao's
that
this
the
and
of
claimed
purposes:
121
Buddhist clergy in the Chinese upper class.
5. The monks' death. Sometimes it was preceded by a miraculous prediction. For
L-6
day
in
Daoli
(
the
middle of summer
example, one
called an unusual
his
his
When
Buddhist
them
taught
one of
pupils
sutra.
gathering of
pupils and
a
be
for
lesson,
he
his
him
the
that
time
this
would
asked
reason
said
unexpected
his
in
do
he
just
the
to
mind.
ended
coming autumn and
what was still on
wanted
Several days after the lecture he died without an illness. 122Without any notice one
day Sengrou
his
he
leaving
that
told
this world. He then
suddenly
pupil
was
it,
brought
his
faced
hands
the
together,
to the west,
put a mat on
ground, sat on
123
instantly
illness.
When
Fatong
and worshipped sincerely. He died
and with no
(jj,--Lffi)felt unwell, he told his pupils that he would die in ten days. He died on the
day he predicted. During the ten days before he died, he saw Buddha and other
Buddhist figures entering his room; his pupils saw nothing but detected good
124
he
smells while
was communicating with them.
After the monk's death one or more secular educated people, usually powerful
famous
or
men, would write an epitaph or biography for him. For example, when
Sengquan (@4j)
died, Ruan Shangzhi (FTcfr'jZ), magistrate of Lin'an
'2' SeeArthur F. Wright, "Biography and hagiography: Hui-chiao's Lives
of Eminent
Monks"
I -,) GSZ 5, "Biography of Daoll-, p.203.
I)3, GSZ 8, "Biography of Sengrou", p.322.
121GSZ 8, "Biography of Fatong". p.339.
72
his
jiCW_)
(;
Yeng
Dai
grave
his
(ýErjý)
Wang
Yu
arranged
chose
and
grave place,
(*Eff)
Sixian
for
him,
Tang
stone and wrote an epitaph
for
also wrote an epitaph
125
When Fatong (jI,-A)
him.
him, and Zhang Fu (4R&) wrote a eulogy (lei, g-4)for
by
his
beside
grave, with epitaphs written
passed away his pupils put up a stone
Xie Ju of Chenjun
Lanling
Ziyun
Xiao
of
and
When
(Mý, [,A
-
,a
Faxian (ýýM) died, his pupil Sengyou (fiffiTiý) had a gravestone put up with an
by
Shen
Yue
Wuxing
of
epitaph written
127
for him.
In a few cases the pupil wrote the epitaph for the monk when he died. For
Lfg)
his
Sengdao
(fift
died,
(jjjý,
)
Famin
the
epitaph on
wrote
pupil
example, when
128
his
Zhengdu
death,
(fiffjfiý)'s
for
him.
Sengyou
After
tombstone
the
pupils,
one of
Me
by
Dongwan
Liu
of
erected a gravestone with an epitaph written
(jEft),
129
This part of the biographies in GSZ includes the literary works the monks left
behind, and their writings were not limited to Buddhist works. For example, Zhu
Senglang
people.
130
f'RP)J)wrote Renwu shiyi lun
Huirui
wrote Shisi yinxun xu (+PN
book
a
about classifying
book
a
about
31 Huij ing (jU,,'pj?) left ten juan of literary work. 132Tanfei QMT-:
1
left
)
ýP,
phonetics.
133
his
had
in
literary
been
One
that
time.
of the most
some
circulating
writings
famous monks, Huiyuan
left tenjuan of works including different kinds of
125GSZ 7, "Biography of Sengquan", pp.272-273.
126GSZ 8, "Biography of Fatong", pp.339-340.
127GSZ 13, "Biography of Faxian", pp.488-489.
128GSZ 7, "Biography of Famin", pp.285-286.
1211
GSZ 11, "Biography of Sengyou-, pp.440-441. The author of Wenxindiao Iong ZL PI
he
was young. He lived with Sengyou in the temple for more than
was very poor when
ten years. He was a pupil and a friend to Sengyou. SeeLiang shu 50 "Biographies of
Wenxue GZýf)-130GV 5, "Biography of Zhu Senglang", pp. 190-191.
131 GV 7, "Biography of Mimi-, pp.259-260.
GV 7, "Biography of Huijing", p.271-272
GSZ 8, "Biography of Tanfei-, pp.341-34).
73
secular literary writing.
134
In this part of the biographies, we find two contrasting ways of constructing
the identity of the biographees. The predictions of the monks' deaths led the
from
identities
GSZ
to the supernatural and gave the monks
remote
readers of
based
identity
The
the
on those supernatural
normal people and
secular world.
descriptions seems close to Daoist figures in Ge Hong's SXZ. On the other hand,
Huijiao, also made much of who wrote the epitaphs for the monk after his death.
This led readers back to the complex secular social web. It seems to me that
Huijiao was trying to pass a messagethat monks came from the secular world and
that their deaths were recognized by the secular world: they were close to the
for
Moreover,
that
monks were
secular world.
so many epitaphs
when we see
by
few
cases when the epitaphs were
written
secular educated people, and only a
for
highest
by
it
indicates
for
Huijiao
the
that
praise
a monk
written
other monks,
important
his
death
from
secular educated people, so
were
after
was what came
in
his
suchconnections
view.
The identities Huijiao constructed for monks
Besides the general identity of being a monk, as a preacher of Buddhism,
Huijiao constructed extensively some other identities for the monks in his book.
Using the term "construct" means that Huijiao chose how to use his material,
best.
his
purposes
selecting what suited
The biographies in GSZ are organized into ten categories which are classified
However.
by
do
Huijiao.
include
these
ten
categories
and ranked
not
all the
114
GSZ 6, "Biography of Huiyuan", pp.211-222.
74
identities of the monks. It is very easy to see that some descriptions of the
biographees are actually leading the monks into different categories. For example,
the use of magic power is found in many biographies, but not every monk who
Similarly,
not
used magic power was given the primary identity of miracle worker.
Buddha
building
temples,
to
stupas or
every monk who made a contribution
images was put in the category of "xingfu", the promoters of blessing.
On the other hand, if we look at the allocation of monks to different categories
is
(exegetes)
in
"yyie"
biographies
the second category
the total number of the
so
huge, it is almost a half of the book. 135It seemsthat Huijiao was specially focused
in
GSZ
identities
It
the
the
this
that
of
monks
on
aspects of
category. also suggests
by
by
deliberately
down
Huijiao
and some aspects were emphasized
were
played
him. We need to go beyond Huijiao's ten categories in his book to examine the
identities Huijiao constructed for the monks in GSZ.
Within many identities which Huijiao constructed for the monks by writing
their biographies some are more important than others. They are: miracle worker,
imperial adviser, ascetic, hermit, scholar and mingshi. Those six identities in fact
are three pairs.
Miracle worker and imperial adviser
Miracle
e
worker
Using magic power was one important method to preach religion in early
The chart made by Tang Yongtong in the appendix of GSZ, Zhonghua shuju version.
SeeGSZ p.568.
75
Chinese Buddhism. Huijiao regarded this kind of supernatural method as a
He
that
for
the
said
religion.
necessary strategy
attracting people and spreading
filled
with exaggeration and
magic power could restrain minds which were
filled
destroy
with contempt and arrogance,
stubbornness,
minds which were
frustrate minds of a cruel and sharp nature, and solve problems. Miracle-working
had achieved great results in winning over the non-Han rulers in northern China
dynasty
Jin
by
in
the
them
the
the areas ruled
since
and protecting
commoners
136
lost
China
to
moved southern
and
control of the north.
The monks with the identity of miracle worker were mainly gathered in the
in
biographies
"shenyi".
Other
other parts of the
are
category of
monks whose
book, about one-third of the 257 monks in GSZ, possessed supernatural powers.
Thus the supernatural abilities of the monks were important elements in their
1
37
biographies.
The monks in shenyi category, including the most famous
had
(%WýBft
one-Fotucheng
all
a strong characteristic which was similar to that
figures.
in
had
Daoist
The
this
of some
monks
category all
supernatural powers,
138
distance
in
such as: travelling an unbelievable
one day,
crossing a river on a tiny
139
like
having
body"
"separating
the
the
object,
a wooden cup,
art of
and being in
140
being invulnerable to all kinds of
more than one place at the same time,
141
weapon,
142
showing no signs of age,
143
death,
their
coming alive again after
and so on. However, apart from some monks in this category whose identity was
"6 See GSZ 10, pp.398-399.
137See Po, Mu-chou, "The Images of Immortals
and Eminent Monks: Religious Mentality
in Early Medieval China (4-6 c. A. D. )-, in Numen (1995) 42, p. 183.
1"Is See GSZ 9, "Biography of Shan Daokai", p.36 1.
139See GV 9, "Biography of Beiclu-, p.3 79.
140
See GSZ 9, "Biography of Zhu Fodiao", p.364
141
See GSZ 9, "Biography of Tanshi-, p.386
142See GSZ 9, "Biography of Senghui-, p.392.
141 See GV 9, "B iography of Shaoshuo-, p. 89.
)
-3
76
However,
Daoist.
looked
Buddhist,
rather
unambiguously
other magician monks
Huijiao
Huijiao,
that
For
Buddhist
said
example,
emphasized their
nature.
Shaoshuo
loved Buddhism by nature; every time he saw Buddha images he
144
biographies
to
did
Huijiao
these
not write
worshipped, praised and wept.
for
dual
/
identity
Buddhist
Daoist
them.
construct a
Huijiao said more about what he thought about monks with magic powers.
Among those he wrote about were An Huize
who produced magic
145
Shizong
devas;
by
during
to
the
praying
an epidemic
medicine and cured
sick
he
knew
in
bath
fish
by
having
thousands
a river when
a
of
who saved
j
146
Baizu
fishermen were planning to fish the whole area;
who made a great
Emperor
Taiwu
in
Buddhism
the
the
time
to
of
reviving
contribution
by
his
dynasty
(386-534)
Wei
424-452)
Northern
the
magic power to
using
of
r.
147
defend himself from a weapon and to survive from being fed to a tiger;
and
Baozhi
Wu
Emperor
the
who
converted
5)b
483-493)
Southern
the
r.
of
Qi dynasty (479-502) to Buddhism by showing his art of "separating the body" and
148
being in different places at the same time.
For Huijiao such monks who helped
flew
faith
important
heaven
those
the
than
to
others or promoted
who
were more
by taking magic medicine, or lived a long life by eating special plants. 149
Huijiao tells us that magic powers have to be used on the matters which
bringing
benefit
to commoners, the state and Buddhism. Apart
concern reality --from some cases of curing complex or difficult illnesses and predicting the future,
Huijiao gives more examples of magic used to deal with problems of epidemics,
"'
See GSZ 9, "Biography of Shaoshuo", p.388.
145
See GSZ 10, "Biography of An Huize", p.372.
116
See GSZ 10, "Biography of Shizong", p.377.
147
See GSZ 10, "Biography of Shi Tanshi", pp.385-386.
1'8 See GSZ 10, "Biography of Shi Tanshi-, pp.394-397.
149
See GSZ 10, p.399.
77
droughts and wars. For example, when Heluojie (90qWA) arrived in Luoyang in
288, the time of Emperor Wu
ff-I
dynasty
(N
Jin
West
265-274)
of the
r.
-
265-317), there was a serious epidemic in which many people died. Heluojie used
his magic powers to cure most of the sick people.
150
Shegong (4ýa) was good at spells to summon dragons and these brought rain.
Every time when there was a drought Fu Jian (338-385), the ruler of the Former
Qin kingdom (351-394) in northwest China, would ask Shegong to summon a
dragon for him. A moment after the spell was spoken a dragon would drop down
into a bowl and then heavy rain followed. A year after Shegong died, there had
been no rain for six months. Fu Jian reduced his own food and stopped executing
if
it
finally
his
In
Fu
Jian
the
told
that
criminals.
minister
seventh month
rained.
151
he
have
like
Shegong was still alive
this.
would not
needed to worry about rain
There were more similar cases shown in the different biographies in GSZ. Among
those cases,the most important is Fotucheng.
Imperial
o
adviser
Fotucheng showed his magic power in praying for rain, predicting the future,
his
However,
curing illness, and so on.
primary usefulness was as a military
became
imperial
imperial
He
then
advisor.
an
advisor of the Shi
advisor,
as an
family, the ruling house of the Later Zhao kingdom (&ffi,
through being a military advisor of Guo Heilue
319-350) in north China,
a general of the kingdom.
He predicted the details and the results of almost every battle for them; moreover,
he also predicted many political events, such as assassinations, treason and
See GSZ 10, "Biography of Heluojie", p. 370.
SeeGSZ 10, "Biography of Shegong-, pp.373-374.
78
his
F*ý,
274-333)
(;
Le
Shi
He
became
kind
and
rebellions.
of protector of
a
nephew Shi Hu
295-349) and a special protector of commoners in the
places Later Zhao ruled.
152
Beside Fotucheng, Kumarajiva (AMMUft,
important
344-413)
was another
c.
heard
Fu
Jian
GSZ,
became
imperial
According
to
about
monk who
when
advisor.
Kurnarajiva's name and his outstanding abilities he told an army which was on a
he
China
fetch
him.
Kumarajiva
to
to
although
military mission
eventually came
insults
enduredserious
with women and wine and received other rough treatment
had
longer
he
in
It
Qin
China
When
Former
the
the
existed.
no
on
way.
arrived
been replaced by another kingdom founded by another barbarian ruler. He stayed
in the Later Liang
N
386-403) court founded by Ul Guang
338-399)
the man who had captured Kumarajiva and tried to damage his reputation on the
journey to China, and became a senior advisor to the ruler. He made several
for
them on the basis of strange weather or other
efficacious political predictions
153
unusual occurrences.
Gunabhadra (394-468) was another important monk who used magic power to
his
became
show
a royal advisor. Gunabhadra was active in
unusual abilities and
the Liu Song (420-479) time. He stayed with Liu Yixuan
Nan Qiao
Prince
the
of
%FT),
dynasty,
for
the
and a minister of
more than ten yearsuntil Liu
lost everything and was killed in a rebellion he led. While Gunabhadra stayed with
Liu he offered many opinions on different matters both religious and secular,
including a prediction of the failure of Liu's rebellion. Gunabhadra became an
imperial advisor to Emperor Xiaowu (*AI-6,
454-464)
r.
of the Liu Song dynasty
is.) See GSZ 9, "Biography of Fotucheng-, pp.345-357.
15
3 See GSZ 2, "Biography of Kumarajiva"", pp.49-5 1.
79
Yixuan
he
Liu
failure
to
the
the
throne
when came
of
after
He
454.
t%Fl- about
for
like
house,
his
rain,
praying
continued to use
magic powers to serve the ruling
Ming,
Emperor
in
and on.
the court till the early years of
and was still welcomed
He was greatly honoured when he died.
154
372-444) was another monk who acted as an imperial advisor.
Huiyi
Huiyi's involvement in politics was much deeper than that of other monks who
his
According
house
for
to
the ruling
or other aristocrats.
acted as advisors
biography in GSZ, he was trusted by Liu Yu when Liu was still the Prince of Song.
In the last years of the Eastern Jin dynasty there was a prediction made by the
Facheng
monk
in Jizhou (W-fl,j) that Liu Yu was a true heir of Han and
become
is,
The
Heaven
that
to
the
of
evidence
emperor.
would accept
wish of
--this prediction was put in a particular place. Liu Yu sent Huiyi to look for the
found
it
in
he
heard
417.
Huiyi
It
through a
that
this
said
prediction
evidence when
dream and his sincere prayers. This typical myth of foundation of a state was also
'
55
is
in
dynastic
history
Southern
Dynasties.
It
the
the
of
no wonder that
recorded
Kamata Shigeo said that Huiyi was the person who made the greatest contribution
156
There are more examples in GSZ.
to the founding of the Liu Song dynasty.
Huiyan
368-443) accompanied Liu Yu (Tqjýý) as a "teacher of the emperor"
157
Sengdao, (fiff%)
when Liu Yu led an army to the north to take Chang'an.
received his greatest honour as an advisor in the court of Liu Song for four reigns
158
he
life
Liu
Yu's
difficult
him.
time with
as
son's
and went through a
saved
Huilin (jUf#) was known as "the first minister in black" (heiyi zaixiang,
-MAIý
-N
154SeeGSZ 3, "Biography of Gunabhadra", pp. 131-134.
155SeeGSZ 7, "Biography of HuiyI-, p.266 and "Biography
of Song wudi" in Nan shi 1.
"() Kamata Shigeo. (Chinese translation edition) Zhongguofbjiaoshi. Gaoxiong: Foguang
99.
1986,
chubanshe,
p.
157 See GSZ 7, "Biography of Huiyan-, p.26 1.
158See GSZ 7. "Biography of Seiigdao", pp.280-282.
80
f H) for he was concernedwith many political matters.159
Through these examples, Huijiao tried to show that there was a close
imperial
identity
between
identity
the
the
of
connection
of miracle worker and
full
He
his
the
that
of mysterious
advisor.
also shows
world was still
readers
deal
that
those
powers and spirits and
with these powers were the ones
who could
60
'
Therefore the identities he constructed
that would secure the trust of the people.
for the miracle-working monks were always helpful to the state and the society. In
both identities monks were comparable to leading secular figures.
Philanthropist, ascetic and hermit
When there was propaganda against Buddhism on economic issues, it became
a necessity to counteract criticism of the wealth of monasteries. Huijiao, did not
identity
faced
it
He
to
the
the
construct a positive
avoid
problem.
problem and used
for monks in relation to money.
e Monks and money, monks and philanthropy
A Chang'an man of high social status wanted to make a test of the monk Fahu's
(jj-R-N) morality. He pretended that he needed money urgently and asked Fahu to
lend him two hundred thousand cash. When Fahu. was hesitant and silent, Zhu
Facheng
has
lend
thirteen,
to
only
answered:
my
still
master
agreed
you
the money. When the man returned Zhu Facheng told his master Fahu that this man
IS9 See the supplemental biography of Huilin in "Biography of Daoyuan,,, GSZ 7ý 268.
p.
"the first primary minister in black"(heiyi zai xiang) was the words of Kong Yi of Guiji
(WWOUN). See Tang's annotation, GSZ 7, p. 269.
160 See Po, Mu-chou, "The Images of Immortals and Eminent Monks: Religious
Mentality in Early Medieval China (4-6 c. A. D. )-, in Numen (1995) 42, p. 183.
81
day
The
for
but
his
the man came with
test
to
was not coming
next
money
reaction.
his whole family, more than a hundred members, to become Buddhists under
16
1
Fahu's guidance and apologized for the money matters.
This story shows that a
for
but
his
(or
lend
be
that
to
to
monk
monastery) could
money people,
rich enough
Huijiao the important thing was not to covet. Huijiao was perhaps trying to
counteractcriticisms of the wealth of someBuddhist monasteries.
Fahu was not the only example of a rich monk in GSZ. The fame of some
he
brought
Sengdao
(flffW)
For
monks easily
was young
riches.
example, when
he
buy
lamp
bum
for
light
he
had
too
to
to
twigs
poor
was
oil or candles, so
when
studied at night. However, when he became an imperial adviser he was able to
hundreds
support
of refugee monks who had escaped from a persecution of
Buddhism in the north with food and clothes. He also arranged the ceremonies for
had
been
killed.
monks who
162
When Huijiao talks about the rich monks in GSZ he always emphasizes that they
made good use of their wealth. He tells us that "Sengquan
was generous in
he
helped
in
lived
He
life
charity and
always
people
need.
a strict
and never
163
hoarded money.
When Sengjin (flfffffi) was appointed an official in charge of
monks he was offered many servants and gifts and thirty thousand cash for his
monthly salary. However, Sengjin was not miserly. All the donations he received
64
'
his
income
bring
benefit
Fayuan
to the people and the religion.
and
were used to
(jj-ýPA) was very good at preaching (changdao, RE'l
4)
and had many large
audiences including royalty and aristocrats. His daily income was tens of
"' GSZ4, "Biography of Zhu Facheng", p. 155.
"'2 GSZ 7, "Biography of Sengdao", p.280.
161
GSZ 7, "Biography of Sengquan-, p.272.
164
GSZ 7, "Biography of Sengjin-, p.294.
82
thousands of cash. However, he used all the money in charity and never saved any
for himself
165
Hujiao, implied that wealth was something a monk should avoid unless he
disposed of it in good causes. Living in poverty was important evidence for
Huijiao that a monk observedmonastic laws and evidence of his good qualities.
Many monks in GSZ, such as Sengxian
168
Huirui
169
Tanying
(flffyC-),
170
166
Sengfti
(flatg),
167
Huiqian (V
described
as
and many others, were
insisted
keeping
by
to strict monastic
monks who were undisturbed
on
poverty and
laws no matter how hard it was and how difficult the circumstanceswere. Huijiao,
171
develop
be
Buddhism.
like
that
to
this
even said
a monk
would able correct and
By emphasizing the willingness of monks to dispose of their wealth and to
live in poverty, Huijaio responded to the criticisms of Buddhism which claimed
that monastic wealth could damage the social economics. He turned the original
direction of the criticism into two different ways for identity construction. On one
hand,,Huijiao constructed a positive identity for monks, that of the philanthropist,
by explaining how monks used their wealth for public welfare. On the other hand,
he constructed an identity of the ascetic, by showing how monks could live in
insist
poverty and
on adhering to strict monastic laws.
Observing a vegetarian diet was also important for a monk to be a virtuous
diet
A
person. vegetable
was not a monastic rule in Chinese Buddhist communities
before the sixth century. As Kieschnick said, vegetarianism was not unheard of
165
166
167
161
GSZ 13, "Biography of Fayuan-, p.518.
GSZ 5, "Biography of Sengxian-, pp. 194-195.
GSZ 5, "Biography of Sengfu-, p. 195.
GSZ 5, "Biography of Huiqian", p.209.
169GSZ 7, "Biography of Huirui-, p. 259.
170GSZ 6, -Biography of Tanying", p. 243.
171 GSZ 6, "Biography of Sengqi-, p. 239.
83
before the entranceof Buddhism to China, but it seemsfor the most part to have
been limited to the period of mourning after the deathof a relative as an expression
held
of sorrow and self-restraint. This aspect of vegetarianism reflects commonly
172
Huijiao
between
GSZ
luxury.
In
placed much emphasis
associations
meat and
it
diet
the
took
as one of the virtues of a monk.
on
vegetarian
of monks and
Examples may found in the biographies of Huiyong
HuiyouA,
M
17
5
),
Huixun
Fl
176
Daoying
happened
Fayuan
to
extreme example was what
( Lpff),
(g;
ý =F
173
- ),
J<,
177
W,),
Tanjian (1!1-ý
174
The
and many others.
who was wrongly accused
Song
(5ý*
Liu
diet.
Xiaowu
When
Emperor
the
of
of
of not observing a vegetable
AV)
diet,
he
follow
him
to
answered that
a vegetable
of only pretending
accused
he had kept to the diet for more than ten years. The emperor ordered Shen Youzhi
force
Fayuan
duty
in
Fayuan
to
the
to
the
eat
meat.
palace,
who was on
in
broken
his
The
the
teeth
two
struggle.
emperor was
were
resisted, even when
of
furious and then forced him to stop being a monk and made him a palace guard.
Huijiao, said that although Fayuan looked like a secular person when he
temporarily lost his monastic status, in his heart he was still a monk and in his
his
identity
he
broke
laws.
He
action
regained
never
monastic
as a monk when the
178
died
long
From numerous examples of monks who
emperor
not
afterwards.
kept to a vegetarian diet in GSZ, we believe that Huijiao, was reflecting a new
aspect of Buddhist culture and tradition of the time, and, more importantly, he was
172SeeJohn Kieschnick, "Buddhist Vegetarianism in China" in Roel Sterckx
ed. Of
Tripod and Palate.- Food, Politics and Religion in Traditional China. (New York:
Paigrave-Macmil Ian Press,2005), p. 193.
173
GSZ 6, "Biography of Huiyong", p.232.
174
GSZ 7, "Biography of Tanjian", p.273.
175
GSZ 11, "Biography of Tanjian", p.428.
176
GSZ 11, "Biography of Huixun", p.430.
177
GSZ 11, "Biography of Daoying", p.434.
178
GSZ 13, "Biography of Fayuan", p.518.
84
trying to take it as a factor to make saints of men of the past and construct the
79
'
identities of monks.
o
Ascetic
More clear characteristicsof the identities of the ascetic are found in some
rL),
lived
dhuta
(%Qf
monks who
as
180
for the lifestyle is governed by strict
demands in Buddhist life and a severe diet. Most monks who lived as dhuta in GSZ
(xichan)
in
Meditation
found
the
and elucidators
of
categories of practitioners
are
Vinaya
(minglfi).
the
of
The monks who lived as dhuta all practiced meditation as their first obligation
diet
kept
They
and recited as
and
strict self-discipline.
all observed a vegetarian
181
Zhi
Tanlan
many sutras as possible.
Jingdu
and
182 for
for
food,
day.
begged
both
They
300,000
example,
recited
words of sutras every
food
from
Bo
taking
trees.
them
some of
giving up eating cereals and only
Sengguang (M@)16)'
83
and Daofa
( LgM)
184
begged for their food from villages
food
for
birds
insects.
Sengcong
(fIff
they
and sometimes
would save some
and
185
dates
for
food
Facheng
took
only
and nuts
and
1 186
only ate terebinth
179SeeJohn Kieschnick,, "Buddhist Vegetarianism in China" in Roel Sterckx ed. Of Tripod
China.
Palate:
Food,
Politics
Religion
Traditional
(New York:
in
and
and
Palgrave-Macmillan Press,2005), p. 194.
180Living as a dhuta meansto get rid of the trials of life and having the discipline to
remove them and attain nirvana. There are twelve points relating to release from ties to
food,
dwelling:
(1)
wearing garments of cast-off rags; (2) only the three
and
clothing,
food
begged;
breakfast
(4)
(3)
eating only
garments;
eat only
and noon meal; (5) eating no
food between them; (6) eating only a limited amount; (7) dwelling as a hermit; (8) living
living
living
(10)
(9)
living
(11)
tree;
tombs;
the
a
under
under
among
open sky;
anywhere;
(12) sleeping sitting and not lying down. There are another groups.
181
GSZ 11, "Biography of Zhi Tanlan", p.407.
182
GSZ 11, "Biography of Jindu", p.416.
183
GSZ 11, "Biography of Bo Sengguang", p.402.
184
GSZ 11, "Biography of Daofa". p.420.
185
GSZ 11, "Biography of Sengcong", p.417.
186
GSZ 11, "Biography of Facheng", p.417.
85
(songzhi, týgH). They would keep away from the secular world as long as possible:
Bo Sengguang stayed in the mountains for fift-three
187and Zhi Tanlan
years
188
They
would stay
about thirty-three years.
stayed in Mount Chicheng
in the places where normally no people would live, like Faxu
in
lived
a
who
in
tigers
(Wij%F*)
Liushi
the
roamed'
where
mountains
graveyard called
zhong
89
(TOJ)
Fan
Mount
in
lived
Fawu
(jj,
to
the
people
where
of
south
a
place
and
--HA)
had to cut a path throug
.
190
Apart from their supernatural experiences when practicing meditation and
by
dhuta
lived
died,
the monks who
were constructed as ascetics
as
when they
Huijiao. It seemsthat Huijiao emphasized their life styles and the places they lived
in order to give a strong impression that monks were not concerned with wealth
identity
The
for
living
their
to
religion.
and were able give up everything
and easy
in
his
book
for
Huijiao,
the
was another
monks
constructed
of ascetic which
responseto anti-Buddhist propaganda.
o
Hermit
Hermit is not one of the categories into which GSZ is organised, however, a
large number of monks were constructedas hermits in the book. There are some
hen-nits,
between
such as the places they lived and the time
similarities
ascetics and
they spent away from the secular world. Sometimes the simple lives they lived
were also similar
to
When
each other.
Alan
J. Berkowitz
discussed
"Buddhist-imbued reclusion" he suggested that even if persons fitting this pattern
beliefs,
their
this pattern of reclusion is
of
religious
practiced reclusion on account
187GSZ 11, "Biography
188GSZ 11, "Biography
18' GSZ 11, "Biography
190GSZ 11, "Biography
of
of
of
of
Bo Sengguang", p.402.
Zhi Tanlan", p.407.
Faxu-, p.408.
Fawu", p.422.
86
"it
treat
that
he
might
However,
also pointed out
not necessarily religious.
in
or
anchoritic,
monastic,
a
observance
ostensible convergences such as religious
be
To
between
difference
them.
is
an
ascetic mode."191 However, there a primary
different
is
dhuta,
to
like
lived
the purpose
experience
the monks who
as
ascetic,
kinds of sufferings in human life; to be a hermit, the purpose was rather to pursue
in
GSZ
hermits
The
beauty
freedom
of nature.
and enjoy the
personal mental
from
living
(1)
following:
the
the
secular world,
away
observe one or more of
from
keeping
the
(2)
beautiful
in
away
scenery,
a mountain area with
usually
(4)
hermits,
friends
(3)
for
long
time,
and
with other
making
a
secular world
in
from
powerful people the secular world.
rejecting invitations
192
There are many monks who lived in an isolated place as hermits for a long
time. For example, Sengyi (f'RZ) built a thatched cottage in the northwest part of
for
lived
V)
had
than
there
Mount Qinwang (Athe
more
and
nice
scenery
as
place
f,
,
93
1
for
(ffivfý-)
Zhong
Hill
(jI,
lived
thirty
Fatong
than
thirty years.
more
on
-Affi)
194Daoheng (Lfg,jfl) and Daobiao (Lfgf;Sý,
became
)
they
were classmates when
years.
Yao
Xing
When
monks.
the ruler of the Later Qin kingdom
384-417), asked them to become officials they fled to a mountain area for the rest
195
a)
(1!,
hermit
Huiyuan
lives.
Among
these
monks
of their
be
the most
must
by
Huiyuan
figure.
GSZ,
According
the
to
since
was attracted
representative
beautiful scenery of Mount Lu (F&tj) he lived a hermit life in the mountain and
'9' See Alan J. Berkowitz, Patterns of Disengagement: The Practice and Portrayal of
Reclusion in Early Medieval China (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 2000), p. 208.
192Berkowitz suggested that we can observe three common and general characteristics on
deliberately
individuals
habitually
life
(1)
the
there
the recluse,
and
shunned
a
are:
of
did
displayed
(3)
(2)
their
they
they
to
the
compromise
not
principles;
and
service
state;
little
discussion
in
There
to
the
this thesis. See
are
a
similar
commendable conduct.
Berkowitz, p. 228193
GSZ 13, "Biography of Sengyi-, p. 483.
194
GSZ 8, "Biography of Fatong", p. 340.
115GSZ 6, -Biography of Daoheng", pp. 246-247.
87
he
Every
time
left
a
visitor
for
saw
thirty
than
the
years.
never
more
mountain area
he
Brook
Tiger
the
take
off,
would
196
boundary.
his
as
had
hen-nits
In GSZ most monks who lived as
were not alone: they usually
his
Lu,
in
Mount
lived
Huiyuan
For
good
and
classmate
company.
example, when
had already lived in the mountain for a while.
friend the monk Huiyong
The monk Huiqian
' 97
for
ten
in
than
lived
the
more
mountain
same
also
198A
Zhu
Daosheng
younger monk
years,
Lgt-) spent seven years in Mount Lu
199
lay
but
hermits,
There
become
he
had
just
not monks
were other
a monk.
when
Buddhists, living on the same mountain, such as Liu Yimin of Pengcheng (V/IAWq
P4--
MkQ), Lei Cizong of Yuzhang
20
), 0
Zhou Xuzhi of Yam-nen(arm"
m
in
The
hermit
the
became
They
appears
same
situation
group.
a
and others.
biography of an earlier monk, Daoan (LU2ý). When Daoan lived in Mount Feilong
ýýLiý,
(
At the time the
IR FjR
[-ý) as a hermit he was with his classmateZhu Fatai
Sengxian
monks
LAN*)
living
(
Daohu
on the mountain.
were already
and
201
Another hermit monk group is found in the biography of Zhu Fakuang
When he lived in the Ruoye Brook
he
his
hennit
secular
area
was with
M).
friends Xi Chao (tFiLB) and Me Qingxu (MMI,
Bo Daoyou (r%LPfV) also lived in Mount Ruoye
202
(ýýg
At the sametime the monk
ýý)2"
as
204
There
a hermit.
in
hermits
in
GSZ.
These
the places they
monk
were quite active
are other cases
lived. They taught, met, entertained each other and some visitors from the outside
196
GSZ 6, "Biography of Hulyuan", pp.211-222.
197
GSZ 6, "Biography of Huiyuan", p.212; "Biography of Huiyong", p.23 1.
198
GSZ 5, "Biography of Huiqian", p.209.
199
GSZ 7, "Biography of Zhu Daosheng", p.255.
2011
GSZ 6, "Biography of Huiyuan", p.214.
'101GSZ 5, "Biography of Daoan", p. 178; "Biography of Sengxian", p. 195.
202GSZ 5, "Biography of Zhu Fakuang", p.205.
203Ruoye Brook came out from Mount Ruoye and passedthe foot of Mount Ruoye, to the
Zhejiang.
Shaoxing,
today's
south
of
"04
GSZ 5, "Biography of Zhu Daoyi-, p.207.
88
isolated
They
They
totally
were not
world.
were a group and a special community.
in their hermit life.
The monk hermits were described as free and happy communities by Huijiao.
The monk hermits lived contentedlives away from the secularworld and without
disturbances from secular matters, especially political troubles. It seems that
Huijiao had constructed a pure land in the human world and the present
205
life.
Only the monk hermits and their hermit friends could live in this pure land. The
identities of the hermits which Huijiao constructed for the monks are therefore
by
land.
It
identities
that
to
to
the
the
me
seems
pure
of members of
equal
in
GSZ
for
identity
Huijiao
hermit
the
the
the
also made a
monks
of
constructing
had
long
hen-nits
between
these
who
strong connection
monks and some secular
been highly regarded for withdrawing from the world and were recorded in the
206
dynastic histories.
Furthermore it seems to me that by constructing the identity
for
in
his
book
hen-nits
Huijiao
the
of
monks
once again responded to
feeling
issues
and cultural
of superiority,
anti-Buddhist propaganda on political
becausethe hermit and the member of the pure land were completely not interested
in politics. This was very similar to the identity of the hermit which was approved
by
highly
Chinese traditional values.
of and
praised
205The idea was inspired by Lin Yuxin and Lij Qifen. SeeLin, "Lun Nanchao yinyi
de
Huiyuan
kaocha
foj
iao
"
Zhongxing
daxue
ronghe
yi
wei
sixiang
zhongxin.
sixiang yu
--dui
315-334;
LO,
"Sitaiyin
17,
pp.
shengtu zhuan shuxie chuantong
no.
zhongwen xuebao,
de xiandaizhuyishi huiying", Zhongwai wenxue 33: 10, pp.73-98.
206 Since Hou Han shu
dynastic
histories had chapters of biographies of
many
hermits, such as Jin shu, Song shu, Qi shu and Liang shu. The terms used in the histories
have slight differences, sometimes called "Yinyi zhuan (ýfWLtfNfl- sometimes called
A4
"Gaoyi zhuan
89
Scholar and mingshi
The identity of scholar which Huijiao constructed for the monks in GSZ is
in
found
The
in
this
(exegetes).
the
monks
scholar
mostly
category of yýie
but
had
knowledge
Buddhist
were also well
sutras
category not only
about
rich
is
The
Chinese
in
Confucian
texts.
the
a
scholar
educated
classics and other
believe
We
identity
in
in
Chinese
the
that
times.
modem
respected
society even
book
in
his
for
in
identity
Huijiao
the
the
monks
of scholar
purpose of
constructing
in
figures
Mingshi
becoming
to
the
society.
monks as
respected
was present
famous wit) was a special type of scholar in the gentry during Northern and
Southern dynasties with a kind of high cultural status. The identity of Mingshi was
based on the identity of scholar, but not all scholars were Mingshi. Mingshi had
have.
find
Huijiao,
We
that
some characteristics which not every scholar could
identity
for
in
Mingshi
them
the
reserved many materials and used
constructing
of
the monks in his book. Having the identity of Mingshi helped the monks more
easily participate in high social status communities.
Scholar
o
In GSZ many monks were described by Huijiao as a person learned in both
Buddhist sutras and Confucian classics. He used the expression "nei waifian xue"
learning
in
both
inner
(Buddhist) and external (secular)
combining
studies. The Buddhists took Buddhist studies as neixue, inner studies, and
non-Buddhist studies as waixue
outer or secular studies. Almost all the
(exegetes)
in
in
GSZ
both
kinds of
the
of
yijie
category
monks
were good at
learning. Examples include: Senghan
20' GSZ 7. "Biography of Senghan", p.276.
207
Xuanchang
(3ýq%2"Sengqu
(fift
90
209
),
Sengfu
13H
210
211
(
Daozhao, -gHB).
LJVNN
and
We could compile a much longer
C;, --
list of the monks in GSZ with both Buddhist and secular leaming.
Some cases in GSZ will be helpful to understand the identity of scholar which
Huijiao, constructed for the monks. Huijiao said that Daoan had rich and wide
knowledge not limited to Buddhist sutras. When he stayed in the north he once
helped to read and transcribe ancient seal characters from the time of Duke Xiang
of Lu
572B.C.-541B.C.) carved on an antique vessel. On another day
Daoan identified and described the functions of an antique container made in Wang
Mang's (T-#,
45B.C.-23A.D.) time. Huijiao said that since then Fu Jian ordered his
officials to consult with Daoan on any Buddhist or secular questions. People in the
had
northern capital area also
a saying about Daoan's prolific
212
knowledge.
Huiyan (Vrýc) was so erudite that even He Chengtian of Donghai (* Qfqgý
)ý) who was known as a polymath could not fault him on the topic of the calendar
in
Chengtian
later
by
India.
What
He
said
all
which was used
was
confirmed
an
213
Sengsheng(flffA) was especially good at traditional Confucian
Indian monk.
by
in
The
different
classics and was revered
many secular scholars.
students
214
Sengsheng.
Once Huiyuan preached
academies often threatened each other with
on sangfujing,
the classic text on mourning clothes included in Yi 1i ffi
lay
Lei
Cizong
Buddhists
two
IFjifffl)
Zong
Bing
and
his
were
his
book
later
Lei
the
topic
on
own
on
same
copyists.
on, using Huiyuan's
worked
his
book.
but
Zong Bing therefore wrote an
the
own name on
opinions
putting
208GSZ 8, "Biography of Xuanchang", p.314.
209GSZ 11, "Biography of Shengqu", p.430.
110
-21 1 GSZ 12, "Biography of Shengfu-, p.448.
GSZ 13, "Biography
tn
of Daozhao-, p.5 10.
212
GSZ 5, "Biography of Daoan-, p. 181.
213
GSZ 7, "Biography of Huiyan-, p.262.
' 14 GSZ 8, "Biography of Shengsheng",p.334.
91
ironic letter to him asking how he could write only his own name on the work as
215
kinds
All
had
from
both
these
of
they
the master.
received teaching on this topic
stories recorded in GSZ form the impression that monk scholarswere sometimes
better in secularlearning than secularscholars.
In monastic society studying secular texts, especially Confucian classics, was
in
necessary medieval days. It was becauseof geyi
for
explaining
a method
Buddhist sutras by using Chinese traditional texts. In GSZ, Huijiao said that Zhu
Faya (t'-
he
traditional
was young and
studies when
was good at secular
knowledge.
he
became
learned
in
Many
Buddhist
of the gentry
when grown up
but
Buddhism
discuss
him,
they
to
questions with
seldom really understood
came
help
families
background.
from
high
To
those
they
came
status
with good
although
from
Faya
Buddhism
to
therefore
employed examples
educated people understand
traditional texts to explain similar texts in sutras. Huijiao said that Faya used geyi
216
flexibly
between
Geyi
Buddhist
texts
sutras.
secular
and
was used widely
very
by Buddhists when they discussed Buddhist sutras or preached them. We see a
in
biography
first
Huiyuan.
When
Huiyuan
the
similar story
of
stood on a
found
it
helped
his
dais
he
that
twenty-four,
audiences to understand
preaching
at
he
if
he
Huijao
talking
clearly what
was
about
used geyi.
said that since then
Huiyuan was allowed by his master Daoan to study secular texts continually. 217
We can easily find more examples about monks using geyi in GSZ. If a monk used
it
implies
in
helping
Buddhist
he
had
to
that
sutras
explain
geyi
a good knowledge
how
By
texts.
giving many cases of
of secular
many monks used geyi in GSZ,
Huijiao gives us a clear impression of a strong connection between studying
215GSZ 6, "Biography of Huiyuan-, p.22 1.
16 GSZ 4, "Biography of Zhu Faya-, p. 152.
217GSZ 6, "Biography of Huiyuan-, p.212.
92
Buddhist sutras and studying secular texts. It also suggeststhat Buddhist and
Chinesetraditional learning were both part of a larger whole.
Many monks had studied secular texts before they becamemonks. When Zhu
Fayi ('51'-
he was only thirteen. He asked Zhu
) first met Zhu Fashen (tl-
Fashenwhy Confucius did not talk about ren (kindheartedness,f--) and 1i (profit,
f 1j).Zhu Fashen was surprised by his talent and suggestedhe become a monk. The
story shows that Zhu Fayi had studied Confucian texts like most educated Chinese
218
before
he joined a monastery. In Daoan's biography it is said that
children
Daoan surprised his hometown people by his outstanding talent in reciting when he
219
It was reasonable that Daoan had studied some secular
was only seven.
traditional texts, mostly Confucian classics, before he became a young monk at
twelve. Huiyuan used to be a zhusheng (A-t,
had
He
academies).
prolific
a student of goven-imental
knowledge about Confucian classics and was
especially good at the Daoist texts Laozi
Zhuangzi
and
Huiyuan
220
by
but
by
famous
was not only admired
other students
also
some
scholars.
Huiyuan's younger brother the monk Huichi (9n, ) became a monk at eighteen but
he had started to study at fourteen. Huijiao said what he read and understood was
221
ten times more than other students. He was good at literature and history.
Huiyan
before
he
became
also was a zhusheng
a monk, and
it was said
222
that he studiedwidely in Confucian classics.
When those young men entered monasteries that they did not stop learning
is
Huiyuan
texts.
secular
a good example of this development as we have discussed.
218GSZ 4, "Biography
2,9 GSZ 5, -Biography
"20 GSZ 6, "Biography
221 GSZ 6, "Biography
.)-)-)GSZ 7, "Biography
of
of
of
of
of
Zhu Fayi", p. 172.
Daoan", p. 177.
Huiyuan", p.21 1.
Huichi", p.229.
Huiyan", p.260.
93
We can see two more clear cases here. Daorong (L-6a) joined a monastery at
twelve. His master treasuredhis talent and arranged for him to study traditional
Confucian classics first. Once he went to a village nearby to borrow Lunyu (AAf'ff':
AjIMHe came back with his hands empty for he had already learned the whole of the
223
book by heart.
*)
Tanhui (1=-;
became one of Daoan's pupils at twelve. Daoan
for
him
became
According
he
to
arranged
a real monk.
study until
was sixteen and
to his biography, it is said that Tanhui had studied many Confucian classics and
224
histories besides Buddhist sutras during the three years.
All these examples tell
joined
did
that
the
they
secular education of young monks
not stop when
us
Chinese
it
Huijiao
Moreover,
tradition of
that
the
that
monasteries.
seems
suggests
leaming was not hindered by Buddhism, but that monasteries were another kind of
education centre where the Chinese tradition would be continued and great
scholars like Daoan and Huiyuan, sometimes greater than secular scholars, were
educated.
* Mingshi
Mingshi
famous wit)is another identity which Huijiao constructed for
the monks in GSZ. By constructing the identity of scholar for the monks in his
book Huijiao had already mentally promoted monk's social status to a respected
identity
By
the
position.
constructing
of Mingshi, Huijiao was trying to obtain
for
identity
identity
The
the
another cultural
monks.
of Mingshi was a symbol of
high cultural level in the society during the period of Northern and Southern
dynasties. In the high culture of the age, the identity of Mingshi was superior to
223
'24
GSZ 6, "Biography of Daorong-, p.24 1.
GSZ 5, "Biography of Tanhui-, p.202.
94
following
the
identity.
Mingshi
To be regarded as a
one or more of
any other
(or
talk,
in
be
(1)
tan
pure
taking
so-called
conditions must
qing
part
met:
in
having
(2)
debate);
reaction and
wit
combination of speech,conversation and
language; (3) making judgments on famous People or being judged by famous
less
the
behaviour
(4)
against
or
more
usually
people; and
which was
special
in
in
GSZ
the
There
criteria
who met
customs or social manners.
are many monks
Huijiao's description.
For example, Huijiao said that the temple in which Zhu Fatai (t'-
lived
door
his
house.
The
damaged
the
of
main
entrance
enlarged
an
aristocrat
was
when
temple leaned and sank. However, Fatai did not care at all. A relative of the
down
lying
Fatai
Fatai
to
when
was
and apologized.
aristocrat,, a prince, came see
225
he received the prince.
Huichi
) was tall and good looking. He usually
half
long
leather
to
of
enough cover
slippers and a monk robe only
wore a pair of
his legs. This was not proper clothing for a monk. However, Huichi did not care
226
Mount
Lu.
Fatai
to
their
temple
there
coming
on
although
were always people
followed
behaving
like
Mingshi.
Their
Huichi
their nature,
so-called
acts
and
were
sometimes offending the conventional manners of educated people. Such
behaviour was somehow against the monastic rule in a way; however, Huijiao does
kind
behaviour.
On
he
described
kind
this
to
the
this
not seem opposed
of
contrary,
in
behaviour
of
a positive way.
Huijiao also recorded, with a positive attitude, many witty reactions and
by
For
Kang
Fachang (Rjýýqg) was asked why
the
examPle,
monks.
remarks made
he always had his duster with him. He answered at once no honest person would
)-)sGSZ 5, "Biography of Zhu Fatai", p. 193.
226GSZ 6, "Biography of Huichi-, p.229.
95
227
Wang
take it and he would not give it to a greedy person, so it was always there.
Maohong of Langye (fnJXTaqL)
Q,*flffjA)
laughed at the Sogdian monk Kang Sengyuan's
high nose and deep eyes. Kang answered that the nose is the mountain of
the face and eyes are the lakes of the face. A Mountain would not have spiritual
deep
if
it
if
it
be
limpid
high
lake
power
was not
was not
enough and a
would not
228
Zhu
The
heard
this
this
that
enough.
people who
was a witty answer.
said
of
Faqian (
Aýý-
brother
family.
from
He
the
of
younger
was
came
aristocratic
an
-j-AM)
Wang Dun (T-R) who was one of the first ministers of the Eastern Jin dynasty. He
families
he
became
frequently
He
was asked
after
a monk.
visited aristocratic
day
had
(zhu
to
satirically one
why a monk
visit reddoors
men,
T,
<n229
he
and
,
230
but
door
for
it
door
Huijiao's
that
to
a
me.
answeredat once
was a red
you,
descriptions give images of people who reacted quickly and spoke wittily. It was a
kind of cultural identity which only a person who came from a good family and
have.
educated
was well
could
We find that many monks in GSZ are described attending qing tan and earning
high
honour
from
it.
Among them are: Sengzhao
very
232
Huiguan
(jg&),
233
Tanbin
( -a=WýjAý
-,:..
234
),
(flffqk),
231
Zhu Daosheng
235
Daoyou (Lg&) and others.
The name list could be as long as that of scholars. Almost all the monk scholars in
GSZ also had the identity of mingshi. Many monks were associated with other
227GSZ 4, "Biography of Kang Sengyuan", p. 151; also seeShishuo
xinyu
"Yanyu pian
228
GSZ 4, "Biography of Kang Sengyuan", p. 151; also seeShishuo xinyu "Paidiao pian
MFFD-WPM
2-19
230
231
'132
233
_34
235
Red-door means aristocracy family or powerful family.
GSZ 4, "Biography of Zhu Faqian", pp. 156-157.
GSZ 6, "Biography of Sengzhao", p.249.
GSZ 7, "Biography of Zhu Daosheng", p.255.
GSZ 7, "Biography of Huiguan", p.264.
GSZ 7, "Biography of Tanbin", p.29 1.
GSZ 7, -Biography of Daoyou", p.299.
96
Ruan
friend
(ýE*Pjk)
Zhi
Xiaolong
secular scholars and mingshi.
of
was a close
Zhan of Chenliu
Yingchuan
Kai
Yu
of
and
(ýq) II f-
236
jL).
Sometimes
the monks were compared to other famous people, usually famous scholars and
mingshi. Yu Falan
Ruan
Ji
to
was compared
was compared to Liu Ling
(Wqfý,
238
J).
(Rp
237
ri),
ZhuFaqian
Sometimes monks are asked to make
judgments on famous people, like Sengbao (ffftýff) was asked to make a judgment
239
Me
Lingyun.
From Huijiao's description we see the monks were accepted
on
highly
it,
in
high
for
belonged
to
they were monks and
they
and
regarded
society
mingshi.
Considering the social reality of how people regarded a mingshi and how they
thought about a monk in Huijiao's time, it is understandable why Huijiao wanted to
construct the identity of mingshi for the monks in his book. By constructing the
identity of mingshi, Huijiao once again played down the non-Chinese aspects of
Buddhism and showed people that monks could be equal to those who stood on the
top of Chinese society and Chinese culture. A monk was not an uncivilized
barbarian but a highly civilized man, like a mingshi.
Other problems
There were still some identity problems that Huijiao could not solve. One was
the identity of filial son, another one is the political identity of monks.
=f-/-, \
Filial duty, xiao (4ý), was central to Confucian values. A monk had to cut off
ties to his birth family, and was thus unable to fulfill those duties. It seems that
236GSZ 4, '.(.Biography
231GSZ 4, "Biography
238
GSZ 4, "'Biography
'39
GSZ 7, "Biography
of
of
of
of
Zhi Xiaolong-, p. 149.
Yu Falan", p. 166.
Zhu Faqian-, p. 157.
Sengbao", p.27 1.
97
Huijiao, avoided the problem deliberately. He only mentioned a few cases in GSZ
When
in
brief
in
description,
just
two
and all
short sentences.
a
one or
sometimes
he could do so he emphasizedhow future monks had been filial sons before
leaving the secular world. In the biography of Zhu Sengdu
he said Zhu
240
Sengdu was a filial son; he did all he could do to serve his parents. In the
biography of Daowen
241
Zhu
Fakuang
son.
Huijiao just said that Daowen was known as a filial
,)
(L
Daoheng
and
filial
both
known
as
also were
242
for
biography
been
dutiful
in
in
Only
they
the
their
of
sons
serving
stepmothers.
Sengjing
did Huijiao, describe at a little more length how Sengjing was a
filial
he
his
died,
Sengjing's
When
than
mother's
more
son
made
others.
mother
grave and planted trees around it all by himself He also lived beside his mother's
243
for
biographies
how
The
three
grave
a monk was
years.
which mentioned about
filial
including
foreign
less
in
GSZ.
the
than
ten
a
son,,
monks, were
About the political identity of the monks, it seemsthat Huijiao did not regard it
important
issue.
did
judgment
in
He
the biography of
as an
not make negative
Daoan on his staying in Chang'an and acting as the non-Chinese iruler Fu Jian's
imperial adviser for so many years. In fact Huijiao suggested that monks who
help
its
the
stayed on under a non-Chinese regime might
protect
people under
rule.
In the biography of Daoan, Huijiao describes how Daoan tried his best to dissuade
244
In the biography of Fotucheng Huijiao
Fu Jian from invading the south.
for
because
Fotucheng
Fotucheng
high
stayed with the ruling
regard
expressed
-140
GSZ 4, "Biography
241
GSZ 7, "Biography
2,2 GSZ 5, "Biography
243GSZ 7, "Biography
244
GSZ 5, "Biography
of
of
of
of
of
Zhu Sengdu-, p. 173.
Daowen-, p.287.
Zhu Fakuang-, p.205; "Biography of Daoheng ", p.246
Sengjing" p.293.
Daoan" p. 182.
98
family of the Later Zhao regime and advised Shi Hu not to kill innocent people.
245
As we have seen, Huijao's main goal was to construct positive identities for
monks that were valued in Chineseculture. He constructedmany kinds of cultural
identities for the monks in his book by emphasizing the monks' abilities to benefit
the state and the people. He emphasized the connections between educated Chinese
and the monks and showedmonks as men of educationand culture who were able
to obtain respect from people of high social status. By constructing the many kinds
identities
have
discussed
I
Huijiao
of cultural
which
was responding to the
anti-Buddhist propaganda.
245GSZ 9. "B iography of Fotucheng", pp.351,356.
000'
99
Chapter 3
Luoyang qielanji
Xuanzhi
Yang
by
identities
and
recreated
As we have seen in the previous chapter, for Huijiao, the issue of identity was
how to make monks more acceptable to educated Chinese while maintaining their
identity as monks. The issue of identity of Yang Xuanzhi
the author of
Luoyang qielan ji (ýýWfbnk-gPE),was more complicated than Huijiao's. Huijiao
focus
identity
himself
had
but
Yang
to
could
on religion
also concern
with
questions and politics and ethnic problems at the same time. Under the complex
identities
for
his
lost
in
Yang
Luoyang
Xuanzhi
circumstances
created
capital
different respects to show what he thought about identity and culture.
The Book and the author's purpose in writing
Luoyang qielan ji (LYQL,]), "Record of the Monasteries of Luoyang" written
by Yang Xuanzhi, is a book on the history and city geography of Luoyang when it
dynasty.
Wei
Northern
the
the
capital city of
was
The book contains five chapters, one for the area within the inner wall of the
five
four
for
The
this
the
suburbs
outside
extensive
wall.
chapters are
city and
made up of topographical entries organized around the cityýs primary Buddhist
The
in
LYQLJ
the
accounts
of
city
nunneries.
are accompaniedby
monasteriesand
kind
the
text,
appear
within
which
as a
of supplemental
anecdotes and stories
Some
that
the
scholars
claimed
annotation.
writing
or
statement
form of
100
LYQLJ----w"he
ben zi zhu
F-1
is
its
the text together with
annotations,
affected by the form of Buddhist sutras and was regarded as a new developing
form of literature since Northern and Southern dynasties.I
In the so-called annotation of the text there is much information about People
and events associated with the monastic establishments of Luoyang city. Many
monastic establishments of Luoyang had been the houses of royalty or aristocrats
until their secular owners perished in the disorder of Luoyang's last years. The
information is much more vivid and attractive than the main text which is like a
book,
However,
the
two
the
the
monotonous city guidebook.
aspects of
geographical writing which appears as main text and the historical writing which
appears as annotations, are in fact indivisible, and they complement each other. As
Professor Lin pointed out, we may regard the main text of LYQLJ as geographical
historical
the
and
annotation as
writing
writing; we may see the cold brain and
rational pen of the author in the main text, and in the annotations we feel how the
heart
filled
author's
was
with hot blood and how his pen was turned into a
2
passionate one.
There is no direct information to tell us when the book was written, apart from
in
Yang
Xuanzhi
the
the preface to the book. He said "In the
what
author
said
Chen Yinque
was the most important scholar to hold this opinion. See
Chen, 7hi Mindu xueshuo kao"
and "Du Luoyang qielanji shu hou" rim
in Jinminguan conggao chubian
(Shanghai:
r
Shanghai guj i chuban she, 1980), pp. 141-167 and Jinminguan conggao erbian
rr.j-- ýQfffl)
(Shanghai: Shanghai guj i chuban she, 1980), pp. 150-160. Also see "Chong kan
"Chong kan Luoyang qielanji Chen xu" Qftf Ij
Luoyan qielanji xu" (M
both in Xu Gaoruan
Chong kan Luoyang qielanji (M
ftHk-ýpE)(Taipei: Zhongyang yangjiuyuan lishi yuyan yanjiusuo, 1960), also see Fan
Z iye
"Luoyang qi elan ji de wenti tezheng yu zhonggu foxue"
6,1998.
Wenxueyichan (3ZIME)
-11
"Luoyang qielanii de leng bi yu re bi
Lin Weny u
A
-j!
ýA)-, in Zhonggu uvnxue luncong (EP-ýf3ý,
(Taipei: Daan chuban she, 1989).
rOW%FFRR)
101
ding-mao (-Tgp) year, the fifth year of wuding(AZ,
547), my official duty
brought me back to Luoyang. ,3 According to Jenner's research, LYQLJ was
conceived and written between 547, when the author Yang Xuanzhi visited the site
550.4
late
549
Luoyang
for
Wei
Eastern
early
the
or
of
on a mission
regime, and
As Yang Xuanzhi said, also in the preface of his book, the reason for writing the
book was to record his memories of Luoyang's prosperity and let people not forget
5
the glorious days of the capital city in the past.
However, what Yang Xuanzhi said is only the ostensible purpose of the book;
his ambition was more than that. Professor Jenner's opinion will give us a clearer
idea of Yang's purpose. He said that the book is the earliest substantial account of a
Chinese city to survive, and this gives it a general value to the historian extending
beyond the mass of evidence it gives us on city, state, and society as the Northern
Wei regime slid from apparently unbounded wealth and power to humiliating
impotence. As a document of the decades immediately following
Luoyang's
destruction it is also a reflection of, and commentary upon, a profound crisis for
6
flourished
had
there. So the purpose of
the Han-Chinese aristocratic culture that
for
but
for
book
Yang's
the
memory
giving
view of the
writing
was not only
history of the Northern Wei when its capital was Luoyang. His concern was with
the Han-Chinese culture in crisis. And, I will add that there is a concealed purpose,
the identity question, which Yang Xuanzhi was addressing with his writing.
3=
(Taipei:
SeeYang Yong (fAT), Luoyang qielanjijiaojian (ýýWfýn
Zhengwen shuju, 1882),p. 1. The English translation in this chapter will follow Professor
W. J. F. Jenner's translation which was contained in his book Memories ofLoyang: Yang
Hsiian-chih and the lost capital. (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1981).
' SeeYang Yong, Luoyang qielanjijiaojian, p. 1, Jenner,Memories of Loyang.- Yang
Hsiian-chih and the lost capital. p. 15.
5 See Yano Yoncy,Luoyang qielanjijiaojian, p.2.
6 W. J. F. Jenner. Memories of Loyang.- YangHsiian-chih and the lost capital, p.3.
102
The Author of Luoyang qielanji-Yang
Xuanzhi
Direct information about the author of LYQLJ, Yang Xuanzhi, is very limited.
It is very difficult to know the place his family originated from, the years of his
birth and death,or any information about his friends and associates.We only know
his name and a few pieces of self-statementabout his official titles and the events
he participated in, which can aid our search for autobiographical details within the
text. Even his family name is uncertain although its pronunciation is clear. We
it
for
his
family
is
be
Chinese
the
name;
correct word
character
cannot
sure which
fg.
FA
based
is
be
However,
there
on
a reasonable assumption
could
or -T- or
Jenner's research which suggeststhat Yang Xuanzhi was very possibly one of Yang
Gu's (%[M) five sons.
Yang Gu (465-523) was a member of a gentry family in north China. His
family had produced several officials for generations. Yang Gu devoted himself to
both military and scholarly matters.7 His eldest son was Yang Xiuzhi
509-582), who rose to quite high office under the Northern Wei and later served the
EasternWei
Northern Qi Ob-ulf)and Sui (rfg). He was among other things
historian,,
helping
)X
"Diaries
to
the
compile
an official
of activity and repose"(kU,
ýJ, qi-ju-zhu) for the last emperor of the Northern Wei. 8 According to Yang
Xiuzhi's biographies,he preparedthe documentsfor the Wei abdication to Qi. If
Yang Xiuzhi was a brother or a cousin of Yang Xuanzhi, that might be explain why
Yang Xuanzhi had access to palace records and was privy to court secrets and
knew much about what happened at court which became materials for his book. A
' See Weishu 72 "Biography of Yang Gu WW" attached to "Biography
of Yang Ni ([%
ýL')-,also in Bei shi 47, "Biography of Yang Gu", attachedto "Biography of Yang Ni".
8 Weishu 72 and Bei shi 47, Beiqi shu 42 and Beiqi shu 30.
103
younger brother of Yang Xiuzhi, Yang Chenzhi
the
to
with
stand
chose
Western Wei regime when the Northern Wei ended.9 It shows that the brothers
stood in different political positions. Another younger brother of Yang Xiuzhi was
Yang Junzhi
He was also both an official and a writer. However, Yang
Junzhi's writing was licentious and of poor quality. His "coarse and crude"
hexasyllabic verses known as "Yang the Fifth's Friend" (Yang wu banIfl, WHO
fH) were widely quoted and sold in Ye as the work of an ancient worthy. 10 This is
1
in
fond
literature
LYQLJ.
reminiscentof a writer who was
of writing comic
There are only three pieces of information related to Yang Xuanzhi's career in
LYQLJ. Yang Xuanzhi tells us that he was a court guest (feng-chao-qing, A=rin
involving
few
duties
court
a post
substantive
which offered an apprenticeship
life for well-bom young, in the years of Yongan QQý,c, 528-530).
12
In the preface
to the book Yang mentioned that he visited Luoyang again because of his duties in
547, implying that he was an official then, when the Northern Wei had already
fallen. The third piece of information we have is the title which was placed on the
first page of the book in all editions. The title is fujunfu sima
Irt Ký,), the
first assistant to a general. The other two official titles Yang Xuanzhi held are
found in other books: a prefect of Qicheng (in Piyang county, southern Henan) 13
14
in
has
keeper
Palace
Archives
Jenner
the
and a
of
which post, as
pointed out, he
documents
had
have
he
drew
in
to
the
state
access
personally
on which
would
9 Bei shi 47.
10Bei shi 47.
11 See Yang Yong's LYQLJch. 2, p. 93.
12 L YQLJ ch. 1, p. 63
4 and Fayuan zhu
Lidai sanbaoji (W, ýHffrE) 9, Ta Tang neidian lu
1] 9 cited in Fan Xiangyong ('ýUgrft Luoyang qielanjijiaozhu
lin
Gaoseng
1,
6a.
Xu
ýp
E
356.
an
zhu
pI
p.
*f-,
qLHA,
14 Guang hong n7ingji (J_M_
5) 6, p. 12a.
104
15
his
writing
memoir of Luoyang.
Yang Xuanzhi's attitude to religion is another problem to today's readers. In a
Buddhist encyclopedia Guang hongming ji
its compiler, the Tang
Daoxuan
(L'O"FI),said that Yang objected to the extravagance and avarice of
monk
the Buddhist monasteries and temples and the damage they did to the state and the
how
Buddhism
LYQLJ
According
Daoxuan
Yang
to
to
showed
show
people.
wrote
16
Jingde
for
Buddhist
In
the
chuandenglu
collection
people.
another
no concern
the Northern Song monk Daoyuan ( LAFyv) gives us almost
ly_
he
lay
Buddhist
information
Yang
that
since
was
completely contradictory
was a
between
Yang
Daoyuan
Buddhism
and
young.
also quoted conversations about
17
Bodhidharma. Both pieces of information about Yang's religious attitude are
in
However,
the
no matter
absence of more persuasive evidence.
problematical
it
is
he
Yang
Buddhist,
that
an anti-Buddhist or neutral
clear
was
whether
was a
deeply concerned about Buddhism in the Luoyang period of the Northern Wei
dynasty.
As most of his life Yang lived in Luoyang under Northern Wei rule his ethnic
identity must remain a matter for conjecture; even if it is very likely he was Han
Chinese, his cultural identity, is clear. We have his strong pride in the highly
developed Han culture of Luoyang in the past and up to its recent abandonment
but
Chinese,
his
dislike
HYA),
Tuoba
(j;
the
and
of some non-Han
not of
ruling
and
from
Chinese
fiang
the
south,
of some educated
nan
His excellent writing
in
he
Chinese
that
man
educated
a
well
was
culture and tradition.
skills prove
Moreover, by reading through his book we find that in fact identity is a big issue,
15
Jenner, p. 15.
16
See Guang hong mingji.
" SeeJingde chuandenglu
3,
ch. "Biography of Bodhidharma".
105
or we can saya centralissue,in LYQLJ-
The circumstances of writing Luoyang qielanji
When Yang Xuanzhi visited Luoyang again on his official duties in 547 the
Northern Wei had been divided into two regimes, each keeping the dynastic name
Wei, for more than ten years. The Eastern Wei was dominated by Gao Huan ( AAR,
496-547) who placed on the throne a puppet emperor Xiao jing
r.534-550), Yuan Shanjian
r=I
Wei
his
Ye.
The
Western
to
capital
and moved
by
Yuwen Tai
was controlled
di (3Z-ýý, r 535-551), Yuan Baoju 7C
505-556) with another puppet emperor Wen
in their new capital Chang'an. Yuwen
Tai was originally non-Chinese in blood. Gao Huan was probably of Chinese
had
frontier
but
lived
the
origin
on
and absorbed non-Chinese culture.
northern
Gao and his family were much less Chinese in their culture than Yuwen, but he was
18
in
much stronger the numbers of the military forces than his opponent.
As a northern frontier soldier, Gao Huan had risen quite smoothly and quickly
through his martial and political abilities from obscurity to become the dominant
figure of Luoyang's last period. He had strengthened his position still further by
moving the capital eastwards to Ye (W) in 534. He carefully observed the form of
his
due
to
to
respect
a sovereign
puppet emperor while maintaining real control of
the state from his military headquarters at Jinyang
H
Taiyuan, Shanxi). He
in
key
in
his
his
trusted
positions
men
political system in Ye, but he allowed
placed
the young emperor and his court a measure of dignity in order to make a show of
18 See Wan Shengnan
',6,flýj IN-,Fi M*ýL *A ýp
--j,,
ed., Chen Yinque WeiJin Nanbeichao shijiangyan lu (F*
jj4 a, ) (Hefei: Huangshan shushe,2000), pp.292-300.
106
loyalty and used it to command loyalty from others. He kept the high-born Han
bureaucratsat the capital and the non-Han soldiers and tribal leadersout of each
far
others' way as
as possible.
However, things changed when Gao Huan died in 547. His son Gao Cheng
( AArA) succeededhim as a dictator. Unlike his father, Gao Cheng did not show his
him.
He
four
than
to
the
three
years younger
or
respect
puppet emperor who was
had a very bad relationship with the young emperor. He sent subordinates to spy on
him., ordered him to be struck, and insulted him publicly. The young emperor
hint
his
Some
bear
humiliation
to
to
the
of
at
wishes.
recited a verse once
unable
his men including a number of Wei princes and Han officials were encouraged by
his verse to conspire with the emperor in an unsuccessful attempt to kill Gao
Cheng. Some conspirators were executed; many members of the royal family died,
imprisoned
in
Gao
Cheng
Although
the
the
successfully
palace.
and
emperor was
foiled that attempt to reassert Wei imperial power, he was not to enjoy his victory
for long. In the seventh month of 549 he was killed by a kitchen slave. It seemed a
its
lost
for
house
but
it.
Wei
to
the
they
recover
power,
could
good chance
not use
Gao Yang QV-Qu-ýT,
529-559), the cooler and younger brother of Gao Cheng,
his
brother's
dictatorship
later,
Nearly
to
the young
succeeded
at once.
one year
finally
formally
emperor
abdicated under Gao Yang's threats and the political
dynasty
in
founded
550,
Gao,
Yang
Northern
Qi
(550-577).
the
new
a
reality.
It was under this kind of circumstances that Yang Xuanzhi wrote down his
like
in
Yang,
Han
Chinese
For
educated
well
man
memories.
a
culture,, who had
lived in a great Chinese city for half of his life and experienced its glory, what the
Gao family had done simply went against his life experiences and his expectation
has
Yang's
Jenner
As
in
his
pointed
out,
positive
characters
of civilization.
account
107
of Luoyang are the unfortunate emperors tossed aside or killed at an earlier
dictator's whim, and the princes and well-born Han officials who supported them;
for these were the groups whose position was most gravely threatened by the new
state system of the Gao,family. His villains are low-born favourites, dictators, and
19
others who challenge legitimacy.
Yang Xuanzhi's loyalty to the Northern Wei was not simply devotion to the
led
by
house
but
Chinese
Han
the
to
the
to
the
culture which was
ruling
or
state
house
ruling
since Emperor Xiao wen di. What Yang was apparently concerned
between
but
Han
difference
between
Han
the
with was not
ethnic
and non-Han
was
in
basis
Northern
Wei
the
the
the
culture and non-Han culture since
of
politics
Luoyang period was accommodation of Han Chinese culture. The circumstance of
between
family
house
led
Gao
Wei
the
the
to serious worries
serious struggles
and
for Yang. Whether the great Han Chinese culture on which Yang Xuanzhi's identity
based
be
destroyed
like
destruction
have
been
Luoyang
the
a
was
would
of
must
heavy burden to him especially when he saw Luoyang's ruin. We believe that
Yang's lament for the old capital was much more than an expression of nostalgia;
imperial
legitimacy
is
in
his
so great a concern
pages, and why
we understand why
the misfortunes of the last emperors who reigned in Luoyang are dwelt on at such
length, for all these are related to his identity and the identities of the people like
him.
The identities Yang Xuanzhi recreated for Northern Wei Luoyang
In LYQLJ Yang Xuanzhi recreatedmany different identities for Northern Wei
Luoyang. The identities included: physical identity, historical identity, religious
19 Jenner. Memories,
p. 7.
108
identity as a Buddhist city, identity as an international city and the identity as a
Han Chinese city.
Physical identity and the Yongning Monastery
Among the identities Yang Xuanzhi recreated for Luoyang, physical identity
how
large
he
his
book
first.
last
In
the
tells
the
us
about
came naturally
chapter of
He
city was.
said:
The capital measured 20 Ii from the east to west 15 1i from north to south;
households
lived
in
it.
from
109,000
Apart
temples of the soil, palaces,
over
had
four
300-pace
and government offices, a
square made up a ward, which
320
1376
there
total
monasteries, of which
gates.......
were a
of
wards and
421 remained in Luoyang when the capital was moved to Ye-cheng (WfA) in
20
ff-7F,
first
Tianping
534).
the
of
year
According to Jenner's research and calculation the city was about 7,992 x 10,650
metres and the population was probably more than 600,000 people. It was greater
than Beijing (IL, -y,) in the Qing
dynasty and rivaled for size only by some
like
in
Rome,
Constantinople
Han
Chang'an
in
before
the
and
world,
or
great cities
its own time. However, these cities had grown over centuries, Northern Wei
Luoyang was only built within a short time, about one year from its planning to
finishing the main construction with other construction continuing for another
decade. Even in modem times it is hard to find so large a city being created so fast
from virtually nothing. As Jenner said it is easy to overlook the sheer size of the
but
it
intended
from
beginning
in
Yang's
the
to be
pages,
was
anecdotal
city
20 LYQLJch. 5, p.244. Jenner,Memories, p.271.
000,11,
109
21
enormous.
However, this great city is given a plain and ordinary introduction by its
four
in
the
in
introduces
the
Yang
Xuanzhi
the
of
the
sides
gates
author
preface.
inner city of Luoyang at first. For example, he said:
In the eastern wall of the city there were three gates. The northernmost of
these was called the Jianchun ( @4, Establishing Spring) Gate.
To the south of this was the Dongyang (*%,
Eastern Glory) Gate.
The next to the south was the Qingyang (*%,
GreenGlory) Gate.
In the southern wall of the city there were four gates.
The eastemmost was the Kaiyang (rffl%) Gate.
The next gate to the west was the Pingchang (
Next again to the west was the Xuanyang
F4
Gate.
FýýIj)
Glory Proclaimed) Gate.
22
West again was the Jinyang (MIM, North of the Ford) Gate.
Under each gate he added some information about its history. He did not give any
descriptions of those city walls and gates. The inner city and its gates on four sides
like
four
The
of city wall were
an grid.
other
parts of the city were connected
through the gates.The order of chaptersin LYQLJ is from east,south, and west and
direction.
in
introduced
When
Yang
he
the
north,
a clockwise
gates,
was guiding
his readers to walk around the city wall with him in their memory or imaginations
in
their minds.
the
city
and organize
Although the introduction of the city walls and its gates in the preface gives
21
Jenner,Memories, p. 104.
22 L YQI-J preface, pp.2 Jenner,Memories. p. 143.
-3,
110
big
how
the
impression
intention
forget
Yang's
to
us a clear
show
we should not
He
Han
East
The
beyond
Northern
far
Wei
the
also
city walls.
city was.
city spread
When
in
in
describing
the
the
city.
emphasizes size and magnificence
monasteries
jrAj) Gate they would
his readers walked in their imagination through Changhe (rp;
landmark
the
see
greatest
of Northern Wei Luoyang, the most magnificent
in
Monastery
book,
(Eternal
Yongning
the
peace)
monastery
whole
the
first monastery in the first chapter. Yang's detailed descriptions of this monastery
its
longest
for
in
book,
the
the
the
readers a sense of
are
any monastery
and give
beauty
beyond
imagination;
he
also recounts many tragic events there
grandeur and
in the course of the downfall of the Northern Wei. He used numbers to show how
high the Yongning pagoda was: the wooden main structure of the pagoda was 900
feet high, with another 100 feet to the top of its golden pole, making a total height
feet.
Ii
from
1,000
He
100
that
the
the capital.
mentions
of
you could see
pagoda
He also tells you that when the bells chimed in harmony deep on a windy night
they could be heard over ten 1i away. Yang's detailed descriptions of Northern Wei
Luoyang still provide very helpful resources for modem archeological research.23
Yang continues to give us numbers. The pagoda was nine-storeyed, and 120
bells hung from all the comers. On each of the four sides of the pagoda were three
doors and six windows. On the leavesof the doors were five rows of golden studs,
burned
When
down
5,400
in
total
the
the second month of
a
pagoda was
of
studs.
KE, 534) the fire lasted three months before going out;
the third year of Yongxi (;-]<,
it went into the ground to look for the foundation piles, and smoke came out for a
23 Much archaeological work on the exploration and reconstruction of Northern Wei
Luoyang draws heavily on the descriptions in LYQLJ. See, for example, Luoyang shi
Hr,
Han
Wei
)
Luoyang
Awýý
j
(-ýýWrfi3ZYZ
(jmftýý[%A
ed.
gucheng
wenwuju
yanjiu
'k
2000.
Beij ing: Kexue chubanshe
(*V)
from
Donglai
In
fifth
whole year. the
month of the same year someone came
had
if
it
just
looking
dazzling
bright
the
were new
as
with
news that a
pagoda
inhabitants
in
by
been
the
it
had
the
the
coast
of
all
appeared
seen
sea, where
before a mist arose to conceal it. 24 All these descriptions suggest an enormous
in
pagoda a extraordinarily large monastery.
Yang also emphasized how much gold was used in constructing Yongning
He
in
Monastery.
its
Yongning
Buddha
the
statues
pagoda and
attachments and
tells us that the 100 feet high pole on the top of the pagoda was golden, and on the
top of the pole was a golden precious vase with a capacity of 25 bushels. Yang tells
in
down
by
hurricane
526,
it
blown
how
heavy
this
a
us
golden vase was: when was
it fell over ten feet into the ground, and artisans were instructed to cast a new one.
120 bells and 5400 small bells were golden, an 18-foot-high Buddha statue in the
Buddha Hall of the north of the pagoda was golden with another ten man-sized
25 There
jade
in
this
gold statues.
used
was more gold and silver, pearls and
descriptions
lead
All
Yang's
'the
to
these
construction.
simple
conclusion:
scale
up
of the building was so excessive'. He did not use strong words to criticize this
indulgence and wastefulness. However, by emphasizing the extravagance of this
temple, the first he describes in his book, he suggests that the city of which it was
the landmark was also flawed by such excess.
Yongning Monastery was also a tragic place. Yang Xuanzhi tells us that in
528 the non-Chinese cavalry leader Erzhu Rong (fff.
Prince of Taiyuan
ýE), assembled his troops in this monastery. Erzhu Rong was the one who created
the Tragedy of Heyin
in 528 in which his troops killed thousands of
24 L YQLJ pp. I ]- 17, Jenner's Memories pp. 147-163.
is See note 24.
112
Luoyang's top people, including the Empress Dowager Hu (ý)Jt Jýý)and her child
emperor, princes, aristocrats and officials. The Heyin massacre was a spectacular
horrible
Yang
Luoyang's
that
tells
to
when
and
us
also
ending
of
splendour.
years
Yuan Hao (TER,), Prince of Beihai (I
fled
had
Wei
Northern
prince who
a
to Liang in the south, re-entered Luoyang in 529 he too mustered his troops in this
in
And
530 the rebel Erzhu Zhao (Pff,
monastery.
-,
Zhuang
FF-
r.528-530), Yuan Ziyou
imprisoned the Emperor
in this temple. As the most
institution,
in
Yongning
Luoyang
Buddhist
magnificent monastery
city and as a
Monastery ironically became a prison, a military camp and the temporary home of
murderers. Yongning Monastery was representative of all monasteries in Luoyang
in
Luoyang
how
It
Luoyang's
and of
city. symbolized
physical magnificence ended
tragedy.
At the end of the section on the Yongning Monastery, Yang Xuanzhi tells us
the monastery was burned down in the second month of 534. In the seventh month
of the same year, the Prince of Pingyang
identified as Xiaowu di
Yuan Xiu (7-1fa), also
-6;
Chu
di
(ffi;
last
532-534),
the
or
r.
emperor of
Northern Wei, fled to Chang'an under compulsion from Husi Chun (A44jffft
the
military controller of Luoyang. In the tenth month of the year the capital was
transferred to Ye. In this account of the Yongning Monastery Yang Xuanzhi
brought together the fates of the monastery, the state and the capital city, Luoyang.
When the Yongning pagoda was burned down, with hindsight this disaster was
seen as heralding the end of the city; and the image of flames and smoke devouring
this breath-taking red-lacquered tower hung with gold that had been raised over the
is
its
in
a spectacular symbol of the end of Luoyang. The
capital
years of glory
Luoyang
identity
was thus connected to its historical identity.
of
physical
113
Historical identity
Yang Xuanzhi also recreated a historical identity for Northern Wei Luoyang.
The historical identity he recreated for the city was based on making connections
between Northern Wei Luoyang and the earlier Han Chinese cities on the site, and
the way he talked about the history of Northern Wei Luoyang,
Making connections between Northem Wei Luoyang and the earlier Han
Chinese history
In LYQLJ we see how often Yang Xuanzhi connectsNorthern Wei Luoyang
with earlier Han Chinese history and recreates the historical identity for this capital
city that meant so much to him and to the people like him. Historical references
in
his
often come up
stories about the monasteries, gates, houses and other
buildings in Luoyang.
The most simple way to make the connection between Northern Wei Luoyang
history
Chinese
buildings
to
that
and earlier
was
mention
were on the site of
structures built under earlier Chinese dynasties, which formed a heritage for the
Northern Wei capital. For example, when Yang Xuanzhi introduced the gates in the
four sides of the city at the beginning of the book, he said that many gates were
built in earlier Chinese dynasties. In the eastern wall of the city there were three
*,
The
Jianchun
(L*,
these
the
gates.
northernmost of
was called
Spring) Gate. During the Han it had been called the Shangdong
Gate. This gate mentioned in a poem by Ruan Ji
fflfg)
Cao
Wei
the
26
First East)
26
210-263)
Jianchun was
.
and Jin ('H) name, which Gao zu
SeeZhao ining wen xuan 23.
Establishing
followed. To the
114
south of this was the Dongyang (*%,
Zhongdong
EasternGlory) Gate, which had been called
Middle East) Gate in the Eastern Han
Dongyang was
27
Cao,
Wei and Jin name that Gao,zu followed. Such statementstell us that
the
0Lft*Z6-)
Wei
Emperor
Northern
Xiao
the
the
when
wen of
constructedand
history.
but
its
historical
Luoyang
he
inherited
to
moved
also
site
a
not only
The earlier historical associations of other places in the city are mentioned.
Yang Xuanzhi tells us that over one 1i outside the Jianchun Gate was the Eastern
Stone Bridge that had been built in the first year of taikang
280) during the
Jin. South of the bridge had been the Horse Market of Cao Wei times where Ji
Kang
28
Seven
Chongyi
East
the
the
stone-built
was executed.
of
ward was
Li Bridge (-Lt# rrw) where in Jin times Du Yu (fif-14,) rested on his way to Jingzhou
(EN)J\[[)29
Although some places were changed in Northern Wei Luoyang, Yang Xuanzhi
histories
lives
in
his
their
still pointed out
earlier
which connected with people's
time. For example, two 1i outside the Dongyang Gate (*wn
imperial highway there was the Huiwen ward
ýA-r
and north of the
house
the
which contained
1% /
Grand
Protector
Cui
Guang
QV,
Grand
Instructor
Li
Yanshi
the
the
of
)t-),
the Governor of Jizhou (W-fl, [ýq IP-) Li Shao
Daozhao (fiý
and the Privy Secretary Zheng
Sumptuous halls rose where huge gateways opened on
depths.
be
It
Huiwen
that
to
the Madao ward
cavemous
said
ward used
LATA-)of
Jin times, Li Yanshi's house was the house of Liu Chan (WqýTiTl)
the Shu. (M)
it
Harmony
Mansion
in
Wu
the
of
was
monarch,,and east
which
ruler Sun Hao,
lived. Li Shao's house had been that of the Jin Lord Chancellor Zhang Hua (ýK
21 LYQU Preface, p.'-', Jenner, p. 143.
)'s L YQLJ ch. 2, p.77, Jenner,p. 181.
-)gL YQLJ ch. 2, p.83, Jenner,p. 185.
115
Jjffi) Convent was said to belong to the house of
A pool inside the Zhaoyi (R-rT:
the Jin dynasty Imperial Assistant Shi Chong
South of the pool had been
his beloved concubine Green Pearl's ( 4, %) Pavilion. Those who passed by
31
thought they saw the beauty Green Pearl
.
Some anecdotes are ghost stories. Yang Xuanzhi tells us that three Ii outside
the Qingyang Gate to the north of the imperial highway was the Xiaoyi (*-&-,
Filial Piety) ward, in the north-west comer of which was the grave-mound of the
Warring States strategist Su Qin (
..
Beside this tomb was the Baoming (0- H)J)
Monastery. The monks often saw Su Qin going in and out of the tomb with a
32
horses,
just
like
ceremonialretinue of chariots and
a modem chief minister.
The
lived
just
like
Su
Qin
inhabitants
The
Luoyang's
their
ghost of
neighbours.
with
in
Datong
Su
Qin
the
the
section on
story of
appeared again
Monastery.
Yang tells us that south of the monastery was the house of the assistant to the
Senior Ministers Gao Xianluo
PJ
On several nights he saw a red glow
digging
feet
deep
below
in
front
his
hall;
ten
the
of
and after
over
moving around
inscribed:
family
found
he
'The
100
the
pounds of gold
place where
glow was seen
behalf.
Gao
finder
deeds
'
Xianluo
Su
Qin.
May
the
on my
perform good
gold of
then built the Zhaofu (TBFm)Monastery. People said that this had been the site of
33
it
This
house.
SuQin's
story, seemsto me, was not only telling that the ghost of
Su Qin lived with the people in Northern Wei Luoyang but also telling that the
influence
lives.
in
A
had
history
their
told
the
on
similar story was
a strong
early
Xiufan
the
section on
Monastery. North of the monastery was the Yonghe
30 LYQýU ch. 2, pp.87-88. Jenner, p-186.
31 LYQLJ, ch. 1, p.53, Jenner,p. 170.
32 L YQýUch. 21,p. I 12. Jenner,p.200.
33
110.
L YQLJ ch. 3, p. 131. Jenner, p..
116
Commander
in
Grand
dynasty
Han
had
been
house
the
the
ward which
of
In the north and south of the ward were ponds that had been
Dong Zhuo Qff *).
dug by Dong Zhuo and still held water, never going dry in summer or winter. This
known
jade,
here
Digging
was
as a grand ward.
and precious
often yielded gold,
trinkets: cinnabar and several hundred thousand copper cash with an inscription
in
dug
belonged
Zhuo
Grand
Commander
Dong
that
they
to
the
saying
all
up
were
house. Later Dong Zhuo came by night to demand them from
Xing Luan's
34
Xing Luan, who refused to give them up. A year later he dropped dead
.
In L YQLJ there are many mentions of digging up antiques or ancient remains.
Yang Xuanzhi tells us that inside the Xiyang (N%) Gate was the Yongkang
in
house
Commanding
General
Yuan
Yi
the
the
ward which was
of
When
being
inscription
found
that said this was the
an old well was
re-dug a stone
was
house of the Han Great Marshal Xun
yy
u
35
-).
WAq
South of the Zhaoyi Convent,
lay the Yishou (AM, Helping Longevity) ward in which was the house of Duan
W\f
-:
t:
Hui, the magistrate of Baoxin county
In this house the sound of a bell
was often heard coming from underground and a light of many colours regularly
hall.
in
he
had
When
light
the
the
the
shone
main
place where
shone excavated
they found a gold statue some three feet high with two bodhisattvas. It was
inscribed at the base 'Made for the Imperial Assistant and Head of the Secretariat
fifth
fifteenth
in
Xun Xu (ýFqjj'
the
the
the second year of taishi
of
month
ýj) on
,
Ab,
have
in
'
It
been
house
266)
Jin.
that
this
the
the
generally
agreed
was
must
of
ý,Fj,
36
Xun Xu. There was a three-storeyed pagoda in the Baoguang (Wf)ý) Monastery
built
Stone
this
Pagoda
that
the
stone
and
old
was
evidence
on a very
which was
3' LYQLJch- 1, p.58; Jenner, p. 17-2.
LYQLJ ch. 1, p.40. Jenner, pp. 163-164.
36 L YQýUch. 1, p.54. Jenner, pp. 170-171.
117
Monastery of the Jin dynasty used to be here, the only survivor of forty-two
Buddhist temples of Jin Luoyang. The monks also found a well and an ancient
bathroom and several dozen flagstones below the bathroom by digging a place in
37
the garden covered by luxuriant fruit and vegetables. All this implies that earlier
Chinese history formed the backdrop to Luoyang people and their lives and that
history had a material presence. This was related to what Yang Xuanzhi wrote
it.
history
he
last
Wei
Northern
the
the
the
about
of
reason why
wrote
period of
and
The way Yang Xuanzhi talked about the history of Northem Wei Luoygng
The way Yang Xuanzhi talked about the history of Northern Wei Luoyang
identity
he recreated for the city. We can focus on three
the
to
was all related
aspectsof this: (1) His references to the Emperor Xiao wen of the Northern Wei, (2)
history
before
how
Northern
Wei
Luoyang,
(3)
the
the
they
to
avoiding
of
moved
he wrote about the history of the last years of the Northern Wei and crisis of
Northern Wei Luoyang.
Northern
Wei
Emperor
Xiao
the
of
wen
*
471-499), Xiao wen di (*3Z; ýý), of the Northern
The Emperor Gao zu (-F`A-l-j-jftR,
Wei (386-534) was inseparably connected with Luoyang's history in the way Yang
Xuanzhi refers to him. In all cases but one the emperor is linked to places in
Luoyang. The exception is when Xiao wen di was the host of a palace dinner for a
discuss
in
later
from
Apart
from
that
the
we will
a
section.
south
refugee scholar
di
Xiao
in
Yang
wen
with
establishments
and
this case
places
always connects
Luoyang. For examples, he tells us that north of Yaoguang
37 LYQL.Jcli. 4. p. 174. Jenner, p.233.
000"
Convent was the
118
Jinyong Castle
During
Wei.
Cao
built
by
the
the
yongkang
which was
inside
imprisoned
(i]ý,,
di
F&
300-301)
Hui
dynasty
Emperor
Jin
the
years
was
of the
this wall. East was the Small Luoyang Wall built during the yongiia years
307-313). In the north-east comer of the Castle was the Hundred-Foot Tower Off R
IV) of the Emperor Wen of the Cao Wei
It still looked as it had when
despite
its
built
Guangji
Hall
Inside
Gao
the
the
new
age.
castle
zu
Hall
a
,,
in
Castle
Jinyong
he
Brilliant
Ultimate),
the
the
the
the
gate
of
named
after which
38
Guangji Gate (Yýýcrq).
With this long list of historical buildings we see Xiao
in
buildings
himself
imperial
di
locating
in
Chinese
the
tradition
of
wen
was
Luoyang. Xiao wen di is shown as making changes within the Chinese heritage in
Luoyang. He was like a receiver of the Chinese history of Luoyang who made the
Luoyang of earlier Chinese dynasties into Northern Wei's Luoyang by renaming
historical places or establishments, and constructing new structures on the site of
some old establishments or places.
Yang tells us that inside the Jianchun Gate there was the Di Spring (VIA)
in
mentioned the Spring and Autumn Annals as the place where Wangzi Hu (T--T
T,
-', ) and Hu Yan (jjfK)
in
Jin
the seventh century BC. The
of
made a covenant
bright
Gao
Prefect
the
the
zu
situated
office
of
still
so
clear
and
of
water was
Henan north of the spring. West of the spring was the Hualin Park (V#N).
As the
it
Canglong
Gao
Lake
the
the
zu called
park
spring rose east of
Inside
the Hualin Park was a large lake that had been the Pool of the Heavenly Deep
in Wei times. The Jiuhua Tower (,+LVO) of the Cao Wei
(Tianyuan Pool,
Emperor Wen still stood in the middle of the Pool. On this tower Gao zu built the
Qingliang Hall
ýIyl
Hall of Coolness). Emperor Shi zong
38 LYQLJ ch. 1, p. 47. Jenner, p. 167.
had a
- -1
1-,
119
Penglai Mountain
(1-0
Lodge
immortals'
lake
in
with an
constructed the
)\, M) on it. 39 East of the Qin Taishanggong
Monasteries was the Lingtai
Grand Duke of Qin)
Spirit Mound) built by the Emperor Guang wu
Piyong
Mound
Spirit
Eastern
Han.
East
the
the
the
was
of
of
Royal college) built by Emperor Wu of the Cao Wei (ftA; rfl, to the south-west of
(T)ý,
during
built
Mingtang
(H)l
Hall)
Bright
rlýt,
zhengguang
which a
was
40
Similar introductions to the historical sites in Luoyang
520-525) in Yang's era
.
Xuanzhi
is
Yang
in
It
that
obvious
came up almost every chapter and every section.
is telling us that (a) Xiao wen di was deeply connected with the history of Luoyang
he
(b)
Luoyang's
was among the emperors of
recent existence,
and also with
Chinese dynasties who had made great contributions to Luoyang, and (c) Luoyang
his
dynasty
link
Chinese
di's
Xiao
to
through
with
efforts
wen
was constructed
history.
history
before
Wei
Luoyang
Avoiding
Northern
the
to
talking
move
about
e
It is striking that Yang Xuanzhi never talks about the history of the Northern
Wei before Xiao wen di moved the capital to Luoyang. He was obviously avoiding
in
it.
LYQLJ
There
strongly connected to
are
several
places
mentioning
life,
di's
but
Wei,
Xiao
Yang
Northern
to
especially related
wen
pre-Luoyang
avoids mentioning these associations.
As the most magnificent monastery in Northern Wei Luoyang, the Yongning
Monastery shone during the whole period until the eve of the destruction and
The
Yongning
Monastery
thus was the symbol of
the
capital city.
abandonment of
39 LYQLJch- 1. pp. 62-63: Jenner, pp. 173-174..
"L YQLJ ch. 3, p. 131; Jenner, p. 11.
22
120
Luoyang. However, there was another Yongning Monastery in Pingcheng (-TA),
Northern Wei's second capital city before Luoyang. The Yongning Monastery in
Pingcheng was built by Emperor Man wen of the Northern Wei in the second year
ff2ý,
Tian'an
of
467). Man wen di (M3Z; 6-) was father of Xiao wen di, and he
built the Pingcheng monastery to celebrate the birth of his heir when Xiao wen di
bom
in
(Nift
Wei
According
to
the
that
shu
was
eighth month of
year.
they also
built a pagoda in the monastery. The pagoda was seven storeys and about three
hundred Chinese feet high, or about a hundred meters high. Its foundation was very
in
its
large.
It
the
the
structure was very
greatest pagoda
wide and
was seen as
41
in
di
Since
Xiao
the
times.
that
time.
the
monastery many
world
wen
visited
Yongning Monastery of Pingcheng was meaningful to Xiao wen di and it had the
it
is
hard
Luoyang
Yongning
Monastery
to understand why
the
of
same name as
Yang Xuanzhi did not mention it unless he was deliberately avoiding anything
frontier.
his
Luoyang
the
associating
northern
with
The same phenomenon appearedin the section on the Baode Monastery (fflý, N
Yang Xuanzhi tells us that the Baode Monastery was founded by the Emperor
). 42
Xiao wen di,, to obtain blessings for the Dowager Empress Feng
The
Empress Dowager was Xiao wen di's grandmother, he grew up under her
his
fact
had
dominated
In
Northern
education.
she
protection and she oversaw
Wei's politics probably since her son Emperor Man wen di's reign (466-471). She
in
history
important
Empress
Northern
first
Wei.
She
had
the
the
of
was
great
43
influences on Xiao wen di and they were very close to each other.
,I See Wei shu 114 "Shi Lao Ai
--I--
42 LYQýUch. 3, p. 135; Jenner, p. 212.
43 See Wei shu 13, "Biography of empresses
di
Man
Man
Emperor
wen
zu
of
FTill*3Z--iW)--
Yang Xuanzhi
114 "Shi Lao zhi", 6 "Biography
7 "Biography of Gao zu Xiao, wen di
121
did not mention that there was also a Baode Monastery in Pingcheng built by the
JH.
(),
for
fourth
in
the same reason the spring of the
same emperor
year of taihe
480).
The Yaoguang Convent also was a place strongly related to Xiao, wen di.
There were several empresses who lived in the convent for different reasons.
Among them was another Empress Feng, one of Xiao, wen di's empresses.She lost
her title for having a bad relationship with her older sister, a concubine of Xiao
di
future
joined
his.
The
Empress
Feng
the royal
wen
and a
empress of
older
family later than the younger one but she was more beautiful and much more
beloved by Xiao, wen di although she was weak in health and morality. After losing
her position in the palace the younger Empress Feng lived in Yaoguang Convent
for the rest of her life. The older one was given poison when Xiao wen di heard of
her immoral affairs.
44 A
important
di's
life.
like
Yang
Xiao,
to
this
story
was
wen
Xuanzhi preferred to say nothing about this unpleasant episode.
Another opportunity for talking about Northern Wei history before they
book.
in
Yang
Xuanzhi
Luoyang
the
the
their
to
preface of
comes
moved
capital
tells us that in the seventeenth years of taihe (493) the Emperor Gao,zu moved the
Chancellor
Mu
Liang
Lord
Luoyang,
the
to
capital
ordering
450-502)45
to
c.
46
build the palaces and houses. However, he neither talked about the reasons for
leaving the old capital city Pingcheng nor talked about what the Northern Wei
house's
departure.
On
did
the
the
the
ruling
after
other
capital
old
with
government
hand, the readers of LYQLJ might expect some stories about Mu Liang, the
" See Wei shu 13, "Biography of empresses".
4S
- Biography
27,
Mu
Chong
in
is
Wei
(fg"Biography
Liang"
to
Mu
attached
of
shu
t::)
of
20.
in
Bei
shi
also
4' L YQLJ Preface, p. 2, Jenner, p. 143.
122
Xuanzhi
Yang
It
founding
that
the
executor of
the new capital. seems
city plan of
kept silent on purpose about the earlier history of Northern Wei from the
beginning.
Avoiding talking about the history of Northern Wei before they moved their
from
history
Luoyang
Luoyang
Yang
to
the
thus
to
of
capital
enabled
separate
Northern Wei in the Pingcheng or the pre-Pingcheng period. All this tended to
for
for
Chinese
Yang,
Chinese
Luoyang
that
regime.
emphasize
capital
a
was a
last
The
history
Yang
Xuanzhi
talked
the
the
o
way
about
of
years of the
Northern Wei and the final crisis of Luoyang.
Yang Xuanzhi talked about the history of the last years of Northem Wei and
the crisis of Luoyang at very great length. It shows that his focus is here. When
last
few
its
it
Yang
the
these
to
that
reading
stories about
years and
crisis seems me
Chinese
Northern
Wei
Luoyang's
talking
to
was
about a struggle
protect
cultural
identity.
He directly showed his hatred for the Erzhu, one ethnic group that was against
day
for,
in
his
Luoyang
On
Erzhu
Zhao
the
troops
that
and
stood
strong words.
all
Luoyang,
River
Yellow
Yellow
to
the
the
the
attack
of
water
unexpectedly
crossed
River was too shallow to reach the horses' bellies and Erzhu Zhao crossed the river
his
in
di
in
Zhuang
530.
Yang
boats,
the
palace
winter of
and captured
without
Heaven
the
will of
and also made a sharp criticism
made a strong complaint about
He
Erzhu.
the
said,
of
Things like this were unprecedented in written record. When in the old days
Emperor Guang wu of the Han received the mandate of heaven a bridge of ice
fonned over the Hushui (ilV*)
^
so that he could pass over the danger, and
123
leapt
)
Emperor
(0ý,
horse
Dilu
lie
his
YW
Zhao
the
muddy
a
when
of
out
arose,
,,,
stream and saved his master's life. They were both right with Heaven and
blessed by the gods. This was why they were able to save the world and
he
had
divinity
if
But
the
the august
protect
any perception
common people.
hornet's
his
have
how
Zhao,
Erzhu
this
eyes,
should
with
seen
evil was
jackal's voice, and conduct as unspeakable as the owl and the puojing (fk
ý
47
),
his
his
instead
holding
back
his
troops
monarch and
slaughtered
who
of
family. Yet to aid his treason the divinity made the Meng ford
come
is
in
knees.
Changes
(yijing,
If
to
the
the
the
this
test
only up
any
saying
that heaven smites the wicked and the spirits bless the humble is
48
meaning ess.
Although he complained that the will of Heaven was unfair he still connected the
heaven
happened
in
in
last
Luoyang
the
will of
with what
years. He tells us many
bad
luck
the
stories about supernatural phenomena which predicted
of a coming
he
For
Pingdeng
there
the
event.
example,
said
was a gold statue outside
Monastery which had the divine property of showing when disasters were going to
", 527) the
hit the country. In the twelfth month of the third year of Xiaochang (* F71
face
from
both
its
had
Tears
streamed
statue's
a sorrowful expression.
eyes and its
'Buddha
body
People
for
It
this
three
called
sweating'.
whole
was wet.
went on
days before it stopped. In the fourth month of the following year Erzhu Rong
'9
Luoyang
the
officials, strewing the ground with corpses.
and slaughtered
entered
" Puojing is a kind of creature in Chinese legend. It looks like a wolf or leopard but
birth.
father
It
its
devours
devours
its
that
the
was
said
after
owl
mother after
smaller and
hatching. See Mena Kang's annotation to Han shu "Jiao si zhi".
48 LYQLJch- 1. P. 17, Jenner, p. 161.
49 L YQLJ ch. p. 101, Jenner,p. 193.
22,
124
When the Prince of Pingyang ascendedthe throne and had a grand assembly in the
Pingdeng Monastery
in the second year of yongxi
533), a stone
statue outside the monastery gates moved for no reason, bowing its head and
raising it again. In the seventh month the Emperor was forced by the Imperial
Assistant Husi Chun to flee to Chang'an, and at the end of the tenth month the
capital was moved to Ye.
50
In the Yongming Monastery Q,,
--H91')
-1-T a statue walked
its
disappeared;
for
days
throne
then
around
after that the
every night
and
some
51
believed
in
Ye
Yang
Although
the
to
the
the
capital moved
winter of
same year.
fall of Luoyang and the Northern Wei was an unavoidable destiny he particularly
facing
his
dignity
admired some of
emperors who showed great courage and
impossible circumstances.
Yang Xuanzhi's feeling about Zhuang di, Yuan Ziyou, the Prince of Changle
di
became
Zhuang
Northem
the
the
seems very complicated.
emperor of
Wei with Erzhu Rong's support in 528. His reign lasted for only two years. We see
that all the chaos during the last years in Luoyang started in fact from the
he
be
between
him
In
Erzhu
Rong.
seen as a traitor
and
one way
might
conspiracy
to the Northern Wei dynasty. However, he killed Erzhu Rong on the ninth month of
the third year of yongan, two years after he came to his throne, and fought the
Erzhu till he was captured and killed in a temple in Jinyang in the winter of the
last
he
Northern
Wei
five
Among
the
the
period of
was the
emperors of
same year.
his
formal
by
di"
"Zhuang
Xuanzhi
Yang
title
to
posthumous
and
referred
only one
his
he
It
his
time
the
title
events
occurring
were
mentioned.
in
and
when
year
used
his
legitimacy
he
there
the
of
that
reign
only
although
were three
admitted
means
50 LY(?LJch. 2. p. 103; jennerp. 199.
sl LYOLJ ch.4, p.200; Jenner, p.25 1.
125
more Wei emperors after him, two of which were created by Gao Huan, the real
controller of the Eastern Wei where Yang was living and working.
Another emperor who was written about as a man of honour regarded highly by
Yang Xuanzhi in LYQLJ is Yuan Gong 7C
Prince of Guangling
also
titled Emperor hernin (J'prýz$rW)and Former Fei di Qrijjg-ýý) in Wei shu. He
be
for
dumb
to
pretended
struck
eight years after the
and stayed out of politics
years of zhengguang (520-525) when the political situation was unstable. He was
by
in
Erzhu
Shilong
the
throne
the third month of the second
on
put
unwillingly
52
he
lost
his
in
Xanming
(@H)],
53
1)
Although
the
throne
year of
next spring.
and
became the puppet emperor of the Northern Wei under the Erzhus' control he still
kept his own principles and did not compromise with the Erzhu. When his
J-)
Zicai
Xing
(ff
gentleman-in-waiting
-Tý
drafted an amnesty in which he
included the charge that Zhuang di had murdered Erzhu Rong, the Prince of
Guangling said that for the Emperor of the yongan period to dispatch with his own
hand an over-powerful subject showed no lack of virtue. However, because heaven
had not yet ended his troubles he was killed by one of his own ministers. Yang
Xuanzhi said that all gentry and commoners within the seas proclaimed the
Shilong
former
When
Erzhu
to
two
emperor a sage monarch.
wanted
reward
Northern Wei generals who had surrendered with all their men to Erzhu Zhao and
helped the Erzhu to attack the palace the Prince of Guangling said that they both
but
Yang
Erzhu
their
to
them.
the
and
country
refused
not
reward
served
said that
the emperor was then regarded as a man of stem integrity. Whenever Erzhu
Shilong attended a palace banquet the emperor would observe that Erzhu Rong had
ý-)L YQLJ ch. pA01, Weishu 11.
22
126
deservedto die for the crime of taking credit due to Heaven.53 It was said that this
Guangling
Erzhu
Shilong.
Prince
described
Yang
Xuanzhi
the
as a tragic
scared
of
hero who insisted on doing what he had to do without considering how dangerous
the situation was and that his efforts were futile.
Another prince Yang Xuanzhi talked about in a positive way was Yuan
f), the Prince of Beihai OL MUT). Yuan Hao returned to Luoyang in the
HaoOt-I'TT,
fifth month of the second year of yongan(529) with Liang support and proclaimed
himself emperor. Yang did not criticise him although he stood in the opposite side
to Zhuang di whom Yang Xuanzhi acknowledged as a real emperor. When Yuan
Hao decided to fight the Erzhu he sent Zhuang di a letter in which he said Erzhu
Rong was a murderer, their people were Hu (ý)J) and Jie ()%) barbarians, and he
letter
The
them
tigers
was
compared
and wolves and other animals.
whole
with
let
letter
be
down
LYQLJ.
It
Yang
to
the
to
that
passed
recorded in
seems
wanted
future.
defeated
by
in
When
Yuan
Hao's
Erzhu's
the
troops,
armies
people
were
Yang described the situation with deep sympathy. He said that all the five thousand
jT-)
from
(a)
brought
Yangzi
(iiang,
Huai
Yuan
Hao
the
the
that
and
youngsters
hands
him
leave
they
took
their
took
off
armour and wept as
clasped
and
with
of
54
eachother.
Yuan Ye (7-CHV),Prince of Donghai (* r-UýE)was put on the throne in the tenth
by
(530)
Erzhu
Shilong.
kept
his
He
for
the
third
title
of
year
yongan
month of
his
He
but
did
han-n
to
made
no
contribution
months.
country
six
only about
no
just
He
in
Erzhu
for
LYQLJtool
the
a
was
which
could
use
claiming
either as seen
their power. Yang only mentioned him to explain how the crown was passed on
L YQLJ ch.2. pp. 102-104; Jenner,pp. ] 96-198.
LYQýU ch. 1, pp. 14--16; Jenner, pp. 155-15 8.
127
through him. He received his title of prince when he was pushed to abdicate in
53 1.
55
Yuan Xiu (jýfft
di *R;
Prince of Pingyang (ZFMT-, also titled as Emperor Xiao wu
ýi- or Emperor Chu
first
Wei)
Northern
the
was crowned on
of the
(532)
Huan
by
he
Gao
Gao
Huan.
However,
turned
year of yongxi
about
against
two years later. When his armies were defeated by Gao Huan at Heqiao (jqfrr,4I-)in
534 he abandoned his country and his people and fled to Chang'an to seek Yuwen
Tai's protection. Yang Xuanzhi mentioned him three times in LYQLJ and two of
them were connected in a direct statement about his fleeing west, which resulted in
56
the move of the capital to Ye and the division of the state. It is obvious that Yang
Xuanzhi blamed him for causing this unforgivable damage to Luoyang and to their
country.
There was one short-lived emperor never mentioned by Yang Xuanzhi in his
book. He was Yuan Lang, later titled Later Fei di
and made Prince of
Anding when his crown was taken away from him by Gao Huan. He was on the
throne for only six months, from the tenth month of the second year of fianming
(531) to the fourth month of the secondyear of zhongxing (FPý4,5 32) and in the
57
find
he
demoted
information
Prince.
We
to
can
not
any
next month
was
about
him in LYQLJ. As Yang Xuanzhi mentioned the other four emperors during the
Yang
that
omitted this young emperor on purpose.
years of chaos we must conclude
When we read the official history of the Northern Wei, we find that he was one
Gao Huan used for increasing his political power and holding important positions
in Luoyang. Just as Yang Xuanzhi avoids any mention of Gao Huan and his family
ýs LYQLJ ch. 1, p. 16, ch.2, pp. 101,102.
56
LYQLJ ch. 1, p. 17, ch.22,p. 103, ch.4 p. 199.
57
Weishu 11, -Biography of Later Fei di
128
he also reftised to include this puppet emperorin his book.
In his treatment of the last Northern Wei emperors Yang thus makes clear his
dynasty's
identity.
the
view of
proper
Religious identity --- A Buddhist city
For Yang Xuanzhi Luoyang's Buddhist identity was both something to be
deeply
proud of and
problematical.
In LYQLJ Northern Wei Luoyang was definitely a Buddhist city where
Yongning
Monastery
Moreover,
the
monasteries and convents were everywhere.
in
its
landmark
be
the most magnificent
the
to
stood
city as
and with a claim
in
in
its
the
time. Yang employed the words of the monk
monastery
world
Bodhidharma, later to be regarded as a founder of the Chan school, for
confirmation. When Bodhidharma saw the Yongning Monastery he said that in his
long life he had been everywhere and travelled in many countries, but a temple of
this beauty can not be found anywhere else in the continent of Jambudvipa and all
the lands of the Buddha.
58
Besides numerous monasteries and convents Yang Xuanzhi also tells us about
how Buddhism was active in Northern Wei Luoyang, including preaching, learning,
the number of foreign monks and others, in the city. For example, he said that in
Qin Taishangjun Monastery (Agt, ±jff') -11-T
there were always monks famous for
their great virtue preaching on all the scriptures, as well as novices by the
59
thousands receiving instruction. There were also many women of famous
58 L YQLJ ch. 1, p. 13; Jenner, 151.
LYQLJch. 2, p.88, Jenner,p.86.
129
families who cut off their hair and left their parentsto worship in covents in their
love for enlightenment. 60The nuns of the Hutong Convent
I
famous
were
throughout the capital for their spiritual quality, they were fine preachers who put
great skill into explaining the Truth and used to go into the palace to talk about the
dharma to the Empress Dowager.61 There were over three thousand monks from
62
in
important
journey
Yongming
An
Monastery.
the
other countries
was
religious
in
helpful
LYQýU.
Yang
also mentioned
materials to tell us about
employed many
63
historical
The Empress Dowager of the Northem Wei sent a
this
travel.
Dunhuang
man Song Yun
Chongli Monastery
ýI--,
I
i-,
,
and Huisheng
a monk of the
to fetch scriptures from the West. They went on their
first
in
(ý$
to
the
the
the
of
religious mission
eleventh month of
year shengui
west
518) and returned to the country in the third year of zhengguang (522) and
brought back with them one hundred and seventy scriptures, all marvellous classics
Great
Vehicle.
the
of
64
Yang recreated Northern Wei Luoyang as a Buddhist city, describing a
flourishing Buddhism. He was obviously proud of it. He tells us that Tanmozui (3M.
1ýr
-f.
ýF, - "
Monastery
Rongjue
the
of
a monk
in
the study of
was an expert
dhyana. He preached on the Nirvana and Avatamsaka sutras and had one thousand
disciples. When Bodhiruci
the foreign monk from India, saw him he
famous
in
for
his
him
bodhisattva.
West
Bodhiruci
him,
the
a
was
calling
revered
60 LYQLJ ch. 1, p.47, Jenner, 167.
61L YQLJ ch. 1, p.57, Jenner,p. 171.
62 LYQLJch. 4, p.200; Jenner,p.249.
63 Yang tells us that the materials he used in this section included Huisheng's Xingji (ff
Song Yun'sjiaji
Jenner said 'The
=E), Biography of Daorong
and
PP
in
follow
is
document
Huiseng'sjoumey
Yun
the
that
Song
the
pages
a
and
of
of
account
first importance for history of Central Asia at this time, only the briefest of notes on it are
'
Jenner,
255.
8.
Loyang.
book
in
here
see
p.
note
about
a
offered
64 LYQLJch. 5, p.209; Jenner, p255..
130
him
foreigners
Buddhism,
an
expositions of the meaning of
called
and the various
arhat. He knew the Wei language and the clerkly script (lishu,
translated
and
FEI
twenty-three sutras and sutras including the Ten Stage (Dasabhumika) and
Lankavatara sutras. When Bodhiruci read Tanmozui's Essays on the Meaning of
the Great Vehicle he admired them and translated them into his foreign tongue and
in
West.
Yang
them
to
the
the West often turned east to pay
that
sent
said
monks
65
By
their respects to him and gave Tanmozui the title of 'Holy Man of the East
.
famous western monks' words the identity of the Buddhist city of Northern Wei
Luoyang was once again confirmed.
However, the identity of a Buddhist city which Yang Xuanzhi recreated for
Northern Wei Luoyang seemsnot without problems. The way Yang Xuanzhi talked
in
harmful
Buddhism
It
the
about
city sometimes suggested
phenomena. seems to
his
description
is
that
the
the
me
emphasis of
of
monasteries and convents on their
functions.
less
He
talked
much
social and wider cultural
about religious activities
than about the beautiful gardens inside the monasteries and convents and
festivals
held
in
in
Buddhist
the
monasteriesand the
wonderful entertainmentsat
he
described
Jingming
Monastery
How
the
the
garden of
city.
3r=;
-i--
is
best
the
=,:
T)
example.
The shade of its dark trees and the patterns of its green waters made it a
beautiful
in
its
there
thousand
place
and
were
over
one
rooms
refreshing and
towering buildings. The windows and gutters of many-storeyed halls and
faced
dark
joined
terraces
other;
each
and purple pavilions were
and
structures
No
flying
it
by
the
matter
passages.
what
season
outside,
was never
connected
freezing or torrid in here; beyond the eaves of the buildings were only hills
65 L YQLJ ch.4, p. 197: Jenner, pp.247-248.
131
holding
lakes.
iris
the
Pine,
bamboo,
the
wind
steps,
and
overhung
orchid, and
There
fragrance
dew
three
their
the
they
were
and gathering
spread
as
.......
lotuses
in
the
grew.
pools
monastery where reeds, rushes, water-chestnuts, and
Yellow turtles and purple fish could be seen among the waterweeds; black
ducks and white geese dived and swam in the green waters. There were
by
bolters
water.
edge-runner mills, rotary mills, pounders, and
all powered
66
This was regarded as the finest of all the monasteries.
We see a beautiful picture of a magnificent garden inside a magnificent building
but not of monks or any Buddhist activity. When Yang said 'it was regarded as the
finest of all the monasteries', he was talking about its garden and buildings, not its
Buddhist works or anything else which related to Buddhism. This is what he tells
important
held
by
the monastery.
us about an
activity
On the seventh day of the fourth month all the statues in the capital were
brought to this monastery. According to the Department of Sacrifices of the
Chancellery they numbered over one thousand. On the eighth the statues were
taken in through the Xuanyang ("El%) Gate to the front of the Changhe (r,-ýrAU)
flowers
The
Emperor
them.
the
gold and the
on
scattered
palace where
flowers dazzled in the sun and the jewelled canopies floated like clouds; there
incense,
Buddhist
fog
India
forests
banners
the
music
and
of
of
and
of
were
kinds
All
heaven
of entertainers and trick riders performed
and earth.
shook
famous
hosts
Virtuous
their
to
of
monks
came,
carrying
shoulder.
shoulder
flowers;
faithful,
holding
horsemen
Buddhist
the
staves; there were crowds of
in
beside
backed
When
each
other
an
endless
mass.
and carriages were packed
he
indeed
West
from
that
this
this
the
would proclaim
was
saw all
a
a monk
66 LYQLJch. 3, p. 124; Jenner, p..207.
132
67
land of the Buddha.
Was this a land of the Buddha? Through his description we see a city with its
prosperous economy and great activity by the citizens. He says little about
Buddhism although it was a religious festival. In the section of the Changqiu
Monastery
he tells us a similar story about a Buddha statue in this
monastery made entirely of gold and jewels:
On the fourth of the fourth month it used to be taken out in procession with
lions and gryphons leading the way before it. Sword- swallowers and
fire-belchers pranced on one side of the procession; there were men who
flagpoles,
climbed
ropewalkers and every kind of amazing trick. Their skill
was greater and their clothes stranger than anywhere else in the capital, and
in
in
the
wherever
statue rested spectators would pack round
a solid crowd
68
death.
which people were often trampled to
Such unnecessary deaths offended against both Buddhist and traditional Chinese
festivals
hand
described by Yang Xuanzhi in his
On
the
the
moral values.
other
books were not purely religious but also quite secular. As some scholars have said,
Buddhist activities in Luoyang were not purely religious but were mixed up with
public entertainment.
69
The entertainment function can be found in many monasteries and convents in
" LYQLJ ch.3, p. 125; Jenner,p.208.
68 L YQLJ ch. 1, p.44; Jenner,p. 165.
69 See Wang Wenj in (-T-3ZLf), Jingtu shang deftngyan-Luoyang qielanji (P± ± 0ý0
(Taipei: Shibao wenhua chuban gongsi, 1982), pp. 136-137, He
Jipeng(fqrf&6), "Bei Wei shiqi f6jiao fazhan de liang ge xianxiang" (ýLPR4,1 R
in Thought and Words(EP49): Journal of Humanities and Social Science,
21: 1,1983, Lu N ing (24i), "You Luoyang qielan ji kan Bei Wei de zhongyuan faha" (Fý
in The VoiceofDharma, 12,1998; Wang Meishiu (T
ýý), Lishi, Kongiian, shenfen-Luoyang qielanji de wenhua lunshu QK T'
-L*L)(Taipei: Liren shuju, 2007), pp.238-270.
133
In
Northern Wei Luoyang. A typical example was the Jingle Convent
Yang's description the nunnery had a beautiful garden. Moreover, he tells us that
he
there,
sometimes women musicians performed
praised the music and
and
dancing. As this was a nunnery, men were not allowed in, but those who could go
to see it felt that they were in paradise. When Yuan Yi (TcfT-), Prince Wenxian (ýZ
EeýD -
in
founder
died,
the
the
the nunnery were
the
of
monastery,
restrictions
AkE) and
from
longer
somewhat eased and ordinary people were no
coming and
prevented
Prince
Runan
the
going. Later Yuan Yue (Tcjt),
7L
of
-
the younger brother
Prince
Wenxian,
kinds
He
the
of
restored
convent.
of musicians and
summoned all
display
beasts
Strange
to
their
talents
there.
entertainers
animals and outlandish
danced and clapped in the halls and courtyards. There was flying through the air
illusions
and other
such as had never been seen before; the practitioners of many
strange arts assembled here, including those who skinned asses then threw them
down wells, or planted jujubes or melons that were ready for eating in a moment.
70
The gentlemen and ladies who saw it were dazed and astonished
.
Yang says
nothing about nuns practising their religious activities or studying sutras. It was
hold
for
for
lay
like
It
to
trips
to
or
concerts. was a place
people make
more
a place
Such
for
life,
to
their
to
mind.
phenomena
not
religious people purify
people enjoy
in
Gaoseng
described
Huijiao's
from
how
different
zhuan.
monasteries are
are quite
In GSZ people would gather in monasteries to listen to preaching; it is rarely said
in
for
GSZ
The
that people visited monasteries
entertainment.
monasteries
were
for
literary
but
like
playing music,
centres
not places
places of education or
more
drinking wine and writing poems with friends.
Yang gives similar descriptions for other monasteries, such as the Baoguang
70 L YQLJ ch. 1, p.5 1, Jenner.pp. 168-169.
134
Monastery (W )ý 4, ),
Monastery
(ýqrjj=f--)73
Fi
E IT
71
72
the Ningxuan Monastery
the Hejian
Yang
does
to
It
that
emphasize
wanted
seem
not
and others.
the Buddhist nature of thesemonasteriesor to win respectfor Buddhism. it is more
likely that Yang was trying to tell us that so many beautiful and magnificent
in
in
fact
less
important
in
Wei
Luoyang
Northern
religious than
monasteries
were
in social and cultural ways. This is a problematic situation. How could Yang
Xuanzhi recreate a city identity with flourishing Buddhism and be proud of it
it?
he
deconstructing
To
the
time
solve this problem we need to
same
while at
was
know what was Yang Xuanzhi's attitude toward Buddhism.
Helpful information about how Yang Xuanzhi thought about Buddhism can be
found in the section on the Chongzhen Monastery
A').
, -T, -,
j
He tells us a story
being
back
life
Huining
(EMM)
to
the
after
about monk
of
monastery who came
dead for seven days. He was set free and sent back the human world as a mistake
had been made over his name. The monk told people what he had experienced in
the palace of King Yama. He said that in the examination by King Yama after death,
the monks who were ascetics, practised meditation and recited sutras when they
be
The
to
paradise.
monks who preached, copied sutras,
were alive would
sent up
built
Buddha
and
monasteries when they were alive were all sent to a
made
statues
dark place. As King Yama said, 'Preachers of the sutras have minds full of them
insult
beings.
is
in
form
This
they
their
the
arrogance
other
worst
of
and me and
'
his
follow
'The
the way,
monk must control
mind and
coarsenessamong monks.
devoting himself to meditation and chanting scriptures. He should not concern
himself with worldly affairs or be involved in action. To have sutras copied and
71 LYQLJ ch.4, p. 174, Jenner, pp.233-234.
72 LY(?LJch. 5, p.209, Jenner,p.254.
73 L YQLJ ch.4, p. 180, Jenner, p.244.
135
is
the
he
from
the
statues made
of
wealth
getting
and
others,
must obtain wealth
beginning of avarice. Thus the three Poisons are not eradicated and they cause
vexation.' As for those who were officials and building monasteries with
bending
justice
the
King
Yama
twisting
they
government support,
and
said
were
law and were robbing the people of their wealth to build monasteries.
Yang said that the story was confirmed by Empress Dowager after inquiries
were made. Xu He
the Gentlemen in Waiting, then proposed that one
hundredmonks who sat in meditation should be invited to come to the inner palace.
A decree was issued forbidding begging at the roadside while holding sutras and
Copying
statues.
sutras and making statueswith one's private wealth was permitted.
The monks of the capital all practised meditation and chanting, taking no more
interest in preaching the scripture. Huining became a hermit monk living in Bailu
(nft)
mountain.
74
We cannot tell how much influence this story had on the religious policy of
Northern Wei, or whether the monks in Northern Wei and other Northern dynasties
less
interested
in
thereafter
preaching the scriptures than Southern monks, or
were
75
how much effort they devoted to meditation and reciting sutras. However, it is
Yang
Xuanzhi
thought that meditation and reciting sutras were
that
very clear
did
building
He
Buddhist
not approve of extravagance such as
activities.
positive
did
He
Buddha
statues, and copying sutras.
not approve of
monasteries, making
find
just
Yang's
We
that
to
the
attitude
preaching was
preaching scriptures either.
Gaoseng
devoted
Huijiao's
In
Huijiao's.
themselves
monks
zhuan
who
of
opposite
in
book
it
largest
Huijiao
the
that
the
group
and seemed
to preaching were
regarded
74 LYQL.J ch.2, pp.76-77, Jenner, pp. 179-181.
75 See Tang Yongtong, Han Wei liang Jin Nanbeichaofojiao shi (Taipei: Luotuo
487.
1987),
p.
chubanshe,
136
them highly. Yang's negative attitude toward the extravagance of Buddhism was
obviously a response to the real situation of his time
He tells us many times about his objections to the extravagance of Buddhism.
He says that the scale of Yongning Monastery was excessive.76 He told us that
aristocrats and high officials parted with their horse and elephants as if they were
kicking off their sandals; commoners and great families gave their wealth with the
77
leaving
footprints,
implies
We
he
then
that
this
ease of
was not good.
and
he
details
the
understand why
always mentions
of the magnificence of monasteries
how
huge
buildings
how
how
the
tall
their
and convents,
pagodas,
many
were,
inside
the monasteriesand convents, how much valuable materials,
statueswere
like gold and silver, were used, the number of the rooms in the monasteries, and so
on. The method of detailed description used by Yang Xuanzhi therefore obtained
descriptions
he
detailed
First,
to reflect the reality of
these
several goals.
used
flourishing Buddhism in Northern Wei Luoyang and recreate a Buddhist identity
for the city. Secondly, through these detailed descriptions he was trying to tell us
that all the extravagance of Buddhist activities was damaging to the state and to
society.
On the other hand he tells us how the functions of those magnificent
became
increased
they
public places offering entertairunent
when
monasteries were
festivals
how
Buddhist
those
to
the
enlivened the city and made
people,
widely
Luoyang citizens' lives more colourful even if that had not been their original
different
identity
Xuanzhi
Buddhist
for
doing
Yang
In
created
a
so
purpose.
Northern Wei Luoyang. The Buddhist identity of Northen Wei Luoyang was not
76
77
0-l'
LYOLJ ch. 1, p. II-
LYQLJ preface,p. 1. Jenner,p. 141
137
purely religious but also more social and cultural.
This is very different from Buddhism in Huijiao's GSZ. In GSZ Huijiao did
book
in
his
in
talk
the
the
not
much about
south although many monks
cities
GSZ
Buddhism
in
In
Chinese
the
associatedwith upper class educated
and
cities.
its relationship with Chinese high culture is the centre of the book. Huijiao does
interest
life
in
how
fitted
into
Buddhism
the
not show much
of society or
material
in buildings. In LYQLJ the ideas of Buddhism seemnot so important although the
book was about a Buddhist city. In GSZ Huijiao tried very hard to play down the
foreign characteristics of the monks and make Buddhism more Chinese but in
LYQLJ it seemsthat Yang Xuanzhi deliberately used the foreign characteristicof
Buddhism to make his Luoyang more international.
An international
city
We have discussed how Yang Xuanzhi created Northern Wei Luoyang as a
Buddhist city by emphasizing the religious function in social and cultural aspects.
Buddhism was an important factor to Yang Xuanzhi in constructing Northern Wei
Luoyang as an international city.
Within so many monasteries and convents in Northern Wei Luoyang Yang
Xuanzhi tells us there were some two monasteries, the Puti
Monastery and the Fayun
Bodhi)
78
founded
foreign
by
Monastery,
He also
monks.
ý
wm;
founded
by
foreign
He
the
that
monks
tells us
were
were
exotic.
which
monasteries
halls
Buddha
Monastery
Fayun
in
the
the
the
that
and
monks' cells were all
said
decorated in the foreign style with dazzling reds and whites and gleaming gold and
'8 L YQLJ ch. 3, p. 153; Jenner, p.222.
138
jade. He also tells us that the foreign monks taught Buddhism in different ways so
it
from
dharma
learn
foreign
loved
the
to
the
the
all
of
monks of
came
capital who
Tanmolo
79
W,), the founder of the Fayun Monastery.
In the section on the Yongming Monastery we are told that there were over
three thousand foreign monks from different countries, the most distant being Da
Qin
the Roman East) which was at the western extreme of earth and sky.
Through the monks from there Yang tells us of their customs, 'They plough, hoe,
live
in
in
the
the countryside; and
and spin;
common people
sight of each other
their clothes, horses,and carts are much like those of China.' We also learn about
Geying
(V*),
another country
the country to the south of China. Yang said that
'the country was very far from the capital. Its customs are quite different from ours
it
has
had
in
China:
as
never
any contact with
even the two Han dynasties and the
Cao Wei nobody ever got that far. But now for the first time the monk
Buddhabhadra reached Luoyang from there'. We can see how Yang was proud of
his country, he was telling us that under Northern Wei Luoyang drew more foreign
had
dynasties.
it
Chinese
Through
foreign
Buddhabhadra
than
under earlier
visitors
knowledge, such as the name of countries, their locations and their customs, were
drawn on in the book. Yang Xuanzhi tells us what Buddhabhadra said,
After travelling north for one month I reached Gouzhi (ýJff).
days to the north I came to Diansun
Eleven more
From there I headed north for
forty days until I arrived in Funan (MM), which with its area of five thousand
Ii (W--) is the biggest and most powerful of the countries of the southern
barbarians. The people of Fu-nan are many and rich. Their country produces
it
in
betel-nuts.
jade,
ftirther
A
and
crystal,
abounds
and
month's
pearls, gold.
LYQI-Jcli.
4, p. 176, Jenner, pp. 234-235.
139
1
Linyi
leaving
journey to the north brought me to Linyi (#M),
U3 and on
in
Yang
After
Yan.
Xiao
the
province
a
year
entered
spending
country of
Budhabhadra came with Farong
the capital.
(Mj+j),
Yang
to
province
of
a monk
80
Monks who came from distant countries were not only proof of how flourishing
Buddhism was in Luoyang but also are used to show Luoyang as having a wide
international appeal. Yang Xuanzhi created the identity of an international city for
Northern Wei Luoyang in large part by showing that although Buddhism was
it
in
foreign
from
His
Luoyang.
to
originally a
religion monks
afar came
practise
international Luoyang was also not limited to immigrant monks but also extended
to religious exports. As we have mentioned, Tanmozui QýAft),
a monk of the
Rongjue Monastery (htW4, ), was an expert in the study of dhyana. His Essays on
the Meaning of the Great Vehicle was translated into an Indian language by a great
Indian monk Bodhiruci. The translated version was read widely in the west and
for
TarumoZUi8l
the
won
respect of western monks
Besides emphasizing the function of the Buddhism in creating the identity of
international city for Luoyang, Yang Xuanzhi also used the journey of Song Yun
diplomat
in
Pakistan
518.
Fluisheng,
to
today's
a
and
a
monk,
and
Yang tells us that when Song Yun and Huisheng came to the walled town of
Hanmo, there was a six foot high statue with stupas beside it, and tens of thousands
hung
banners
banners
Most
them.
the
and
parasols
were
on
of
were
of coloured
from the country of Wei, on many of which was written in the clerkly script
(495)'
'second year offingming
taihe
6nineteenth year of
80 LYOLJ ch. 4, p.200; Jenner, pp. 249-250.
81 LYQLJch. 4, p. 197. Jennerýpp. 247-248.
0-0,
'(501), or 4second year of
140
Xing
Yao
dated
(LIEFEi,
just
513);
the
time
to
yanchang'
there was
of
one
(394-415 ). 82 The original readers of LYQLJ would have recognized that all these
dates came after Northern Wei moved the capital to Luoyang. The year names
taihe, fingming and yanchang all belong to the period which was between the
best
Luoyang's
Luoyang
Empress
Dowager
Hu
to
move
years
and
seizing power,
for Yang. Yang continued to tell how Northern Wei was known by the western
countries.
In the country of Wuchang(F,'-,
Udyana)
Song
Huisheng
Yun
and
were
-UA,
received with great honour. According to the material Yang used in his book,,
he
his
King
Song
Yun,
Great
Wei,
the
the
the
when
received
envoy of
raised
hands to his head and bowed to accept the edict. On hearing that the Empress
Dowager honoured the Buddha's Law he turned east, put his hands together,
himself
he
his
her
from
He
to
and prostrated
paid
as
respects
afar.
sent
language
Wei
the
to make communication with
someone who understood
Song Yun and Fluisheng. The king also asked, 'Does your country produce
sagesT Song Yun explained about the excellence of the Duke of Zhou,
Confucius,, Zhuang zi, and Lao zi; he went on to tell him about the silver
immortals
halls
Mount
Penglai
the
of
and
and sages
gate-houses and golden
he
Guan
(WM),
live
Lu
Hua.
Tuo's
the
there;
spoke about
soothsaying of
who
(VrL, -) healing powers, and Zuo Ci's (2ýErk-)magic. He gave systematic
JVAI
it
is
'
king,
'If
'then
is
things.
the
as
you
say,
replied
yours
account of all such
indeed a land of the Buddha. I hope to be reborn there when this life of mine
83,
is ended.
'2 LYQLJch. 5, p. 210; Jenner. p. 256.
83 LYQLJcll. 5, p.212, Jenner. p. 262.
141
What Song Yun told the king of Udyana about was the central Han Chinese
cultural tradition, which was always mentioned by educated Chinese proudly. We
see from here how Song Yun, a Dunhuang man who lived in Luoyang regarded
himself as a Han Chinese. And the Chinese cultural tradition he told the king about
was representedas a cultural tradition of Northern Wei. The Chinese cultural
tradition was transferred into the Northern Wei cultural tradition in front of a
king.
Looking at this we find Yang Xuanzhi created the identity of
western
international city for Luoyang by emphasizing its Chinese culture. As Song Yun
regarded himself a Chinese, he talked about the Chinese tradition and followed
Chinesevalues.
Song Yun, presenting himself as a Chinese, asked the western king to practise
Chinese rituals. Yang said that in the first year of zhengguang (520) they entered
the country of Qiantuoluo (t#rLFT, Gandhara).When Song Yun reachedthe royal
handed
king
imperial
decree, the king was so
the
the
military encampment and
it
discourteous
he
Realizing
barbarian
to
that
too
rude and
as receive seated.
was a
distant to be controlled, Song Yun was unable to upbraid him and had to put up
he
his
had
him,
Later
Song
the
the
to
to
on when
chance put
matter
with
arrogance.
Yun asked the king of Gandhara why, when the kings of the Ephthalites and
Udyana both bowed when they received the decree, he alone could not do so. The
king answered, 'If I saw the Wei King in person I would bow to him, but what is
him
down?
from
letters
letter
When
the
sitting
people get
wrong with reading a
from their parents they read them sitting down, so of course it shows no
discourtesy if I stay seated to read a letter from the Great Wei, which is like a
84
father and mother to me.' Song Yuri was unable to cap this argument.
84 LYQLJ ch.5, pp.213-2 14; Jenner, pp.265-266.
142
Through stories such as these Yang shows Luoyang as the centre of the
Chinese world and on good terms with many distant countries. This international
communication was in a large part but not only through Buddhism. At the same
time Luoyang was the capital of the Northern Wei and was a symbol of the
Northern Wei, therefore when Song Yun and Huisheng were working to strengthen
the image of their country in the far west they were also creating the identity of an
international city for Luoyang.
The identity of Luoyang as an international city was not only fonned by the
by
but
the city system
the
communication with other countries outside
state
also
for foreigners inside Luoyang. Yang Xuanzhi tells us that south of Luoyang there
for
from
from
including
the
the
was an area
people who came
other countries,
dynasties.
He says,
southern
South of the Eternal Bridge, north of the Round Mound and between the Yi
four
for
four
hostels
foreigners.
Luo
The
the
the
the
and
and
rivers were
wards
hostels were east of the imperial highway and were called Jinling
Fusang (M')
Yanran
Yanzi
and
To the west of the highway
Returning
four
foreigners'
Guizheng
(ý4Truth),
the
to
the
LE,
wards:
were
Guide (Rjýf
Muyi
Returning to Virtue), Muhua (4,ý-kf-L,Admiring Civilization), and
,
& Admiring Justice).The men of Wu who came over to our country
had
been
for
in
Jinling
Hostel,
they
there
three
the
and
after
years
put
were
they were given houses in the Guizheng ward ....... When barbarians from the
in
Yanran
for
Hostel
the
they
three
to
put
were
years and
us
over
came
north
The
barbarians
Guide
in
houses
the
ward . ......
then given
eastern
who came
later
in
Fusang
Hostel
houses
in
the
the Muhua
and
given
to submit were put
143
85
Hostel
in
Yanzi
Western
barbarians
the
ward. ......
who came over were put
86
and given houses in the Muyi ward .
From Yang's description Luoyang had a very clear system for immigrants from
different directions. For Yang it was important that Luoyang was a city to which
from
from
known
Apart
the
people
monks and political
all over
world came.
immigrants there were a large number of other immigrants, such as traders,
merchants, artisans, performers, and musicians. Yang Xuanzhi tells us,
The number of those who made their homes there because they enjoyed the
beyond
China
atmosphere of
counting; there were over ten thousand
was
families of those who had come over to our way of life. The gates and lanes
Dark
the
tight
together.
were neatly arranged and
entrances packed
87
locust-trees gave shade and green willows hung down over the courtyards.
.
Many foreigners became Luoyang residents and thus helped to construct its
identity as an international city.
Yang tells us that one of these four foreign hostels, and one of four foreign
dynasties.
from
he
for
The
Wu',
'men
the
southern
of
people
examples
wards was
took were Xiao Baoyin (4ff WC-) and Xiao Zhengde (MIEffi).
He tells us that,
Early in jingming (500-503) Xiao Baoyin, Prince of Jian'an (R2ýT-)
under
the bogus Qi, submitted to us. He was ennobledas Lord of Guiji and a house
in
he
for
him
Guizheng
be
Later
built
Prince
the
to
ward.
was elevated
of
was
Qi and given the Princess of Nanyang QM%ýa-1::) in marriage. As Xiao
Baoyin felt humiliated at being classified among the foreigners he got the
Lff
Emperor
Shizong
(
500-515)
W-T,!,
be
the
to
to
petition
r.
asking
princess
85
86
87
LYQI-J ch. 3, pp. 144-145; Jenner, pp-218-221.
See note 85.
See note 85.
144
in
house
him
the
into
Shizong
to
the
allowed
a
gave
and
move
agreed
city.
Yongan ward. In the fourth year of zhengguang(523) Xiao Zhengde, Marquis
Xifeng
of
,5-x
Hostel
in
Jinling
he
the
too
to
was put
submitted
us, and
later
house
Xiao
Zhengde
built
for
him
in
Guizheng
the
until a
was
ward.
88
become
the Guizheng Monastery.
gave this to
The way of settling southern aristocrats was no different form that of other
foreigners. In this paragraph it shows directly that Northern Wei people thought the
foreigners.
have
Southerners
As
I
southemers were
noted elsewhere,
were
in
immigration
had
Luoyang
the
they
marginalized
system of
and
no position of
89
cultural superiority. As traditional Chinese people always thought that they were
the centre of the world, and other peoples around them on four sides were
barbarians, they were doubly marginalized by their position outside the Chinese
90
in
identity.
four
foreign
hostels
From
their
the
cultural
core and
system of
and
four immigrant wards we see Luoyang standing in the centre of the world but also
keep
foreigners
designated
hostels
to
to
wanting
confined
wards and
south of the
foreigners
in
These
Luoyang
their
marginal status
city wall.
who accepted
its
identity
Chinese.
As an
that
to
remained essentially
contributed
as a world city
international city and the centre of the world Luoyang was logically the centre of
Chineseculture.
88 LYQEJ ch. 3, pp. 144-145, Jenner, pp.218-22 1.
89 See Wang Meihsiu, "Guoji dushi dejiangou yu weiyi xiaoyin
ftjff)" in Lishi, kongiian, shenfen-Luoyang qielanji de wenhua lunshu, pp.271-288.
90 See Shan Dexing
"Yi wo ailun ru quanfu-tianshi dao beige de mingke yu
AMWMfQ)in
)ýfPZOMMý,
Z-ARUfVk
Mingke
('rgRJ,?
j,,u zaixian -huayi
zaixian
R: W7-UZWV-Plunji
(Taipei:
9
wenhua
ON
mei uo wenxueyu
Maitian chubanshe,2000). p-55-
145
A Han Chinese city
It is unquestionable that Northern Wei Luoyang was a typical Han Chinese
city as representedin LYQLJ. Through the stories told in the book Yang Xuanzhi
for
he
identity
his
The
for
Chinese
Han
the
recreated
used
capital.
ways
of a
city
recreating the identity of a Han Chinese city of Northern Wei Luoyang included: A.
history
between
Wei
Luoyang's
Northern
the
emphasizing
and the
connection
histories of earlier Chinese dynasties; B. emphasizing Northern Wei Luoyang's
Han Chinese characterics; C. indicating the differences between people in Northern
Wei Luoyang and some other non-Chinese people; D. indicating the differences
between the Han Chinese culture in Northern Wei Luoyang and the Han Chinese
in
the South. The connection between Northern Wei Luoyang's history and
culture
the histories of earlier Chinese dynasties has been discussed in the previous section
historical
how
identity
for
I
Yang
Xuanzhi
his
talked
when
about
recreated a
from
discussion
how
Yang Xuanzhi
I
In
this
section will start my
capital city.
emphasized Northern Wei Luoyang's Han Chinese characteristics.
Emphasizing Northem Wei Luoyang's Han Chinese characteristics
Just as he made connections between the history of Northern Wei Luoyang
dynasties
his
histories
Chinese
Yang
Xuanzhi
told
the
when
of earlier
readers
and
for
in
Chinese
Han
the city, the people who
places
and
establishments
pasts
about
lived in the city also were the heirs of Han Chinese predecessors. When Yang
Yuan
Yong
the
talked about
wealth of
Prince of Gaoyang
PJ
in
Northern
Wei
Luoyang
lived
life
luxury,
the
who
a
richest aristocrat
of
probably
91
Han
Jin
his
in
'no
times was
he said that
and
equal
prince since
extravagance.'
91 LYQI-Jch. 3, p. 155; Jennerp. 224.
146
He tells us that Yuan Chen (7-c
Prince of Hejian (jqrMIT), one of the richest
being
in
Northern
Luoyang
Wei
aristocrats
who was always resentful about not
he
did
Wei
Yuan
Yong,
that
than
told
richer
not mind not
another
prince
once
having met Shi Chong
92
but regrettedthat Shi Chong never saw him.
Shi
Chong was an aristocrat in Jin times; he was known for his incomparable wealth.
In making such comparisons that included implied criticism Yang was still locating
his princes in a Chinese tradition. When Yuan Yi 7C
Prince of Qinghe (ýp4jq
T-), died Empress Dowager gave him a solemn and honourable funeral ceremony
which was modeled on that of the Jin dynasty Prince Fu of Anping
H
93
bad
Qi
When
the
the
area,
some officials and scholarscriticized
customsof
Ly-).
Cui Xiaozhong
from
Qi
province
an official
N
did not accept the
by
influenced
Taigong
He
told
that
the
criticism.
people
area was
the
imperial advisor to the Zhou king Wen wang ( Mr,3ý,!F.), and the Confucian scholars
&-"ý--F)
followed
by
had
Qi
Jixia
(
Many
people
rites and moral criteria
of
academy.
been formed by them. Even though it might be in decline Qi was still a model to
94
Yang tells us a story about a teenage Luoyanger Xun Ziwen of
the world.
Yingchuan (ý,Rj I jlfýi-TZ-
As a child he was brilliant and his character was exceptional: when he was
rffl
(TA)
Kong
Rong
Wan
(M
Huang
twelve neither
nor
him. When Pan Chonghe of Guangzong
(BUWýk)
Annals
Autumn
Spring and
V-
have
could
excelled
lecturing
Fu's
on
was
in
Zhaoyi
(H-TJ')
the
commentary
Of%
him
his
Li
Cai
his
teacher.
Ziwen
to
take
Xun
tucked
as
of
clothes
up
ward,
Zhaojun (jMgý.
J-) asked Ziwen where he lived, Ziwen replied that he lived
()) LYQLJ ch.4, p. 179; Jenner,p.243
93 LYQLJch. 4, p. 163, Jenner,p.228.
94 LYQLJ ch.2, p.88, Jenner, p. 188.
147
in the Zhonggan (FP-[T) ward in the south part of the city that was seen as a
low level area. When Li teasedXun about the area he lived in, Xun replied
is
'The
He
the
with quick and witty words.
south of
capital an excellent
said:
district, so why are you surprised that I live there? For rivers the Yi (f)I-) and
the Luo (ýý) flow between towering cliffs, and if we are to speak of
antiquities there is the Spirit Mound and the Stone Classics. Of beautiful
have
Baode
the
monasteries we
and the Jingming; and among the richest and
noblest men of the age we have the Princes of Gaoyang
Guangping
(-F,
"--,-j
[M) and
The customs of the four quarters of the globe and of
here.
If we are to speak of
countless countries and cities are represented
distinguished people there will be definitely me not you. ' Li Cai was unable to
95
answer.
The figure like this remind me of many clever and talented young adults and
in
Shishuo xinyu
children
Another similar story Yang told in his book
PLI
impression.
Champion
General
Guo
Wenyuan
(%3ZA)
gives a similar
had a
house
Li
Yuanqian
Longxi
to
that
of a monarch.
of
splendid
which was able match
for
Guo's
mansion and saw
alliteration, once passed
an enthusiast
his splendid gateway and he asked whose house it was in an alliterative sentence.A
him
in
house
Guo's
quickly also a alliterative
came out and answered
slave girl of
both
in
had
The
two
alliterative
short exchange with each other,
sentence.
he
defeat
in
Li
is
that
It
the
that
slave girl
admitted
could not
said
sentences.
The
the
told
over
city.
all
was
story
alliteration.
96 If
in
a young adult and slave girl
Northern Wei Luoyang could act at such a high level in Han Chinese culture then it
" LYQLJch. 3, p. 156; Jennerpp. 225-226.
96 LYQLJch. 5, p.209; Jenner,p.254.
000,
148
be
Chinese
that
will
poem.
no surprise
a princess could write a
Wang Su (T-#R) was a learned scholar from the south who became an
important high official in Gao zu's court from the eighteenth year of taihe (494).
Wang Su had married a daughter of the Me (M) clan when he was in the south,
Me
had
he
Later
Lady
he
the
to
the
and when
who
came
capital
married a princess.
been left behind in the south becamea nun and came to join Wang Su. When she
found that he had married the princess the Lady Me wrote a poem to him recalling
their old days. The response to this by Wang Su's later wife, the princess, was
look
it
In
the
type.
that
another poem of
same
she suggested
people should not
back to the past.97 A woman writing poetry was not very common in traditional
Chinese society. The Me clan was a famous and important family in southern
dynasties, well known for their high level of culture as well as their political
is
female
famous
family
It
this
that
contributions.
not a surprise
a
member of
wrote
a poem. But Yang tells us that a Xianbei princess could also write as good a
Chinese poem as a lady from a traditional Han Chinese gentry family. Obviously
he was telling us how deeply Han Chinese culture had been rooted even among the
Xianbei
if
did
know
in
Wei
Luoyang.
Indeed,
Northern
we
not
aristocrats
that she was a Xianbei we would not have guessedit.
When we read the story of Yuan Yu his Xianbei origins are nowhere to be
seen.
Linhuai
Prince
Yuan Yu ()tpA),
of
)-C
He was well versed in classical
books and gifted with a discriminating intelligence. His manners were
joy
behold.
bearing
his
When
in
to
the
a
all
princes
assembled
and
exquisite
the capital on the morning of New Year's Day he would stroll along the palace
" LYQLJ ch.3. pp. 135-136; Jenner, p.214.
149
him
his
hands.
All
would
who saw
corridors with a gold cicada gleaming on
forget their wearinessand sigh with admiration. He was both a lover of forests
and streamsand a convivial man. When the flowers and trees were brightly
in
his
breezes
he
like
brocade
in
the
coloured
morning meal
spring
would eat
the southern pavilion and banquet in the back garden at night with crowds of
officials and aristocrats. Instruments of silk and wu-tong wood played while
the goblets were passed around. Lyrics and prose-poems went hand in hand,
brilliant
and
conversation was made up in the spur of the moment. Everyone
grasped the mysterious and put narrow vulgarity out of their minds; all who
house
Yu's
it
like
becoming
immortal.
Zhang Pei
to
went
said was
an
J),
Exalted
from
Talent
Jingzhou
(MI4,
a man of
province
once wrote a poem in
five-word lines which contained two outstanding couplets. Yu rewarded him
brocade
in a dragon design. Others were given red silks and purple
with some
damasks. One man, Pei Ziming of Hedong
drink
told
to
was
a
feeble
for
he
drank
four-fifths
picul of wine as a punishment
writing
verses;
of
it before collapsing in a drunken stupor. His contemporaries compared him to
Shan Tao (ýU
=-
98
Yuan Yu was a member of Northern Wei ruling house and thus non-Chinese in
he
barbarian.
from
However,
Chinese
Han
In
people's view
was a
many
ethnicity.
Yang Xuanzhi's description we only see a Chinese scholar and poet and his
happen?
barbarian.
How
Yang
Xuanzhi
life,
literary
this
no
could
we see
wonderful
formed
by
his
by
learning
his
practice,
was
tells us about
and
which
education not
his parentage.
98 LYQI-J ch. 1, p. 176. Jenner, pp.235-236.
150
Indicating the differences between people in Northem Wei Luoyang and some
other non-Chinese people
While Yang Xuanzhi had to be very careful to avoid derogatory references to
the Xianbei,, who still held power when he wrote his book, there was one ethnic
group on which he could focus his hatred. They were the Erzhu. He talked about
the family background of the Erzhu. Yang tells us:
Erzhu Rong
from
North
Xiurong
was
His family was
hereditary ruling chiefs of the first rank and Dukes of Boling jun. (t4kRgý)-
He had over eight thousand tribesmen, several tens of thousandsof horses,
99
and wealth to match a heavenly treasury.
This is a short paragraph but clear enough to let his readers understand what kind
frontier,
Xiurong
(Shuoxian,
Shanxi),
they
the
of people
were.
a place on
north
was
in fact not the Erzhu place of origin, but a fief given to them as a reward when one
Gui
Tuoba
(Jýj&Jj),
their
to
of
ancestors made military contributions
Emperor Tai
ýFT[d
family
dynasty.
in
(),
386-409)
Northern
Wei
Their
the
of
earlier
place was
zu
r.
the area of Erzhu River from where they received their sumame'00--this also is
in
Chinese
The
Erzhu
society.
evidence of non-Chinese customs medieval
were an
from
Asia
Jie
()%),
non-Xianbei
race
central
a
non-Chinese,
or
ethnic group of
identified
for
late
fourth
China
In
They
Asia.
they
slaughter.
century
were
western
in
from
Chinese
Han
Xianbei
different
their
and
ethnic origin, their
were
101
behaviour.
did
directly
in
Yang
their
that they were
not say
appearance and
barbarians in this paragraph but he implied it. He tells us that they originally came
99 LYQýU ch. 1, p. 13-,Jenner, p. 152.
100See Wei shu 74, "Biography of Erzhu Rong
"' See Jenner, pp. 86-87, Wan Shengnan, Chen yinque Wei Jin Nanbeichaojiangyan
/u. (Hefei: Huang shan shuju, 2000), pp. 83-99.
151
from Xiurong in the north and that their social statuswas that of hereditary chief,
with their wealth counted by how many tribesmen and horses they controlled.
102
In all these respects they were unlike the sinified Xianbei aristocrats. In other parts
his
book he referred to them by their non-Chinesenameswhich look barbarous
of
when written in Chinese, such as Erzhu Houtaofa (ffl.
and Erzhu. FuWgui
( ýff.T,;ý 4ý M").
He called their armies 'Hu cavalry' and he called them
Hu-barbarians.
This word was used in a most derogatory way in the story of the
Princess of Shouyang.
The Princess of Shouyang, the elder sister of the Emperor Zhuang, was very
beautiful. She was married to Xiao Zong
), Prince of Danyang, a refugee
from
the south who had been given high positions in the Northern Wei.
aristocrat
When the capital fell Xiao Zong abandoned his province and fled north. Erzhu
Shilong, who was dictator at the time, had the princess brought back to Luoyang.
When he tried to force her she reviled him with the words, 'How dare you insult
the daughter of a heavenly king, you barbarian dog? I would die by the sword
be
by
barbarian.
his
fury
'
In
Erzhu Shilong strangled
than
rather
sullied
a mutinous
103
her.
The princess called Erzhu a "barbarian dog (Hu gou, ý)JFqj)" and called
herself the daughter of the heavenly king (tianwang nii,
making a clear
difference between herself and the Erzhu. She, or through her Yang Xuanzhi,
directly insulted Erzhu in the strong language because the Erzhu were a different
like
Gao
Huan
Xianbei,
Yuwen
Tai.
From
the catastrophic damage
and
people, not
102On the Northern Wei feudal system of hereditary chieftainship, see Zhou Yiliang (JJ.
A), WeiJin Nanbeichao shi lunii Aff. 9A
Beijing: Beijing daxue
2000.
chubanshe.
103
L YQLJ ch.2, p.7-2,Jenner,p. 178.
152
in
lived
Xianbei,
Erzhu
it
is
did
Luoyang
the
the
which
to
who
clear that unlike
Luoyang and had made the city much more magnificent than in earlier Chinese
dynasties, the Erzhu had no love of Chinese culture. Among the people of Luoyang,
the Tuoba family of Xianbei had transformed their cultural identity to Han Chinese
and lived a Han Chinese life in a Han Chinese city. They were completely different
from the people like the Erzhu, whom they saw as barbarians in culture and in
ethnicity.
Yang tells us another story. When Erzhu Shilong made another puppet
in
emperor Luoyang, a temple for Erzhu Rong was erected on the Shouyang (-6M)
Mang
the
peak of
ridge
Mr,
had
been
Duke
Zhou's
(
the
temple
where
of
ýa)
in remote antiquity. Erzhu Shilong built the temple here because he wanted to put
the achievements of Erzhu Rong on a par with those of the Duke of Zhou. After it
it
destroyed
by
fire.
One
burning
for
three
was completed
was
column went on
days without going out until a thunderbolt shattered it in a thunderstonn three days
later; the stone base of the column and the titles of the temple all fell in fragments
04
'
like
be
bottom
Erzhu
How
to the
the
could people
compared to the
of
mountain.
Duke of Zhou,, one of most respected figures in Chinese history and one of the
founders of Chinese tradition? The story implied that the people like Erzhu Rong
definitely did not deserve so honorable a historical position, because of what he
had done and because of what he was. In Yang's book Heaven showed its will in an
lightning,
heavenly
through
as
a
most
serious
which
was
seen
extreme way.
Chinese
in
traditional
society.
punishment
By showing a clear difference between the people in Luoyang and some
like
Erzhu,
Yang
from
Xianbei
the
separated
some
people
people
part
non-Chinese
104
LYQLJ ch.2, p. 102; Jenner. p. 196.
153
house
included
He
by
the
of non-Chinese people
and some other
ruling
culture.
Xianbei people in Luoyang into the part of Han Chinese people and once again
reconfirmed that Northern Wei Luoyang was a Han Chinese city.
However, Yang Xuanzhi did not refer in a derogatory way to all the people
who were called 'Hu' in his book. The meaning of the word sometimes just
indicated people from the west. For example, when Yang mentioned Bodhidharma,
Yang said that he was a Persian Hu. 105When he tells us that the Puti (Bodhi)
Monastery and the Fayun Monastery were founded by Hu monks, 106the word
'Hu' here did not involve any value judgment. In fact sometimes he talked about
Hu monks in a respectful way. For example, in the section on the Rongjue
Monastery
Yang called Bodhiruci a Hu monk of Tianzhu (India), but he
tells us what an extraordinary scholar he was and how he translated Chinese
107
Buddhist works into Hu script in order to help the western people to read.
We also see some cases in Song Yun and Huisheng's journey to the west.
Yang tells us that when they came to the city of Shan-shan
the
master
of
r=-=l
108
from
the Western Hu.
the city had three thousand men with which to protect it
In the country of Wuchang
Udhyana) Song Yun and Huisheng also saw
his
by
Buddha
from
to
used
clean
which
a small sprig
an aged willow growing
109
is
in
All
Hu
known
tells us
tongue
They
the
tree
the
as poluo.
teeth.
was
said
he
just
'Hu';
down
look
did
the
Yang
sometimes
used
people called
that
on all
not
In
their
the
culture.
some examples we also
western people and
the word to refer to
He
the
he
talk
to
person.
only
used
the
word
a
respected
about
that
word
used
see
,"L
106
YQLJ ch. 1, p. 13.
LYQLJ ch.3, p. 153, ch.4, p. 176.
107
LYQLJ ch.4, p. 197.
'o, LYQI-Jcli. 5, p.209. Jenner, p.255.
'09
L YQLJ ch.5, p-2 121:Jenner. p.263.
154
in a derogatory way in talking about the Erzhu for they destroyed his cultural
Luoyang. The Erzhu were unforgivable becauseof what they had done to Luoyang,
by
his
judgment
because
He
their
not
not
people's racial
made
of
ethnicity.
differences but by their degreesof civilization. From LYQLJ we see that Yang
Xuanzhi was not a narrow-minded racist but a culturist; for him cultural identity
His
identify
important
the
to
places.
was
most
and classify people and
way
Luoyang was essentially a civilized city in the Chinese tradition. The physical
down.
he
its
inhabitants
generally played
ethnicity of
was something
Indicating the differences between Han Chinese culture in Northem Wei Luoyang
in
Han
Chinese
and
culture the South
Showing the difference between the people in Luoyang and some
different.
However,
difficult.
Their
to
culture was
non-Chinese people was not
in
Northern
Wei
Luoyang
Chinese
between
difference
Han
the
the
culture
show
in
Han
South
because
in
South
the
the
were mostly
people
was not easy,
and
Chinese. What Yang Xuanzhi tried to do in his book was to show that the true
traditions of Chinese culture flourished in the north, and that some aspects of
'barbaric'.
southemculture were
in
from
down
looked
Xuanzhi
Yang
the
is
It
that
to
people
or
on
see
easy
'Wu
find
Yang
in
LYQLJ
the
that
In
southerners
calls
we
many places
south.
(Wu
ren,
people
He calls the Southern dynasties bogus regimes, refers to
by
them
directly
their
and criticizes
jokes
about
names,
make
personal
their rulers
he
In
South.
the
shows some
writing about southerners
the people and culture of
in
be
modem
society.
as
racist
that
classified
would
attitudes
For discussing Yang Xuanzhi's attitudes toward the southerners and the
155
in
the south,, I have to quote a long story which contained many messages
culture
about what Yang and the people like him and the southern educated people thought
by
long
discuss
I
this
their
quotation paragraph
culture. will
about each other and
nil
paragraph. Yang tells us that:
East of Xiaoyi ward was the Little Market of Luoyang, and to the north was
the house of Zhang Jingren
the General of Chariots and Cavalry.
Early in
Zhang Jingren was a man from Shanyin in Guiji
10
he
(MjfC-).
(520-525)l
Xiao
Baoyin
zhengguang
came over with
He was
house
Commander
Wings
Guard
Forest
the
south
appointed
and given a
of
of
known
in
Guizheng
(Returning
Orthodoxy)
the
the
to
of
city wall
ward, also
because
lived
Quarter
Wu
the
there.
the
as
many of
southernerswho cameover
It was near the Yi and Luo rivers to let them feel more at home. There were
in
had
households
the
they
three
thousand
set up their own
over
ward and
delicacies.
it
People
Fish
the
called
and
street market selling mainly aquatic
Turtle Market. Zhang Jingren found living here so humiliating that he moved
to the Xiaoyi (*&)
As
the court wanted at the time to welcome men
ward.
from distant parts it treated southerners with great generosity. Men who had
tucked up their skirts to cross the Yangzi were given very high positions.
Zhang Jingren enjoyed fame and high office although he performed no
service.
Here Yang gives us several messages; (1) refugees like Zhang Jingren and Xiao
Baoyin who came from the south were given high positions in the government
110A wrong date is recorded in LYQLJ as early years offingming
in his Memories, footnote 84, p.200.
Jenner
Professor
by
corrected
500-503), it is
156
even though they made no contribution to the state; (2) the southerners usually
lived together in an area close to rivers where the atmosphere and the
circumstanceswere similar to their homeland. This large number of southerners
lived
in
Luoyang still had southern lifestyles under the arrangement made by
who
the Northern Wei and out of choice; (3) the areathe southernerslived in was called
Wu Quarter,the market they set up was called Fish and Turtle Market. Both were
honoured
not
names, implying that they were looked down upon by the people in
Luoyang; (4) Zhang Jingren did not want to stay with his own people, he was
trying to avoid his original identity and win acceptancefrom Luoyang's rulers.
The next paragraph deals with a brief interlude when Luoyang was under
southern occupation.
In the second year of yongan (529) Xiao Yan
Chen Qingzhi
sent the Head Clerk
to escort the Prince of Beihai when he usurped the
imperial throne in Luoyang. Chen Qingzhi then became Imperial Assistant.
Zhang Jingren, who had known Chen Qingzhi in the south, prepared a
banquet for him and invited him home. The Deputy Minister of Agriculture
Xiao Biao
Head
Chancellery
Junior
Assistant
Zhang Song
the
of
and
(ýRA,:,), both southerners,were also there; the Counsellor Yang Yuanshen()M
Wang
Xun
from
Counsellor
Palace
the
the
the
only
gentlemen
were
and
he
drunk
Qingzhi
Chen
When
Xiao,
Biao,
to
said
was
northern plains present.
flourishing
dynasty
is
but
it
is
Wei
'The
Song,
Zhang
still referred to as a
and
barbarian one. The true succession should be south of the Yangzi, and the
imperial jade sealof the Qin dynastyis now in the Liang court.'
between
This started a serious argument
northerners and southernersand this
declaration
Yang
Xuanzhi's
important
of
cultural allegiance.
argument was a most
157
The argument was started by the southerners. Their concerns were (1) even if the
Northern Wei had been developing their civilization they were still barbarian, this
house
(2)
Northern
Wei;
the
the
to
the ethnic origin of
of
was according
ruling
heirs
Chinese
the
true
traditions, also
they
that
southerners claimed
of
were
becauseof their ethnic origin; (3) the evidenceof their declarationwas the imperial
jade seal of the Qin dynasty which had been a symbol of legitimacy of a dynasty
dynasty.
Han
the
since
'South of the Yangzi, ' replied Yang Yuanshen solemnly, 'they enjoy a
temporary peace in their remote comer. Much of your land is wet; it is cursed
hole
insects.
Frogs
toads
single
with malaria and crawling with
and
share a
live
in
flocks
birds.
You
the
are the gentlemen of the
while men
same
with
long
bodies
hair,
have
heads.
You
tattoo
the
and none of you
puny
cropped
Rivers
Floating
Three
the
or rowing on the
on
with which you are endowed.
Five Lakes you are untouched by the Rites and the Music and cannot be
Qin
(4ý)
Han
Although
by
survivors
some
and
statutes.
official
refon-ned
languages
Han
the
speech,
awkward
of
convicts provided an admixture of
Min (r-4) and Chu (V) are beyond improvement. You may have a monarchy
but your rulers are overweening and your masses unruly. This was why Liu
Shao (WqM) murdered his father and Liu Xiulong
later committed
incest with his mother. Such breaches of human propriety make you no better
Shanyin
Princess
On
beasts.
birds
this
the
top
of
of
than
and
used
ignoring
jeers
in
husbands,
her
domestic
bought
for
the
men as
to ask
debauchery. You, sirs, are still soaked in these old ways and have not yet
0440)
like
Yangdi
You
the
are
people of
who are so
absorbed civilization.
158
has
dynasty
Wei
'
'Our
find
do
them
ugly.
not
used to goitres that they
by
Mount
founding
heaven,
a stable government
received the mandate of
Song (A,,) and River Lo
rM
The Five Mountains are our peaks and the Four
Seas are our home. Our laws to reform the people are comparable to the
flourishing
Our
Five
Emperors.
the
achievements of
court ritual, music,
constitution, and edicts excel those of the hundred kings. If you fishes and
turtles come to Pay homage at our court out of admiration for our justice,
drinking from our pools and eating our rice and millet, how can you be so
When
heard
Chen
Qingzhi
this elegantand cultured
the
arrogantT
and
others
from
keeping
Yang
in
directions
Yuanshen
their
they
speech
rushed about
all
mouths shut and pouring with sweat.
Such was the picture that Yang Xuanzhi and people like him gave of the
in
The
Chinese
Yangzi
Han
the
the
south.
area south of
culture
southerners and
River had been seen as an uncivilized area, though its culture had been fast
developing since the Eastern Jin dynasty lost their control in the north. Han
Chinese history in the south was much shorter than that of Luoyang. Yang
lived
Han
Chinese
the
that
not
a
place
of
southerners
was
where
emphasized
influence
Chinese
it
For
the
on
southerners.
cultural
culture, and could not provide
Yang the place the southerners lived in fact was barbaric. Under such
improve
keep
their
the
the
culture nor
southerners could neither
circumstances
by
Chinese
Han
the
they
their
culture,
as
already
affected
southern
were
of
purity
barbarian culture. However, the southerners did not realize that they had already
been transformed into barbarians by the culture surrounding them, so that their
Chinese
heirs
Han
kind
be
tradition
true
to
culture and
of
was some
of
claim
159
sickness.By contrast,Northern Wei was founded in north China, the sourceof Han
Chinese culture which had been a long history. The people living in a place like
Luoyang had received all kinds of Han Chinese cultural influences and also had
been developing it to an unprecedented level. They had created a high civilization.
They were not barbarians but the southerners were. It is clear that Yang wanted to
create a thoroughly Chinese cultural identity for the northern people based on
11
lived
kind
where they
and what
of culture the place provided for them.
A few days later Chen Qingzhi fell ill with acute heart pains. When he asked
people to cure him Yang Yuanshensaid that he could do it, so Chen Qingzhi
him
to come. Yang Yuanshen filled his mouth with water and spurted it
asked
Chen
Qingzhi. 'Wu devils', he said, 'live in Jiankang. You wear your
over
hats too small and your clothes too short. You call yourselves "a-nong (Fnjfn)"
"a-bang
and each other
Your staple foods are the seeds of tares and
drink
tea, sip at water-lily soup, and suck at crab spawn. In your
grasses; you
hands you hold cardamorns and you chew betel in your mouths. When you
find yourselves in the central lands you long for your home country and
%)
for
fast
back
Danyang
(ff
humbly
As
to
as
as you can go.
scamper
your
bom devils, you catch fish and turtles with your nets from islands in rivers
is
lotus-root,
hair
long.
You
still
nibble at water-chestnut and
pick
when your
broth
frog
and oyster stew as great
chicken-head" plants, and regard
delicacies. In your hempen coats and grass sandals you ride facing backwards
ft
Qjj),
On
Yuan
Xiang
(ý,
the
on water-buffaloes.
... See Wang Meihsiu, "Kongj ian jueding wen hua"
lunshu,
de
188-218.
wenhua
pp.
shenfen-Luoyang qielanji
T-
Jiang (ýT_)and Han (jM)
in Lishi, kongiian,
160
float
the
rivers you wield
along with the current or row upstream;
oar as you
dances,
in
You
like
fishes
you gape
whirl white grasseloth your
as you swim.
ballads.
Clear
fast
the
scattering
off as
as you can-go
waves as you sing your
back to your Yang province
(4gj+j).,
112
Obviously this description of southern culture was designed to belittle it. At the
end of this, the longest argumentin his book, Yang Xuanzhi put a conclusion into
the mouth of Chen Qingzhi, a southernerwho had seenthe light.
When the Prince of Peihai was executedChen Qingzhi scurried back to Xiao
Yan, who appointed him Governor of the Metropolitan province. Chen
Qingzhi gave far more responsiblejobs to northemers than had been given
before, which made Zhu Yi so indignant that he asked why. 'Ever since Jin
and Song times', Chen Qingzhi replied, 'Luoyang had been called a desolate
here
is
barbarian;
Yangzi
but
that
the
region, and
we say
everyone north of
a
found
families
Luoyang
I
to
that
out
on my recent visit
of capped and gowned
live
on the northern plains, where proper ceremonial and protocol
scholars
flourish. I cannot find words to describe the magnificent personages I saw. In
the language of the old saying, the imperial capital was majestic, a model for
the four quarters. How could I fail to honour northerners? Men who have
been
hills,
have
little
Tai
Mount
think
those
and
of mere
who
on the
climbed
Yangzi or the open sea despise the Xiang and Yuan.' From then on Chen
Qingzhi adopted the Wei style of feathered canopies, insignia, and dress.
Gentlemen and commoner alike south of the Yangzi competed in imitating
112
0---,
LYQL-Jch.2. pp. 113-114.Jenner, p-202.
161
him; wide-skirted gowns and broad belts were worn even in Moling
It seemsto me unlikely that people in the south would have changed their life style
because of what Yang Yuanshen had said and what Chen Qingzhi thought.
However, Yang Xuanzhi had made his point here: Seeing Luoyang a desolate
region and people north of the Yangzi as barbarians was a serious mistake. The
identity he creates for Luoyang is as the true centre of Chinese civilization. He also
enjoys pointing out the mistakes of southern scholars.
The Gu River ('*R*)
,
it
flows
the
winds around
city walls until
eastward
W)
Jianchun
Gate
joins
Canal
Yang
(W
the
the
outside
and
at the Stone Bridge.
The bridge had four columns, and on one south of the river was the
inscription 'Built by the High Artificer Ma Man (F,%)
in the fourth year of
A
in
in
(WV6,135)
Han'.
In
(527)
third
the
the
year of xiaochang
our
yangiia
dynasty floods from a torrential downpour destroyed the bridge, burying the
The
In
the
two
still
columns north of
road
stand. my view
southern columns.
the statements in Liu Chengzhi's Mountains and Rivers Yesterdayand Today
;ý7
114
-7 P
The
Western
Expedition
Yanzhi's
Dai
and
N
A
ff gE) that this bridge was built in the first year of taikang (280) during the Jin
p
both
born
it
Yangzi
As
I
the
they
south
of
and
were
see
are completely wrong.
had never traveled in the central lands until they passed briefly through them
did
the
that
they
not
see
most
of
antiquities
meant
which
while campaigning,
basis
heard
fabricated
the
they
of what
accounts on
with their own eyes and so
113
LYQLJ ch.2, p. 114; jenner, p.203.
71,
'"Mountains and Rivers Yesterdayand Today(W) I I-N WD
also titled Yongchu
II
Yongchujunguo
by
7 ri
(A
-rEf
ýJjj
zhi
was
written
shanchuan gujinji
9E)
1P
(#qý
Western
Expedition
dynasty.
The
Qi
Southern
= was written
Liu Chengzhi of the
f&Fjrý).
books
The
in
(,
Dai
Zuo
Sui
E,
L!
two
(f&
7),
Yanzhi
are
recorded
-,
Dai
by
named
also
-',
jingjizhi.
32,
shu
162
11
5
for
long.
later
deceiving
been
have
too
They
their
travels.
students
on
In this story Yang shows us evidence that the southerners were no longer the true
heirs of Han Chinese culture. They could not get their history right. All they had
was memories of the north, memories that could be reduced by time. In a short
had
been
from
Luoyang
Yang
too
tells
that
the
sentence,
southern scholars
away
us
long to be sure about the details of Luoyang. Their insistence on their Chinese
cultural identity depended on their memories of the past and that was unreliable.
The way of life of Chinese in the south, one of the factors in cultural identity,,
had also changed.In LYQLJ there is another story about how Wang Su revertedto
diet
he
had
lived
in
for
Luoyang
a northern
when
some years.
Yang said that when Wang Su first came to the north he did not eat or drink
such things as mutton or yoghurt-drink, feeding himself on carp broth and drinking
tea. But several years later, when at a palace banquet with the emperor Gao zu,
Wang Su consumed a great deal of mutton and yoghurt. Gao zu was astonished.
Wang Su was then asked to compare the difference between Northern food and
finest
land,
fish
is
food.
'Mutton
He
the
the
the
of
product
and
answered,
southern
best of the watery tribe. They are both delicacies in their different ways. As far as
flavour goes there is a great gap between them. Mutton is like a big country the
Qi
size of
Zhu
fish
like
(U)
Ju
(Pw)
Lu
small
states
as
and
are
such
and
and
(-A). Tea is way off the mark and is the very slave of yoghurt. " His answer made
Gao zu very happy and then Gao zu gave them, the guests of the banquet, a riddle,
is
Chinese
it
to
character 'xi
the answer
a
meaning 'practicing,
learning',
used to', or 'changing gradually"
The palace Counsellor Liu Gao (WA)
1" LYQLJ ch.2, p.70, Jenner, p. 176.
000,
made a practice of drinking only tea
163
(jýfAýE)
Pengcheng
Prince
to
The
for
Su's
Wang
said
out of admiration
of
style.
him, 'Instead of the eight princely foods, sir, you are like a drowned slave. You
foul
followed
by
be
the
the
the
to
could rightly
smell or the
sea who
man
compared
woman who practiced frowning. ' The Prince of Pengcheng also teased a southern
in
his household in this way. From then on everyone was shamed out of
slave
drinking the tea provided at banquets given by the court and the nobility except the
from
had
from
Yangzi
the
the
refugees
other side of
who
come
afar to submit; they
"
6
liked
it.
still
This story contained some complex indications about southerners and
is
diet
because
he
It
Wang
Su's
northemers.
not clear whether
change of
was
be
formal
because
he
to
wanted
polite on a
occasion or
wanted to win more
in
high
in
he
Luoyang.
When
acceptance
society
said that tea was the slave of
he
below
That
yoghurt,
was ranking southern culture
northern culture.
made the
happy.
did
he
do
liked
However,
He
this
to
northern people quite
sincerely?
still
drink tea. Drinking tea was a mark of southemers in Luoyang. Moreover, Yang
tells us through the story that people in Luoyang always hoped to have a high
identity
in
drinking
had
Chinese
tea
true
which
no part.
cultural
cultural identity, a
Nor should we ignore Gao zu's riddle: learning and practising. People always
determined
identity
by
learning
It
their
practising.
was
not
and
cultural
could create
by ethnic origin or the past. As we shall see in the next chapter.
In sum, Yang Xuanzhi reconstructed Northern Wei Luoyang not only for
different
identities
for
but
it
the
to
city
reconstruct
and
also
what
personal nostalgia
identities
for
he
looked
back
Through
the
city
constructing
and
represented.
116
LYQLJch. 3, p. 136; Jenner, pp.215-216.
164
final
By
its
Luoyang
Wei
history
Northern
crisis.
period and
re-measured the
of the
for
identities
himself
he
identities
Luoyang
the
the
constructing
also redefined
of
and the people like him who had been living in the north under non-Chinese rule
He
flourishing
also made a clear response to
and experiencing
sinification.
southemers' claims to be the true heirs of Chinese tradition by asserting that the
had
book
be
hopes
it.
Chinese
His
that
north
culture
may
also
expressing
preserved
be
dominant
broke
down.
Eastern
Wei
to
the
would continue
as
order
000,
165
Chapter 4
Yanshijiaxun
Yan
Zhitui
and
Yanshijiaxun (ATIIPýV)11)was a book which reflected a different kind of
identity problem during the Northern and Southern dynasties. Compared with
Huijiao, and Yang Xuanzhi, Yan Zhitui (AflZift
the author of Yanshifiamn, had
harder identity problems to deal with. On the other hand, the identities which Yan
Zhitui reconstructed for himself and recommended to his family in Yanshijiaxun
in
life
future.
toward
the
were more useful real
and more oriented
vanshi Jiaxun --- A family instruction and a book for recreating identity
A 99
Yanshi Jiaxun (YSJX) was written by Yan Zhitui (531-590+) in the late period
dynasties.
Southern
Northern
the
and
of
The origin of the family instruction writings can be traced back to Confucius
(Ii,
his
learn
Songs
Book
demanded
the
the
that
and
proper
rituals
of
son
who
Similar works were written in the Han Dynasty. However, unlike the YanshiJiaxun,
fragments
in
discourses,
book
these
writings were usually
essays
with systematic
a
family
instructions
Yanshi
Jiaxun
The
to
the
prior
contents of
or a single essay.
following
first
is
instructions
The
into
fell
three
type
the
categories.
one of
usually
(A.
Zhitui
"Yan
(Mffi)
Yue
Miao
nianpu
See
226-252.
1978;
Sanlian
pp.
Hongkong:
sbuju,
tr)", in Dushi cungao
-qj"
-ql-
166
for family members' behaviour and demands that family members' be diligent in
studying. The second type is posthumous: testaments setting out rules for family
members. The third type includes an account of the author's own history and a
family genealogy.2 Yanshi Jiaxun has a much wider scope than earlier family
instructions. It not only includes all of these categories but also discusses
literature,
phonology,
art, social customs and religion. Therefore, Zhou Fagao
held that, 'The family instruction genre set by the Yanshi Jiaxun is
Furthermore,
its
later
be
by
unprecedented.
essence could not
captured even
3
followers. ' In the history of Chinese writings, YanshiJiaxun was usually regarded
not only as the "starter of the family instruction literature ,4 but also "the model of
the family instructions.
5
,,
The book has been widely circulated since early Tang
times. It was welcomed by both Confucians and Buddhists, and was also
6
by
descendants
the
propagated
of the author.
On the title page of this book the author is usually given as "Bei Qi
Huangmen Shilang Yan Zhitui (ýLAAMM
qMAR,, 7ý7M)"--Yan Zhitui, the
fact
but
Qi,
YSJX
Northern
Secretary
the
was not completed
in
of
supervising
during the Northern Qi, parts of the book mention occurrencesand eventsearly in
the Sui (Pfq) dynasty. There are also some words replaced to avoid the personal
2 For a categorization of the family instruction literature, seeZhou Fagao
Fl--,
-J
in
22:
2,
Dalu
de
zazhi
"Jiaxun wenxue
yuanliu
22: 3,22:4; 1961.
3 See Zhou Fagao, "Jiaxun wenxue de yuanliu".
4,,
10,
)of Song dynasty, Zhizhai Shulu Jieti
(P*J&
Zhensun
Chen
See
dynasty,
in
Ming
his
(ýEF-gj4)
Sanpin
"Jiaxun
Wang
lei
of
-ZaJia
and
Gujin Shiwu Kao GýVI/4MV)
chapter 2. Following their comments many researchers
have referred to YanshiJiaxun with such praises.
H
diss..
PhD
Zhituiji
-Hý-JE=ýJj
Yan
Yazi
You
qijiaxunyanjiu
See
279.
1991,
daxue
Guoli
p.
suo,
guowenjlanjiu
Taipei:
shifan
6 See Wang Liqi (ýEf 11ý9ý"Preface
of Yanshijiaxunjýie
1.
1983,
ing
Hanj
p.
Taipei:
wenhua :gongsi,
_I
167
history
Sui
dynastic
In
dynasty.
Sui
the
the
name of
shu
emperor of the
A-) it is
(F"FjFEI
also mentioned that Yan Zhitui took part in a meeting to discuss court music in the
second year of kaihuang (rffl*,
7
582). The book was probably started late in the
8
Northern Qi and was completed in early Sui. The reason why this Northern Qi
official title was used, according to Wang Liqi (Tf fjýg), was because whoever put
9
book
highest
in
his
this title on the
thought this rank was the
one
career.
The book includes twenty chapters in seven juan (S).
The contents are:
Preface, Teaching children, Brothers, Remarriage, Family management, Customs
and manners, Admiration of men of ability, To encourage study, On essays,
Reputation and reality, Meeting practical affairs, To save trouble, Be content, A
becoming
heart
life,
The
Turn
to
warring against
nourishment of
your
warriors,
Buddhism, Evidence on writing, On phonology, Miscellaneous arts and Last will.
When we read the book we find all chapters are concerned with practical family
for
family
looks
like
his
in
is,
It
It
matters.
a manual
guiding
many subjects.
as the
family.
for
in
his
book
instructions
Yan
the
of
author says
preface, a
What is remarkable is the number of different matters on which he gives
family
how
is
in
fact
handbook
Yan
book
The
the
on
was to create and
a
advice.
in
identity
its
troubled times.
preserve
The author of YSJX.---Yan Zhitui and his life
Yan Zhitui's
family was originally
from Linyi
in Langye (fjý ýý W, ýq
7
SeeSui shu (PFjM) "Yin yue zhi
8 See Li Zhenxing(jýf&ffi).
YanshiXamn (f=
"Introduction (49-*, )-offinvi
ý11),Taipei: Sanmin shuju, 2001. pp. 2-3.
Aa, )- of Yanshijiaxunjýie
9 See Wang Liqi GEf Ug), "Preface Q,,,
1-2.
1983,
pp.
Hanj ing wenhua gongsi,
UQ
Taipei:
168
Linyi, Shandong). His ninth-generation ancestor Yan Han
Rui
later
Yuan
Emperor
7c
:-ýr
followed Sima
Dynasty
Jin
Eastern
317-323)
the
of
r.
(317-420) and moved the family to the south when the Jin dynasty lost power in
'
0
Jing,
Marquis
Yan
Han
China.
Sima
Rui's
In
the
of
northern
was entitled
court
the highest rank ever bestowed on the Yan family. Yan Han created a respected
for
his
did
family
in
China
their
status
not stand
social status
southern
although
Me
families,
Wang
(T)
Family
to
the
the
the
equal
most aristocratic
such as
and
"
(M) family.
After several generations, Yan Zhitui's family still enjoyed the privilege of
holding high positions in society and in the court. Yan Zhitui's grandfather Yan
Jianyuan (Aflyjýf,%) was a leamed scholar who served the Emperor He (THV,
501-502) of the Southern Qi ( 479-502 ) from when the emperor was still a prince.
When Xiao Yan (464-549), the future Emperor Wu of the Liang dynasty, took the
throne from the Southern Qi and founded his own regime in 502, Yan Jianyuan
2
'
father
Me
death
in
himself
Yan
Zhitui's
Yan
to
protest.
starved
so
he
jobs
loyalty
his
that
at court and only worked
avoided
respected
grandfather's
for princes in the provinces. Yan Me worked for Xiao Yi (XM),
Xiangdong
the Prince of
ýY,
(W7-C;
552-555)
future
Liang
Yuan
Emperor
the
of the
and
Liang Dynasty in Jingzhou
for almost his whole life. He was famous for his
'0 For the biography of Yan Han, seeJin shu ('At) 88, "Biography of Yan Han" included
in the collective biographies of "Biographies of Xiao you
11 According to Albert E. Dien, the Yans' family belonged to the second category of lower
(531-591
in
Chih-tui
A
Buddho-Confucian",
"Yen
See
Dien,
+):
status of noblemen.
Arthur F. Wright and Denis Twitchett (ed.) Confucian Personalities. (Stanford: Stanford
Ranguang
43-64;
Mao
Zhongguo zhonggu shehui
1962).
Press,
University
pp.
fiFffl Taipei: Lianjing chuban gongsi, 1988.
shilun
Nan shi QM*-4-1)
72,"Biography of
12 See Liang shu 50, "Biography of Yan Xie
in
included
biographies
biographies
the
both
Xie",
collective
are
of Biographies of
Yan
(Jjo
40,
Zhou
Yan
ZhIyI
iff)
Also
-Biography
shu
of
see
wenxue
169
3
'
wide learning and his calligraphy; he also was a writer and a poet. His abilities
and achievements in art and literature had deep influences on the younger
generations of the Yan family. I will discuss this in a later section of this chapter.
Z(9,9,
Yan
Zhishan
and
Yan Zhitui had two elder brothers, Yan Zhiyi
14
r=:
I
When their father died young, his elder brothers took on the responsibilities
of guiding Yan Zhitui's education. Yan Zhitui was bom in Jiangling (ýIk)
when
his father still served Xiao Yi as a secretary in the prince's office. His family
followed Xiao Yi to other places and were supported by him for many years. When
Yan Zhitui was eighteen he became a secretary and a gentleman-in-waiting to Xiao
Yi. In this year Hou Jing (fq'ýy-,) started his rebellion. The tragedy of Yan Zhitui's
111
life and of his country was beginning. In 55 1, when Yan Zhitui was twenty-one, he
by
in
Hou
Yingzhou
(3TFj+j)
Jing's
troops
was captured
and was sent to the capital
Jiankang ( L-*)*). Next year the rebellion of Hou Jing was suppressed by Liang's
dynasty
became
Xiao,
Yi
Liang
the
the
armies and
emperor of
in Jiangling. Yan
Zhitui was set free and returned to official life. He served Xiao Yi as a Gentleman
Cavalier Attendant (San qi shi lang,
in
and was put
charge of editing
the imperial library. In the third year of chengsheng
554), when Yan Zhitui
become
Wei,
Northern
Western
to
the
the
the
twenty-four,
shortly
armies of
was
Zhou, invaded their capital Jiangling. The Liang court could not fight back for they
had never recovered from the serious damage caused by Hou Jing. Xiao, Yi,
Emperor Yuan di, was killed and many officials, gentry and aristocrats were
Among
Yan
Zhitui
Wei
his
Western
by
them
the
were
armies.
and
one
of
captured
13
50, "Biography of Yan Me (9pl)"and another biography for him
EEI
See Liang shu (ýRAt)
biography
in
72.
His
in
Nan
3ý
*wenxue
the
classified
title
was
shi
the
same
with
for
biographies
poets.
and
writers
collective
" See Miao Yue,"Yan Zhitui nianpu" in Du shi cun gao, p.219.
170
elder brothers, Yan Zhiyi. They both were sent to Chang'an. In the first year of
taiping
556) of Liang dynasty, also the seventh year of tianbao fffg)
of
Northem Qi OBIVýIr-'),
Yan Zhitui fled with his family from Chang'anto the Northem
Qi capital Ye becausehe had heardthat Northern Qi would sendLiang envoys and
others back to the south. However, in the next year Liang was overthrown by Chen
(P*) while Yan was still waiting in Ye (9) to be sent back to the south. Yan Zhitui
had nowhere else to go. That year Yan Zhitui was twenty-seven. He stayed in
Northern Qi territory becausehe had no other choice.
Yan Zhitui became an official of the Northern Qi from the ninth year of
tianbao (558) when he was twenty-eight. He held several different official
wqiý,
his
highest
in
Huangmen
to
positions until promoted
position,
shilang
t,-a),
the third year of wuping (RZF, 572) when he was forty-two. He also became one
in
Wenlinguan
the
the
of
editors working
Institute of Letters) where
for
learned
As
Yan
the
talented,
government.
was
scholars compiled encyclopedias
in
important
figure
Wenlinguan.
he
became
He
the
was in
an
and good at writing
friends
documents.
Ting
He
Zu
(Ijitifff),
made
with
one
charge of writing most court
Emperor
Hou
the
zhu
of
of
prime ministers
Northern
Qi
565-577).
(r.
the
of
They often talked about literature and assessingpeople in the Wenlinguan.
Wenlinguan was founded for cultural purposes; however, it also had political
151n
MJý)
Qi
(r,,,
Yue
there
Miao
the
court
was always
northem
suggested.
purposes as
between
Chinese,
Xianbei
between
military officials and civil officials,
and
conflict
in
friend
Wenfinguan.
His
Zu
Zhitui
the
Yan
close
was working
especially when
Wenlinguan
Chinese
leader
the
the
civil officials, and
Ting was seen as a
was
of
Chinese
together
and
civil
officials
gathered
scholars
and
the
where
place
as
seen
15 See Miao Yue, "Yan Zhitui nianpu"" in Du shi cun gao. p.24 1.
171
tried to enlarge their power. In 573 the conflict resulted in a tragic incident.
In the winter of 573 the emperorof Northern Qi decidedto go to the northern
hard
his
Jinyang
did
he
the
to
trying
stop
city of
were
very
annies
when
as
usually
for
Some
had
time.
troops
southern
some
moved northward successfully
which
in
leave
this critical
the
thought
the
that
officials
capital
emperor should not
for
in
they
the
to
the
a
moment so
capital and wait
emperor
remain
petitioned
better time for his imperial joumey. A Xianbei official, Han Feng (qw'-FK),told the
emperor that the motivation of these officials was that they were planning to rebel.
These officials, including four who were members of the Wenlinguan, were
further
investigations,
families
their
executed without
were enslaved and their
property was confiscated. As Dien pointed out, the violence and cruelty of the
itself
Behind
does
the
the
not seem at all consonant with
remonstration
reprisal
friction
between
Chinese
Xianbei
the
the
the
at
and
whole affair we may glimpse
16
Yan Zhitui was supposed to sign the petition; however for reasons that
the court.
it.
his
He
he
did
through
the
crisis unharmed
on
came
name
put
not
are not clear
but it undoubtedly had a great influence on Yan Zhitui's life and thinking. That
forty-three.
he
was
year
Nothing is known about Yan's life from 573 to 575. In 575 his name was
finance.
first
In
law
the
to
tax
support state
connected with a suggestion about a
V6,577)
You
Emperor
(1*,
zhu
of
year of chengguang
Northem
Qi,
the
of
Qi
0L
Mr,
Yan
Northern
)
Zhou
the
Northern
without
much
resistance.
conquered
the
Northem
Chang'an
the
back
together
to
with other officials of
Zhitui was moved
in
job
had
Zhitui
Yan
Zhou
the court
Northern
no official
probably
Qi. Under the
16 Albert E. Dien, "Yen Chih-t'LJ (531-591+): A Buddho-Confucian", in Arthur Wright
Stanford
University
Press,
(Stanford:
Confucian
)
(ed.
Twitchett
personalities
Denis
and
1962); pp-43-64.
172
for about three years until the second year of daxiang ()ý%
580), when he was
fifty. He became yushi shangshi (Mý, ' ý
in the Censorate. The following year,
_qý),
Yang Jian took the throne from the emperor of Northern Zhou and made himself
the first emperor (Wen di 3ZIW, 581-600) of a new dynasty, Sui (581-618). There
few
have
in
Sui
dynasty.
As
Zhitui
Yan
the
the
are
records about
early years of
we
seen he participated in a meeting to discuss court music in 582 although his
by
know
he
We
the
that
proposal was not accepted
emperor.
also
was appointed to
from
the Chen dynasty in 583 and he took part in an argument
receive envoys
dynasty
lasted
be
by
the
to
that
the
about
new calendar which was
more
new
used
than ten years from the fourth year of kaihuang (rfflQ,
584). There was no
held
in
his
Sui
dynasty;
however,
Yan
that
the
evidence
any official position under
last year, the tenth year of kaihuang (590), he was summoned by the crown prince
to be his Instructor and received very high honours. The date of Yan Zhitui's death
is not known; however, there is no record about him after 590.17
Yan Zhitui's problems of Identity
Throughout his life, Yan Zhitui lived under several different regimes, half of
his
"Guan
In
by
founded
them
autobiographical prose-poem,
non-Chinese people.
(&AýLPA,
wo shengfu
A Reflection on My Life), " he said, "Throughout my life I
his
"
According
these
three
to
three
own
commentary,
shifts
through
shifts.
went
in
Emperor
iian
Liang
Jing
Hou
the
Rebellion
of
which
wen
was
of
refer to the
17 This brief introduction of Yan Zhitui's life is basedon Bei Qi shu (JLWýX) 45,
including
(ZýU',
his
to
"Wenyuan
ZhituiYan
zhuan
which attached
"Biography of
fu",
Miao
Yue's
Yanshijiaxun
Zhitui
"Guan
"Yan
and
wosheng
biographic prose-poem
nianpu-.
173
killed; the attack of the Westem Wei armies which almost destroyed the
government of Liang and took him back north as a prisoner; and the termination of
18
Northern
Qi by the Northern Zhou. However, in fact Yan Zhitui went through
the
four shifts- He does not mention the termination of the Northern Zhou by the Sui
regime.
He had to deal with not only the adaptation to a new environment but also the
issue of identity when residing outside of his mother country. Obviously, this
formed a major problem that troubled him throughout his life. In Guan woshengfu,
he mentioned that he was a man of a destroyed kingdom, and he compared himself
to Jing Bo (ýr-fn) of the Spring and Autumn period and Su Wu (q,,A) of the Han
19
Dynasty.
Jing Bo became a slave of the Qin State after his country was
destroyed. Su Wu was sent out as an envoy to the Xiongnu (,WPV,) but was held
hostage and had to serve as a shepherd for nineteen years. Yan Zhitui also
himself
Wang
Zhaojun
(T-R-"jR)
Princess
Lady
Wusun
to
and
compared
ri
-V) who both had to marry foreign rulers forge political relationships between Han
Chinese and people of other ethnicities and therefore were exiles for their entire
lives. Metaphors such as the birds whose wings were hurt when its home caught
fire, and fish whose gills were exposed when it was taken out of water were used in
Yan Zhitui's prose-poem to describe his own situation. He also regretted that there
fun
himself
He
for
him
the
that
made
of
was so vast.
within
universe
was no place
&imitate
-)
Shouling
(XI;
like
the
to
tried
the
ý
graceful steps of
who
of
man
as
Handan (ttýW), and ended up forgetting his own way of walking even before he
He
like
lost
big
totally
learn
traveller
the
was
also
a
who
was
steps.
on
a
new
could
18 See Bei Qi shu 45. "Biography of Yan Zhitui".
19 See note 18.
174
himself
descriptions
head
All
did
know
these
to.
to
of
mountain and
where
not
point to an identity problem.
When captured and brought to northern China, Yan Zhitui had to deal with the
identity issue which could be further analyzed into different aspects. These various
facets of his personal identity issue caused Yan Zhitui deep pain. In Yan Zhitui's
biographic prose-poem, we find traces of this pain. In another of Yan Zhitui's
works, the Yanshi Jiaxun (The Family Instruction of the Yan Family), we can find
how he worked on releasing this pain and reconstructing identities for himself and
his family, so as to avoid such disaster in future.
The identities Yan Zhitui reconstructed for himself and his family
For preserving family status and for helping the Yan family to continue in the
fature,, Yan Zhitui gave advice to his descendantson many different aspects of the
identities they would need. By constructing those identities, Yan Zhitui also
identities
he
family
for
himself
identities
Of
the
all
reconstructed,
reconstructed
first.
identity came
Family identity
In YSJX family identity is regarded as the most important identity. Since the
Han dynasty, families were seen as the core and the foundation of Chinese society.
Dynasties could be short-lived, but a family could last for many generations over
When
it
if
their
dynasties
members
acted
properly.
and
was well managed
many
influence
dynasties,
families
Southern
the
lived
the
Zhitui
of aristocratic
Yan
under
houses.
They
than
that
of
ruling
greater
occupied
even
sometimes
great,
very
was
formed
alliances with each other to
high status, controlled social resourcesand
175
keep their wealth and power. During the period of Northern and Southern dynasties
personal status depended on family status.
The Yan family were middle-level aristocrats when they lived in the South.
The origins of this family identity went back to Yan Zhitui's ninth generation
ancestor Yan Han, whom Yan Zhitui frequently refers to. The most important
contribution he made to his family was that he establishedthe social statusof the
Yan family by political services to the ruling house of Eastern Jin. Yan Han's
descendantsmaintained the status he gave them and enjoyed the privileges which
belonged to it until Yan Zhitui's generation. When Yan Zhitui was captured and
he
lost
in
his
family
have
North,
As
to
the
the
time.
sent
seen,
status at
same
we
his
in
had
low
life
he
had
North
the
time
the
most of
of
no official post or only
by
his
by
his
He
those
talents
ranking positions.
earned
positions
and abilities, not
family background. Had his family been a powerful one in the north the situation
him
different.
have
been
These
that personal abilities and
taught
experiences
would
family identity were both important to a person.
In the advice he gives Yan Zhitui gives much attention to how a family should
be run if it was to win and maintain a securestatus.
How was this kind of family identity to be? Important internal tasks were the
brothers,
between
in
keeping
care
good relationship
education of children,
family.
having
the
good management of
marriage and remarriage and
Education of children
Yan Zhitui told his family that education was a very old tradition, and that
20
his
family
He
in
kings
told
that
also
education.
needed
antiquity
the
sage
even
20 See Yanshijiavunjýie ch.2 -Teaching Children", p.25 and ch.8, "Encourage Study",
176
become
barbarian
identity:
a civilized
could
education could changeone's
even a
21
focus
loyal
ideas
three
Yan's
teaching
on
points: starting
and
children
man.
on
their education as early as possible, teaching them with both love and strictness
and encouragingthem to model themselveson people who were admirable.
He told his family the best time for starting teaching children was when they
were very young and it should be accompanied with strict training. He said,
As soon as a baby can recognize facial expressions and understand approval
in
is
disapproval,
be
begun
doing
he
told and
training
and
should
what
bamboo
For
the
rod
stopping when so ordered.
several years punishment with
be
Parental
dignity
avoided.
should
strictness and
mingled with tenderness
lead
boys
feeling
to
and girls
a
of respect and carefulness and so
will usually
filial
piety.
arouse
22
,
If the proper time was missed, the result could be very bad. He said,
After the child has formed proud and arrogant habits, they begin to control
him. But whipping the child even to death will not lead him to repentance,
he
increases
his
After
the
the
resentment.
parents only
growing anger of
while
23
but
last
becomes
a scoundrel.
nothing
at
grows up such a child
In the way of teaching he insisted on a strict Policy. He told his family that
daughters
did
intend
to
their
teach
not
sons
and
not
ordinary parents who could
lead them into wickedness; they feared that heavy reprimands would cause the
injure
by
bring
face,
themselves
to
the
loss
children
and could not
of
children
Yen
Yen
(Leiden:
E.
J.
Family
instructionsfor
the
Ssu-yu,
clan.
shih
chia-hsiin.
Teng
1;
14
p.
is
from
Yanshijiaxun
Wang
In
the
text
52.
thesis
4
this
all
quoted
of
1968);
Brill,
p. and p.
is
based
Teng's
English
YSJXJJ,
translation
the
on
Liqi, Yanshijiaxunjijie, noted as
Teng.
translation, noted as
21 See YSJXJJ ch-8, "Encourage Study", p. 192, Teng, 73.
22 See YSJXJJch-2, "Teaching Children", p.25; Teno, p.4.
23 See YSJXJJch.2, "Teaching Children", p.25; Teng'.p.3..
177
rough beating.
He made comparison with medicine: if drugs, medicines.
24
be
illness
the
cured.
acupuncture and moxibustion were not used,
would not
Those who were strict in reproving and training were not being cruel to their own
25
flesh and blood. They had no choice.
He then gave his family examples of
26
failure and successto show his insistencewas reasonable.
Besides strict education,, Yan Zhitui also emphasized care in how children
friends
how
his
family
He
told
made
and associated with people.
a sage was not
easy to meet and an extraordinary man was rare. Therefore a learner should
27
treasure the opportunities when they meet a model person. For him personal
influences were very important.
When men are young, their minds and emotions are not settled. With
imbued,
dyed
they
they
closely associate,
are
soaked, moulded and
with
whomever
have
laughing
Even
though
they
thinking,
no
and acting.
each other's way of
intention of imitating their associates, they are quietly moved and unconsciously
for
As
they
conduct and skill,
end up resembling each other.
changed, and naturally
the case is even clearer, for these are easier to learn. Therefore, "to live with good
long
in
is
like
time,
one will
after
a
where,
orchids
of
a
room
staying
people
is
like
living
bad
in
be
to
people
a
associate with
sweet-scented;
naturally
dried-fish shop, where after a long time, one would unavoidably become imbued
24 See YSJXJJch.2, "Teaching Children", p.28; Teng, p.4.
25
4-7.
29-32,
Teng,
Children",
"Teaching
2,
YSJXJJch.
See
pp.
pp.
26
bitter
the
the
toward
of
children
reflected
this
rearing
that
Dien claimed
stem attitude
his
lost
Zhitui
Yan
Zhitui's
Yan
parents at an early age, and was
lessons of
own childhood.
being
Yan
Zhitui
brothers
his
by
brought
orphaned.
contrasted the
after
elder
up
therefore
indulgent,
by
his
love
to
the
instruction
undemanding
parents
of
conduct
proper
in
careful
in
life.
for
his
Dien
latter
blaming
early
the
poor
showing
brother,
claimed
experience
his
lies
tendencies
that
toward
the
this
one's
natural
are
"Behind
assumption
evil
that
well
as
(
Chih-tui
Dien,
"Yen
53
1-59
E.
1
See
Albert
"
+)
firmly
be
:A
controlled.
must
and
Personalities;
43-64.
Confucian
Wright.
F.
in
Arthur
pp.
Buddho-Confucian".
21 See YSJXJJch.7, "Admiration of Men of Ability", p. 128; Teng, p.46.
178
") grieved about the rapid changes of color
with the odor". That is why Mo Di (M, IM
when silk is dyed, and why a superior man should be careful in selecting friends
and companions. Confucius said, "Have no friend not equal to yourself"
It is
impossible to meet such wise men as Yan and Min in this generation, but any one
28
is
who superior to you merits your respect.
He was obviously concerned with the social environment the family lived in
kinds
and what
of people they associated with. This was part of Chinese education
tradition since Confucius's time. In Chapter Six of his book, "Customs and
Manners", writing about when he lived South of the Yangzi, he had a good
educational experience naturally and directly, even apart from working at his books,
just as pigweed grows up straight in the midst of hemp.29 There may be something
behind
these words. From other indications in his book he may also have
more
worried that his family would be influenced by non-Chinese culture. He expected
the younger generation would learn from some other people worthy of respect.
Keeping good relationship between brothers
Brotherhood was another important element in constructing family identity to
Yan Zhitui. As he said that "those who regarded human relationships as important
brothers
be
the
trustworthy
are
of
who
parts
same physical
with
necessarily
must
inheritance and have the same spirit. As infants they are led by their parents' left or
front
back
They
hand
the
their
to
or
garments.
eat
at
parents'
same
cling
and
right
from
down
In
have
handed
to
they
the
one
another.
school
the
table, wear
clothes
direction.
Even
in
though
take
the
their
same
sometimes
tasks
walks
and
same
28 See YSJXJJch.7, "Admiration of men of ability", pp. 128-129. Teno. pp.46-47.
29 See YSJXJJ ch.6,"Customs and manners p.69; Teng, p.22.
000,
179
In
-)ý30
loving
help
brothers
disorderly,
each other.
quarrelsome and
still cannot
Yan's words, brothers are another self to a person. Especially after the death of
their parents, they became the most important and closest people in the world to
like
he
Therefore,
"brothers
an
each other.
should regard each other as related
said,
body
bequeathed
love
its
its
They
to
the
to
object
should
shadow or a sound
echo.
by the deceased and have sympathy with the spirit which is a part of their own;
3
1
brothers
brothers
As
these
are
who else except
can share
common elements?,,
failure
the
unit,
and successof any one of them will relate to each other, moreover,
that will influence their whole family. In a short sentence, a successful family is
based on a good relationship between brothers. For Yan Zhitui it was essential that
the men of future generations of the Yan family should support each other and not
quarrel.
Care in marria,!ýe and remarriage
The relationship between adult brothers also involved the relationship
between their wives. Yan told his family that sisters-in-law often became the ones
between
brothers.
He
"When
hurt
the
grown, each marries a
said,,
relationship
who
little
is
They
begets
there
coolness even when
cannot avoid a
children.
wife and
brothers,
between
Sisters-in-law,
them.
true affection
are more
compared with
distantly related. If such distantly connected persons are used to measure intimate
base,
like
be
it
necessarily
placing a round cover over a square
would
affection,
brotherly
by
deep-seated
be
This
that
affection
avoided
only
may
unsuitable.
hurt
by
-32
As
the
be
the
are
ones
who
sisters-in-law
will
others.
changed
cannot
30 See YSJXJJcli. 3, "Brothers", pp.37-38, Ten,,, p.9.
31 See YSJXJJch.3, "Brothers", pp.40-4 1; Teng, pp.9-10.
32 See YSJXJJch.3, "Brothers", p.3 8; Teng, p.9.
180
"The
He
be
between
has
it
brothers,
to
relationship
therefore
said,
prevented.
relation between elder and younger brothers differs from that of other persons;to
expect too much easily causes hatred; close intimacy is apt to produce resentment.
Take living in a house as an example. When there is a hole, stop it up; or a crack,
it;
plaster there will then be no danger of ruin. If one is careless about sparrows and
mice and defenseless against wind and rain, walls collapse, pillars are undermined
house
be
Servants
like
the
and
cannot
saved.
and concubines are
sparrows and
mice; wives and sons like wind and rain-how terrible!
33
ý,
While this suggestion
it
how
important
it
him
brothers
to
that
shows sexual prejudice also shows
stay
was
Otherwise
the continued identity of the family would collapse.
united.
A stepmother could cause more serious damage to a family. He told his
family,
Among the common people a second husband generally loves the fatherless
child of the previous husband;but the secondwife is certain to maltreat the
is
This
because
the
son of
previous wife.
not only
women cherish jealousy
have
but
husbands
indulgent
inclination,
because
while
an
also
circumstances
bring about such a result. A fatherless child of a former husband dares not
dispute about family property with the son of the new husband, who fondles
for
him
devotion
love
between
them.
and gradually
arises and
grows
and cares
A son of a former wife was always ranked above the later children; in training
for government service, and in marriage, etc. he was given protection and so
he was maltreated by the stepmother. If those doted on were of a different
father
be
hated;
if
done
by
the
the
or
mother
would
mistreatment
was
surname
the stepmother, the brothers became enemies. Any family where such
33 See YSJXJJch.3, "Brothers", pp.37-4 1and 43: Teng, pp.9-10.
181
34
conditions are found, facesdisorder in the household.
He also warned his family against promoting a concubine to the status of wife.
From his viewpoint, that kind of promotion would only cause more troubles for the
family.
It would cause trouble to a family if their member's marriage or remarriage
from
he
Interestingly,
were not arranged wisely.
saw marriage alliance with people
high status or wealthy families as dangerous to the Yan family's solidarity. Yan
Zhitui therefore told his family to be careful about it. He reminded them that their
ancestor Yan Han had warned that the family should not covet a girl from a
family.
powerful
35
Simple marriage arrangement irrespective of social position was the
Ching
Hou
established rule of our ancestor
Nowadays there are those
daughters
for
buy
their
who sell
a woman with a payment of silk.
money or
They compare the rank of fathers and grandfathers, take account of trifling
items, ask for more and offer less, just as if bargaining in the market. Under
in
family
boorish
the
son-in-law might appear
or an
such conditions a
honour
in
household.
To
the
covet
and seek
arrogant woman assume power
for gain are, on the contrary, incurring shame and disgrace; is that not lack of
36
care?
As we shall see elsewhere,,Yan Zhitui believed that a key to family survival was
danger.
caution and avoiding
Good management of the family
34 YVXJJ ch.4, "Remarriage", pp.49-50; Teng, p. 1-3.
YSJXJJch. 13, -Be Content", p.316, Teng, p. 126.
36 See YSJXJJch.5, "Family Management", p.64, Teng, p.20.
182
Family management was another key point to ensure a family maintained a
proper identity. Yan Zhitui suggested that the younger generations should manage
best
family
He
the
in
that
this
their
thought
was
with strict rules as a government.
in
ferrule
"If
He
and wrath are not used
way to prevent making mistakes.
said,
family discipline, the evil practices of mean-spirited sons will immediately appear.
If punishments are not properly awarded, the people will not know how to act. The
ý37
in
is
in
family
the
same as a state.
use of clemency and severity governing a
However, rules and punishment should be reasonable. Family rules that were
too strict or too loose would bring trouble and dangers to the family. An official in
the south mismanaged his family by using extreme severity and oppression. His
kill
hired
to
together
an assassin
wife and concubine
38
intoxicated.
him while he was
A northern official who was too loose in managing his family
house
His
which was rented out was almost
suffered when a servant ran away.
39
demolished for fuel by the slaves and servants of the tenant.
He also asked his family to live a simple and economical life. He claimed that
40
this was the Confucian tradition. The family was to work daily at producing
food
For Yan Zhitui this not only led them to live frugally but also would give
.41
them practical and useful experience for the future. No doubt he drew on his own
did
be
from
like
He
Yans
the
to
not want
catastrophe.
experience of recovering
aristocratic youth.
Living in a time of peace, they do not know the disasters of a time of chaos;
37 See YSJXJJch.5, "Family Management", pp.53-54-,Teng, p. 16.
38 See YSJXJJch.5. "Family Management", p.56; Teng, p-17.
39 See YSJXJJch.5, "Family Management", pp.56-57; Teng, p. 17.
PFAm!
Arffff
(
"' The words of Confucius seeLun yu ('fiHN=n:
ý-)"and-Taibo
"Shu
pian
er
pian
-rrIj)
fn
MFFFI)"-
41 See YSJXJJch.5, "Family Management", p.55; Teng, p. 16.
Z--
OOP
183
lodged in court palaces, they do not know the worries of a battlefield;
know
do
the toil of
they
maintaining a source of regular emolument,
not
farming; commanding subordinates and giving order to the people, they do
for
know
is
difficult
it
hard
Hence
the
to
them
the
meet
not
work of corvee.
needs of the times and to handle practical affairs.
42
He thought such practical physical exercise would also be useful to family
management and to being an official. He criticized again the young generation of
Southern dynasties aristocrats. They had lived in Jiangnan (ý:[M) for eight or nine
lived
hard
farming,
but
"not
them
generations, still
on a salary.
one of
worked
at
Since all that they had was done by young slaves, they had never seen the
furrow
did
know
blade
the
they
removing of a
of soil, nor pulled a
of grass;
not
fundamentals
know
in
How
then
they
to
other
of
sow or reap.
could
month
which
home
Therefore,
they
they
could achieve nothing; at
world affairs?
as officials,
43
idleness
leisure.
faults
,
All
these
of
and
are
could manage nothing.
Based on the simple and economical life, Yan did not encourage his family to
family
had
his
He
He
too
personal
standard
of
wealth.
property.
much
accumulate
female
in
family
have
"I
the
twenty
that
thought
of
mouths
male and
a
said,
always
ffl)
land
ten
twenty
of
good
ch'ing
persons, with
slaves should not at most exceed
horse
keep
house
to
away wind and rain; a carriage and
just good enough
and a
simply to take the place of walking stick; and a reserve of some ten thousand coins
for the expenses of lucky, unlucky, and urgent circumstances. If the family has
be
distributed
in
if
it
the
these
rest
should
charities;
than
and
requirements,
more
has less than this standard, the difference should not be obtained unrighteously. ý44
92. Teng, p. 115.
42 See YS.JXJJ ch. 11. "Meeting practical Affairs", p.22
41 See YSJXJJch. 11, "Meeting practical Affairs", p.297, Teng, pp. 116-117.
44 See YSJXJJch. 13,"Be Content", p.317- Teng, p. 126.
184
This is slightly different from other family instruction in the later dynasties. In
those family
instructions the authors usually encouraged their families
to
45
accumulate property as a kind of fund for helping relatives in need.
Yan Zhitui had some opinions on women's duties in the family. In his
prejudiced view women by their nature could not treat the family fairly, and easily
in
family
be
in
family.
Therefore
trouble
the
caused
a
should
very cautious
46
arranging women's positions and their duties. He said that women in presiding
household
foods
over
supplies should use wines,
and clothing only as the
ceremonial rules require. In the state women should not be allowed to participate in
in
family
important
be
in
they
to
politics;
should not
permitted
meddle
other
it
in
helping
they
talented,
they
their
talents
matters even
were wise and
should use
by
men
supplementing the latter's deficiency. He said no hen should herald dawn
lest misfortune
f
0
110
47
W.
He praised northern women, who were so superior to
48
their southern sisters in the arts of weaving and sewing and in embroidery. His
between
but
did
the
that
sexes
concern was not with equality
with ensuring
women
family
identity
into
the
the
the
to
threaten
of
which they
continuation of
nothing
married.
Official identity
Necessity of constructing an identity as an official
45 See Zeng Chunhai, "Song Yuan Ming Iixuej ia de j iaxun" in Furen xuezhi-renwen
51-78.
28,
bu
pp.
no.
O*shitzhi
40 See YSJXJJcli. 5, "Family Management", p.62-63, Teng,
47 See YSJXJJch.5, "FamilN,management", p.59. Tenton,
p. 18.
48 See YSJVJJch.5. "Family management", p.62; Teng, p. 19.
185
For survival and for helping their family to continue, constructing an identity
be
family.
Being
Yan
Zhitui
Yan
to
as an official was essential to
eligible
and the
an official no matter what dynasty was in power would help the Yan family to
ensure both their security and their livelihood. Political identity would also help
their family to reconstruct their gentry identity and standing even if they had to
leave their own country to serve a new regime as officials. Yan told his sons and
grandsons that when they came to the north,
My brothers and I should not have enteredgovernmentservice,but becauseof
the decline of our clan fortune, the weakness of our family members, the lack
of superior persons within five generations, our scattering outside our native
leaving
influential
be
help
fear
lest
to
country
no
man
you, and my
you should
debased to the level of servants and bring disgrace upon our ancestors,
therefore have brazenly taken a public post, hoping to preserve the family
from
fall.
in
Moreover
North
the
the
status
government regulations
a
are so
49
is
that
strict
no one permitted to retire .
In this passagehe shows that he is aware that by strict Confucian standards it was
family
However,
first
the
to
the
preserving
serve
a
second
regime.
was
wrong
between
him
his
Yan
Zhitui
YSJX
In
a
conversation
mentioned
and
elder
priority.
"I
Silu
(goh,
Yan
son,
Chang'an
Northern
Qi
to
the
they
after
were moved
when
It
was overthrown. said,
Once Silu said to me, " At court you have no stipend or position; at home, you
have saved no money. I should expend my strength to care for you, for you
have faithfully
taught and trained me by hard work on the classics and
histories. If I prove ignorant of performing a son's duty, how can I feel at
49 See YSJXJJch.20, "Last will", p.534, Teng, p.21 1.
186
his
in
keep
"
"A
I
him,
mind serving
ease?
son should
corrected
saying,
his
let
If
I
father
insist
son.
you stop your
parents; a
on educating
should
food,
in
to
to
studies
provide me with good clothing and
order
make money
the food would have no flavor and the garments no warmth. If you attend to
the way of the earlier kings and continue the profession of our family, I will
be content with vegetable soup and a wadded robe. ,50
A political identity that could survive changes of regime was important at least to
family
family
identity.
the
to
support
maintain
Official identity could also provide an opportunity for the family to have
contact with the real world, put their knowledge into practice and add to their
did
his
family
be
like
He
to
experience.
not want
young southern aristocrats who
knew
how
but
did
know
how
have
He
"In
I
to
to
talk
the
only
not
act.
said,
world
letters
seen men of
who can comment on ancient and modem writings as easily as
pointing to their palms; yet when employed on probation, most of them are
1
incompetent. .5,5 From what he had told his family, it shows that his consideration
in constructing an identity as an official was based on family needs, security,
development.
survival and
Practical and safe official idenjLty
What kind of official identity would meet these needs of their family? What
kind of official was the ideal for Yan Zhitui? A professional civil official of the
best.
middle rank was
He told his family there were six kinds of officials they might become:
50 See YSJXJJch. 8, "To encourage study", pp 193-194, Teng, p.74.
ýj See YSJXJJ ch. 11, "Meeting practical affairs", p.292, Teng, p. 114.
0011,
187
First, as court officials, drawing upon a thorough understanding of polity,
policy making, wide learning, and refined manners; second, as officials
drawing
history,
literature
concerned with
upon an ability to compile and
and
forget
legal
documents
to
phrase
old precedents; third, as
and statutes, and not
drawing
decision-making
military officials,
power, strategic resources, a
upon
drawing
body
fourth,
frontier
strong
upon
and actual experience;
as
officials,
fifth,
love
honesty,
a clear understanding of popular customs,
and
of people;
in the diplomatic service, drawing upon a grasp of the situation, and adoption
bring
that
of suitable policies
no disgrace to the emperor's orders; and sixth,
in
drawing
as officials
charge of construction,
upon a capacity to accomplish a
in
due
time with good economy, calculation, planning and
piece of work
diligent
in
be
by
Each
these
those
study and
who are
method.
of
can
achieved
in
has
its
human
As
strength and weakness, a man
careful
conduct.
nature
if
has
ideas
in
but
be
be
to
one
general
expected
capable all six ways;
cannot
he
have
in
through
them
them
one
of
ably,
will
no
about
all, and can carry
regret.
52
He also made suggestions to his family about how high a rank they should aim at.
On this issue he rather tended to caution. He warned his family more than once not
for
in
is
He
"It
for
high
to
to seek
an official
stand a position of
said,
safe
position.
front
fifty
in
in
back,
fifty
he
the
and another
can see
a
persons
middle rank with
from
insult
danger.
him
In
is
to
and
case a position
protect
sufficient number
decline
it,
to
this,
to
courteously
and
retire
your private
should
you
superior
from
family
his
this
He
that
their ancestor
-53
home.
told
was a warning received
il See YSJXJJch. 11, "Meeting practical affairs", pp.290-20 1, Teng, p. 114.
51 See YSJXJJch. 13, -Be Content", p.319; Teng, p. 127.
188
Yan Han, who passed down the words that the Yan family was a home of scholars.
and for generationsit has never been rich or noble. Hereafter the official position
of the Yan family should not be higher than an annual salary of two thousand
piculs of rice. Yan Zhitui said that through his life he had kept these words in mind
54
famous
as a
saying.
Yan Zhitui employed the words of the classics to tell his family to be content
high
to
and not
seek
position. A middle ranking position would be safe for an
individual and for a family. Even ancient kings and emperors could not avoid
failure when they were unsatisfied with what they owned and became greedy.55
What he told his family here was not only book leaming but real personal
experience. He said, "In this time of chaos I have seen many who utilized the
opportunity to obtain wealth and position by luck. In the morning they took
important
charge of
affairs, at night they were buried in graves; on the first day of
the month they were as joyful as Zhuo (*)
wept like Yan
Yuan
and
Sý)
Zheng
(,
and
on the fifteenth they
This did not merely happen to five or ten. ,56
The higher the office the more dangerous it will be. Especially in time of disorder
high office would have been too risky to Yan Zhitui and threatened the
his
family.
continuation of
Someofficial identities should be avoided
For maintaining the Yan family in a safe position there were some political
identities the Yan family should avoid. We have discussed how Yan thought that
high official rank would be dangerous. There were two other kinds of officials
54 See YSJXJJch.5, -Be Content"', p.316, Teng, p. 126.
See YSJXJJch. 5, "Be Content", p.317, Teng, p. 126.
56 See Y,5JXJJ ch.5, "Be Content", p.319. Teng, p. 127
olý
189
they also had to avoid becoming although these were included in the six
identities
family.
his
These
he
two
told
categories of officials about which
official
were military official and admonitor.
(a) Admonitor
According to Yan Zhitui, not every official had the responsibility of giving
admonition to their rulers. He told his family that:
Censors are used for rectifying the emperor's errors. If you are in a position
have
to speak, you ought to perform the duty of giving the emperor
where you
duty,
down
You
take
admonitions.
should not shun your
your
your ease, cast
head and close your ears. But you should "in every possible way wait on and
57
him,,
in
do
nourish
your thoughts,
not go out of your place".
If his descendantsfollowed his advice that they should stand in a middle rank with
fifty
officials
in front and behind them, then they would not have such
it
he
However,
the
that
to
to
rulers.
seems
still
responsibility
give admonitions
by
family
his
to
that
a ruler
writing petitions or
might offer admonition
worried
he
into
family
his
For
trouble
therefore expressed
to
walk
not
advising
memorials.
directly what he thought about the admonitors. He said,
Based on their styles and manners, we may say that those who criticize the
like
divulge
those
the
censors;
who
strengths and weaknesses of a ruler are
fond
belong
failure
those
to
the
category of
of making
of ministers
successor
legal charges; those who analyse the advantage or disadvantage of state affairs
those
try
to
like
and
who
support or undermine
candidates
examination
are
individual
their
to
someone according
interests are like the wandering
57 See YSJXJJch.5, "To save trouble", pp.306-307-,Teno, p. 120.
001,
190
inspires
luck
the ruler who accepts
by
If
the
politicians of old . ......
memorial
it for the time of need,,the author acquires a priceless reward at the beginning;
but eventually unexpected execution might befall him
Modem people
. ......
do
feel
However,
integrity
there
to
with
so.
all
ashamed
would
and virtue
into
to
the
to
those
the
memorials
get
court
and
present
were
at
gate
who wait
high
The
they
their
express
speak
plans.
contents are mostly superficial;
but
lack
for
All
the
that they say
sounding words
a grand plan
whole project.
is trifling, like chaff. Not one proposal out of ten is worth adopting
The
.......
emperor, who wishes to maintain his fame and influence in the outside, may
58
fellows,
They
but
lucky
excuse them.
are
unworthy of your association.
Yan Zhitui's criticism of those who offered admonition was very strong. He
evidently was remembering what happened in the winter of 573 when he was
in
life.
his
family's
he
losing
his
For
Wenlinguan
the
to
working
and
came so close
he
definitely
did
his
descendants
disaster.
While
to
not want
meet such a
security
his
life
for
offering unwanted advice might win glory this
an official who paid with
for
family
identity
Yan
to avoid.
the
was an
(b) Military official
Yan Zhitui also did not want any members of his family to become a military
official.
Yan Zhitui disparaged military identity. He said that "those who are trained in
horseback
have
be
five
the
mastered
riding
can
properly
called
weapons and
using
do
forthwith
they
but
not study,
call
modem scholar-officials who, when
warriors,
q See YSJXJJch. 12, "To save trouble", pp.303-304; Teng, 119-120.
191
themselves 'warriors'
like
in
rice-sacks and wine-jars.
are
reality simply
59
"
"Usually men of the world who study can only talk but are unable to put their
knowledge into practice
both
by
despised
they are ridiculed and
military men
.......
60
humiliating
it
He
the
that
and vulgar officials.
most
was
was telling us
if
by
looked
by
down
educated people were
warriors.
vulgar officials or
upon
Yan Zhitui said that in his family the traditional career was being a scholar,
his
dynasties
From
Qin
Han
time not a single
the
not a military official.
and
until
member achieved success through a military career. Some of his ancestors whose
lives were related to military affairs had simply been brawlers. Some of his
high
had
ancestors who reached
military ranks
all perished. Two of those military
61
had
involved
been
in rebellion and killed.
ancestors
From the passage we see how deeply Yan Zhitui wanted his family not to be
learn
his
family
He
that
to
told
military
military officials.
without any concealment
for
be
them.
the
to
right choice
a military official was not
skills or
In recent times of disorder and dispersion some noble scholars, though
followers
discarded
have
and
gathered a crowd of
without strength or skill,
their original occupation to seek a chance for military glory. Since I have
for
I
to
mind
avoid such adventures
up
my
made
my
ancestors,
respect
have seen modem
scholar-officials,
I
have
some physical vigor,
who
immediately rely upon it. Unable to wear annour or bear weapons to protect
brag
dress
they
and
about their physical
gallantly
the state,
act mischievously,
danger
death,
leads
large
On
to
this
to
and
on
a
small
scale
scale
a
exploits.
S9
See YSJXJJch. ] 5, "A Warning against becoming warriors", p.326; Teng, p. 130.
'0 See YSJXJJch.8, "To encourage study", p. 161, Teng, 60.
See )SJXJJ ch. 14, "A Warning against becoming warriors". pp-320-321 -
192
disgrace and insult. No one can escape.62
From Yan Zhitui's viewpoint the rise and fall of a state and the successand failure
of an army was in fact related to how knowledge was used. Learned scholars could
have positive effects on military actions, but he did not want his family to acquire
much military knowledge and take part in the making of military strategy, because
that could easily lead to trouble. He said that:
I have frequently seen scholars who have read some military books but
possess little experience in strategy, during peaceful times look upon the
disdain,
in
the misfortune and calamity of others and take
palace with
rejoice
the lead in revolt, cheating and injuring good people. In time of war they
fan
contrive and
rebellions, repeatedly persuading and deceiving others by
every means. They can not foretell who will survive and who will fall, but
impulsively
leader.
Such
to
any
practices are the root of
will
give support
63
family
destruction.
personal ruin and
It is not clear that how much his disagreement with military identity was related to
his experience of the event of 573 caused by the conflict between civil and military
is
how
Chinese.
It
between
Xianbei
much the
not clear either
and
officials and
had
down
looked
the
military officials
upon
southern custom which usually
64
in
Yan
Zhitui's
in
it
is
However,
his
that
thinking.
eyes and
very clear
affected
his thinking, to be a military official and to learn military skills and knowledge was
identity
family
for
help
and survival.
no
62 See YSJXJJch. 14, -A Warning against becoming warriors", p.32 1, Teng, pp. 129-130
63 See YSJXJJch. 14, "A Warning against becoming warriors", p.325,- Teng, p. 130.
6' About the military official was looked down by upper class of southern society in this
Jýr)ýIHE
j
iangzuo
('jjýE:
Shaoxing.
-Lun
Su
See
shizu
gongchen
wu
fifffj
see
period.
Lianjino
(Taipei:
de
Nanchao
in
LiangJin
chuban gongsi,
shi.:u
jýjfjj'
1987)ýpp-26-28-
193
Identity as scholars and gentlemen
As Qian Mu (Jýjfg-)has pointed out, being an official and a scholar were two
in
family
identity
important
the
to
of
gentry
most
reconstruct and maintain
ways
65
dynasties.
YSJX
Southern
Northern
In
the
status under
we
and
many chapters of
see Yan Zhitui encouraging his family to construct the identity of scholar.
The importance of stgdy
Yan Zhitui told his family that studying is very important for everyone from
kings and emperors of antiquity to ordinary people.66 Study would increase one's
knowledge and ability to understand the world
67
and open the mind and clarify
68
in
help
become
Through
to
the vision
order
study people would
one's conduct.
dutiful sons and loyal subjects. People who were arrogant and extravagant would
become humble and frugal, inspired by the ancients. Although studying could not
from
learning
be
knowledge
the
acquired
can always
make a person perfect,
applied profitably.
69
However, the main reason why Yan Zhitui wanted his sons and grandsons to
key
identity
that
the
to
the
to
and
was
of a gentleman,
construct
study was
family
he
his
identity.
family
First
told
that
their
studying was
of
all
maintaining
from
distinguish
He
important
to
a gentleman
a commoner.
said,
the most
way
OSSee Qian Mu (Jjf3-), "Lue lun Wei Jin Nanbeichao xueshu wenhua yu dangshi mendi
H4, r9M
ftf h,l ZE
*A
1-ý
ýkj
in
MýL
Zhongguo
Aff
IN
`ff3Z
xueshu sixiang
4
zhiouanxiM
1
ý'ýýirCjjg,
Donoda
1977),
(Taipei:
M,
152.
Oll
tushu
gongsi,
p.
-shiluncong(FP[, -,
Lti,,
66 See YSJXJJch.8, "To encouragestudy", p. 141, Teng, p.52.
67 See YSJXJJch.8, "To encouragestudy", p. 154: Teng, p.56.
68 See YVkJJ ch.8. -To encourage study", p. 160; Teng, p.59.
LI
69 See YSJ.VIJ ch.8. "To encourage study", pp. 160-161: Teng, p.59.
194
Of the children of scholar-officials, not one is untaught, beyond a few years of
Zhuan
(%Mf),
(FT[V)
Li
Those
those
the
through
while
and
age.
who read more, go
0-6-,
)
Lun
less
Shi
do
T
the
who read
and
not neglect
fi FM
Having arrived at the
habits
bodies
their
are generally
age of capping and marriage, when
and
formed, a double effort is needed in instruction and guidance to take
determination
have
faculties.
Those
their
advantage of
ambition and
who
should be trained and encouraged so as to accomplish their proper professions.
Those without firm standing will thereafter drop down to the level of common
70
persons.
Moreover, Yan Zhitui thought that studying could help his family to survive in
times of disorder and also maintain their gentry identity. During chaotic times
hard
keep
Many
to
their original
social status was
maintain.
aristocrats could not
had
been
did
diligent
in
But
a man who
status; some
not even survive.
studying
his
identity
had
have
than
those
to
who
more chances survive and preserve
would
Yan
not.
said,,
After the time of dispersion and disorder, when the court was overthrown and
in
those
charge of civil service examinations were no
conditions changed,
longer their relatives as before; the chief ministers who assumed power no
longer belonged to the former party. Forced to depend upon themselves, they
in
do
they
they
of
put
charge
practical
affairs,
were
when
were
nothing;
could
had
Wearing
they
taking
no
more
pearls;
garments,
coarse
off the
use.
no
of
hide of a tiger. the real body was disclosed. They were as forlom as withered
Tottering
in
trickle
thin
the
the area
an
exhausted
stream.
of
trees---or as
70 See YSJXJJcli. 8, "To encourage study", p. 141; Teno. p.52.
195
trodden by military horses,they wanderedhere and there until they died in a
71
ditch or stream.
But a real scholar would be able to adapt himself to any difficult circumstances. He
told his family,
Those who have learning or skill can settle down anywhere. In these
disordered times I have seen many captives who, though lowbred for a
hundred generations, have become teachers through knowledge and study of
the Lunyu
Ffffp rl
F3
and Xiaojing
Others, though they had the heritage of
for
nobility
a thousand years, were nothing but farmers or grooms, because
they were unable to read and write. Seeing such conditions, how can you not
keep
few
hundred
Whoever
exert yourselves?
can
steadily at work on a
72
in
the end, never remain a common person.
volumes will,
It is clear that Yan's first concern was that study could help make his family
different from commoners and also could help their family maintain their social
disorder.
times
through
of
status
Scholar as an occupation
On the function of study, Yan considered studying Confucian classics was the
be
like
to
training
an
occupation
a gentleman scholar was
of a scholar, and
primary
farmer or merchant. He said,
Every man born into society should have a profession: farmers plan for
deal
with goods and prices, workmen go as
plowing and sowing, merchants
far as possible in making excellent tools and useful objects. artists ponder
TenOF,
54.
145:
8,
YVXJJ
"To
See
p.
encourage study", p.
ch.
See note 7 1.
0*ý
196
over
their
methods and techniques, warriors
practice
archery
and
horsemanship, scholars interpret and discuss classical books.73
In Yan's eyes to be a scholar was an occupation. The occupation of scholar could
better
from
family
in
offer
than
protection
and
any situation
what was received
from state. He said,
To understand the ideas of the Six Classics or to wade through the writings of
the hundred philosophers, even though this cannot add to morality or improve
it
conduct, nevertheless is a resource on which one can depend. You cannot
be
dependent
father
brother;
always
on a
or an elder
your home region and
be
state will not always
protected. Some morning there will be a sudden
scattering, and no one will be left to take care of you; you will have to call on
your own resources. A proverb says, "To amass wealth by the millions does
not compare with the mastery of a small skill. " Among valuable skills easy to
learn there is none comparable to reading.74
It is surprising and unusual that Yan Zhitui openly considered being a scholar as an
occupation and saw study as a kind of professional training. To defend his family's
future identity he was brave enough to break with tradition. Although Wang Liqi
7
knowledge
in
fact
his
it
that
-5
was vulgar,
argues
use of
was practical. Yan
16
in
in
anticipated the emergence of the specialist cultural matters the modem west.
Advice on sLudy
73 See YSJXJJch.8, "To encourage study", p. 141, Teng, p.52.
74 See YSJXJJch.8, "To encourage study", p. 153; Teng, pp.54-55.
7i Wang Liqi's (Týfjýg) words is in YSJXJJ"Preface", pp.3-5.
71 Yu Yingshi (54,
VR4)
idea
from
Talcott
Parsons'
The intellectual.- a social
the
ý7:
employed
de
Yingshi.
fazhan
See
Yu
"Gudai
zhishi
jieceng
xingqi yu
role catego)ýY4
(Guilin:
Guangxi
0ý,RjkEq4p, R)" in Yu Yingshi ivei!ji
vol.
shifan daxue
25-99.
2004)ý
pp.
chubanshe,
001,
197
Yan Zhitui gave very clear advice to his descendants on how and what to
study. His main points include: starting young, practical study, diligent study and
broad study.
(a) Starting young
Yan suggestedto his family that the proper time to start studying is the earlier
the better. Because when a man is young his mind is concentrated and sharp; after
77
his
thoughts and reasoning powers are scattered and slow. He took his
maturity
own experience as an example and told his family that,
When I was seven years old, I could recite the fu poem describing the
Ling-kuang palace
and by reviewing once every ten years I can still
it.
After my twentieth year, if I put aside for a month the classics I had
recall
).)78
read, then my memory was vague or confused.
In the Confucian tradition the ability to memorize texts was very useful. If an early
longer
then
to
one should start study anytime even when no
start was missed
young.
He told his family some stories about people whose early neglect of study was
79
is
foolish
for
later
by
He
"It
those still
said,
age.
conscious effort at a
overcome
late
for
the
time
to
too
the
capping
regard
and
as
age of marriage
uneducated at
face
ignorant
ýM
Even
the
to
against
wall.
with one's
starting
study, and so remain
become
better
that
a
gentleman
and
was
study at an advanced age, one could still
becoming
a commoner.
than giving up on study and
(b) Diligent study
77 See YS.JXJJ ch. 8, "To encourage study", p. 166; Teng, p. 6 1.
18 See note 77.
79 SeeYSJXJJch.8, "To encouragestudy", p. 166. Teng, p.62.
80 See YVXJJ ch.8. "To encourage study", p. 166-,Teng, pp 61-62.
-
198
Yan also encouraged his family to study diligently. He told them some stories
about the people who studied with diligence. The story of Emperor Yuan of the
Liang dynasty was one of them.
Emperor Yuan of Liang(r. 552-555) once told me that in Kuei-chi
(ftfft
he
fond
he
He
twelve,
when
was then suffering
was
already
of
study.
was
from sores so severely that he could not close his hands or bend his knees. He
hung a reed curtain to keep flies away from his private room where he sat
alone and studied with a silver pot of Shan-yin wine, drinking frequently to
day
he
determined
Yet
the
to read more than twenty
alleviate
pain.
every
historical
by
himself,
him.
Sometimes
to
teach
tutor
chuan of
works
with no
he might not know a single word or understand a single sentence, but he held
himself to it unconscious of fatigue.
81
,
82
If an imperial prince could do this, so too could commoners.
Chu Chan (7'ý)W) of 1-yang (&FA) originally
later moved to Yang-tu (Mg).
lived in Chiangling
and
He was assiduous, but his family was poor
for
few
days,
he
Having
to
eat
a
nothing
often
without any property.
having
he
blanket
fill
his
When
to
no
stomach.
was cold,
or
swallowed paper
bedclothes, he lay down hugging a dog. When the dog also became hungry, it
it
food.
His
to
to
return moved the
calling
voice
vainly
pitiful
steal
ran away
his
he
became
did
he
Still
studies,
and
ultimately
not cease
a
neighbors.
Garrison
Secretary
South
Adjutant
(Chennan
lushih
scholar and served as
ts'anchiin,
83
Xiaoyuan
(*)--c) respected.
a man whom
in
it
is
diligent
Yan
is
This
of
one
person
a
case
study
as
said.
an unusual case, yet
See YSJXJJch.8. "Toeilcourage study", P.188; Teng, p.71.
See note 8 1.
83 See YVXJJ ch.8, "To encourage study", P.189. Teng, pp.71-73.
op"
199
Through the stories Yan showed his family that studying hard was important
irrespective of one's original social status.
(c) Practical study
In studying Confucian classics Yan advised concentrating on the true meaning
and practical value of the classics. He had no time for scholars who merely
In
the
their
teachers.
texts
the
the
remembered
of
classicsand repeated
words of
84
practical affairs not an item of such knowledge was useful. When asked a
in
hundred
they
simple question,
which
words
would answer you with several
85
idea,
if
there was no main
nor could they give you a summary asked. He told
his family,
A proverb of Ye runs, 'A doctor of literature or an erudite man bought a
donkey and wrote three documents in which the complicated character Iii (W.)
for donkey does not appear once.' If you should follow this doctor as your
86
teacher, I would be choked with anger.
In his thinking, the books written by the sagesare to be used for teaching people. If
learns
the
text
the
thoroughly
commentaries and
and
roughly
classical
studies
one
become
in
a perfect
constantly makes progress one's speech and conduct, one can
87 As he regarded study as training to construct the identity of the scholar
man.
family,
he
his
for
his
desirable
to
asked
sons
and
grandsons
career
a
gentleman,
is
it
He
in
"Time
said,
valuable, passes away as
practical study.
spend their time
quickly
for
important
You
and practical
should read extensively
as water.
84 See YVX. JJ ch.8, "To encourage study", pp. 169-170. Teng, p.63.
85 See YVXJJ cli. 8, "To encourage study", p. 170. Teng, P.64.
86
See note 85.
87 See YV. kJJ ch.8, "To encourage study", p. 170. Teng, pp.64-65.
200
knowledge
88
help
Confucius
,,
to
your career and service.
learning,
With
,
says,
emolument may be found in it. ' Nowadays people are diligent in seeking useless
knowledge. I fear that is no profession. )589
(d) Broad study
Aiming at the practical function of knowledge Yan encouraged his family to
depending
did
bound
by
Conftician
He
texts
study widely, not only
on
or
classics.
not agree with narrow-minded scholars who did not pay attention to perusing many
books but only read the texts of the classics and prognostic interpretations and
90
comme aries.
When I first went to Ye, I made friends with Ts'ui Wen-yen (W3Za)
of
Po-ling (t4, FA,, Hopei). Once we discussed Wang Ts'an's (ýE)V, 177-217)
in
is
there
collection of writings,
which
some criticism of Cheng Hsuan's (fiý
interpretation of the Book of History (NP
Ts'ui reported this point to
F=_1
the other scholars. One of the latter was about to speak, but he suddenly felt
disturbed saying, 'In a collection of writings there are only poetry, loose
PA),
inscriptions
(ming,
(fu,
poems
(lei,
and eulogies on epitaphs
how can there be criticism of the classics? Furthermore, I have never heard
the name of Wang Ts'an among those of ancient scholars.' Ts'ui laughed and
him
Ts'an's
"91
Wang
work.
withdrew without showing
This story shows that Cui was superior to other so-called Confucians. By broad
knowledge
be
than
that
ordinary
scholars
richer
and
acquire
would
study one could
his
He
family
becoming
"A
in
told
help
that
scholar.
a
professional
scholar
a great
88 See YSJXJJch.8, "To encourage study", p. 170. Teng, pp.64-65.
89 See note 88.
90 See YSJXJJch.8, "To encourage study", p. 176, Teng, pp.64-65.
91 See note 90.
201
should honor wide learning of names of principalities and states, mountains and
rivers, official posts and surnames, garments and clothing, food, utensils, and
institutions; he likes to trace the sources to their origin.
Avoiding the influence of Daoism
Yan Zhitui set out a curriculum for his family. First of all they had to study
Confucian texts, after which they could extend their study to other fields, such as
history.
Among the Confucian texts Lun yu 0FNri N- Shifing
philosophy and
G,
Lifing (ifi"I
Zuo
(ýEfl#)
Xiaojing
ý),
zhuan
and
v,
was taught in his youth.
93 He
he
first
the
texts
were
which
kind
basic
these
of
saw
primary studies as a
guarantee of their living and identity even after a catastrophe. He told his family, "I
have seen many captives who, though lowbred for a hundred generations, have
become teachers through knowledge and study of the Lun-yu and Hsiao-ching. ,94
Taking Confucian classics as the centre of knowledge then extending to the
knowledge of other fields is the ideal knowledge system for Yan Zhitui. One
ideas
Six
Classics
the
the
and explore the writing of the
of
should understand
95
hundred philosophers. However, his attitude toward the texts of Daoism was
Laozi
He
that
the
teaching
of
said
very cautious.
and Zhuangzi (r±-T) was
to perfect one's true self, nourish one's true nature, not to let worldly cares
96 As for the representative figures of Daoism like Laozi
and
entangle one's self
Zhuangzi, one "hid away under the title of a court recorder and finally went off to
distant deserts, while the other concealed his tracks as a small official in Ch'i-yuan
91
8,
"To
YSJXJJch.
See
9, See YSJXJJ ch.8, "To
p.2
Q4See YSJXJJ ch.8, "To
95 See YSJXJJch 8, -To
96 See YSJXJJch.8, "To
001,
encourage study", p.209; Teng, p.80.
14
land
1,
"Preface,
22;
Teng, p.52 and
study",
p.
ch.
p.
encourage
145;
Teng,
54.
study",
p.
p.
encourage
encourage study", p. 153, Teng, p.54.
178;
Teng,
66.
study",
p.
p.
encourage
202
( Mj,,Rfl) and eventually declined to become the chief minister of Ch'u
Such Daoists mostly devoted themselves to seeking for their nature, escaping
from secular boundaries and pursuing freedom. This was no help in preserving
family identity. You should know about such texts, but not be too influenced by
them. He criticized some of the Daoists of Wei and Jin dynasties, such as He Yian
(fq*)
Wang
Bi
and
in
had
done
being
What
Daoists.
they
was
as not
real
fact against the true meaning of Daoism although they were all famous leaders of
98
Daoists and adherents of their abstruse progenitors. As for others who were
fettered in the midst of the dust and dregs of the mundane world, or who were
99
for
fame and gain, how could all of them be mentioned. About pure talk
crazy
(qingtan, ý'Fgg) which was closely related to Daoism, Yan said that one could
fine
ideas
from
it
the
simply select some of
and analyse the profound and minute
mysteries to please the mind and ear in conversations with friends. Yan's attitude
toward Daoism was quite different from that of some people in his time although
Daoist activities like pure talk were one of the standards for distinguishing one's
00
'
family status.
In other words, it was a useful cultural and social accomplishment,
but not a suitable way of life. From this point we may once again see that his
identity
is
family
"Daoism
for
only.
not essential
security and
concern was about
"101
It
help
to
the
certainly
or
establishing
good
customs.
was
no
world
saving
Yan's family in constructing the identity of scholar and gentleman.
Proper writing and pronunciation
9' See YSJXJJ ch. 8, "To encourage study", p. 178; Teng, p. 66.
98 See YSJXJJ ch. 8, "To encourage study", p. 179, Teng, p. 69.
99 See note 98.
"0 See Qian Mu, "Lue lun Wei Jin Nanbeichao xueshu wenhua yu dangshi mendi zhi
1.
19
guanxi", p.
101See YS.JXJJch. 8, "To encourage Study", p. 179; Teng, pp.69-70.
203
The identity of a gentleman scholar was constructed by study and learning.
but also needed to be recognized by other people. Therefore external presentation
family
his
important.
Yan
to speak
Zhitui
the
was also
younger generation of
asked
and write in a proper way even during their childhood. Their speech was seriously
drilled and corrected. Yan considered any single mispronounced character as his
fault,
he
own
and
never gave a name to any actions, words or objects without
02
'
books.
consulting
However, times changed and the language changed too. He accepted the fact
that in different times there must be different writing
styles with changed
he
had
his
deal
to
charactersand
own method
with the situation.
When I first read the Shuowen(gq3Z), I despisedthe charactersused in the
form,,
feared
in
I
If
I
that no one could
the
correct
world.
wrote a character
fact
it
it;
followed
I
If
I
that
the
the
was
recognize
vulgar style, was aware of
learned
hardly
After
I
As
I
start writing.
more study,
a result, could
wrong.
how to adjust myself to the changes. I modified my former obstinacy and
books,
forms
I
In
the
still select
writing essays and
adopted a middle course.
in
dispatches
have
official
and
classical respondents, while
of character which
103
forms.
follow
I
the vulgar
social correspondence simply
He was teaching his family to know how to write in the proper way, but not to
insist on so doing if this might make things difficult for them socially or in their
doing
his
family
that
He
they
research
when
work
would
reminded
also
careers.
have to determine right or wrong and all the available information about characters
04
1
be
then.
needed
would
10' See YSJXJJch. 18, "On phonology", p.474, Teng, p. 190.
103See YSJXJJ ch. 17, "Evidence on writing", p.463. Teng, p. 184.
104See YSJXJJch. 17, "Evidence on writing", p.462, Teng, p. 183.
01»,
204
As for pronunciation, Yan Zhitui said that people of different regions of China
different
dialects; and it had been so since the beginning of mankind. From
spoke
105
He made
ancient times, his own language and customs had frequently changed.
his famous observation and analysis as below,
The climate of southernChina is mild and agreeable;human soundsare clear,
high and warm, but their weakness is that they are shallow and superficial,
and their expressions are unrefined. The topography of northern China is
heavy,
distinguished
the
austere and stem;
people's voices are sonorous and
and earnest; their speech is full of ancient expression. In general, a southern
better
however,
than
gentleman speaks
a northern gentleman;
a northern
better
his
than
peasant speaks
southern counterpart. The speech of a
immediately
be
detected
if
he
dresses
southem-educated gentleman can
even
hand,
behind
On
the
as a commoner.
other
a wall you cannot tell a northern
if
listen
day.
from
The
to
their
conversation
all
a
peasant
even
you
courtier
Wu-YiIeh
imbued
have
been
the
the
usage of
with
southerners
states,,
barbarian
habits.
have
Both
have
their
the
assimilated
northerners
while
106
in
detail.
"
deep-rooted defects which are too numerous to be discussed
From his analysis it seems that both northern and southern speech had been
his
family
he
influences.
However,
by
clear guidance
still gave
regional
changed
because
better
than
southern gentlemen spoke
northern
that southern speech was
better than northern gentlemen. As he wanted his family to construct a gentleman
following
identity,
scholar
language
be
the
and pronunciation would
southern
187
19
1.
105See YSJXJJch. 18, "On phonology", pp.473 and 487, Teng.
pp.
and
L106See YSJXJJch. 18, "On phonology", pp.473-474; Teng, p. 189.
205
better choice. Presumably he had found from his own experience as a southern
prisoner in the north that his southern way of speech was an asset. He also
reminded his family that even southern aristocratic language might sometimes not
be good, because it had been influenced by uneducated people. He said,
The ancients said, 'It is hard to train pampered youths, ' meaning that because
of their pride, extravagance and conceit, it is impossible to discipline them. I
have noticed that most of the princes, lords and maternal relatives of the
emperor speak incorrectly, because they have been imbued with the speech
habits of their poorly educated guardians and tutors at court, and they lack
107
friends
good teachers and
outside the court. "
From Yan's thinking, writing and speaking in the proper way not only showed
but
one's education
also showed one was a gentleman. Conversely, speaking and
in
the wrong way would deconstruct one's identity of scholar and also
writing
debase
identity
would
one's
of gentleman. In all this Yan's concerns were practical:
help
family
in
the
an educated way of speaking and writing would
survive
uncertain times.
Good customsand manners
Yan Zhitui paid particular attention to customs and manners. In YSJX there
his
family,
He
this
told
subject.
was a whole chapter on
In the Li fing
Classic, I have noticed that the teachings of the sage
dustpan
broom,
the
and
spoon and chopsticks, the way of
use of
concerning
holding
candles and washing oneýs
coughing and spitting, saying yes or no,
hands: all have their apportioned texts which are quite comprehensive. But
lo' See YSJXJJ ch. 18, "On phonology-, p. 504; Teng, p. 196.
206
since there are omissions, the book is no longer complete. In cases that are
not mentioned or where affairs of the world have changed, well-leamed,,
in
followed
have
been
have
their
superior men
made
own rules which
practice. For this reason the customs and manners of the so-called
scholar-officials have differed considerably from family to family, and they
have discussedeachother's strengthsand weaknessesaccordingto their own
viewpoints. Observing their main roads leading north and south, one will,
108
however, learn the best by oneself."
So-called customs and manners of the scholar gentry had long been a tradition of
Chinese.
It was a life style based on the Confucian system. Every gentry
educated
family would stress their own customs and manners and their family members
would learn it naturally without special teaching. That is why Yan told his family
that he had learned all his best customs and manners by direct observation without
09
1
books,
just
the use of
as pigweed grows up straight in the midst of hemp.
However, Yan thought that this learning environment only existed in the
families
in
his
family
The
lived
in the
the
gentry
south.
of
environment
which
detrimental
for
learning
these good customs and manners. Therefore he
north was
had to leave a rough record to help them to learn and to pass down to other
110
his
family.
generations in
Those good customs, manners and rituals Yan wanted his family to learn
included: calling people by their correct names and titles, reasonable avoidance,
funerals
and mourning, and other customs and manners
proper rituals of
life.
in
daily
The
for
the
number
of
status
examples and stories
gentry
appropriate
108See YSJX.JJch. 6, "Customs and manners", p. 69; Teng, p.222.
109See note 108.
110See note 108.
207
he gave in this part was large. Qian Mu's opinion is still helpful in understanding
why Yan Zhitui had to talk so much about customs and manners of the gentry
society in the south. For Yan so-called gentry customs and manners was an
important difference between them and ordinary people, it was an identity mark of
'
11
It is the reason Yu Yingshi said that Yan was quite proud of what
gentry status.
'
12
In any event,
he knew about customs and manners although it was so detailed.
Yan had learned the hard way that even when a gentleman lost everything else, he
family.
his
his
behavour
to
could use
educationand
reestablish
Other skills and abilities a gentleman scholar had to obtain
To be a gentleman scholar one also needed other skills, including ability in
divination,
(to
play an
mathematics, medicine, music
writing, calligraphy, painting,
instrument), and others.
in
Ability
writing
o
Yan Zhitui divided writing between what was necessary for a career as an
kinds
literature
for
its
He
that
all
of
argued
own sake.
official and what was written
(-Hff4)
Classics
Five
from
derived
the
and serve many useful purposes such as
are
in
demonstrating
justice,,
to
benevolence
merit
and
virtue
order
and
and
manifesting
1
13
look after the people, build up the nation and many other uses. He put the
'' 1 See Qian Mu, "Lue lun Wei Jin Nanbeichao xueshu wenhua Yu dangshi mendi zhi
luncong;
174.
in
Zhongguo
p.
xueshu sixiang shi
guanxi112See Yu Yingshi, "Mingjiao weiji yu Wei Jin shifeng de yanbian
qý
FAIN
fflýHLA-ffi
FP
in Zhogguo zhishijieceng shilun-gudai pian
fiffff--Fýft
369.
1980),
p.
Lianjing
(Taipei:
chuban gongsi,
113See YSJXJJch.9, "On essays", p. 221, Teng, p.85.
208
for
family,
his
"As
He
function
first,
told
practical
as with other skills.
of writing
writing essays to mold your own nature and spirit or to give others unembarrassed
have
If
if
it
is
interesting
you
advice,
also a pleasure.
part,
you penetrate to the
leisure after your other activities, you may practice essay writing. "' 14
ýAj)and Shen
Yan had a complicated attitude to writing, as Cao Daoheng (-N L-61,
Yucheng (aT. ftý) have pointed
Out.
115
He liked it. On the other hand he thought
that writing ability was often dangerous. He said that from ancient times many men
116
letters
from
light
had
He then counted
of
suffered
a
mind and a sharp tongue.
) to Me Tiao (M)ft) and claimed that
thirty-six literary writers from Qu Yuan (rWJq,
117
Even emperors who also were
they all had problems in their moral qualities.
free
from
writers were not entirely
moral weakness.
"8
I have often thought, on the basis of accumulated experience, a body of essays
his
him
interests,
develops
the
proud and
nature, and makes
exhibits
writer's
determined
Such
trouble affects
and
aggressive.
negligent of control as well as
in
deeply
A
letters
the
generation.
proper expression
present
even more
men of
fly
fact
their
to the
spirits
of one
or a clever construction of one sentencemakes
nine skies, and their pride towers over the other writers of a thousand years.
They read aloud again and again for their own enjoyment, forgetting other
hurt
Moreover,
people more
as a grain of sand or a pebble may
persons nearby.
than a sword or spear, their satirical remarks about other persons may spread
faster than a storm. You should carefully prevent such habits in order to keep
Teng, p.85.
... See YSJXJJch.9, "On essays", p.
2221,
0j)
LA?,
Yucheng
(ý5LýE,
),
Nanbeichao
Shen
ftv,
(_ff
Daoheng
See Cao
and
wenxue shi
(Beijing: Renmin wenxue chubanshe, 1998); p.409.
116
See note H 4.
1-222: Teng, pp.85-89.
1" See YSJXJJch.9, "On essays", pp.2222
118See YSJXJJch.9, "On essays", p.222*,Teng, pp.89-90.
209
119
your original safety.
Having literary writing ability could harm a person's safety but lack of it would
hamper one's identity as a gentleman scholar. How to strike a balance was
therefore a big issue. Brilliance was not his first priority,
In seeking knowledge some are sharp, some are dull. In writing essays some
dull
A
are clever and some stupid.
student with untiring work may overcome
the hurdles to mastery; a stupid hand will be a mediocre writer in the end no
how
hard
the tries. Therefore if one becomes a scholar, one can
matter
certainly be an independent man; if one lacks the natural gift, one does not
120
have to compel oneself to be a penman.
He meant that becoming a scholar was the first concern and it depended on how
diligent one was in study. Writing ability did not depend on how much time and
his
family
in
devoted
it.
Yan
to
that
to
the
efforts you
suggested
writing essays
ideas
be
to
expressions
proper style with presentable
and readable
was enough
a
12
1
And when they were writing they had to control their emotion
talented scholar.
and will. He said,,
Writing an essay is analogous to a man riding a horse. Even though the horse
has excessive strength, its speed should be controlled by a bridle; you should
22
1
fall
into
ditches.
its
let
it
courseand
run out of
not
Calligraphy,
painting and music
e
For learning other skills and obtaining other abilities which could be useful to
Yan
had
Zhitui
identity
the
scholar,
a
gentleman
always
of
an eye on
constructing
1,9 See YVXJJ ch.9, "On
See YSJXJJch.9, "On
121See YSJXJJch.9, "On
122See YSJXJJch.9, "On
essays", p.222, Teng, pp.90-9 1.
237,
Teng,
91.
p.
essays", p.
Teng,
92.
p239,
p.
essays",
Teng,
2248,
95.
p.
essays". p.
210
their functions and always wanted his family not to cross the line. He wanted his
family to learn them but not become too professional in case their gentleman
scholar identity would be damaged.
In calligraphy, Yan said that it was another face to a person. People sometimes
would
level
recognize one's
of
family
education and
by
status
oneIs
handwriting. 123 Good calligraphy also was his family tradition: as we have
124
he
father
famous
he
Yan
Zhitui's
However,
mentioned
said
was a
calligraphist.
himself was not an excellent calligrapher although he was fond of it by nature. But
it was not necessary to be a very fine calligrapher, because "the shrewd are drawn
to trouble, the wise to grief, and an eminent calligrapher is always obliged to write
25
'
for
from
be
Wei
He
took
something
others, which would
a nuisance.
examples
Dan
Wang Bao
both of whom toiled at service with pen and ink
having
family
handwriting,
his
to avoid priding
told
and regretted
good
and
126
He said many persons of low position did gain
themselves on their calligraphy.
beautiful
handwriting.
Thus
"those whose
through
their
recognition or promotion
127
lay
for
different
"
cannot
plans
one
another.
courses are
But Yan's family and other people who were already in the upper class would
fame
in
identity.
depend
it
Having
this skill sometimes
their
to
maintain
not
on
could even causetrouble.
128
Painting and
In painting and music, Yan's thinking is even more cautious.
There
in
to
was certainly no need specialize them
music were merely amusements.
123See YSJXJJch. 19, "Miscellaneous arts", p.507; Teng, 198.
124
SeeNan shi 72, "Biography of Yan Xie" attachedto "Biography of wenxue".
125
See note 123.
126See YSJXJJch. 19 "Miscellaneous arts", pp.507-5 10; Teng, pp. 198-199.
127See YSJXJJ ch. 7 "Admiration of men of abil ity", p. 133 and ch. 19 "Miscel laneous arts",,
199.
47-48
Teng,
5
10;
p.
and
pp.
p.
128
See note 123..
211
unless one already had a high position. He told his family, "if your official position
is not high enough, you are frequently ordered to paint for the government or for
129
friends,
Gu
Shiduan
"
For
is
disgusting
private
example,
service.
which
also a
LW
(810ý:
in
his
both
Gu
(8.40)
Ting
and
calligraphy, playing
son
were excellent
music and painting. Whenever they were ordered by the Liang Emperor Yuan to
felt
humiliated. Another gentleman Liu Yue
they
paint,
brilliant
a
very
was
"-r
scholar with unsurpassed ability in painting. Later on he followed Prince Wu-ling
to Sichuan, where he was compelled to paint the walls of a temple for a high
130
lived
Yan said,
together with other craftsmen.
official and
If these three scholars had been ignorant of painting, simply engaging
themselves in their original
humiliations?
professions, would
they have met such
131
As to music,, Yan said that he was fond of it and we also know that he had such
knowledge
he
in
formal
took
that
good
about music and
once
part
a
meeting of
discussion
in
be
Sui.
However,
the
early
one should not
a performer.
court music
He said that "At the beginning of the Liang dynasty, children of the respectable
lute
how
have
did
know
to
the
to
play
were considered
not
scholar class who
datong
the
end of
missed something, near
535-546), this tradition was
,
family,
he
his
"
But
warned
completed neglected.
for
have
in
this
then you will
to
a reputation
art,
you should not allow yourself
have to entertain nobles, sitting in a humble place and taking the insult of
132
drinking the dregs and eating the cold remains.
129
130
131
132
See YSJXJJch 19 "Miscellaneous arts", p.517, Teng, p.201.
See YSJXJJ ch 19 "Miscellaneous arts", p.517, Teng, pp.201-202.
See note 130.
526,
Tengg.
205-206.
"Miscellaneous
19
J
YSJXJ.
arts",
p.
See
pp.
ch
212
9 Divination,, medicine and other skills.
Yan Zhitui believed in divination's predictive ftinction. However, his concern
disapproved
his
he
family's
So
identity.
of the practice of
was
survival and
divination in this own times for three reasons.First of all, he said that
Divination was a work of the sages.In modem times there are no longer good
Generally speaking,
teachers and many predictions have not come true
.......
the yin and yang are bom together with heaven and earth. We cannot but
believe their correlation with luck and misfortune, goodnessand punishment.
Unfortunately we are far away from the sages, and the current books on
divination were produced by the poorly educated with slang and superficial
expressions. Their predictions were more often wrong than correct.
Obviously he did not want his family to waste their time in such low grade
his
identity.
Secondly,
be
That
to
their
concern was that
would
activities.
useless
divination might bring misfortune to his family. He said,
Tradition says that he who understands the yin
is
(W)
and yang
principles
frequently
is
disappointed
devils;
he
by
and poverty-stricken
who
envied
luck.
have
bad
I
noticed that since the near-ancient period the
encounters
have
been
Ching
Fang
diviners
Tskilful
,
Kuan Lu (WM) and Kuo P'u
disastrous
deaths.
but
high
met
official rank
all of whom obtained no
Hence what the tradition says may well be believed.
Finally, he worried about possible problems with the law: the reputation of
33
'
Therefore
he
be
a source of woe when something goes wrong.
prophets might
divination
in
he
believed
it
if
done
family
his
although
off practising
warned
correctly.
133see YSJXJJch. 19 "Miscellaneous arts", pp.520-521 Teng, pp.203-205.
.
op"
213
Mathematics and medicine are important and respected professional skills in
modem society, but for Yan Zhitui they still belonged to kinds of skill which his
family needed to know but should not specialize in as professionals. He said,
Mathematics is an important subject in the six arts. Through the ages all
scholars who have participated in discussions on astronomy and calendars
have had to master it. However, you may take it as a minor occupation, not as
a major one.
134
Medicine is very difficult to understand thoroughly. I do not advise you to
pride yourselves on being experts. A little knowledge of the nature of
medicine and the making of some simple prescriptions for first aid at home is
goo .
135
He thought that these two useful skills could help his family in daily life were not
to be made their occupation: this would damage their gentleman scholar identity.
he
As for other skills, such as: archery, chess and tou-hu (Tt
thought
they
z),
Q
all were refined games and when one was tired one might play at these games
be
better
than over-eating, sleeping soundly or sitting
occasionally, which would
Still.
136
But he reminded his family again that these games were also likely to
duties.
A
be
scholar
neglectful
of
other
should
not
make people self-indulgent and
137
his
family
learn
Zhitui
learn
Yan
All
to
told
to
and
not
of what
was
an addict.
identity
the
of gentleman scholar and maintaining
aiming at one goal: constructing
it.
identity
family
through
their gentry
134See YSJXJJch.
135See YSJXJJch.
136See YSJXJJ ch.
137See YSJXJJch.
ooý,
19 "Miscellaneous
19 "Miscellaneous
19 "Miscellaneous
19 "Miscellaneous
524-525;
Teng,
205.
arts", pp.
p.
arts", pp.525-526; Teng, p.205.
arts", p.527; Teng, p.206.
527-528;
Teng,
207.
pp.
arts",
p.
214
Religious identity as lay Buddhists
During the Northern and Southern Dynasties many educated Chinese chose
either Buddhism or Daoism as their religious beliefs. At that time,, Buddhism was
hand,
foreign
Daoism,
the
still regarded as a
was a native religion.
on
other
religion.
However, Yan Zhitui was not a Daoist believer.
Yan Zhitui's skeptical attitude toward Daoism
We have already looked at Yan Zhitui's attitude to Daoist philosophy. In Yan's
time Daoism was also a very popular religion in the upper classes. But Yan Zhitui
Yan
Daoism.
First
rather
negative
about
all,
claimed that rejecting
was
religious
of
family
his
family
Yan
Yan
Daoism
that
the
tradition.
excluded
said
religious
was
diviners
discussion
the
any mention or
of
prayers of
or necromancers, and never
made use of Daoist charms or thanksgiving sacrifices.
waste money on such crazy superstitions.
He told his family not to
' 38
Apart from the family tradition of rejecting religious Daoism, one of the
he
leaving
Daoism
behind
Zhitui's
Yan
thought
that
that
rejection of
was
reasons
the secular world and living in the mountain or forests to practise an ideal Daoist
life was impossible for most people becausethey had secular duties.
A man living in society has entanglements everywhere. In boyhood he has to
in
is
his
his
the
to
care of
manhood
added
wife and
parents,
render service
food
duties,
both
The
the
of
and
and
pressing
necessary cost clothing
children.
hope
to
that
those
to
the
escape
such
who
can
are
private,
and
public
find
from
forests
the
the
pomp
and
seclusion
and
vanities
of
and
mountains
138See YSJXJJch.5, -Family management", p.68; Teng, P.1 I.
Z--
215
139
world are not one in a thousandor ten thousand.
Daoist practices for longevity were doomed to failure. The time and money
for
in
be
for
had
the
to
an
mountains
required
performed
such practices, which
duties.
And
family
time,
and social
extended period of
entailed relinquishing one's
in the end one would die anyhow.
In addition, the price of gold and jade and the necessary crucible and
have
beyond
Those
the
studied
equipment are
who
reach of a poor scholar.
few
have
hairs
the
those
succeededare as
alchemy are many as
on a cow;
who
bones
horn.
foot
Hua
(JW)
At
the
the
of
whitened
as a unicorn's
of
mountain
the dead are piled up like jungles. Is there any possibility that immortality can
be achieved? Examining the Inner Doctrine (NR)
find
that even though a
we
he
die
immortality,
and cannot escape the
must eventually
man should obtain
140
world.
Therefore he directly ruled out such a search. To stress his Point Yan gave
how
Daoist
to
practice was.
unreasonable
examples show
Those who nourish their life should first take precautions against calamity by
keeping their whole body and nature intact. When there is a life, they can
it
be
lifeless,
become
have
it.
When
they
nourishing will
vain.
already
nourish
Shan Pao (-Wr-J) took care of his inner self but a tiger took his life externally;
Chang I (ýRK) took care of himself externally but disease destroyed him
internally. These are warnings from earlier wise men. Hsi K'ang (ft,ýW) wrote
for
life
but
he
his
the
was executed
arrogant
nourishment of
a treatise on
Ch'ung
Shih
toward
others.
attitude
desired to secure the elixir of life
"9 See YSJXJJch.5, "Family management", p.327. Teng, p. 132..
140See YSJXJJch. 15, "The nourishment of life", p.327-,Teng, pp. 131-133.
216
but incurred disaster from indulgence in dissipation. These show how past
141
generations went astray.
Those Daoist followers failed to attain the goal of immortality or preserving lives.
They even failed to preserve their lives and families at the time of political turmoil.
Obviously his concern was on family survival and preservation.
Practical medical Daoism
Although Yan Zhitui held a relatively reserved attitude towards Daoism, he
long
Daoism
to
theories
as they
seemed accept certain medical
as
connected with
were usedwith caution.
If you are fond of nourishing the spirit, taking care of your breathing,
carefully
regulating the time of rising and sleeping, making suitable
from
drinking,
to
careless eating and
adaptation
cold and warmth, abstaining
and taking or preparing medicine according to physical need to avoid
142
fault
find.
have
death,
I
to
then
no
shall
premature
He then told his family some stories about how people successfully used Daoist
health.
their
to
take
care of
medicine and medical methods
Once I had trouble with loose teeth which were about to come out. The eating
learned
both
I
Pao-pu
(IlNf
hot
drinking
tzu's
painful.
of
or cold were
or
hundred
Following
biting
times
three
them
this
morning.
each
on
method of
have
kept
it
days
few
I
Such
for
little
and
up
cured,
until
now.
was
a
practice
143
learn
harm
do
them.
to
may
work;
you
your
no
methods
killed
by
be
had
themselves
to
But one
mistaken use of
careful: many people
1-41See YSJXJJch. 15, "The nourishment of life", p.332, Teng, pp. 134-135.
142See YSJXJJch. 15, "The nourishment of life", p.327-,Teng, p. 133.
143See YSJXJJch. 15, "The nourishment of life", p.327, Teng, p. 134.
217
drugs. 144Learning these useful medical skills or prescriptions must not upset the
45
1
By emphasizing Daoism's medical
conduct of business or harm their works.
function, as Mitsuo Moriya has suggested, Yan lowered Daoism's level from a
46
philosophical to a practical one while promoting Buddhism's social status-'
Lay Buddhists
While adopting some medical aspect of Daoism and rejecting the overall
Daoist view of life, Yan devoted himself to Buddhism.
He claimed that belief in Buddhism was the tradition of the Yan family. 147He
fact
"The
that,
said
of the transmigration of life in three existences, is true and
is
hearts
It
in
family
tradition
turn
to Buddhism, you
to
self-evident.
a
our
our
it.
fully
Its
in
theories
the sutras (basic
should not neglect
profound
are
explained
discourses) and abhidharmas (treatises by later masters). I cannot again briefly
here.
fearing
Nevertheless,
them
that you are not yet firrn in your
praise and narrate
148
faith, I therefore repeat my little advice and persuasion."
It showed that Yan was
family
but
his
his
his
family
telling
personal religious choice
also wanted
not only
to follow his path. The identity of a lay Buddhist which Yan constructed for
144
See YSJXJJch. 15, "The nourishment of life", p.327; Teng, pp. 133-134.
145
See noye 144.
146 See Mitsuo Moriya, Cyflgoku Kodai no Kazoku to Kokka.(Ky6to: Ky6todaigaku
Tay6shi Kenky(ikai, 1968), pp.520-521.
147The evidence for the tradition that the Yan family was Buddhist is actually unclear.
There is no direct evidence that Yan Zhitui's direct lineal ancestorswere Buddhists. We
have known that some Yan Zhitui's collateral line ancestors,such as Yan Yanzhi and his
Yan
Zhitui's
lineage.
But
Buddhists.
devoted
the
they
ancestors
of
are
not
main
son, were
Moreover, Yan Zhitui never mentioned Yan Yanzhi as his ancestor in YSJX.The only time
he mentioned Yan Yanzhi's name is when he criticized some writers who were incomplete
in their virtues. Yan Yanzhi was one of these writers. For further discussion about this
i ssue, see my pubI ication "Lun Yan Zh itu i de foj iao xinyang yu shenfenj iangao de
9;? T,
ýA- ff PM
0
ý,
a
ýýRfm
Ofl
('A
Yanshijiaxun
pian
wei
yiju
guixin
ý1 -4
guanlian-yi
in Zhongzheng daxue Zhongwen xueshu niankan (rP
06.2007; pp.75-95.
148See ySJXJJ ch. 16, "Turn your heart to Buddhism", p.335; Teng, p. 137.
_ILE
218
himself and wanted his family to keep was based on three elements: Hopes for the
Pure Land and for the future and, a supplement to Confucianism.
(1) Hopes for the Pure Land and for the future
Yan had a firm belief in the pure land and the theory of reincarnation
expounded in Buddhist sutras. He told his family,
Though the body dies, the soul is still preserved. When a man is alive in the
it
world,
seems inappropriate to look for future existence; but after death
the relation to former existence resembles that of old age to youth or
morning to night. There are not a few cases in society where souls have
in
dreams,
descending upon the body of concubines or inspiring a
appeared
wife or maid to ask for food or request a blessing. Nowadays people, if
humble,
blame
themselves for
poor,
sick or sorrowful, without exception
deeds
in
former
life.
From this point of view, how
not cultivating virtuous
a
for
in
future
the
can one not prepare
a good place
life?,
'149
Yan described the world of mystic happiness in the kingdom of Xiangjia (Sankha)
inexhaustible;
in
treasures
this
and
are
spontaneously
precious
where rice grows
150
from
fairms
for
be
profit
and sericulture.
no need to seek
world there would
Moreover, he said,
When one has a son or grandson, it is simply an addition of living beings in
the universe; in what does it concern his personal affairs in the future? Yet one
bequeaths
land
buildings.
to
them
loves
them
takes
and
of
and
care
and
still
151
it
Then,,with regard to one's own soul, why should one cast off entirely?
"9 See YSJXJJch. 16, "Turn your heart to Buddhism", p.363, Teng, pp. 147-148.
150See YSJXJJch. 16, "Turn your heart to Buddhism", p.360; Teng, p. 147.
M See YSJXJJch. 16, "Tum your heart to Buddhism", p-363; Teng, p. 148.
219
By acting well as a Buddhist one could benefit descendants. For Yan, Buddhism
for
hope
bring
but
bright
land
hope
was not only a
also could
of a mythical pure
152
have
family
is
I
in
future
has
And
Qian
the
Mu
that
what
argued.
generations,as
discussed that Buddhism's theory of three lives had been employed in Yan's idea of
153
Believing in Buddhism's future life was transferred to
three generations.
believing in one's future generation. ' 54
He explained to his family that causal retribution was not only a Buddhist
belief but also accepted in Confucianism. It was only a matter of time before one's
deeds had their consequences.He told his family,
If when you see those who do good occasionally suffering a disastrous result
doing
those
or
evil sometimes rewarded with good fortune, you complain and
doctrine
be
lie
Buddhist
the
to
consider
a
and a cheat; then the theory of
false,
be
be
)
Shun
(R)
Duke
Chou
Yao
(P,
to
may
said
and
emperors
and
like
believe
What
Confucius
then
to
are also untrue.
would you
and rely
and
life?
the
guide of your
upon as
155
It seems that he was encouraging his family to have faith in their endeavor and
insisted on what they had to do although what they encountered was sometimes
looked unfair. Accordingly the causal retribution would repay them with good
results eventually.
(2) A supplement to Confucianism.
is-) See Qian Mu, "Lue lun Wei Jin Nanbeichao xueshu wenhua yu dangshi mendi zhi
196-197.
pp.
guanxi";
153See Wang Meihsiu "Lun Yan Zhitui de foj iao xinyang yu shenfenj iangao de
,
Yanshijiaxun
yiju".
wei
pian
guixin
guanlian-yi
151My idea is inspired by Mitsuo Moriya and Louis Duprep's The Other dimension: A
Search.for the meaning of religious attitudes.
155See YSJXJJch. 16, " Turn your heart to Buddhism", p.354-355; Teng, pp. 145-146.
220
Undoubtedly believing in Buddhism could give Yan Zhitui and his family
hope for the future. However, becoming a Buddhist might be seen as opposed to
the identity of the Confucian which was essential to the family's identity as
by
Confucian
Huijiao
had
Buddhist
to
that
scholars.
monks were acceptable
show
standards. Yan Zhitui
had to make being a lay Buddhist compatible with
Confucian
identity.
maintaining a
We have already looked at the sinification of Buddhism in the writing of
HuiJiao. From Yan's efforts in this subject we will learn more about the developing
his
from
lay
Yan
Huijiao's
Buddhist
told
thinking
time
of
after
perspective
a
family,
The two religions, the Inner and the Outer are, however, fundamentally the
from
in
depth
became
different
Gradually
they
each other
and
same.
very
five
At
Inner
there
to
the
the
are
prohibitions
shallowness.
entrance
scriptures
justice,
humanity,
to
the
propriety, wisdom and sincerity of
which correspond
the Outer scriptures. Humanity corresponds to the prohibition against taking
life.
Justice corresponds to the prohibition
against stealing. Propriety
depravity.
Wisdom
to
the
corresponds to the
prohibition against
corresponds
lust,
and sincerity corresponds to the prohibition against
prohibition against
falsehood. As for hunting and fighting, feasting and punishments, the original
be
but
be
the
eradicated all at once,
people cannot
should
characteristics of
Duke
Chou
Confucius
To
from
turn
to
and
and reject
excess.
restrained
Buddhism is foolish indeed!
156
Yan's belief that Confucianism as an external guidance, and Buddhism, as an
internal teaching, are one was not his invention, the idea and the terms had been
IS6 See YSJXJJch. 16, - Tum your heart to Buddhism", p.339; Teng, pp. 138-139.
221
used for a long time. His clear combination of Buddhist prohibitions and
Confucian moral requirements has been a widely known method for filling the gap
57
'
between Buddhism and Confucianism even in modem times. This combination
in
discuss
his
identity
Confucian.
We
the next
this
also modified
subject
will
as a
family
his
He
this
that ordinary men needed education,
thesis.
told
section of
also
did
in
Buddhists.
Buddhists
Buddhist
to
and so
sutras the same way as
need study
ordinary men need to study the classics. He said,
How does the study of sutras and discipline texts by ordinary monks differ
158
from studying the Book of Odes and the Book ofRites by secular students?
By this explanation and combination he turned back to the questions of what to
identity
help
his
him
belief
in
For
Buddhism
study and of
construction.
could
family in many aspects, but they still had to keep up an unbroken chain of family
identity. I have argued elsewhere that Yan Zhitui's belief in Buddhism was based
'
59
be
identity
identity
like
But
this
to
the
a monastic one
on
construction.
was not
be
his
family
lay
Buddhists.
He
GSZ.
He
to
said,
subjects of
urged
Buddhism has many avenues of approach. To give up one's family by
faith
is
If
them.
you can really cherish
and
entering a monastery only one of
filial piety, act with humanity and charity, then like Hsu-ta (Sudatta) and
Liu-shui (Jalavahana), it is not necessary to shave the beard and hair. How
build
land
be
demand
to
the
that
exhausted
monasteriesor all
all
could one
160
the people be registered as monks and nuns?
Obviously the first choice of Yan was becoming a lay Buddhist, believing in
157See Tang Yongtong, Han Wei liang Jin Nanbeichaofojiao shi; p.443.
158See YSJXJJch. 16.,"Turn your heart to Buddhism", p.3 85; Teng, p. 146.
159See Wang Meihsiu, "Lun Yan Zhitui de foj iao xinyang yu shenfenjiangao de
Yanshijiaxun
pian
wei
yiju".
guixin
guanlian-yi
160See YSJXJJch. 16, "Turn your heart to Buddhism", p.360; Teng, pp. 146-147.
222
Buddhism, practicing some chanting and reading of sutras, but not leaving the
family to become a monk.
If you, my sons, want to plan worldly affairs and establish families, and
cannot leave your wives and sons to become monks, you should nevertheless
cultivate your pious conduct, observe the precepts and pay attention to
chanting and reading the scriptures in order to provide a passage to your
future stage of existence. The opportunity for human life is difficult to get; do
it
in
not pass
vaint
161
Becoming a lay Buddhist was his ideal religious identity for Yan Zhitui and his
family. They could have the benefit of religion and maintain family identity in the
secularworld at the sametime.
Modified Confucian
We have seen how Yan Zhitui constructed a religious identity for himself and
family
be
lay
his
Buddhists.
He
to
also constructed a modified
also wanted
Confucian identity in combining some aspects of Buddhism and Confucianism. In
Yan's instructions on his own funeral arrangements we see more of his modified
Confucianism. As Dien has pointed out, Yan does not mention the kind of things
'
62
had
find
in
held
high
the
to
tomb of one who
expect
office.
which one would
Besides not wanting to waste the financial resources of the Yan family he asked his
his
tomb
the
to
grave
array
of
goods
so
usual
of
would not
much
avoid
children
161See YSJXJJch. 16, - Turn your heart to Buddhism", p.364; Teng, p. 148.
`2 SeeAlbert E. Dien, *'Instructions For The Grave: The Case of Yan Zhitui-, in ('ahiers
dExtreme-Asie 8 (1995), pp-41-58.
223
163
surpassthat of his parents, and thus cast him into the role of an unfilial son.
Furthermore, we see how Yan modified Confucian practice by including Buddhist
elementsin his funeral. He instructedhis children:
The use of the Inner Scripture (Buddhist ceremonies) to raise merits may be
determined by your financial strength, but do not use up what is needed for
living
four
hungry.
leave
The
to
your
so as
seasonal sacrifices
you cold and
were taught by Duke Chou and Confucius with the hope of deathless
filial
devotion.
look
into
If
Inner
Scriptures,
they are
the
remembrance and
we
kill
living
beings
for
To
useless.
such purposes only adds to sin and trouble. If
you would requite the boundless love you had received and alleviate your
it
is
intensified
by
the change of seasons,an occasional vegetarian
grief when
festival
in
delivering
the mid-seventh-moon,
the
offering and services at
soul
from
I
are all expect
you.
164
From Yan's instructions above, it shows that his expectation of his own funeral was
beyond the kind of simple burial (bozang, 4ýj,ýE) which was widely practiced in
165
his time.
It was a combined Confucian and Buddhist funeral. In fact, a modified
Confucian identity was also seen in other respects. When he constructed the
identity of scholar and gentleman, he encouraged his family to study widely and
by
Confucian
bounded
be
the
classics.
not
The rise and fall or negligence and emphasis of subjects of study vary
dynasty
Han
brilliant
In
different
the
to
all
wise
and
periods.
according
from
developed
they
then
the
to
tried
classics,
which
master one of
students
163See Y&JXJJch.20, "Last wi I I", p.536, Teng, p-210. Dien, "Instructions For The Grave:
dExtreme-Asie
8
41-58.
(1995),
in
Cahiers
Zhitui",
Yan
pp.
The Case of
164See YSJXJJch.20, "Last will", pp.536-537, Teng, pp.210-21 1.
in Nanjing daxue
165See Wei Ming (11%), "Wei Jin Bozang Kaolun
133-143.
1986.4.
pp.
xuebao,
olý
224
the truth of the sages, understand natural phenomena, and analyzed human
affairs; in this way many became high ministers.
' 66
But situations changed in time. He praised some respected scholars who were
famous for other learning besides Confucian classics.
In the city of Loyang I heard of Ts'ui Hao (Wn,
386-450), Chang Wei (ýKf*),
(WF)
Liu
in
I saw Hsing
Fang
(Wq)g,
453-513);
Yeh
the
and
city of
and
Tzu-ts'ai (Jffi-j"-j-, died ca. 560). These four scholars, though they are fond of
classics, are also well-known for their gifts and wide learning. These savants
highest
from
Apart
the
them the rest are mostly rustic persons
are of
order.
167
is
whose speech rough with unrefined manners.
For his purpose of constructing a modified Confucian identity he emphasized the
him
For
the value of Confucian
practical usefulness of selected classical sayings.
learning was basically that it would enable the Yan family to maintain its identity.
He told his family,
Confucius says, "with learning, emolument may be found in it
The
... ......
books written by sagesare used for teaching people. If one thoroughly studies
the classical text and roughly learns the commentaries and constantly makes
become
in
a perfect man.
progress one's speech and conduct, one can
In general, political concerns are a major issue in Confucianism, but, Yan avoided
OMAN),
in
Beiqi
Yan
Zhitui
biography
In
the
this subject.
shu
of
it is said that
168
Yan mentioned
Yan's family was good at Zhou guan
Zuo
and
shi
(ýEfq).
Zhou guan seven times, Zuoshi, twelve times, and Liji
Shi
fing
mentioned
(ýAME),
=
nine times. He
but
in
discussing
exception
with
one
only
often,
most
166See YSJXJJch.8, "Encourage study", p. 169, Teng, pp.62-63.
167See YSJXJJch.8, "Encourage study", p. 170, Teng, p.64.
168See Beiqi shu 45 "Biography of Yan Zhitui 1.
.
225
characters and pronunciation(linguistics
169He rarely directly
and phonology).
discusses the arguments and the ideas in those classic texts. As Albert Dien has
in
in
in
his
their
Classics
Yan
them,
to
suggested,
or
was not seeking
approach
implications, an answer to his higher needs. The body of the Confucian canon
formed for Yan the basis of learning, but it was to be taken at face value, and its
place in his intellectual
pursuits
170
limited.
is
This
was
why
his
some of
instructions to his family are selective in their approach to Confucian tradition.
As we have already seen, he told his family that as officials they should not
take unnecessary risks by offering unwanted advice that they were not required by
their posts to give. He did not wish to see his descendants becoming martyrs to
Conftician principles. It was necessaryat times to be flexible. He told his family,
Since the Ch'un-ch'lu (,*R)
have
been
(722-481
)
C.
B.
there
period
many
families annexed and nations conquered; and thus the relationship between a
17
1
be
Areal gentleman
permanently maintained.
prince and a minister cannot
friendship
ill
breaks
latter.
If
the
with a person should never speak
of
who
in
bend
his
knees
he
he
has
to
serving another person,
should not
suddenly
former
his
his
thoughts
toward
chief, whether the chief still exists or
change
ORM)
Ch'en
K'ung-chang
When
not.
Yuan
Shao,
(SAUýPm)in
under
worked
he
Ts'ao
Ts'ao
the
called
correspondence,
charge of
jackal
a
or wolf,
for
Wei
Kingdom,
he
later
the
regarded
writing official proclamations
while
Yuan Shao, as a venomous serpent. He may have had no control over this,
having been ordered to use such terms by the current ruler; nevertheless, this
16' About how many times Yan Zhitui mentioned different Classics, seeZhou Fagao,
lian
huizhu
Tai
(Taipei:
1975),
in
Yanshijiaxun
V'"
guofeng
chubanshe,
"Appendix
p.212.
170Albert E. Dien, "Yen Chih-t'ui (531-591): A Buddho-Confucian", in Confucian
personalities. pp-51-54.
171See YSJXJJch.9, "On essays", p.240; Teng, p.92.
226
is a great source of trouble for men of letters. You boys must tactfully avoid
it. 172
In other words, they should avoid such embarrassments if they could; but they
family
for
find
forced
the
themselves
to
to
might
sake of
adapt new circumstances
survival.
For Yan the histories were also important. Dien says,
Yen made specific reference to worth-while knowledge to be found in later
literature, especially the histories, which
he cited constantly in the
Instructions. If the Classics, particularly those relating to Li, were the
histories,
beginning
then
the
repository of codes of conduct,
with the
but
later
best
the
canonical ones
continuing with
ones also, were
source of
actual examples of the traditional code in operation. In this sense,the Classics
history
and profane
could be said to merge into one, a literature of edification
173
instruction.
and
However, Zhang Peipei
has a different opinion. She has said that Yan
liked Han shu (jMAI) because it enabled him to discuss questions of linguistics and
FEi
for
it
had
living
because
for
teaching
personal
any
or
phonology, not
political
174
in
interest
linguistic
Yan's
in
Nevertheless,
and phonologic questions
affairs.
historical texts was undoubtedly important to his family and their later identity. His
(AflWV)
Minchu
Yan
son
wrote a commentary on the Han shu, some of which
famous
by
into
Yan's
Yan
Shigu
(ffi%
incorporated
the
more
one
grandson
was
1'2 See YSJXJJch. 9, "On essays", pp. 240-241; Teng, pp. 92-93.
173Albert E. Dien, "Yen Chih-t'ui(531-591): A Buddho-Concucian".
in Confucian
personalities; p-55.
174Zhang Peipei (ýY,?§?,ý--),"Cong Yanshijiaxun kan zhonggu zhishi fenzi de zhuanxing (tý
If
I
AKkWIIvIPTIf
p. 19. Conference paper on 'Zhonggu wenxue, lishi
bianqian
(F-ý-N3Z%W,
de
guannian
Fý-JL!,
yu sixiang zhong
Nj L2,,
M)ý,
R);
28.01.2005.
daxue
by
Taiwan
3Vf
held
-Mf
wenxueyuan
and
organized
227
175Yan Zhitui himself left two books in the field
linguistics
and phonology
of
that have since been lost and also made contributions to the development of
phonology.
176
By extending learning beyond the Confucian canon, Yan Zhitui constructed
the identity of modified Confucian for himself and for his family.
As we have seen, Yan had a negative attitude toward both religious and
ý-T),
book
Daoism.
he
drew
Daoist
However,
Baopuzi
(fiNf
philosophical
a
with
on
177
from
Shichang
Qjftn)
Kang
time
to
time.
a strong critical character,
has said
that there are many stories and viewpoints in YSJX, such as the cure of dental
learning
be
to
problems, starting
young and encouraging study, which seem
borrowed from Ge Hong (gA)
178
it
his
Bao
However,
Yan
that
and
seemed
pu zi.
deliberately avoided referring to the many stories about politics in Bao pu zi. As
Zhang Peipei has said, Yan made intellectuals less tolerant.
By the discussion above we have learned how Yan constructed the identity of
for
his
family.
for
himself
He
Confucian
required the traditions of
and
modified
his
family
but
for
himself
for
identity
them
the
and of
adapted
practical
of
antiquity
identity
his
Confucian
His
in
time.
the
was
reality of social circumstances of
needs
his
family.
the
security of
adaptable and aimed at
To sum up, for Yan Zhitui constructing and maintaining the Yan family
identity called for a clear view of priorities that put the family's status and survival
175SeeJiu Tang shu
73 "Biography of Yan Shigu
F=1
176See Sui shu 34, "Jingji zhi
and Lu Guangzheng(Y'MINFE),Xunguxue tonglun
(Tianjin: Tianjin guji chubanshe, 1996), P.384.
rýRýN,
ýE (Beijing:
177See Yang M ingzhao (fAHABE),Bao pu zi waipianjiaojian (TiNf
Zhonghua shuju, 1997), p.3.
PhD dissertation: Han WeiLiuchao
178See the chaper 8 of Kang Shichang's
JEVJw-A,
ft
,).
(Taipei:
Zhongguo
daxue,
1996)
(jA
wenhua
iiaxun yanjio u , /\
228
through any future times of trouble ahead of all other considerations. Everything
from education to religious practice had to serve this. The later history of the Yan
family in Tang times was to show that his approach succeeded.
229
Chapter 5
Conclusion
In the previous three chapters I have discussed how questions of identity were
reflected in three books from the Northern and Southern dynasties. The authors of
the three books had their different aims, but they all dealt with identity questions in
the times of change.
Huijiao's main purpose was to show that Buddhist monks could be acceptable
to a Chinese society based on Confucian values and traditions. The identities he
for
the monks in Gaoseng zhuan are made compatible with Chinese
emphasized
tradition as far as he can. The monks also could make contributions to society in
many different ways. In LuoYang qielan ji Yang Xuanzhi had different concerns.
His main purpose was to represent a magnificent and prosperous city in its glory
different
identities
for
Through
the city Yang redefined
years.
constructing many
the Chinese identity for himself and for the other educated people like him who
had been living in the north and served non-Chinese rulers for a long time. By
implicitly
his
beloved
lost
Luoyang
Yang
capital city
claimed that
constructing
identity depended on culture not ethnic origin, and that the true heirs of Chinese
tradition were not in the south but in a place like Luoyang which had a long history
is
his
family
Yan
Zhitui"s
identity
Yanshijiaxun
In
high
main concern
culture.
and
identities
family
his
instructed
help
He
family
to
create
which
would
survival.
and
disorder
high
in
times
the
and maintain a
of
social status whatever
them to survive
focus
be.
His
than
there
those of
was
rather
more
narrow
might
changes
political
Huijiao and Yang Xuanzhi, for Huijiao cared about the identity of all monks, his
Xuanzhi
Yang
Chinese
the
traditional
cared
about
was
own people, and what
230
leading class, people with the same experience as him, and the development of
Chinese culture in the future.
All three books had to deal with the questions of shizu, ethnicity, and
Buddhism.
In Gaoseng zhuan we have seen how Huijiao tried his best to make monks
have a status equivalent to gentry status. I am not saying that Huijiao regarded the
identity of scholar or mingshi as more important than the identity of monk, but that
Huijiao approved of monks who were treated as equals by the gentry. It was one of
Huijiao's purposes to show how monks could acquire honorary gentry status. That
image.
in
his
improve
The
their
the
would
eyes promote
social status of monks and
how
have
We
Yang
Xuanzhi
problem of shizu which
seen
met was not so simple.
he faced the challenge of the southern educated Chinese about whether they or
have
like
heirs
We
Yang
Chinese
the
true
tradition.
also seen
northemers
were
of
his hatred and sorrow at the destruction of Luoyang, a cultural and political centre
had
Chinese
that
tradition
accepted
of
where officials of shizu origin served a state
Chinese values. In Yanshijiaxun Yan Zhitui showed us that keeping the identity of
his
descendants.
have
he
As
I
task
the
pointed out, nearly all
set
main
shizu was
Yan's concern was how to maintain the identity of gentry, shizu.
These three books also have different concerns about Buddhism. The issue
Gaoseng
In
Luoyang
Huijiao's
Yang
ji
to
zhuan.
qielan
was of course central
Xuanzhi seems to have mixed views about Buddhism although his book was based
in
Buddhist
have
We
learned
description
city.
of monasteries and convents a
on the
devoted
inexpensive
themselves
he
to
who
practical
and
monks
that
approved of
Buddhist practices such as chanting sutras and practising meditation, and was
Buddhism.
In
in
his
book
find
the
of
some
places
extravagance
about
we
negative
231
that Yang was proud of the prosperity of Buddhism in Luoyang, but in a deep sense
he was proud of the city not the Buddhism. He used Buddhism's foreign
In
Chinese
international
identity
Luoyang's
to
characteristics
city.
construct
as an
Yanshijiaxun Yan Zhitui's religious choice was very clear. He defended Buddhism
his
follow
family
his
to
against other anti-Buddhist propaganda and wanted
path
become
lay
Buddhists in ways that did not challenge Confucian public values.
and
Since his main concern was in constructing a gentry identity for his family and
maintaining high social status, he advocated keeping Buddhism as a private matter
for he could not allow himself and his family to go against Chinese traditional
based
values
on Confucian ideology.
They were also all concerned with ethnic questions, but in different ways.
Huijiao's main problem of ethnicity was that monks were the members of a foreign
Some
factor
foreign
immigrants.
The
them
themselves
religion.
of
were
alien
was
fact
him
to
an undeniable
and to other Buddhists. His method of dealing with this
it
down.
fact,
identities
he
In
the
the
to
more
problem was
play
constructed for
less
foreign
by
Chinese
the
the
educated
characteristics
monks were accepted
identity
he
for
For
the
constructed
of scholar and mingshi
example, when
mattered.
included
foreign
he
in
his
It
Gaoseng
some
monks. meant that
zhuan,
some monks
Huijiao intended to play down the alien characteristics of Buddhism as much as he
iao
hand,,
Huij
On
the
was not concerned about monks serving
other
could.
he
in
that
can
see
we
still
used
some
negative
words
non-Chinese rulers, although
his book to describe the non-Chinese regimes whose legitimacy was not
recognizedin the south.
Yanc,Xuanzhi's problem of ethnicity was much more serious and complicated
r-I
Chinese
Northern
As
the
Wei
Huijiao's.
northern
of
gentry
and
a
member
a
than
232
subject who had experienced the great but temporary success of sinification Yang
Xuanzhi could not bear the reversal of sinification which was carried on after the
fall of Luoyang by a Xianbei-ized Chinese ruler, Gao Huan and his family. He
could not talk about it frankly as the Gao family was controlling political power
he
when
wrote Luoyang qielanji.
He therefore openly attacked the Erzhu instead
and used other indirect methods to imply his ethnic attitude. As we have seen Yang
did not make any negative opinion about the foreigners who come from other
countries to live in Luoyang; on the contrary, his attitude to those people was quite
positive, becausethose foreign people brought to Luoyang more activity and more
international recognition. His attitude was always based on culture. He always
high
level
is
he
Chinese
This
the
stood on
side of supporting
culture,
culture.
why
had to fight for his cultural identity against the southemers.
Yan Zhitui's attitude to ethnic problems was somehow ambiguous. He did not
talk about this sensitive question directly in his book. However, in a few places of
Yanshijiaxun we are still able to see something obscurely. In the book he rejects
the idea of learning the pi-pa, a western instrument, and the Xianbei language, and
have
discussed
his
family
becoming
We
his
that
to
military officials.
objects
becoming
life,
both
573
in
his
the
captive and
events,
experience of catastrophe
have
direct
little
We
by
evidence on
non-Chinese military people.
were caused
Yan's thinking about ethnic questions; however, we can be sure that Yan had ethnic
information
in
his
to
autobiographic prose-poem and some
problems, according
Yanshijiaxun, but he did not want to talk about it in his book to his family. In his
dangerous.
They
his
threaten
and
could
sensitive
thinking, such questions were
family's identity and survival. All his concerns and all his hopes were with his
family"s future.
233
Identity construction as reflected in Yanshifiaxun is explicit and in Gaoseng
zhuan and in Luoyang qielan ji
is implicit.
Cultural identity construction in
Gaoseng zhuan is based on Huijiao's present, Luoyang qielan ji is based on the
past and Yanshijiaxun is looking at the future.
234
A comparative List of biographies in GSZ and MSZ
(Aft44)
AL (, 949*)
This comparative list of biographies in GSZ and MSZ shows which monks are
included in each of the two books.
No
Dynasty
1
Han
2
3
4
5
6
7
8
9
lo
11
12
13
14
15
WeiA
Place / Monastery / Monk
)".
Fit /I ON
Luoyang Baima si Kasyapamatanga
4/
R-1*
* 1% / 9,1115
-4
Luoyang Baima si Dharmarakcha
A 1% / 6, A34/
Luoyang / Anqing
Luoyang/ Lokasema *1%
Zhu Fosuo, *
-tlAnxuan -2ýý
-3ý
Yan Fodiao A*-SY-9
Zhiyao
Kangju
Kang Mengxiang
Luoyang/ Dharmakala
A
Sam!ghavarman At 4116
Tandi f
(Wu) Jianye / Jianchu si Kang Senghui
#1 416,
3t i)7 4/
3t
Zhiqian
Wu Wuchang / Vighna
( ý-, )A
:
18
19
20
21
Jin
/
t-
1114
Fali ;kA
Faju ;k FChang'an Dharmarak (Zhu Fahu)
*7-Z
1-1
1(I
5411
)
;
It
31
--k
-k-2zý/I -t!--t!
Nie Chengyuan A*it6-A,
Nie Daozhen 4ý1-:
Chang'an Boyuan
Bo Fazuo $ ;-k4ý
Wei Shidu Oi 4--1
ýffmitra
/
Jiankang Jianchu si
41
/ýp
1v
tz #/t4
1114
MSZ
IT*,44
It
0
Mianyan
16
17
22
23
24
25
26
GSZ
Aý'
4100
44
-67
0
0
235
27
--f8
ý -9
32
33
34
36
37
38
39
Chang'an Sajghabhiiti f,
/
IlNlOvffA;
k
-2ý
Fotu luocha *M4
4W
Chang'an/Dharma-nandi
Zhaozhengk4
-E
Lushan Sajghadeva
Sam!gharaks!a It, fba,
4
Chang'an/zhuFonian
Jiangling / Xin si / Dharma-yas'as
; Lpt / +4 / *144Zhu Fadu ;-kI
&2ý
Aý*r*ff
_Chang'an/KumdrajTvaf,
/
-2ý
_Chang'anPunyatdra
Chang'an / Dharmaruci Ik,
/"
0
42
43
44
45
46
47
48
49
50
51
52
53
Hexi/Dhanna-raksa
;q&
-MR-A-A'"A
Daoj in
Anyang hou -5ý1%A,
Daopu: ýdFasheng ;-k
-A
Fawei
Sengbiao
Luoyang / Zhu Shixing
M
Zhu Shulan
Wu Iuocha-,41,A JI.Huaiyang / Zhi Xiaolong
;t 1%
Yuzhang shan / Kang Sengyuan
54
55
56
57
Kang Fachang
Zhi Mindu AAA&
Gaoyi / Zhu Faya_
El",
62
63
64
65
Zhu Faxing
;-k4t
Zhu Facun ýk 4Yandong / Yangshan / Zhu Faqian
J-i
0
0
0
40
41
58
59
60
61
0
0
0
-2ý
Shouchun Shijian si / Vimaldksa
R--rotx
Chang'an /Buddhayas'as
Jingshi / Daochang si / Buddhabhadra
Pifu IýUtAL
Tanxiang
-'&HR
Tanxi * --V
Zhongshan / Kang Falang
Ling Shao
Dunhuang / Zhu Fasheng
0
*; k A)]
j
0
0
0
0
236
IrpLb
66
67
68
69
70
71
72
73
74
75
76
77
78
79
80
81
82
83
84
85
86
87
Zhu Fayou ;-kA
Zhu Fayun ;k
kang Fashi *Cktal
Zhu Faii
;-kAYan / Wozhoushan / Zhidun
ý 11/ ;ýk;m Lý / jL AI
Zhi Faqian
-k
-t;
Zhu Fayang ý-t-;-klcp
Yanshan / Yu Falan
ý-k
LL
Zhu Faxing
;-ký4
M
Zhi Fayuan
-k;
-tL;
Yu Fadao t; -klt
Yan / Baishan / Yu Fakai
61LLI
AF1
Yu Fawei t; k
Dunhuang / Yu Daosui
ýji
Yan /Gexianshan / Zhu Fachong
Daobao A_VF
=,
Shining shan /Zhu Fayi -Y.
- ý J-j
Dongwan / Zhu Sengdu
7rý
ýý4
Jt
Zhu Huichao ý-t#, A-ý
Chang'an / Wuji si / Shi Daoan
T-Ad-4c,
A -2ý IL A4/f
f-T;-kjv
Puban Shi Fahe
Taishan / Kunlun yan / Zhu Senglang
I-L
88
89
90
91
92
93
94
95
97
It R)i
ýItý
itZhi Sengdun Af1,11
Jingshi / Waguan si / Zhu Fatai
4/K
--I171
Tanyi
Taner
Feilong shan / Shi Sengxian
A it Lb
3L
Daohu
Jingzhou / shangming si / Zhu Sengfu
HA4/f3,411 *
irij M/
-E
Jingshi / Waguan si / Zhu Sengfu
ýfl9ý /K -Ir4/
96
ýk it
I'MA,
R
Jingzhou / Changsha si / Shi Tanyi
All M/R
;ýý4
Sengwei J,ý,
IjHk
0
0
0
237
98
99
100
101
102
I
Jingzhou / Changsha si / Shi Fayu
Ali M/A
;-kA
;ýý4/ff
Shangming si / Shi tan hu
8A4
-L
Chang'an / Fuzhou shan / Shi Daoli
R
/ff
/AA
&L
a-)
it
-ýý
Changsha si / Shi Tanjie
Wuqian / Qingshan si / Zhu Fakuang
Y; 1-1001/
103
104
105
JALLU
4/
;
4TA-4:
-k
(Wu) Huqiu shan / Dongshan si / huDaoyi
-k
tJ44
/
/
0ýF-Olftuild-,
Bo Daoyou $ i-S-tK
Daobao A- Vf
106
Shanyin / Jiaxiang si / Shi Huiqian
/
dillk / A#4
107
Jingyan ý4ýfflz
Lushan / Shi Huiyuan
108
At
I
109
& di
Shu / Longyuan si / Shi Huichi
110
Huiyan
III
Senggong
112
113
114
115
Daohong il-, JA
Tanlan Ap&1
Lushan / Shi Huiyong
Sengrong f*,,Aý
116
Lushan / Shi Sengji
PAji
117
Xinyang / Shi Faan
4,fT1%
118
Lushan / Shi Tanyong
A
119
Wutai si Shi Daozu
4,4: 4
120
Huiyao,
121
Tanshun EAR
122
Tanshen A-St
123
Fayou ;kA
124
Daoheng AdVk
125
Daoshou 4-41t
126
Changan / Da si / Shi Senghuo
4/ff
It
R 4c- /
1-k
-*I]
0
Hongi ue 11,it
0
127
A, J4/f
T-4, ;Y,
0
0
0
ý04;k -5ý
:T-
238
128
139
140
131
132
133
134
135
Pengchengj un / Shi Daorong
Chang'an / Shi Tanying
Chang'an / Shi Sengrui
-2ýc
4R
f T-1104
0
Sengkai
Chang'an / Shi Daoheng
Daobiao i#-AA
Chang'an / Shi Sengzhao
Vc
Yezhong / Buddhacinga (Fotucheng)
ýw&
44
ýt/
1*1
136
Daoj in 4- ilt
137
Luofu shan /Dan Daokai rt; jL ib
138
Changshan / Zhu f6diao
139
Luoyang / Qiyu
140
Luoyang / Panchi shan / Jiantuole
; ý- 1%
/ Irs", A
44ý
;k",f%/ -1 AA
rr, A
/*
J4
142
Luoyang / Luozhi shan / Heluojie
;ý- 1% /4 3-i a-, / SlIq
'IF*
Xiangyang / Zhu Fahui
143
Fancai
144
Luoyang / Dashi si / Anhuize
41
4
141
1%
A
-Tr
145
Huichi
146
Chang'an she gong
147
Xiping / Shi Tanhuo
148
Shangyu / Longshan / Shizong
/ At LL) / *', ',-r,
-L4,
At
Jiangzuo / Zhu Sengxian ;L
Yan Yinyue shan Bo Sengguang
149
150
ýM
151
152
153
154
/
Fý
-IJ7
J4
6-PI
! -:
/
It,
ffl
ff
)ý,
Shifeng Chicheng shan / Zhu Tanyou
+, A
VI-I / -,
Al
Huikai
Huizhen
/ff
Chang'an / Shi Huiwei
-5ý
0
9
239
155
156
157
Guanghan / Yanxing si / Shi Xianhu
A/
ff R,11
PalIM4/
Shifeng / Chicheng shan / Zhi Tanlan
A-m
+, Aai/k!
ýI,- tz
I/-,
Shu / Shishi shan / Shi Faxu
ME
/
I;
G ý
J4
/fT;
-k
ý*
158
159
Huoshan / Shi Sengqun
Lb
Heyin Baima si Shi Tansui
160
Yuecheng si / Shi Faxiang
kkA4
/
- - Tangai *
7-3z
Sengfa 1,6ýk
Shanyin / Xianyi si / Zhu Fachun
161
162
163
164
167
168
Shu / Sanxian si Shi Sengsheng
11 / -- it 4/
fftll 1
-::
Bingzhou / Zhu Huida
Wuling / Pingshan / Shi Huiyuan
AA/
41
ff
-T-LL,
A
Zhu Huizhi
Jingshi / Waguan si / Shi Huili
169
Jingshi / Anle si Shi Huishou
170
171
172
Zhongshan / Bo Faqiao
J4
Sengfu ýk
Jingshi Jianchu si / Zhi Tanyue
173
Jingshi Zhihuan si / Shi Faping
/
--I171,4
Fadeng ;k
Song 5K Jiangling / Xin si Shi Faxian
165
166
174
175
;
-T-
PAL /*4/
ff
;
-k
Huanglong / Dharmodgat
Jiankang / Longguang si / Fo Tuoshi
/ *rr-14+
/ *AA
178
179
Hexi/Buddhavarman
iV5
Jingshi / Zhiyuan si / Shi Zhiyan
180
181
182
ff
0
0
0
A
176
177
4, R IM
0
AS 0
Air A
/ff 501",
Liuhe shan / Shi Baoyun
tJ
Jingshi / Zhihuan si / Gunavarman
ýf,O / 4(ý;A4 /
Jingshi / Fengcheng si / Sajghavarman
0
240
183
184
185
186
187
188
'IfI
Af
Shangdinglin si Dharmamitra
!4,
L- If
t#4/
-E
Jingzhao / Shi Zhimeng
Jingshi /Daolin si / Kdlayas'as
191
192
193
194
Sainklesadatta It, ftv it I,
!o,
Sengqie luoduoduo
Jingshi / Zhongxing si / Gunabhadra
4ým x rn AAL4/
A na mo di
Pqjypq-,4EK
Jingshi / Longguang si / Zhu Daosheng
9T
/
)rl
Baolin
Fabao
Huisheng
Jingshi / Wuyi si Shi Huirui
195
Jingshi / Dong'an si / Shi Huiyan
196
197
198
199
200
Fa zhi ;-k
Jingshi / Daochang si / Shi Huiguan
*1 9T/
Sengfu
Faye ;-k
Jingshi / Zhihuan si / Shi Huiyi
201
202
Sengrui
Jingshi Pengcheng si Shi Daoyuan
203
204
Huilin
Jingshi Pengcheng si Shi Sengbi
205
206
4,
Dong'e Shi Huij ing
Jt
Jingshi Zhihuan si / Shi Sengbao
207
208
Fahe ;-k4v
Yuhang / Fangxian si / Shi Sengquan
41-SI-k
*1 tt / ýý A4/ff
Jiangling / Xin si / Shi Tanjian
4/
ff
R'ý,LI/
,
--]ý
Daohai I-A
Huikan # 4'p,
Huigong # Ap
189
190
209
210
211
212
0
0
0
0
0
241
213
214
215
216
217
218
219
Tanhong
Daoguang A-4,q'
Daoguang 4- 3ý,
Lushan / Lingyun si / Shi Huian
41
4. J-4 /AT4/ff
-ýý
Huainan / zhong si / Shi Tan Wucheng
ARL,
A
;t Th /t4/fff
Taniion2 * fflJingshi / Lingwei si / Shi Senghan
ýf,
220
221
222
223
225
Sengyin
226
Sengyin
227
Sengwei
228
(Shu) Wudan si Shi Daowang
(11R)AM4 /
229
Purning
9)]
230
Daoyin
Ral
231
Shanyin / Tianzhu shan / Shi Huijing
41*
/
ff
/
41
jj
flýk
Ib
lk
Changsha / Lushan / Shi Famin
/
/ lij
234
IM
0
*,
Sengzong J,,
Jingshi / Bei Duobao si / Shi Daoliang
235
Jinglin *4
236
Huilong
237
Danyang Shi Fanmin
238
Sengyue to I*
Jingshi / Zhongxing si Shi Daowen
239
0
Daohan I
Jiangling / Pipa si / Shi Sengche
/ flt-194 /
;
-LFt
4
Sengzhuang 4,,
1,6
(Wu) Huqiu shan / Shi Tandi
Shouchun / Shijian si / Shi Sengdao
f T-It 4
233
0
gý/A
224
232
0
A-[%
0
0
242
240
241
242
243
244
245
246
Sengqing
Huiding 4,
Sengsong Itj Aq,
Jingshi / Zhuangyan si / Shi Tanbin
-gý //
Tanj i
Tanzong
Jingshi Heyuan si Shi Huiliang
4/--%17
247
Xia Dinglin si / Shi Sengjing
/ fTI'MA
Tt#4
248
249
Tanlong *&
Jingshi / Linggen si / Shi Sengjin
250
251
252
Tandu *1
Xuanyun -3ýig
Jingshi / Xinghuang si Shi Daomeng
253
254
255
256
257
258
259
260
261
Daoj ian A:
_
Huiluan #
Huifu #, Vj
Sengxun 1,111-5011
Daoming :4-H)l
Shanyin / Lingjia si Shi Chaojin
ff
J4ft- / IN A.- 4/
Tanji &4ADaopin AWuxing / Xiaoshan / Shi Fayao
262
263
Tanyao
Jingshi / Xinan si / Shi Daoyou
264
265
266
Daoci
Huizheng A, 11Jueshi t-ff-
267
Jingshi / Yecheng si / Shi Huitong
ýfl4/
A4/
;101-
ff
AR
14,
'IF
-f
268
Jingshi /Beidu
269
Seng quzha 41,111-1v-ýE
270
(Bei Wei) Chang'an / Shi Tanshi
/
ff
R
A)
0L
-5ý
V.
- Gaochang / Shi Falang
271
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
ýkffl
o
243
272
273
274
Zhizheng
Minshan
JJKLL
Rangling
;
275
276
277
278
279
280
-T-
Senglan.
Fawei ;klk
_(Bei Wei) Pingcheng Shi Xuangao
Huichong
0
1
Tanyaoo&*
=5z
Chang'an Hanshan Shi Sengzho
R
281
ty
Tongyun si / Shaoshuo
fr3lz
"P
Zo,
-4/
r--,
V
Pipa si / Shi Huian
4ý
/
ýr-
ff
411,14,
A
Sengliang
282
Chang'an Taiho si Shi Huitong
R -2ý / )ý-,rd 4/
ff #1A4
283
Yuhang / Shi Jingdu
ft',-4;L /f T-ýý I
284
Shifeng / Pubu shan Shi Sengcong
ff
/
I'll
4*+/;;,, L.
4t
J4
-4i
285
286
287
'-R; /ff
1,
-*,
Jingshi / Zhongxing si / Shi Huilan
4/
ff AA
Jingzhou / Changsha si / Shi Faqi
All M/ Rk
ff ýk Al
Guanghan / Shi Facheng
288
Daoguo 4-, *
289
Chengdu / Shi Daofa
290
Shu / Anle si / Shi Puheng
4/
ff
+ý
/
In
--ffa-5ý-1*1
;
F&
Jiangling / Shi Huiyou
-T-
291
292
Wu Xianju si Shi Sengye
OM
444ffI
3-1' P.
293
Huiguang #, 3ý
294
Jingshi Changle si / Shi Huixun
295
Jingshi Zhuangyan si / Shi Sengqu
ff loo4
AllA4/
296
-T Daobiao A-A
;-kA
0
FO
0
244
297
Pengchengj un / shi Daoyan
AIýIJAM ff AM
*
Huiyao
hangling / Shi Sengyin
; Ft / ff IN'PA
-TChengju AR
_Guanghan / Shi Daofang
f T-i 4Jingshi / Xianxin si / Shi Daoying
298
299
300
301
302
*0/
303
304
Huiyou
Pengcheng hashan / Shi Tancheng
Xff
A-44
ff
Gaochang / Shi Fajin
0/
--;
'27
Sengzun J*,,A
Wei jun / Tingwei si / Shi Sengfu
T-fI ISWI
Am/
ý1-f-44/f
Qin Puban Shi Fayu
ItA ilk
ff ;-kAl
Huishi #, ý*
Linchuan / Zhaoti si / Shi Huishao
305
306
307
308
309
310
Cull
311
312
/
47VIA4
/
ff-AIRVIF
Sengyao
-RLushan / Zhaoyin si / Shi Sengyu
471 F
J&
Jingshi / Zhulin si / Shi Huiyi
313
315
Shu / Wudan si / Shi Sengqing
&
IMMI,
'Al / A* 4/ff
Yan / Fahua tai / Shi Fazong
316
ff
/
',
/
;
;k*4:
Ij
-k-F,
-ý
/ Shi
/
314
I
Jingshi Nanjian si
Daojiong
Flu
317
318
319
320
wJj /
Lushan / Shi Huiqing
MJ /
Lingwei / Shi Puming
H)l
Jingshi / Daochang si / Shi Fazhuang
ff ýk h"±'
Al *4/
ýfl 4/
Jingshi / Waguan si / Shi Huiguo
4/
ff A lk
321
Jingshi / Dong'an si / Shi Fagong
322
323
Senggong
Jingshi / Pengcheng si / Shi Sengfu
t
6341
lk'/',
ýý
-,
Jingshi / Chongming si / Shi Senghui
4-,
ýfl 4/
1--r-,
324
0
0
245
325
Shanyin / Fahua shan / Shi Sengyi
ji &/
;-k *
Daojing A..ýk
A
Yuzhou Shi Senghong
ff4 Ill ;rAu
Jingshi Shi Sengliang
Jingshi Yanxian si / Shi Fayi
326
327
328
329
330
Jingshi Baima si / Shi Sengrao
ffit, IPA
Daozong A ýKt,
331
332
Chaorning
333
Minghui a)]
334
Anle si / Shi Daohui
335
ff
Song / Me si / Shi Zhizong
5r- / I'At4/ff
336
"R,
Huibao
337
Daoquan
0
I-k
338
Jingshi Zhihuan si Shi Daozhao
339
340
Huirning
Changgan si Shi Tanying
f
R+4
A,
-f
FLV4
Waguan si / Shi Huiqu
341
342
343
344
345
346
347
348
349
350
351
352
-ld
4,
Linwei si / Shi Tanzong
Qj
21V*4
/ ff #4
/ ff f- ,
zz ,F
'
Sengyi4,*,,-;v,
Linwei si Shi Tanguang If v*4
hankang Zhengguan si / Guýaviddhi
t#,, / jE-#X4 / *Rr*LJ+,
Sajghavarman (Savghapdla)l,*,,Ov4, FX
(BeiWei) Jizhou / Shi Sengyuan
4- M/ ff f"N"A
M
-A)
(3LA)ffL-j
(BeiWei)ShiTandu
Jingshi / Zhuangyan si / Shi Daohui
ff4 A,
Xuanqu -3ýAt
Sengda
Jingshi / Zhongxing si / Shi Sengzhong
4
ff
AL
Vý
0
0
0
0
9
0
246
353
-ý54
j5- 5
Tanchen ! -A
Tanqian 1- ASengbiao
356
Sengzui
357
Minda tA it
358
359
360
A
Sengbao
Qi
Jingshi Tianbao si Shi Daosheng
Jingshi Xianggong si / Shi Hongchong
361
Faxian
362
Gaochangj un Shi Zhilin
363
Jingshi / Linggen si / Shi Fayuan
AT
;k lk
364
Faai ;k
365
Fachang ;-k I
366
Zhixing Ay M
367
Shu / Qihou shan/Shi Xuanchang
()*
)ýýji /ff -3ý+4
ShangDinglin si / Shi Sengyuan
/ Willut
Daoping
Faling
Huitai
Jingzhou/ Zhulin si / Shi Senghui
ýrl)lli / lilt#4
/
Tanshun1-MA
Huichang 4, P-A'
Sengyoufl, thib
ShangDinglin si / Shi Sengrou
368
369
370
371
372
373
374
375
376
377
378
381
req
Hongcheng
Sengba
Huixi 4,
Shanyin/ Fahuashan/ Shi Huiji
AlJ4
SengxingIt, 4-t
0
247
382
Huixu #, LE'
0
383
Daohui 4_,ff?,
0
384
Huiyong #, ;y,
_ _Huishen #,; 3ý
0
385
386
Fahong
387
Jingshi / Xie si
Aý
4/
/
At
ýIr,
f
0
0
Shi Huici
388
Sengbao
389
Sengzhi
390
Fazhen
391
Sengxiang
392
Sengmong
393
Fabao ;-k
Huiyuan
Jingshi / Heyuan si Shi Huilong
T-A*
ýf, 9ý / Iq M4/
394
395
396
0
0
398
Zhidan t, 319Sengbian
_Sengxuan
399
Daohui Ad A
0
400
0
401
Fadu ;-k 1
Jingshi / Taichang si / Shi Sengzong
402
Tanzhun
403
404
405
406
407
408
409
4 10
Fashen ;k, 4
Fazhen ;kA,
Huiling 9, -ýFaxian ;-kib
Fazui ;-kik
Sengjing
Daowen
411
412
Jingshi / Zhong si Shi Faan
ff ýk
ýfl 4/1: 14/
-2ý
Huiguang
413
Jingyi 1-k!
414
Guangzan )ý,
415
Huitao # jr,5
416
Daozong
397
;ft
0
0
0
0
0
Sengxian
0
248
417
Taozong I-
418
Jingshi / Zhongxing si / Shi Sengyin
17
419
420
421
422
423
424
425
426
9T
/
1: 7
VE,
rp
Huilong
Langye / Nieshan / Shi Fadu
J4 /
JPm/A
Fashao ;kM,
Senglang J,*,,RA
Huikai It, Pffl
Fakai ;-k F)tj
R73P
Sengshao41,6
Shi Fagui
Jingshi / Zhiyuan si
427
428
429
430
431
Fakai ;-k4*
All )-ij
Jingzhou / Shi Senghui
Huiyuan #. irý
Shouchun Shi Huitong
-JAF
Wuchang Fanshan / Shi Fawu
A Ai /A a-I /ff
432
Daoji Ad-;
-ý4f
433
Jingshi / Lingjiu si / Shi Sengshen
434
Sengqian fgli#
435
Chaozhi AýZLo-\,
436
Fada ;kit
437
Huisheng
438
Qiantang / Lingyin shan Tanchao
IN PAa
A187
SRI-
f T-j"*,#
439
Shifeng / Chicheng shan Shi Huiming
/A
vv-130-6ji / ff A- 8A
440
441
442
443
444
445
Zhongshan Lingyao si / Shi Zhidao
- 4q2
Chaodu
Jingshi / Duobao si / Shi Faying
Huiwen
-X
Shu / Lingjian si Shi Falin
III / IRA4 / W-A-4
Jingshi / Anle si / Shi Zhicheng
249
A013
446
447
Congchao gtAg
_Jingshi / Jianchu / Shi Sengyou
si
3,t4,7]
448
448
450
ff
J*Ij3 ýt
Longxi Shi Faguang
f%U5
Facun
Jiaozhi Man shan Shi Tanhong
3"t pw_- /
451
4/
IJ4 J4
/
ff
IA
Jingshi / Gaozuo si Shi Huijin
P51
452
453
454
455
456
457
458
459
460
461
462
463
464
465
466
467
468
469
470
471
Pk
0
0
0
Sengnian
Yongxing / Bolin si /shi Hongming
ACV%,
/ 4A#4 / ffILH)l
Jingshi / Linggen si / Shi Fayu
f T; k ft,
Fayin
Shangdinglin si Shi Gaosong
ff r-10-7
Et#4/
-7
r-?
Shangdinglin si / Chaobian
t#4/
Aý-Ila
-E
Faming
;-k
1"T
Sengzhi
Fading
;kt
Shanyin / Tianzhu shan / Shi Fahui
J4Fk / -k J4 /
Tanyou
iq
Jingshi / Hougang Shi Senghou
I F4 ff It Nt
Huiwen
Nanhai / Yunfeng si / Shi Huijing
41
ff
a
A/
if
SINZ
ý4/
Th
Nanhai / Zangwei shain/ Shi Faxuan
ArAiLb
ff;
/
/
rhA
-ku
Shangdinglin si / Shi Faxian
/ ff-ýM
-Et#4
+*
Xuanchang
-iý
Wuyi si / Shi Tanqian
Fachang
Daoyan
;k 1%
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
250
472
Dongan si / Shi Tanzhi
473
Daolang
474
AM
Faren
475
476
477
Ag'fik,
Zhixin
4, ý6
Huiguang
Anle si / Shi Sengbian
-5ý*4
Senggong
I,rl,
6
Baima si / Shi Tanpin
0
4-3t
Daoguang
! -:
Beiduobao si Shi Huiren
478
479
480
481
482
483
484
485
486
487
488
489
490
Falin
Tanbian
Huinian
Tangan
Apif
Tanjin
-t
Huichao
Daoyin
Tandiao
491
492
493
494
495
496
497
Qifu si / Shi Daoru
194
It
Sengxi
-'9Waguan si / Shi Huizhon
503
504
505
Ad-1%
Fajue ;kt
Zhengsheng si / Shi Faxia ff-*4
Qilong si / Shi Fajing
Daoqin
Baoxing
499
501
502
WIMP
Xingfu si / Shi Huifen
498
500
-"Elf
il-A
!j-f fig,
Daodeng
Liang
Jingshi / Yecheng si Shi Zhixiu
Sengruo
Sengrui
Daosheng
All M
Jingzhou / Shi Huiqiu
Jingshi / Lingyao si / Shi Sengsheng
0
;-k#A
0
251
506
507
508
509
510
Faxin
Zhichang
At
Fajiong
;-k 1.1
Senghu
f 6"',
tf,
Sengshao
511
Shanyin / Yunmen shan si / Shi Zhishun
04
fl7k
-l"Fla-14
lz
/
ffAE-ulfi,
512
Jingshi / Lingwei si Shi Baoliang
513
Daorning i:-d_
Q)J
514
6)k
Sengcheng 4ý,,
515
Sengbao 4,*,,Vf
516
Shangdinglin si / Shi Fataog
1- t#4/
517
Zhij in Ayi#--
518
Jingshi / Zhaoti si / Shi Huiji
9ý/
--I17
111
Yan / Fahua tai / Shi Tanfei
ff UZ
519
520
Fazang ;-kA
521
^v
Mingqing H)J
522
523
524
525
'-9ý
Jingshi / Shi Baozhi
Daoxiang 4- Aj
Senglang If, RA
Shangdinglin si / Shi Huirni
526
527
Faxian
Fuyang Qijian si / Shi Daolin
528
Yan / Shicheng shan / Shi Senghu
/ ;GJAJ-l / ff-l'yoll-st
ýM
Jingshi / Zhengjue si / Shi Fayue
529
Ast
532
286
252
Bibliography
Ban Gu. Han shu. Taipei: Shýjei shuju, 1978
f4l 1M: (Aý Xffil
) *, [':::
IIL:
Mr, , 1978
ft WýAý
-'ll
Berkowitz, Ala J. Patterns of Disengagement: The Practice and Portrayal of
Reclusion in Early Medieval China. Stanford: Stanford University Press, 2000.
Campany, Robert Ford. Strange Writing: Anomaly Accounts in Early Medieval
China. New York: State University of New York Press, 1996.
To
Live
Long
Study
Ge
Heaven
Earth.
A
Translation
as
as
and
and
of
---------Hong ý Traditions ofDivine Transcendents.University of California Press, 2002.
Cao, Daoheng and Shen Yucheng ed. Nanbeichao wenxueshi. Beijing: Renmin
1998.
wenxue chuban she,
Ff
WI)
(MIL*A3Z!
ýLtTiftjý,
ý,
;
:
T:
IT,
1998 -
Cao, Shibang. Zhongguofojiao shixueshi. Taipei: Fagu wenhua gongsi, 1999.
M±M
:
+MRWMV-Sý
;
-I"AIL
:
JMPIAZ-La
IN 1 1999
Chen, Cangduo. Zhuanji mian mian guan. Taipei: Taiwan shangwu yinshuguan,
1980.
"Atm.
m
EE-a
1980 -
Chen, Dengwu. -Wei Jin Nanbeichao shiqi de jiafa yu guofa: yi Yanshijiaxun wei
253
zhongxin". Zhongtai xuebao no. 14,05.2003. pp.65-93.
P, AUID
*A Hlf-,
l WI1ý,
WL
M 14
*5q;
2003
,
JIW
A,,
ýF-P,
L
65-93
pp.
-
Chen Qiaoyi. "Aiguozhuyizhe Li Daoyuan yu aiguozhuyi zhuzuo Shuijing zhu".
Zhengzhou daxue xuebao, 1984: 4.
1984
4,IW -
Chen Shou. Sanguo zhi. Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 1974
rt=L-
-==I--
Art
tF
ý
AT
ir
1974
Chen Yinque. Sui Tang zhidu yuanyuan lue lun gao - Tangdai zhengzhishi shu lun
Taipei:
1994.
Liren
shuju,
gao.
AlUfiAlp".
); m
a f-- fEll,09 1994 -
Chen Yuan. Zhongguofojiao shiji gailun. Shanghai: Shanghai shudian chubanshe,
2001.
CFI
:
:
.
fpja&
Wffl);
-Q:
-L
± QuAF
-at
2001
Ch'en,. Kenneth K. S. (tra. ) Buddhism in China: a historical survey. Princeton:
Princeton University Press, 1973.
Ch"u, T"ung-tsu, Han social structure. (Dull, Jack L. ed. Han dynasty China, vol. 1)
Seattle: University of Washington Press, 1972.
V'-
254
DeWoskin, Kenneth J. Doctors, Diviners, and Magicians ofAncient China:
Biographies of Fang-shih. New York: Columbia University Press, 1983.
Dien, Albert E. "The Bestowal of SurnamesUnder the Western Wei - Northern
Chou: A Case of Counter-Acculturation" in Uoung Pao 63 (1977), pp. 137-177.
in
Chih-t'ui
Wright
-Yen
(531-591+):
Buddho-Confucian",
Arthur
A
and
---------Denis Twitchett (ed.) Confucian personalities. Stanford: Stanford University Press,
1962; pp.43-64.
in
Grave:
Case
Zhitui",
Cahiers
Instructions
For
The
The
Yan
-of
----------d'ExWme-Asie 8 (1995); pp.41-58.
Fan Ye. Hou Han shu. Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 1974
-+-Iý-
ýaj
WIEYFJ
ILPV
1974 -
Fan Ziye. "Luoyang qielanji de wenti tezheng yu zhonggu foxue", Wenxueyichan,
No. 6,1984.
4MMI
3ýM t,Tf'Affillý
=m6,1W
rPNR "I'l
)l
3Z nim-
Fang Xuanling. Jin shu. Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 1974
H
);
'ilfFE1
:(
FP*l!,EEI 9v,, 1974 -
Goff, Jacques Le and Goldhammer, Arthur (tr.) The Medieval Imagination.
Chicago: The University of Chicago Press, 1988.
1984
,
-
255
Granoff, Phyllis and Shinohara, Koichi ed. Monks and Magicians: Religious
Biographies in Asia. Oakvill: Mosaic Press, 1988.
Ge Hong. Shenxian zhuan. Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 1991.
19
iR : (40%)
; ILýv,, :,
1991 -
Gemet, Jacques.Verellen, Franciscus (tra. ) Buddhism in Chinese Society: An
Economic History From the Fifth to the Tenth Centuries. New York: Columbia
University Press, 1995.
Hayashida, Shinnosuke. Chfigoku chlisei bungaakuhy5ronshi. Takya: Sabunsha,
I
1979.
(rPMFPt3M9T' fi[ffiýP); ( +'
1979)
: PfJ3ýif
if
IT-,
-,
He Jipeng. "Shi lun Yang Xuanzhi de lishi j ingshen", Si yu yan. vol. 20, no. 6,03.
1983.
( mf Aiý)
iM
20 -';
r-l -M
6,41 , 1983 f
-r--3
foj
iao
fazhan
de
liang
Si
Wei
2
1,
-Bei
shiqi
ge
xianxiang",
yu
yan.
vol.
no.
---------1,05.1983.
ft
IA
Oý,
4U
R,
IL
R
MfNfQV
VA
F-,
T,
---------*5
igW,
21 ýý-M 1,41 , 1983
ýj -
Hong Xuiping. "Lun Handi foJiao de fangshu shenlinghua, ruxuehua yu laozhuang
hua: cong sixiang lilun de cengmian kan fojiao de zhongguohua", Zhonghuafoxue
5.
303-31
12,
pp.
xuebao, no.
Pý,
256
A-Iý-
ý,
fmill -LWýýMMfhI-)0
v-.
ý ffli
,/:
f&'fEUVf qj ý'IN
w
;ý 121,W, pp.303-315 -
Huijiao. Tang Yengtong (anno.) Gaoseng zhuan. Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 1992.
31Yrk
BY'
t,
J,
T-l
ffl ffýl :(ý -F--j
I'--f
IL-:
f-ý
);
19 -1
--i
1992
FPVýý
EEI
'--M
r,
Huang Qingquan. Xinyi lienii zhuan. Taipei: Samnin shuju, 1996.
--Fý
wMA:
(ATOYTkN);
'NATHm
:
-'-IL
mEA
1996
,
-
Hucker, Charles 0. A Dictionary of officials titles in imperial China. Stanford:
Stanford University Press, 1985.
Jenner, W.J.F. Memories ofLoyang-Yang
Hsuan-chih and the lost
Oxford:
Clarendon
198
Press,
1.
capital(493-534).
Jiang Shuzhuo. "Beichao wenfeng de beilianggan yu fojiao". Guangxi daxue
2,1988.
no.
xuebao,)
-,
7414 Ad*
:( ILWMný,
t'VAWMA
),,
ýIyl
II
1988 4-1-2
J*
Kang Shichang. Han Wei Liuchao jiaxun yanjiou. Taipei: Zhongguo wenhua daxue,
PhD diss., 1996.
lWft
x
,:
AA
F=-j -
kV\ A*W10f A
--'
; 'IL
[A
:
WZ-L)ýT
F-P
WEA3Z
1996
,
filfff ,
Katsuhiko Hattori: Chu-gokuno toshi to sono syu-hen.Kyoto: Mineruvashob6,1966.
1966 Hokugi Rakuy5 no Shakai to Bunka. T6ky6: Mineruvashob6,1967.
------------
257
----------- :(k
M-,
L,
L);:
-ýCf
1EIIII,
M5
1967
I/
r)'
/
7
,
-t-
Kieschnick, John. The Eminent Monk Buddhist Ideals in Medieval Chinese
Hagiography. Honolulu: University of Hawaii Press, 1977.
Of
Tripod
-Buddhist
in
in
Sterckx
Vegetarianism
China"
Roel
and
ed.
---------Palate: Food, Politics and Religion in Traditional China. New York:
Palgrave-Macmillan Press, 2005.
Koichi Shinohara. "Two sources of Chinese Buddhist biographies: stupa
inscriptions and miracle stories", in Granoff, Phyllis and Koichi Shinohara. (ed.)
Monks and magicians: Religious Biographies in Asia. (Oakvill: Mosaic Press,
1988), pp. 119-182.
Koichi Shinohara. "Biographies of Eminent in a Comparative Perspective: The
Function of the Holy in Medieval Chinese Buddhism". Chung-Hwa Buddhist
Journal, July 1994, pp. 477-500.
Kuang Shiyuan. "Wei Jin mendi shili zhuanyi yu zhiluan guanxi" in WeiJin
Nanbeichao yanjiu lunji. Taipei: Wenshizhe chubanshe, 1984.
ýý- (KP4M2A
:(Aý,
3ZýP-9ffl&Kjfij,
-n-JL
:
1984 -
Lao, Gan Weijin nanbeichao shi. Taipei: Zhongguo werthua daxue chubanbu, 1980.
(fg'
M*IOA-4, ) ;
1980 -
258
Lai Yonghai. (tra. ) Liang Gaoseng zhuan. Taipei: Foguang wenhua gongsi, 2000.
rm,;-J<,
rfa-
ii-IT):(W WA-6ffil ); -M'IL: ft)ý 3Zf -Lýa
,2000-
Li Baiyao. Bei Qi shu. Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 1972
-y-fflM
:
ULWY-M
;
IL'
1972
-WAY
63 ,
Li Fengmao. "Huij iao gaoseng zhuan ji qi shenyi xingge. " Zhonghua xueyuan. Dec.
1982. pp. 123-137.
MrA
9" r"URiffff-CA-14--ý$
M'
J,
12,1982. pp. 123-137 -
Li Fengmao and Liu Yuanru. (ed.) Kongiian, diyu yu wenhua: Zhongguo wenhua
kongiian de shuxie yu chanshi. Taipei: ZhOngyang yanjiuyuan Zhongguo
wenzhesuo,,2000.
4mw-5
'rf*
-
( 97-r-_
-:
ýbKP9P1
3ýýt
rz4
ýPM3ý4-LerEilAWIAWIMM)
n
2002
Li Fengmao. (ed.) Wenxue,wenhua yu shibian: disanjie guoji hanxue huiyi
lunwenji (wenxueju). Taipei: Zhongyang yanjiuyuan Zhongguo wenzhesuo, 2002.
1W
OR)
3ZIý3:,l It W ft%! --- ME
4 PfT,2002rP5ýOf-A- I-PM 3ýT,
Li Jixiang. ShUian, lishi, xushi.- shixue chuantongyu lishi lilun zaisi. Taipei:
Maitian chubanshe, 2001.
PIT M
ME,
-ýP,
$:
I 1-1'k
Tlý
ýý
fl"t
ý
llý
9ýlmm4m);
filffj
JLS,
m
Imam
-V
259
2001
Li Wei (tr. ), Bartlett, F. C. Remembering- A Study in Experimental and Social
Psychology. Taipei: Guiguan tushu gongsi, 1998.
Li Xiaorong. Hong mingji, Guang hong mingji lunshu gao. Chengdu: Bashu
2005.
shushe,
H)jIf =-LOU
;ýM:
t
JUMI-10
ý1,
EMAtift
,2005
[I
rz-E,
Li Yanshou. Bei shi. Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 1974
LIEAff
-LP,
L
EEI
1974 -
Nan
Beijing:
Zhonghua
1975
shuju,
shi.
-----------
:(
----------
Pý); ýL-T,: FP
9r, , 1975-
Li Zhenxing. Xinyi Yanshijiaxun. Taipei: Sanmin shuju, 2001.
*i
ýl
ýL:
91 :(*, ý ý=,
lT NOf Q,
II);
ýý- 1991
-M'
Hri ,2001-
Li Zij ing. "Lun Luoyang qielanji de chuangzuo linian", Zhongzhengling xueshu
yanjiujikan,
no. 15,06.1996.
15
1996
4---6A-
Luoyang qielanji zhong de zhihui laoren", Zhongzhengling xueshu
----------16,12.1997.
yanjiujikan, no.
--------- -pE
jý
12
4f
FPOýPi9 ýEA,
,RIý
16
1997
260
Liang Qichao. Liang Qichaofi. Beijing: Zhongguo shehuikexue chubanshe,1995.
1995
Lin Fushi. Handai de wu zhe. Taipei: Daoxiang chubanshe, 1988.
A)
(j*, ftoý, A
TA-
;
1988 -
-ri
Lin Jinshi. Beichao sanwen yanjiu. Guoli Zhongsan daxue Zhongguo wenxue
diss.
PhD
Dec.
1999.
yanjiusuo,
WHaAm3Z1 1999
*
12 fl -
Lin Wenyue. Zhonggu wenxue luncong. Taipei: Daan chubanshe, 1989.
#, 3ZA :
,-Nffu
1989
:,
-z-ýL
F3
leng
bi
bi",
1,
de
Taida
-Luoyang
ji
xuebao,
vol.
yu
re
zhong-wen
qielan
--------11.1985.
M IIJW, 1985
)PI
Lin Yuxin. "Lun Nanchao yinyi sixiang yu fojiao sixiang de ronghe: yi Huiyuan
315-334.
Xingda
17,06.2005.
kaocha
xuebao no.
pp.
zhongxin".
wei
®r
M 17 IW(2005.06), pp. 315-334.
Linghu Defen. Zhou shu. Beijing: Zhonghuashuju, 1971
&-,
Hr,
VII
);
(N"
1971
:
rWERMI:
T,
:
,
-
261
Link, Arthur E. "Biography of Shih Tao-an" in Toung Pao 46, pp. 1-48.
Liu Jiuzhou (tra.) Xinyi Luoyang qielanji. Taipei: Sanmin shuju, 1998.
WqAi),I,l gjýT:;
j
7PQAtF.
F-Ef
1998
:
,
-1-IL
ri
Liu Shufen. Duchao de chengshi yu shehui. Taipei: Taiwan xuesheng chubanshe,
1992.
ýL: -M'M, ýýLI 'ifMw, 1992: ((A *A 0ý,JA-Mffillifil -ft ); 'M-N
-1
9q5:
Liu Xu. Jiu Tang shu. Taipei: Dingwen shu j u, 1985
rlfl
-Y
Hf
Mq
.
RNM451') ;m,
M 3ZON
9r, 1985 ý)
--I
:ý11-"IL:
Liu Yuanru. Duchao zhiguai de chang yi lunshu yu xiaoshuo meixue. Taipei:
Zhongyang yanjiu yaun zhongguo wenzhe yanjiusuo, 2002.
r -ft±:
ýfz
aArN:
rýL
ONO
5z; ff
ON
Rf
j .1)
:qMT , 2002 -
Liu Yuanru. "Lushan Huiyuan de liang ge mianxiang: cong Lushang lue ji yu you
24,
1,06.2006.
71-105.
Hanxue
tan
pp.
qi".
no.
yanjiu
vol.
shimen shixu
(W)
*6
IW
Aý-M
M
I
2006
%Warýjff
24
,
-A-)
K)
) '(
JA ; pp. 71-105 -
Liu Yuangang (ed.) Tang YanLugong Zhenqing nianpu. Taipei: Taiwan shangwu
1.
198
yinshuguan,
1981 -
262
Lu Guangzheng. Xunguxue tonglun. Tianjin: Tianjin guji chubanshe, 1996.
VWMEE
XljgjýJWLM'
)ýM
:
;
1ý1
Off
1996 -
Lu. Jianrong. Yi weifuqin de dingning. - Yanshijiaxun. Taipei: Shibao wenhua
chubanshe, 1998.
A
RM : (-fsY00WOnTa*:)*,
I" , 1998 -
:
Lu, Yaodong. Cong Pingcheng dao Luoyang.- Tuoba Wei wenhua zhuanbian de
licheng. Taipei: Dongda tushu gongsi, 2001.
AIM* : (WRAYMM
2001 -
Ui, Cheng. Zhonghuafoxue yuanliu luejiang. Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 1979.
JL- :,
'IT'
jEý
PEI
1979 -
Lü, Qifen. "Sitaiin dui shengtuzhuanshu xie chuantongde hou xiandai zhuyi shi
huiing". Zhongwai wenxue vol. 33, No. 10.03,2005. pp. 74-98.
33
Jý -M
3A10 IW , 2005
-Tr-
74-98
pp.
-
Luo. Xianglin. Tang Yan Shigu xiansheng Zhou nianpu. Taipei: Taiwan shangwu
)
1982.
yinshuguan,
1982
263
Luoyang shi wenwuJu (ed.) Han WeiLuoyang gucheng yanjiu, Beijing: Kexue
chubanshe,2000.
-FD--ZýqW,
QQ): (AUMMWAFA);
&'-T, f4IUN
2000
,
ýýTtj
Mao,, Hanguang. Zhongguo zhonggu shehui shilun. Taipei: Lianjing chuban gongsi,
1988.
P_jfffl
FTIJ
w F-P
F-P
-Eý -ft
EE
IL
LA
ffi ýKýa lpi
1988-
Mather, Richard B. Shishuo Hsinyu--A New Account of Tales of the World.
Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 1976.
Miao, Yue. Du shi cun gao. Hongkong: Sanlian shuju, 1978.
-geA-Ilfp3, , 1978 -
;:
in-rn.
zu)
Michiba, Yoshihide BukkyO to Jyuky5 ronri: Chfigoku bukkyOni okeru ko no
.
mondai. Ky6to: Heigakuzi shoten,1985.
rPqtfRH
Il-
A-ftý
WýT vpINf9:
IT,
TZ
1985
-JON
,
FE3
bukky5
keizaishi
kenkyU.
Chfigoku
Ky6to:
Heigakuzi
shakai
no
syoten,
----------1983.
---------- :(1-9
PiA e ýi '2'ýir5LýY
ee);
Lý -5 G)
e: let
*1,9 :Tý ý-=-,
tif9,19 83-
kenkyi7.
Chfiugoku
Chfigoku bukky6O
bukky6
Jyuy5.
sisoshi
no
minshiU7
no
----------Ky6to: Heigakuzi syoten, 1983.
----------
:;
lWl-
ATIZ: T-11
jfýz-=-,
264
JX , 1983 -
Mitsuo Moriya. Chfigoku Kodai no Kazoku to Kokka. Ky6to: Ky6todaigaku
T6y6shi Kenky5kai, 1968.
rAgx*r4g:
1
-q x)ý "-:
-I
-
iff 9ýlft, 1968 -
Mochizuki, Shinrun: Zyoudokyou No Kigen To Hattatsu. Toukyou: Kyouritsusya
(
-T,
''930
Lp ý*f-); +, -:
ýL
3T, --H-,, -,
ý-\
Mori, Mikisaburou. Ryonobutei-Bukkyoochou No Higeki-, Kyoto :
Heirakuzishoten
1985
rFj ,
Mori, Mikisabur6. Rikuch5 shitaifu no seishin. T&y6: DWsha,
_p:L
1986
1986 -
Ouyang, Xiu. Xin Tang shu. Taipei: Dingwen shu ju, 1985
b,rA #511ý15-,
:(V -TPhArz
Ut
ILM3ýV
96
-%
,
1985 -
Qian Mu. Zhongguo xueshu sixiangshi luncong. Taipei: Dongda tushu gongsi,
1977.
ifg,
j8 *H
rp [AA$AfýJrcj
I,
riFff
);
JLýJ\-qýr,
ýL
1977 -
Qian Mu. Guoshi dagang. Taipei: Taiwan shangwu yinshuguan, 1982.
iR f9,
N
M,
LP
TL
1
1982 -
265
Poo, Mu-chou, "The Images of Immortals and Eminent Monks: Religious
Mentality in Early Medieval China (4-6 c. A. D. )" in Numen 42 (1995), pp. 172-196.
Ren Jiyu. Zhongguofojiao shi. Beijing: Zhongguo shehuikexue chubanshe,1981.
fil, WAED,
: FPWRIý-ql ; lb-T, :;
1981 -
Wenshi
de
"Zhilan
Shishuo
qunxiang",
nanhai
zhong
yu
xinyu
yushu:
----------- ,
2,1999.
zhishi, no.
M2
----------
1999
,
JIW
Shen Yue. Song shu. Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 1974.
it
f,ý- : OHM
1974
; ILI-T-1: EPIKAtQ
,
FEI
Shi Daoxuan. Xu gaoseng zhuan. CBATA no.2060, Taishc5Shinshfi Daiz5kyo
(Taishozo) T50, Chinese Buddhist Electronic Text Association. www. Cbeta.orgf-%ý4
T 50 - Fýv ffla-:
f'f Lfg"Fj : (,M,AAfIfff-W) ; CBATA no.2060
tpm-ft , www. Cbeta.org -
Shi Daoxuan. Guang hong mingfi. CBATA no.2013, Taish5 Shinshfi DaizC)ky5
(Taishozo) T52, Chinese Buddhist Electronic Text Association. www. Cbeta.org.
); CBATA no.2103, )'ý IE
fIL9 j'H :( FmqL
)ý,- !E ý%ý,
111
T52-
-fýfo
rp 1wM --:
g4tAlAr , www. Cbeta.org -
Shi Sengyou. Hong mingji. CBATA no.2012, Taish5 Shinshfi Daizoky5 (Taishozo)
T52, Chinese Buddhist Electronic Text Association. www. Cbeta.org.
f-Mý4
T 52 - F-PIWIR-:
CBATA no.2102
ff
f"'
qiý
:;
Ty-f,
tA-ft , www. Cbeta.org -
Shi Sengyou. Chu sanzangjiji.
CBATA no.2145, Taish5 Shinshfi DaizO-ky5
Text
Electronic
Association. www. Cbeta.org.
Buddhist
Chinese
T55.
(Taishozo)
p
CBATA no.2145
_R
T 55 - rpt%-fý-
266
fOlIkItAla , www. Cbeta.org -
Sima Qian, Shiji Taipei: Shijei shuju, 1978
I"'
A
IP-
2);
p
ftMIQEEI
1978
,
-
Soothill,, William Edward and Hodous, Lewis. A Dictionary of Chinese Buddhist
terms. London: Kegan Paul, Trench, Trubner & Co. Ltd. (Reprinted by Taipei:
Ch'eng wen Publishing Company) 1975
Su Jinren. Fojiao wenhua yu lishi. Beijing: Zhongyang minzu daxue chubanshe,
1988.
IL
1988
Su Shaoxing. Liang Jin nanchao de shizu. Taipei: Lianjing chuban gongsi, 1987.
1987 -
Sun Tongxun. Tuobashi de hanhuaji qita: Bei Wei shi lunwenji. Taipei: Daoxiang
2005.
chubanshe,
f8Fffl
LIN ýfifffj
);
ýR
iA 3ý I'll:
W,
-IL:
,2005
ifi
k[I
FL-11,
_q,
Taijy6 Tokiwa. Shina niokeru Bukky6 tojukyC) d5ky5. T&y6: Tay6syolin, 1982.
-gjj),
ýZ
:
*All
Aglal:
:
#
1982
,
-
Tang Changru. "Shizu de xingcheng he shengjiang - in WeiJin Nanbeichao shilun
1983.
Zhonghua
Beijing:
shuju,
shiyi.
267
*Rfiat
:ýýI
ý6
Mrfu'rE
i
ýK
'09
1983
Shiren
-in
Jin
Nanbeichao
han
duiwu
de
kuoda"
Wei
tequan
yinzu
shizu
---------shilun shiyi. Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 1983.
IL
----------
1983 -
-Lun
Bei
Wei
Xiaowendi
ding
in
Wei
Jin
Nanbeichao
xingzu",
shilun
---------Beijing:
Zhonghua
shiyi.
shuju, 1983.
----------
ML ft *
M*IL *A
Am
ý'ci2ioý
-P-
L,-T-l
mr,
V At 9
EHI
1983 -
Tang Yongtong. Han Wei liang Jin Nanbeichaofojiaoshi. Taipei: Luotuo
chubanshe,,1987.
IH
mMA
*A
Vý
IA
PN-MMýL
IL
IN
1987
Teng, Ssu-yu, Family Instructionsfor the YenClan: An Annotated Translation with
Introduction. Leiden: E. J. Brill,, 1968.
Tian,, Sulan. Luoyang qielanjijiaozhu.
Taipei: Guoli Taiwan shifan.daxue guowen
1972.
yanjiusuo,
IL:
MAL -'ý Mýý4 )'ý ý-Xz
?
[A
-
1972 -
bukky5shi
kenkyu-.To-ky6: Dait6 shuppansha,
Hokucho
Yoshitaka.
Tsukamoto,
268
1974.
1974 -
1975.
Dait6
Chugoku
T6ky6:
bukky5shi
shuppansha,
chusei
ronk5.
-----------
1ý
ft
fA
M
tLF
WA
F-P
FP
---------- .(
-ýP-
1975
Tuotuo. Song shi. Taipei: Dingwen shuju, 1985
ee:
(*
Wd3ýA2:
5ý) ; -'-JL
:
Fý- fr3, , 1985 vi
Utsunomiya, Kiyoyoshi. Chfigoku kodai chfiseishi kenkyfi. T6ky6: S6bunsha, 1977.
1977 -
Wan Shengnan. (ed.) Chen Yinque WeiJin Nanbeichaoshijiangyan lu. Taipei:
Yunlong chubanshe, 1995.
1995 -
-m"IL :,
:;
Nanbeichao shilun gao. Taipei: Yunlong chubanshe, 1994.
Jin
Wei
------------1994 -
-------------
Jin Nanbeichao wenhuashi. Taipei: Yunlong chubanshe, 1995.
Wei
------------ffiNfmi
2 1-:34
Ilk
1995
,
-
Wang Guoliang. Yan Zhitui yuanhun zhi yanjiu. Taipei: Wenshizhe chubanshe,
1995.
-W'A)
;
1995
269
Wang Li. Zhongguo gudai wenxue shi da zhuti: yuanxingyu liubian. Taipei:
Wenshizhe chubanshe, 1994.
1994 -
Wang Liqi. Yanshijiaxunjijie.
Taipei: Hanjing wenhua gongsi, 1983.
-JLýa IP , 1983 -
Wang Meihsiu. Lishi, kongiian, shenfen.- Luoyang qielanji de wenhua lunshu.
Taipei: Liren shuju, 2007.
ýMtMp
-4ýý
---
ONPr
tj
IL
=EO0,3Zf-UA
OR LAL
2007-
Cong
lishi
dao
de
-Luoyang
quanshi
quan-yi
zhiyi
zhengduo
qielanji
---------fishi lunshu wei Ii", Bulletin of the Department of Chinese Literarure (NTU), 06.
2003
W CMfNM`rl
----------
2)
L
1Lj
OHARW,
( -Z-1
F-3
)ýF-p3Z!WýK) ; 2003 4-16 fj -
de
-Lun
Bulletin
Luoyang
qielanji zai cun wenxue ziliao
yiyi",
of
---------Chinese, 06.2003.
---------4f
(NANE-P
2003
fl -
Zhitui de foj iao xinyang yu shenfenj iangou de guanlian: yi
Yan
-Lun
-----------Yanshijiaxun 'guixin pian'wei yiju", Zhongzheng daxue zhongwen xueshu
06.2007.
9;
niankan no.
-----------r-P
ZMf
AIMAR
RIM 90 W,4ý
fq)M9M,
rp 3ZJýJitC14-E
RMOý' 0190 0190fýl IE ýIIriff L"a 1, fA
--I
2007*
06
o
270
Wang Mingke. Huaxia biany uan.- lishijiyj yu zuqun rentong. Taipei: Yunchen
chubanshe, 2005.
r" ýffg- g P41
1997 -
Wang Shumin. Yanshijiaxun hubu. Taipei: Yiwen Yinshuguan, 1975.
MR , 1975 -
Wang Wenjin. Jingtu shang defengyan: Luoyang qielanji. Taipei: Shibao wenhua
gongsi, 1982.
ýBU
2)
:
1982 -
; -"'IlL :,
Wang Yitong. Wuchao mendi. Hongkong: Zhongwen daxue chubanshe, 1978.
1978 -
Wang, Yongping. Zhonggu shiren qianyi yu wenhuafiaoliu. Beijing: Shehui kexue
2005.
wenxian chubanshe,
W
)\,A r-, 3ý
rP-rýýE
VkIL
5,
V,
fiti Iý,
FfWl- 3ZTIM&ýTif
2005 -
Wang Yousan. Zhongguo wushenlun shigang. Shanghai: Shanghai renmin
1986.
chubanshe,
T)ýZ-
:
±jV
:
1986 -
Wang Zhongluo. WeiJin nanbeichao shi. Shanghai: Shanghai renmin chubanshe,
2003.
2003 -
271
Wei Ming. "Wei Jin bozang kaolun", in Nanjing daxue xuebao, 1986.4.
pp. 133-143.
1986.4 ; pp. 133-143
Wei Shou. Weishu. Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 1974
4-ril
ft At
V
FE4
1974
Wei Zheng. Sui shu. Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 1973
=r-A-f
INf
'A
1LPV-
:(ý
-'41
ART-1,9 73
Woodward, Kenneth L. Making Saints. New York: Touchstone, 1990.
Wright, Arthur. "Biography and Hagiography: Hui-chiao's Lives of Eminent
Monks" in Studies in Chinese Buddhism. New Haven and London: Yale University
Press,,1990; pp. 73-111.
Wright, Arthur F. and Twitchett, Denis (ed.) Confucian Personalities. California:
Stanford University Press, 1962.
Wu Manning. Beichao wenhua tezhiyu wemuefincheng. Beijing: Dongfang
1997.
chubanshe,
+,:
AM
L-IT-1
);
A
ý
1997
L*A3ZfLrTWfl43Z!
:
)ýffiWkh
:(A
,
-
Xiao Zixian, Nan Qishu. Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 1974.
(A*
VAT
1974 -
272
Xu Deping. Jinlouzijiaozhu. Taipei: Jiaxin wenhuaiiiinhui,
1969.
ft , 1969 -
-'f3ýf-LUI,,
Xu Gaoruan. Chongkan Luoyang qielanji. Taipei: Zhongyang yanjiu yuan lishi
yuyan yanjiusuo, 1959.
- F,
F--J
;
p
IL:
ýýýqf
FP5ýývf3iýritFY 5p
"M
1959 -
Xu Younuo. WeiJin yinyi sixiangji qi meixue hanyi. Taipei: Wenj in chubanshe,
2001.
9`9:
TAL
(W,
Ll i8*)L
2001
K3ZMffi ifif ,
Yan Shangwen, Liang Wudi. Taipei: Dongda tushu gongsi, 1999.
90fpV3Z: (WAI-6)
ML :
; -(-:
1999
Yan Yiaozhong, Jiangnanfojiao shi. Shanghai renmin chubanshe,2000.
ffiýrv rp
);
IP-1
ýI-Aftg
-E
rfu-:
r-e
pQffl&7Tý
ýj
2000
U)\,
,
--L
Yang Yong. Luoyang qielanjijiaojian.
Taipei: Zhengwen shuju, 1982.
1982 -
Yang Mingzhao, Bao pu zi waipian jiaojian. Beij ing: Zhonghua shuju, 1997.
WAPýý811
:
*,
1997 -
:,
Yao Silian. Chen shu. Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 1974
j8MW
L
Id
:
(PUT)
;
r7l
IMP,
1974 -
273
1974
Liang
Zhonghua
Beijing:
shuju,
shu.
---------1974
F-MME-11,9p,
,
MIXED; &--T,:
----------
Yao Weiyuan. Beichao huxing kao. Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 1958.
ft,[LFýATE: (JL*AýAftt)
v ,
1958 -
FZ4
IT,
You Yazi. Yan Zhituiji qijiaxun zhi yanjiu. Taipei: Guoli Shifan daxue guowen
yanjiusuo. PhD Diss., 1992.
(IIWf9);
:f'
3Z , 1992 -
Wei
Jin
Taipei:
Wenshizhe
shiren zhi sixiang yu wenhua yanjiu.
chubanshe,
---------1997.
( et
----------
F-i
AJL
:
3ý,
EI
j CUN
'ý
-ýPeffieiiii
1997
,
-
Yu Jiaxi. Shishuo xinyujianshu. Taipei: Huazheng shuju, 1984.
VIFý
Mrl-, UFfiý-AVj"iD , --ýL
1984
:
,
m
PH,
rin
FEI
Yu Wuanju (tr. ) Zhongguofojiaoshi. Taipei: Tianhua chubanshe, 1984.
1984 -
Yu Yingshi. Zhongguo zhishijieceng shilun: gudaipian. Taipei: Lianjing chuban
1984.
gongsi,
RrR
Jff
a&
-ý-'
ivýfM)
; f-IML
1984 -
274
V, I
2004.
daxue
Yingshi
diyi
juan.
Guilin:
Guangxi
chubanshe,
shifan
wenji,
,u
2004 -
3ORM
Yingshi wenji, disi j uan. Guilin: Guangxi shifan daxue chubanshe, 2004.
ý
:
tf,
2004
Zeng Chunhai. "Song Yuan Ming lixuej ia de j iaxun". Furen xuezhi renwen yishu
bu.
No.
28.
51-78.
pp.
zhi
28
51-78
pp.
-
Zhang Peipei. "Cong Yanshijiaxun kan zhonggu zhishi fenzi de zhuanxing".
Conference paper on 'Zhonggu wenxue, lishi yu sixiang zhong de guannian
bianqian. xueshu yantaohui'. Organised and held by Taiwan daxue wenxueyuan.
28.01.2005.
); I-4JICZIý -
ýKgm :ý fx (APUW11)
_j
R- IM
,
28.01.2005
,
Zhang, Zhigang. Zongiiao wenhuaxue daolun. Taipei: Zongbo chubanshe, 2005.
2005 -
Zhao, Yi. Nian shi zhaji. Taipei: Shijie shuju, 1983.
FEI
1983 -
275
Zheng Yuqing. Gaoseng zhuan yanjiu. Taipei: Wenj in chubanshe, 1990.
8C 14ý90P:
( -F',
A-zlii
14
WA);
ýL:: ýZW ffi N ifif- , 1990
Wenbenfengiing.- ziwo yu kongiian de xianghu dingyi. Taipei: Maitian
chubanshe, 2005.
MIMUgh:
_-
); -F
2005
if ,
Zhou Fagao. Yanshijiaxun huizhu. Taipei: Tailian guofeng chubanshe, 1975.
N,:,ýý -Q- : (A
ý41*9 MAKI)
ýL
; -'FA
-"
1975
,
-
-Jiaxun
de
Dalu
22:
2,22:
3,22:
4,1961.
wenxue
yuanliu",
zazhi.
----------
----------
)ý
X Erý
S22
PPIL
it,
II3ZW-P N,Vi5L
Mi'2-3-4
41 ; 1961-
Zhou Yiliang. WeiJin Nanbeichao shilunji. Beijing: Beijing daxue chubanshe,
2000.
N MiMýL *A P, AuIL
"IT-1
),ý"Il-ffi Rý
2000-
WeiJin Nanbeichaoshi zhavi. Shenyang: Liaoning jiaoyu chubanshe, 1998.
1998 -
Zhou, Zurno. Luoyang qielanjijiaoshi.
Wri
0rVT);
ýrl
-.
'M
Hongkong: Zhonghua shuju, 1976.
FEI
1976-
Zhu Hengfu. Xinyi Gaoseng zhuan. Taipei: Sam-ninshuju, 2005.
%);
fff
A,
T
(V
)ý:
T<,[,-Fj
6ý
IL: -HR la-'96 ,2005,
Zhu Yaqi. "Jiyl zhong de chengshi: Luoyang qielanji zhong de shikong j iangou",
276
Zhongguo xueshu niankan. vol. 19,1998.
F-
Fp
i-.
Cl
I
1998
,
JW
Zongxing. Mingseng zhuan chao. Taipei: Xinwenfeng chuban gongsi, 1975.
----
rrr-
-FE
T,
,
:
(-?: WIR:
If
9-
1975 -
Aircher, Erich. The Buddhist conquest of China: The spread and adaptation of
Buddhism in early medieval China. Leiden: E.J.Brill, 1972.
19