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Summary
Land, water and forests are vital natural resources which form life support system
for the whole civilization. Access denied to these directly means threat to survival. It is
evident that conflicts have been emerging over these resources over a range of issues. In
pre British era, all these vital resources were collectively controlled, managed and used
by village communities (Shiva 1984; Shiva and Bandopadhyay 1988; Guha 1986, 1994;
Iyer, 1998). In this period sustainability of the resources was the foremost concern and
management patterns were designed so as to ensure sustainability. Indigenous modes of
utilization of natural resources were sensitive to the limits to which these resources could
be used. In the pre British period, the indigenous economic processes were also in
accordance with natural resources, resulting in no drastic environmental degradation and
resource depletion. There were useful social norms for efficient and environmentally safe
resource utilization and people protested against destructive resource use even against
king.
A major change in utilization and management of these resources came with
advent of British period. In colonial India, the resources were linked with direct and nonlocal demands of Western Europe. Indian forests were fallen to expand railways to meet
wood-fuel demands of locomotives. By these kinds of interventions common folk were
alienated from their right to use common natural resources. Colonial intervention in
natural resource management in India led to conflicts over vital renewable natural
resources like water or forest and introduced new forms of poverty and deprivation
leading to tragedy of commons.
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Third era was post colonial, post independence era. Country opened up with new
development agendas but real development was confined to economic development.
India could not develop alternative institutional mechanism, than those of the classical
model of development left by British. Introduction of scientific approach as core value to
consume nature detached the people from their conceptualization of nature as Mother
Nature which was earlier prevalent in India. State took over community resources in
name of development leading to denial of access and control to common property
resources like forests, water bodies, and wastelands etc. (Agarwal and Narain 1985; Guha
1986). With commencement of planning, focus was on major infrastructural
development, it was assumed that creation of major irrigation structures, industries,
communication and transport systems would enhance economic condition of people and
thereby automatically enhance quality of life of the people. Since socio-structural set up
is decisive to access to fruits of development, elite and influential section appropriated
the development benefits. For instance, in case of tubewell irrigation, large and middle
farmers had better access to these tube wells (Bardhan, 1984). Ignorance of this aspect
has questioned the feasibility of these projects.
Initially water resources entered into planning process via agricultural planning.
Congress which was the then ruling party adopted the ‘industrialize or perish’ model of
economic development in the second five year plan which hugely industrialization of
agriculture due to application of capital intensive technology. Many major irrigation
projects were launched to enhance agricultural production. Equity in distribution of
benefits emerged as the most crucial issue as studies indicated that a larger proportion of
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the benefits were grabbed by big and rich landowners. The status of poor and landless
remained unchanged.
Exploring the cause of failure of various development projects, Cernia argues that
in development, econocentric and technocentric (hardware) aspects of the project has
acquired main core whereas socio-cultural dimensions (software) of the project has been
completely neglected. Focus has been on establishing hardware and their operation and
maintenance while the social and institutional framework has been neglected. There is
ignorance of people’s needs, concerns, forms of social organization and culture.
Economists, technocrats and bureaucrats were initially the authors of these development
projects, who reduced them to cost and benefit analysis. Quite insensitive towards
people’s needs and unaware of local socio-cultural dynamics, they assumed that if
physical infrastructure with high technology is provided, the benefits will automatically
trickle down to poor. (Cernea 1991; Dick and Mendoza, 1996).Another significant
dimension of the project which was neglected was technological suitability to region’s
natural environment. This ended in failure of the various projects in irrigation, forestry,
fishery and resettlement etc. leading towards ecological imbalance and environmental
degradation.
With an objective of putting people first, these physical infrastructure and
arrangement are necessarily intertwined with definite patterns of social and cultural
organization. Whenever groups of persons are involved say around a specific physical
structure, there arises a definite pattern of interconnectedness among them, based on their
motivation and behaviour, their strategies of decision making and survival, their positions
in social system as a whole. Irrigation projects, for example must be sensitive to the local
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institutional arrangements in village level irrigation systems, the local patterns of
landholdings and production relations, local forms of leadership and conflict management
and so on. If the irrigation project is to succeed, then the farmers must have equitable
access to and control over irrigation water. This however is possible only through an
effective farmers’ organization. On the other hand new forms of organization, suitable to
new physical structure, acceptable to the farmers and sustainable in long run can emerge
only on the basis of existing relationships and structures (Cernea 1991).
However, conflicts over water became visible when community resistance over
the issues of rehabilitation and resettlement appeared in construction of dams on various
rivers to fulfill water and energy needs which led to heavy displacement of local masses.
These local resistances further transformed into movements. Movements over Sardar
Sarover dam (Narmada Bachao Andolan) and Hirakund dam etc are such examples.
Conflicts generated due to irrigation and dam projects are regarded as
development induced conflicts. They have attracted the attention of state, NGOs and civil
society organizations. Collective actions by community NGOs and other civil society
organizations have facilitated to evolve conflict management systems. Role of state is
crucial to such issues. It is noticeable that at village level, state is co-ordinating with
community and civil society organizations, while in case of dams, community and civil
society organizations are not integrating with state. They are against state policies and it
is revealed through various studies that the issues of resettlement and rehabilitation of
local rural and tribal communities is still fought with failure.
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The scholars have identified various research issues pertaining to the problem of
use and abuse of water. To know the role of traditional institutions in mediating human
interaction with nature, the responsibilities of caste and village institutions in regulating
the use of forests, water and other common resources is one of the most enquired issues
What have been the effects of recent natural resource degradation on women and gender
relations?. Development induced deprivation and consequent conflicts were also dealt in
various studies . Deprivation resulted in collective action resulting in successful efforts
made by locals search for alternatives to the problem.
Caste, class and power
components in access to natural resource have also been explored . Role of democratic
decentralization in access to water s also an important area of enquiry Role of local
knowledge in sustainable use of nature and impact of social and environmental change on
knowledge systems are of prime concerns in sociological enquiry of natural resource use.
Moreover, Role of new technologies in developing and distributing resources and
emergence of new forms of institutions such as water markets and Water User
Association through decentralized participatory irrigation are also an important area
sociological enquiry. Impact of state led development interventions in the area of
agriculture and thereby irrigation particularly and their impact on socio-economic
conditions of poor and their quality of life were immensely studied by the scholars across
the country
Against this backdrop, the present study attempts to understand the dynamics of
water use in a hierarchical village setting. The ecological infrastructure of human society
that is soil, water, flora, fauna, climate etc is closely connected with development of
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human society (Guha1994). The study attempts to explore the changing social
relationships due to changing forms of irrigation.
Research Questions
Based on various research issues mentioned and explored by social scientists, the
following research questions are formulated:

The control over and access to water (ground water and surface water) are still set
along the lines of caste and class.

Dynamics of water use has led to various changes in village social structure and
quality of life of rural people.

Ecological conditions of the area are among determining factors for forms of
ownership of natural resources including water along with social structure.

Disappearance of traditional systems of water use and modernized systems of
water use (canal and tube wells) has affected agrarian relations.

The water scarce villages show better management of water than those areas,
which get water in abundance.

Ownership of water by state through various development projects (SSCIS) have
detached the locals from its management, thereby leading to degrading water
bodies.

Water-conflicts encompass various dimensions like caste, class, gender,
ecological threat and quality of life.

Various development initiatives have also influenced the patterns of access to
water in agriculture and domestics spheres.
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Objectives

To study the village social structure and organization and analyze the socioeconomic profile of the people and the area.

To study the prevailing modes of resource use with special reference to water and
its allocation, distribution, and utilization patterns in the village in domestic and
economic activities, particularly agriculture

To examine the mechanisms and functions of traditional water management
system at community level

To study the change in social structure and quality of life of the rural people
brought about, due to access to water.

To study the social problems, emerged due to scarcity or abundance of water.

To critically examine the ways the state has intervened in water resource
management at community level

To study the role of civil society organizations and other voluntary organizations
in managing water at the community level

To explore the appropriate relationship between state and community and statecommunity-voluntary organizations

To explore the caste-class-power dynamics, gender issues, politics of reservation
and empowerment in context of water management in the village
Hypotheses

Caste and Class are overlapping in rural setting.
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
Ecological Infrastructure determines evolution of socio-cultural arrangements and
various social institutions.

The control over and access to water (ground water and surface water) are still set
along the lines of caste, class and gender.

Modern means of water use and their management have ruined tradition water
management systems and have altered social relationships.

Water resource development programs have introduced change in structure and
caused emergence of new social institutions.

Development and change taking place in rural community, depends upon the
resource pattern, mode of land utilization and ownership and class relations.
Methodology
The study is qualitative in nature. It is descriptive, offering detailed accounts of
the selected villages, their groups and institutions, events and material culture, and the
life histories of persons. Since descriptive studies not only tell about what happens but
why and how it happens, data has been gathered to trace the past events. Field work is
considered as relevant technique to suffice the needs of understanding and capturing
social reality in its natural and normal course of occurrence of the social process.
Intensive field study has been recognised as one of the essential methods of data
collection for its better potential to facilitate qualitative research. Field study has offered
an opportunity to capture the dynamics of water and its use in everyday life of people in
two selected villages of Uttar Pradesh. The study is holistic in nature selecting all the
households.
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The study villages are part of wet ecology and have been area of state
development interventions. Both the villages despite lying in the similar water abundant
area present contrasting realities due to state’s ignorance of people’s needs and local
physiography. Former village lying in the head reach encountered the problem of
excessive water logging due to seepage while latter lying in middle reach encountered
water scarcity due to poor maintenance of minor. Since level of land is higher than the
level of water, lifting of water is very difficult. Moreover, another outlet which is
supposed to irrigate the fields of the village is not constructed. Therefore, selection of the
villages is based on the argument that ignorance of local need leads to failure of any
development initiative and adversely affects people’s lives. However, the condition
becomes critical when viewed through the lens of social structure where caste and class
are sources of power and determine the use of water.
One of the techniques of data collection for the present research is interview.
Unlike questionnaire, this technique is useful in case of illiterate or poor literate
population. As it is a time consuming technique, it is feasible for relatively smaller size of
population. Direct communication focuses on the verbal speech and the content of a
respondent while indirect communication implies gestures and expressions. In order to
get subjective understanding of the research problem both type of communications are
considered relevant. To obtain further relevant information about the various
developments in water access, interviews of the local old people were also taken. The
selection depended on their reliability for giving correct information and their capability
to serve as informants, that is, their knowledge of the village life and their ability to
describe it.
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Quasi participant observation is a purposive blend of participant and non
participant observation. It offers opportunity of being participant only when it is required
for increasing validity. Focus group discussion is an intensive technique to collect data
where a topic wise discussion is conducted with a group of members. Collectivity of the
respondents on the one hand and specificity of desired topic on the other hand, are two
profitable point of this technique.
Oral history method is applied to understand the links between past and present.
This method has been applied in the field to particularly trace the forms of indigenous
systems of water use and management and social relationships.
Case study is an intensive technique of data collection. Thus data generated by
using case study method can neither be generalised nor qualified. It is productive for
generating new hypotheses. Further, the secondary data was collected from block
development office, tehsil office, census office and some publication from irrigation
department.
Organisation of the Study
Formulating and introducing the research problem is the first and foremost task of
a researcher. Study of relevant literature for deep understanding of the problem is
indispensible. Therefore, in first chapter, a discourse upon environment, ecology and
development has provided the sociological understanding of the problem i.e. dynamics of
natural resource use and abuse in general and water in particular in India and west. Prior
to emergence of sociology and other disciplines natural resources management was a
matter of concern and various ancient scriptures contain deliberations over that.
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Moreover, various empirical studies also reflect the dynamics of water use and impact of
changing water use practices on society. Sociology and social anthropology has its own
tradition of holistic village studies. However, issues related natural resources use and
abuse have not attracted much attention from scholars and researchers.
Deep understanding of the locale of the research and its social setting helps to
know the evolution of socio-cultural arrangements and its continuity and change.
Therefore, in second chapter, the setting of the sample villages in broader regional
framework tricking down from state of UP to the selected villages through district
Raebareli and block Tiloi is discussed. History reflects upon administration system of the
area along with that economy, polity and development interventions provide a broader
understanding of the research problem. The settlement pattern, caste configurations,
everyday routine, economic activities, political linkages and cultural practices are
reflections of evolution of the area. The chapter also contains the socio-economic profile
of the respondents.
Traditional water use systems i.e. wells and tanks are reflects upon the local
indigenous knowledge and technology and involvement of community in its
management. However, takeover of such commons earlier by British and later by state in
independent India in name of democratization made community dependent on state. And
State’s failure in handling these resources resulted in apathy of local people towards state.
British and post independence periods saw gradual decline of traditional mechanisms of
water extraction (pudh, rahat, Persian wheels etc.) and management in India as well as
study area. It is observed that a transformation of water use mechanisms have also altered
social structure and relationships. The state has played crucial role in development and
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management of water resources and various programs have been launched for the same.
UPWSRP is one of them. Therefore, third chapter reflects upon the history of
modernisation and development of water resources and the present status of water
resources and their use in UP and study area.
Rural social structure is detrimental to use and abuse of water. The study argues
that although Nasartpur reflects strong hierarchical (caste and class) interplay in access to
water leading to domination and conflicts, it has motivated the poor farmers belonging to
lower rung of hierarchy i.e. chamars and pasis to subsistence agriculture. Unlike
Nasratpur, in Bhelai Khurd deprivation from cheap irrigation water has led to
impoverishment and marginalization of the poor i.e. pasis. Nevertheless, in view of
historical processes of land reforms and changing tenurial rights, murais have made better
growth in agriculture in particular and social sphere in general. They are new elites in the
village. Emergence of institutions such as water markets and water user associations are
significant to trace the changes in social structure. Thus, the fifth chapter provides
narration of empirical reality related to water use dynamics in hierarchical village setting.
Development programs have facilitated changes in behavioural patterns, social
relationships and social structure. Moreover, encounters of urban, market oriented
capitalist culture and increasing network of information and communication systems are
other causes of change.. Fifth chapter traces out the changes in attitudes of rural populace
and social institutions and organizations in socio-cultural and economic-political realms
in general.
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Sixth chapter concludes the study by analysing the findings in the purview of key
research issues, objectives and hypotheses and contextualize the findings in larger
theoretical framework of political economy and social ecology.
Major Findings
Indian society is essentially hierarchical in nature and twin hierarchies i.e. caste
and class overlap (Srinivas 1976, Beteille 1974, Bagchi 1991). Similarly, the study
villages also reflect overlap between caste and class. Therefore the empirical findings
support the hypothesis i.e. caste and class overlap. Land ownership of Nasartpur indicates
that about one third of the total land is owned by 8 brahmin households (29.8 percent)
who exist at highest position in the caste ladder. Intermediate castes such as Bhurjis (5
households) own another big chunk of agricultural land (20.3 percent). Murai and lohar
two other intermediate castes, however own lesser proportion of land in comparison to
bhurji. Chamars, despite numerically preponderant (53.5 percent) own only one fourth of
the total land (26 percent). Other lower castes such as pasis and dhobis own land less one
bigha per household. Land ownership patterns of village Bhelai Khurd reflect that
Kayasthas are main owners of the lan8d however there are only 8 households of them.
They own more than two third (36.9 percent) of the total land followed by murais (17.9
percent) and lodh (15.7 percent). Brahmins (9.2 percent) and thakurs (2.8 percent) in the
village own land lesser than them but the proportion of land per household is still larger
(4.12 bigha and 1.7 bigha per household respectively) than murai (0.76 bigha per
household) and lodhs (0.92 bigha per household). Among lower castes, pasis (11.5
percent) and chamars and dharkars are either landless or own the land distributed after
land reforms.
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Although the villages did not observe the consolidation of land holdings, land reforms in
the form of distribution of lands i.e. patta to the intermediate and lower castes have been
significant process to raise their economic status. However, rise in economic status does
not ensure rise in social status and social empowerment particularly in case of lower
castes.
However, the rise in economic status cannot be viewed only in terms of land
reforms. Increased spatial mobility and migration and state development schemes such as
MNREGA have created different avenues for employment particularly landless.
However, the internal politics of getting employment in such scheme can not be ignored.
Remittance is one of the key sources of income for backward and scheduled caste
households.
Influence of urban culture and market is clearly visible in daily life and
ceremonies performed in the selected villages. For instance, use of chair and tables at
family functions are common now but buffet system is still not in use. Social distance
between various sections of hierarchy has reduced but not disappeared, which is evident
from inter-caste dining. Scheduled castes are not allowed to sit on chairs for eating. They
sit on mats while eating. However, an influential person among schedule caste is served
on table. Thus, it can be argued that in public outsourced items, caste consciousness is not
much reflected as privately owned items.
The Panchayat elections of both the villages reveal that despite rotation system In
PRI, caste composition of voters is one of the significant factors in selection of pradhan
and the much of the politics lies in consolidating own caste members and grabbing the
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most preponderant lower caste votes, which are strategically organised through tempting
them with liquor, distributing gifts etc. An elite (ex-pradhan) for his vested political
interests promoted factions among lower caste which were although not concrete in
nature as its members were oscillating between both the factions.
Gender relations have also undergone some changes. It has been observed women
enjoy their dominance over issues such as family expenditure, issues related to family
health. Gradually, the attitude towards family planning has changed. Women have now
more liberty to take their decisions over family planning which is evident from the use of
contraception and operations. However, politics is still male dominated and women are
passive participants. Work participation also reveals gender discrimination in terms of
hours of work and wages.
Rural development programs have affected quality of life of rural people. These
programs for education, health, employment, housing, drinking water and sanitation etc.
have taken an initiative to improve the quality of life of poor but human as well social
factors are important to make these programs a success (Dube 1958). Delivery of health
services in both the villages reflects the positive role of human factors such as AWW,
ASHA, and ANMs which has improved health status of the village populace. Similarly,
in case of education, individual leadership has been crucial for better enrolment status of
students particularly the enrolment of students in english medium school in Bhelai
Khurd.
It is argued that for holistic village studies structural-functional method is the
most appropriate. In the same line, this study also follows the same method in the sense
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that general aspects of structure and change and dynamics of water in selected villages
have been analysed from hierarchical model of caste society. However, it can be argued
that there is change in structure is observed rather than change of structure.
In Nasratpur, the issue of control over and access to water is embedded in two
classes of farmers first, those who own land less than two bighas and primarily involved
in subsistence agriculture and second, those two or more than two bighas and are
involved in agriculture for market. Since, class is not the only base for stratification in
Indian society and caste is another significant one, there exits a kind of overlapping
between these two. Therefore, the first class of farmers is largely constituted by chamars,
pasis and dhobis, and the second class of farmers is constituted by brahmins and bhurjis,
murais, and telis. Therefore, first group faces the dominance of second group over water
and the conflict between these two classes over access to water is conflict between lower
castes and upper and intermediate castes, which is according to Bagchi is reason of
underdevelopment in rural India. He writes that there are caste conflicts among these
castes over access to land and other public resources, political patronage over jobs and
credits. Presence of overlapping twin hierarchies, there exist conflict between various
classes as landlords and rich peasants belong to superior caste (Bagchi 1991). Similarly,
in Bhelai Khurd the lower castes i.e. pasis who are able to get canal water mention the
dominance of thakurs and muslims. Therefore, the access to water is determined by the
social relations and power relations and it affects and organise the economy and in turn
are organised by economic forces.
It is noteworthy that changing landownership pattern has affected control over
and access to water in rural social setting. Distribution of lands as pattas to landless and
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poor lower caste and backward castes has entitled them with land ownership. Although
land provided to them is not very fertile, still it is crucial in terms of their subsistence and
is responsible for growing competition among farmers and inter-caste and intra-caste
conflicts in the village.
Dominance and conflicts over water are not limited to the villages. They surpass
religion and territorial village boundaries. When the fields of one farmer are adjacent to
another farmer from another village, the conflict becomes the matter of village identity
and prestige. As various scholars have observed that there is a kind of overlapping
between caste and class, the caste conflicts automatically turn into class conflict (Bagchi
1991; Betteile 1990). Similar situation is observed in the village Nasratpur which had
higher numerical strength of lower castes. Domination of rich and upper caste brahmin
and thakur farmers.
Availability of groundwater is sufficient and timely which has led to the
development of Murais in Bhelai Khurd. They present a remarkable example of
progressive agriculturalists in the village. Murais are considered as hardworking
agriculturalists. Exposure to urban life through migration to Delhi has contributed in
upgrading and updating of caste based skills. Bringing back the techniques of floriculture
from Delhi, introducing them as cash cropping in the village and establishing the market
linkages reflects caste based skills supported entrepreneurial activities. However, the
migration in this case is a chain migration more importantly based on caste and kins. It
shows their returns to their roots which has further consolidated their status and position
in the village. Moreover, almost all the murais are in general engaged in growing
vegetables for market. It shows that their orientation towards agriculture is capitalist with
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an aim of profit making which is evident from the fact that they have invested in ground
water irrigation in the absence of cheap canal water and are practising cash and
diversified cropping.
In Bhelai Khurd, the absence of cheap canal water has a spectrum where at the
one end lies the development of Murais and at the other end lays the deprivation and
impoverishment of pasis. Deprivation from cheap canal water and unaffordability of
expensive tube well water has bound the poor farmers in the village to mortgage their
fields to brick kilns. Five cases were reported of land mortgage to the owners of brick
kilns in the area. Respondents mentioned that owners of brick kiln offer them at least six
months of labour work in their kilns and in lieu of that they extract clay for molding
bricks.
The emergence of horticulture and its practice as entrepreneurial activity have
facilitated class consciousness. Class mobility has been promoted due to migration in
middle and lower castes. However, seasonal migration among middle castes is not much
practiced due to their entrepreneurship. Enhanced economic status has provided middle
caste groups improved the status in the village and they are actively involved in political
activities of the village. Due to various government schemes (land distribution and
subsidy on seeds and fertilizers and significantly availability of groundwater ) and
enhanced exposure due to migration has elevated their aspiration level.
Some studies reveal that irrigation contributed in increased use of labour (Bagi
1981; Patel 1981; Pant 2004). A study conducted by D. Vasudev Rao in Karnataka
(1985) observed that irrigation led to substantial increase in agricultural production,
increase in income and employment, greater division of labour and occupational
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specialization, increase in consumption and improved living conditions and social and
geographical mobility, stimulating a process of socio-economic change. Similar finding
were observed in the villages under study.
It is argued that state has to play developmental role in India. Various
interventions for development can be recorded including water resource development.
However, state’s development intervention through SSP and UPWSRP are under critical
scrutiny in terms of its impact on social well being of poor and changing village social
structure. Based on the study, it can be argued that development of canal irrigation
system is crucial to development of rural poor who eventually happen to belong to lower
caste, i.e. chamars, pasis and dhobis in the sample villages. Availability of cheap canal
water has promoted the pasis and chamars towards agriculture even in Nasartpur where
the canal water is present in abundance; the lower castes are involved in sharecropping.
But emerging social conflicts and tensions can not be avoided from the purview of
analysis of well being.
Shah (1993) visualized water markets into powerful instruments of small farmer’s
developments. Similarly, both the villages under study are involved cash sale and
purchase of water but comparatively, it is more prevalent in Bhelai village in comparison
to village Nasratpur since canal water is almost negligible in Bhelai. In the context of
Uttar Pradesh, ground water markets have been very useful in solving the issue of access
to ground water for poor and remedying the problem arising due to lack of consolidations
of holdings. However, evidences from both the villages, argue that each caste feels more
comfortable in water transactions with in their own castes or similar caste categories.
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However, WUAs are not much effective as Pani Panchayats of Maharastra proved to be,
as mentioned by Pattanaik and Thakur (2002) in their study. Pani Panchayats are user
group based water management organization which ensures timely availability of water
and its fair distribution among farmers. It also resolves conflict among users. However,
WUAs in the study area are outcome of state participatory planning. These are formed on
the basis of elections but these are found to be ineffective. Even farmers are not aware of
its presence in the area. Therefore, the study argues that spread of awareness is very
crucial to the effective implementation of any developmental intervention. Water Markets
are important phenomenon and it has promoted inter-caste and intra- caste social relations
and connectedness.
Modern means of water use such as canals and tube wells have led the
disappearance of traditional water use mechanisms. Wells and Ponds were traditional and
indigenous source of watering the fields in the selected villages. However, many studies
(Whitcombe 1971; Bhatia 1992; Sengupta 1980; Pant 2004), found that indigenous water
bodies are not in use for agriculture. Farmers not only in the selected villages but in the
whole region are dependent on canal and tube well for irrigation. Ponds are sometimes
used for irrigation particularly in rainy season but earlier beri or dugla were the
extracting devices but now water is being pumped out through pumping sets.
Mukerjee (1942) in his thesis of social ecology argues that development and
change taking place in rural community, depends upon the resource pattern, mode of land
utilization and ownership and class relations. The statement served as a hypothesis for the
present research and empirical reality found attuned with the argument. The selected
villages along with this region possess ample amount of water. This can be called as wet
20
ecology. Availability of water in abundance has fostered agricultural activities including
horticulture. It has facilitated cash crop economy amongst the farmers of middle and
higher class while it has promoted subsistence agriculture among poor farmers. Role of
the state is also very significant in this context as availability of cheap canal water and
land reforms has motivated poor to engage into subsistence agriculture.
As far as political economy of water is concerned, Tushar Shah (1993) has
discussed about irrigation surplus including benefits of increased farm income,
appreciation in the value of land due to improved yields and access to irrigation and
increase in farm labour opportunities. He states “much of the politics of irrigation
concerns the generation, manipulation and distribution of this surplus”. His analysis more
oriented towards economics of water use and provides extraction of irrigation surplus by
various classes of farmers, large, medium, small and marginal farmers and their clashing
interests. However, the present study focuses on caste-class nexus and gender in politics
of water use and abuse which reinforces sociological flavor of study.
While analyzing centre-periphery debate of dependency perspective Frank
proposes metropolis and satellite relationship and he argues that rich landowners and
poor peasants and landless reflect such relationship in which centre flourishes at the cost
of periphery. However, the present study does not reflect completely same situation. The
relationship between rich landowners and poor peasants and landless is not exploitative
rather it is competitive.
This study has been an attempt to capture structure and change in rural society in
broader framework following holistic village studies paradigm of sociology and social
21
anthropology. Simultaneously, it has also made an attempt to explore dynamics of water
use in the selected villages and its impact on rural social structure and emerging changes.
Emerging conflicts over natural resources have attracted attention from scholars
all over the globe. Various social scientists have attempted to address the problem from
various social science perspectives. Issues related to natural resource use and abuse are
cross cutting and have been discussed in interdisciplinary approach. However, villages
being the centre of all development activities, issues of natural resource use and abuse
have not been much discussed. Sociology and social anthropology has its fully developed
tradition of holistic village studies. However, these studies have been focused primarily
on study of hierarchy and other social institutions such as marriage, family, kinship,
agrarian relations and politics. Although some scholars have attempted to gauge the
success and failures development interventions of state, however, issue of dynamics of
natural resource use particularly water remained silent in micro level empirical village
studies. Therefore, the present research is an addition to the stock of holistic village
studies which have explored the social relations, social structure and change in holistic
framework and here in the present study along with general understanding of structure
and change mutual relationship of rural social structure and dynamics of water use has
been explored. Study on the dynamics of water use in hierarchical village setting is
relatively newer area of enquiry and it is more relevant because it tries to reflect upon the
deep social reality through fieldwork method in sociology and social anthropology and
field work is considered as relevant technique to suffice the needs of understanding and
capturing social reality in its natural and normal course of occurrence of the social
process.
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