Download The Genocide of the Greeks of Ottoman Turkey (1914

The Genocide of the Greeksi of Ottoman Turkey (1914-1923)
and the Failure of the Lausanne Agreement
By Thea Halo
The subject of the Anatolian Greek Genocide and the failure of the Lausanne Agreement
is too large to fully address in the time allotted to me, so I’ve chosen to focus on a few of the
many myths some have used to either deny the genocide of the Anatolian Greeks, minimize the
extent to which they were brutalized, or shift the focus away from the perpetrators. And since the
‘Exchange of Populations,’ spelled out in the Treaty of Lausanne, deprived the remaining
Anatolian Greeks of their ancestral homeland, I’ve included a few instances of the failure of the
Turkish Republic to live up to the terms of what became a one-sided Treaty.
The myth that fear of Greece’s Megali Idea caused the Young Turks’ to resort to genocide
tends to shift the blame to Greece, and even to the victims themselves. The second myth is that
the Anatolian Greeks were protected because they had a nation, Greece, which cared for their
well being, and the ties between the German Kaiser and Greece’s King Constantine I, helped
protect them. My research reveals that neither of these myths is rooted in fact.
Historians have used the oft-quoted testimony offered by Henry Morgenthau Sr.,ii to both
affirm that Greeks and Armenians shared much the same martyrdom, and conversely to claim the
Armenians were treated more harshly. One must remember that Morgenthau, who served as U.S.
Ambassador to the Ottoman Porte from 1913 to 1916, left his post in Constantinople for the U.S.
in February 1916. Consequently, poignant as his testimony is, it is nonetheless incomplete, as it
was written before the Greeks were subjected to even more massive slaughters and death
marches between 1916-1923. And the token mention of the Assyrians in the passage fails to give
a sense of the equal devastation to which the Assyrians were subjected.
The long decline and the ideology for genocide
The most devastating threat to the Christians of Anatolia and Eastern Thrace began
outside the Empire during the last stages of Ottoman disintegration, when Germany seriously
began competing with Russia, England, and France for railroad and other concessions from the
Ottoman Empire in the 1880s. As the Ottomans lost one territory after another, and her old
western protectors, such as Britain, developed their own territorial agendas within the empire,
Germany stepped into the vacuum, both politically and financially. In the early 1890s, when
Armenians in Anatolia demanded equal rights with their Muslim neighbors and relief from
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double taxation and vexation from local Kurdish tribes, the massacre of Armenians that followed
between 1894-96, under Sultan Abdul Hamid II, opened the door to a new bargaining tool for
Germany. German racist propaganda against the Ottoman Armenians and Greeks was designed
to both quell criticism of the Ottoman Empire in the West, and to eventually remove the Ottoman
Christians as obstacles to German interests, as trade and services in Ottoman Turkey were mainly
in the hands of Anatolian Christians.
The German Kaiser, Wilhelm II, personally set the tone for the racist propaganda. Alfons
Mumm, a Foreign Official of Germany, excused the Hamidiye massacres in 1896 as an act of
Turkish ‘self defense.’iii Mumm was one of many German propagandists who would condone
Ottoman atrocities.
The Rise of the Young Turk Regime
The Young Turks’ call to revolution, with a Masonic slogan of ‘Liberty, Fraternity,
Equality,’ met with enthusiastic support, even among Ottoman Christians in Anatolia, the
Balkans and those in liberated Greece. But the euphoria was short lived. The ‘Young Turks’
Revolution in 1908 would usher in a new constitutional period and the deposition of Abdul
Hamid II in June 1909. Two months after Abdul Hamid’s deposition, German Ambassador
Wangenheim reported that the Young Turks had decided to “wage a war of extermination against
the Christians of the Empire,” and that the various murders and rude treatment of the Patriarch
were part and parcel of that decision. They would begin in the heartland of Anatolia where
Turkey had the greatest control, and where outsiders had the least access to observe what was
being done. Greece and Bulgaria would be the next targets. Wangenheim thought that such
violent measures might precipitate the very problems the Ottoman government was trying to
avoid and would serve to obscure the causes that led to problems in the first place. iv His
assessment would be proved right, but the Young Turks would begin in the Balkans.
January began 1910 with public disillusionment, not just from the Christian populations,
but with the great majority of Muslim citizens and officials. In the province of Trebizond in
Anatolia, Austrian Consul Moricz, reported that the population was not in high spirits.
Experienced governors were replaced by men with no experience in civil service, and
subordinate officials oversaw an often-headless economy, and did nothing but make brash
appearances and exploit official desires. Public safety had suffered and was worse than before
the revolution.
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“With regard to the promised reforms and improvements of the Young Turks,
we have become very skeptical here, as everywhere in Turkey. But how can
the people have confidence when it sees that it’s actually the old official faces,
which basically have not improved by the upheaval.”v
Considering the Young Turks’ lack of governing skills and their swift loss of popular
support, it was only a matter of time before they resorted to violence to retain power. The Young
Turks’ ‘Ottomanization’ policies for the Balkans, included a plan to ‘Turkify’ the multiethnic
Christians, or as British ambassador to the Porte, Gerald Lowther expressed it, “pounding the
non-Turkish elements in a Turkish mortar.” The plan was accompanied by targeted
assassinations, torture, and deliberate displacements of Christians from their age-old family lands
by hundreds of thousands of Bosnian and other Muslims, and even Jews, resettled by the Young
Turks. It would lead to the Balkan Wars of 1912-13, and a loss of almost all of the Empire’s
European territories. By January 1913, Talaat Pasha, Enver Pasha, and Djemal Pasha would take
complete control of the Ottoman Porte with a coup d’etat, under the banner of the Committee of
Union and Progress (CUP). Germany would ingratiate herself with a key member of this
triumvirate. Enver Pasha had been sent to Germany as a military attaché and soon became
enamored with both German culture and German military methods.
The death of King George I of Greece opens the door to genocide
King George I of Greece had successfully waged war against Turkey in the Balkans, had
overseen the union with Crete in 1912, and was an adherent of the Megali Idea. It’s revealing,
therefore, that the attacks on Ottoman Greeks in Anatolia and Thrace, the first targets of the
genocide, began after King George’s assassination. After Crete’s second unsuccessful attempt to
declare it’s union with Greece in October 1908 under King George, the Young Turks issued
boycotts against Greek vessels to and from Turkey, but refrained from massacring Anatolian
Greeks. In fact, Austrian Consul Moricz, reported that a dozen Christians were hired as
policemen in Trabezon for service on foot and horseback in 1910, and the Young Turks were
attempting to integrate Christians into the army. Since the Christian community in Trabezon was
predominantly Greek, Greeks were undoubtedly included in the police force, and presumably
given guns and horses, a fact that calls into question the premise that fear of irredentism fueled
the genocide of Anatolian Greeks, at least prior to 1919.
King George I, who had reigned for 50 years, was murdered on March 18, 1913, three
months before the breakout of the second Balkan War, and two months after the Young Turks’
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coup d’etat by Enver and Talaat. A drunken Greek anarchist had murdered the king, allegedly
over the king’s earlier refusal to give him money. Some speculated that Bulgaria, Germany, or
even Turkey was behind the assassination. Whoever was behind the death of King George I,
however, the timing could not have been more fortuitous for Germany and the Central Powers, or
for the Turks.
Prince Constantine I, George’s eldest son, and brother-in-law to the German Kaiser,
Wilhelm II, became king. Soon after the Young Turks instigated attacks on Greeks in Thrace to
force them to leave the country ‘of their own free will.’ Greece agreed to an exchange of
populations, allegedly to allow Muslim refugees from the Balkan wars to emigrate to Ottoman
territory, even though most of the Balkan refugees were not from Greece. Thracian Greeks were
not compensated for lost lives, their homes, businesses, or personal chattel.
With the commencement of WWI, Constantine refused requests and pressures from both
the Triple Entente and Germany to enter the war on their respective sides, even though
Constantine was convinced that Germany would win the war. Some argued for the wisdom of
Constantine’s policy of neutrality. Constantine’s professed desire to protect the Greek public
from another war makes him appear almost heroic… that is until one examines the facts—only
some of which are discussed here.
Married to the Kaiser’s sister, Sophia, Constantine’s loyalties were complicated at best.
Constantine truly admired the Germans, liked the British, but had contempt for the Allies in
general, and despised the French in particular. Queen Sophia’s loyalties are clear. Referring to
the Entente Powers as “the infamous pigs,” in a ciphered message to Wilhelm, Sophia
emphasized her loyalty to her brother and to Germany, the ‘fatherland.’
The Genocidal overtones of German Propaganda and the initial stages of Genocide
In preparation for WWI, German propagandist, Eugen Mittwoch, argued for the
elimination of Armenians and Greeks, as did Ewald Banse. Calling Armenians a ‘hostile people’
whose actions were instigated by Germany’s rivals, Banse had implied “on the eve of WWI…
that the destruction of the Ottoman Armenian population was an important precondition for
Ottoman Turkish progress.”vi After pointing out “the Ottoman Turkish need for German aid,”
Alfons Sussnitzki advocated “the exclusion of Armenians and Greeks,” for being “under British
and French influence,” then proposed using “Ottoman Jews, Arabs, and dönmes (Jewish converts
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to Islam)” in their place since, according to Sussnitzki, “Turks lacked the racial aptitude for
trade.”vii
In preparation for the Great War, Germany also sent an array of foreign language
propaganda pamphlets to a host of foreign countries, including to the United States. All asked
dutiful Moslem inhabitants to rise up against their oppressors. The pamphlets extolled the virtues
and might of Germany as a protector and friend of Islam. Germany hoped that mass uprisings by
Islamic populations in their host countries, would cause chaos and force the Allies to expend
their manpower to suppress revolts, thereby helping Germany to win the war. Germany’s call for
jihad failed miserably abroad,viii but it would strike a cord with the Young Turks.
In 1914, before the outbreak of WWI, Greeks along the Aegean coast of Asia Minor were
boycotted on orders of the Young Turks and tens of thousands were then attacked and displaced,
leading to thousands of deaths.
“[V]iolent and inflammatory articles in the Turkish newspapers appeared
unexpectedly and without any cause… .so evidently “inspired” by the
authorities,…. Cheap lithographs …, executed in the clumsiest and most
primitive manner … represented Greeks cutting up Turkish babies or ripping
open pregnant Moslem women, and various purely imaginary scenes,
founded on no actual events or even accusations elsewhere made. These were
hung in the mosques and schools. … and set the Turk to killing….”ix
During the war, thousands of Greek men were drafted into the dreaded Amele Taburu, or
labour battalions, where they were worked and starved to death. Armenians, Assyrians and the
Greeks of Pontos later shared this fate. Of the 3,000 Greek men taken from the Macri and Livissi
areas at the beginning of the Great War, it was believed that only 500 remained alive by 1919. Of
the early conscripts from Smyrna, only 250 were said to survive.x In addition to the harsh
condition under which they lived, typhoid fever, cholera and dysentery raged through the camps,
and the men were infested with lice.
Morgenthau confirmed that the idea to deport the Greeks was strictly a German device,
and although Morgenthau presumed Greece’s interest in the welfare of the Anatolian Greeks,
Morgenthau also pointed out that, “… Germany… had her own plans for Asia Minor, inevitably
the Greeks in this region formed a barrier to Pan-German aspirations. As long as this region
remained Greek, it formed a natural obstacle to Germany’s road to the Persian Gulf….”xi
Morgenthau also pointed out that the Young Turks were so successful against the Ottoman
Greeks that they decided to go after the “other races” as well: the Armenians and Assyrians.
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At the beginning of 1915, the Deutsche Palästina Bank circulated pamphlets in Turkish in
eastern Anatolia, “exciting the fanaticism of the Mussulmans, recommending hatred of the
Christians, and recommending cessation of all commercial relations with them.”xii German
historian, Hilmar Kaiser, asserts that the “German World War I propaganda [was] addressed to
both Ottoman and German audiences” and “the mass murder of Armenians had opened up new
opportunities for German trade and investment.”xiii This held true for the mass murder and
displacement of Ottoman Greeks and Assyrians as well.
In October 1915, in a kind of learn-as-you-go policy, the German military attaché
reported to Berlin that Enver Pasha wanted to “solve the Greek problem during the war…in the
same way that he believes he solved the Armenian problem.”xiv
Dr. George E. White, a representative of the American Committee for Relief in the Near
East, reported that: “the worse crimes were committed against the Greeks along the Black Sea
coast between 1916-1917.” As an example, White relayed the following:
“Turkish Officials decimated the Greek population along the Black Sea coast,
250,000 Greek men, women and children living between Sinope and Ordou,
without shedding of blood, but by “parboiling” the victims in Turkish baths
then turning them out half clad to die of pneumonia and other ills in the snow
of an Anatolian winter.”xv
The gas chambers cum showers used by the Nazis a few decades later against the Jews,
would be reminiscent of this crude, but effective Ottoman method of mass murder of the Pontic
Greeks, just as the pre-Holocaust pogroms against Jews in 1932, were reminiscent of the pregenocide pogroms against the Thracian and Aegean Coast Greeks in 1913 and 1914.
During the war years, correspondence from King Constantine and Sophia to Kaiser
Wilhelm II is dramatically missing any pleas to cease Germany’s anti-Greek policies in Turkey.
Aside from a correspondence to Serbia asking them to intervene diplomatically, and one
correspondence from Queen Sophia to Talaat Pasha in August 1915 asking for special treatment
for the Greeks of Antalya in southern Turkey,xvi that seems to be the end of their involvement.
Failure to pressure the Kaiser on behalf of the Anatolian Greeks, considering Germany was the
senior ally of the Ottomans and the instigator of the persecutions and displacements of Greeks,
begs the question as to why the persecutions and displacements began almost immediately after
Constantine took the throne? The London Morning Post reported:
“During the first persecution the Greek Government did everything possible to
protect their co-nationals, but during the second outbreak King Constantine
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impeded every possible movement for the amelioration of the lot of that
unfortunate race. Reports sent to the Government by dignitaries of the
Orthodox Church in Asia Minor were suppressed. Numberless documents
dealing with these massacres were stolen from the Government archives and
destroyed. On one occasion the Bishop of Pera traveled from Constantinople
to Athens for the purpose of imploring the King to protest more energetically.
He was not received by the King but by Queen Sophia, who cut the
conversation short with the words: “Return immediately to Constantinople.
The will of the King is that you live on good terms with the Turks.”xvii
According to the governor general in Smryna, Rahmi Bey, “King Constantine was in
reality an ally of Turkey and … he was preventing Greece from going into the war.”xviii
During a rare interview with King Constantine I, who was of Danish and Russian
parentage, Count Ferri-Pisani noted that not once had the king referred to Greece as his country,
or the Greeks as his people.xix
Even after the armistice in October 1918, the killing of Anatolian Greeks continued. In
May 1919, Mustapha Kemal was sent to Samsun in the Pontus region with enormous powers as
Inspector General. Former members of the Young Turk regime had arranged for his position from
behind the scenes. Rather than disarm the Turkish troops as per the treaty provisions, and protect
the Pontic Greeks, Kemal arranged mass demonstrations to protest the landing of Hellenic troops
at Smyrna, and called on the Turkish public to “defend the homeland.” Kemal simply picked up
where the Young Turks left off, and the genocide of the Greeks of Anatolia continued.
Describing the death marches to which the Pontic Greeks were subjected, Dr. Ward of
Near East Relief (N.E.R.) wrote that he and his relief workers had great difficulty even getting
permission “to hand out clothes to those who came to us with hardly rags to cover their
nakedness.”
“The ghastly lines of gaunt, starving Greek women and children who
staggered across Anatolia through the city of Harput, their glassy eyes fairly
protruding from their heads, their bones merely covered with skin, skeleton
babies tied to their backs, driven on without food, supplies or clothing until
they dropped dead—Turkish gendarmes hurrying them on with their guns. …
In many places, thirsty in the blistering sun and heat, they were not allowed
water unless they could pay for it. The Near East Relief stations tried to give
them bread as they passed Cesarea and Sivas, but the amount they could carry
was small. It would have been more humane to give them a bullet than bread,
because death would come in any case sooner or later.… The road from
Harput to Bitlis was lined with bodies.”xx xxi
Dr. Ward and Major. Forrest D. Yowell, another N.E.R. worker, affirmed that:
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“The Turkish authorities were frank in their statements that it was the
intention to have all the Greeks die and all of their actions … seem to fully
bear this statement out.”xxii
The Kemalist period that began after the landing of Greek troops at Smyrna in May 1919,
deserves a longer discussion than time allows for here, but it’s worth noting that, in May of 1922
G.W. Rendel of the British Foreign Office wrote in a report:
The great contention of the pro-Turks, now that the massacres etc. are proved,
is that they are due to the Greek landing at Smyrna. This is entirely untrue and
mischievous. Apart from the million or more Armenians massacred during the
war, we know that at least half a million Greeks were deported before 1919, of
whom a great number died, and we have the evidence of British internees,
(e.g. McLean) for some of the worst and most horrible anti-Greek atrocities of
that period.”xxiii
On May 17, 1922, the Secretary of State’s draft reply to British parliamentarian, Aubrey Herbert,
stated:
…Turkish atrocities against the Christian minorities have been going on
almost continuously for more than 7 years. His Majesty’s Government have
good reason to believe that about half a million Ottoman Greeks were
deported by the Turks during the war, of whom a large number perished in
circumstances of unspeakable barbarity. I cannot therefore accept the Hon.
Member’s implication that the Turkish atrocities of the last few years are
primarily due to the Greek landing at Smyrna.”xxiv
The Treaty of Lausanne and Exchange of Populations
The Treaty of Sèvres, which was never ratified, was annulled and replaced with the
Treaty of Lausanne. It was a treaty that would complete the tragic end of three millennia of
Greek presence in Asia Minor and Eastern Thrace, and would greatly impact the Greeks of
Northern Cyprus, Istanbul, and various Islands in the Aegean. Article 142 refers “to the exchange
of the Greek and Turkish populations.” ‘The exchange of populations’ has been used ever since
as a euphemism to disguise the genocide of the Anatolian Greeks.
Of the estimated 1.15 million refugees who arrived in Greece, 100,000 were Armenians,
1,000 were Assyrians, and 9,000 were Circassians.xxv Therefore, of the 2.7-3 million Anatolian
Greeks, little more than one million arrived in Greece by 1923. 400,000 Turks from northern
Greece were sent to Anatolia, to help make room for the Greek exiles. The estimated 300,000
Muslims/Turks from Greek (Western) Thracexxvi were exempt from the exchange, as were the
nearly 300,000 Greeks from Constantinople, today’s Istanbul.
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The fact that Greece, a country of only 5.5 million in 1923 before the exchange, still had
approximately 700,000 Muslims/Turks, with 40 Muslim members of the Greek Parliament on
August 10, 1920, calls into question allegations of wholesale expulsions and massacres of
Muslims in Greece during the Balkan Wars; allegations that deniers of the Greek Genocide like
to bandy about.
Article 14 of the Treaty gave Turkey control of the overwhelmingly Greek populated
islands of Imbros and Tenedos, (Gökçeada and Bozcaada), and “stipulated a strong regime of
local autonomy in favour of the traditional inhabitants.”xxvii The Council of Europe found that
Turkey soon violated the treaty provisions.xxviii In 1927 the Turkey designated the islands to have
‘special status’ and abolished Greek-language education. In 1948 Muslim Turks were brought to
the islands. After a military coup of 1960, tensions in Cyprus, deliberately created by Turkey’s
secret military units, were used as an excuse to once again violate the Treaty in Imbros and
Tenedos. In 1964, coinciding with the inter-communitarian clashes in Cyprus, the law abolishing
Greek-language schools, which saw a brief reprieve in the 50s, was reinstated, and Greek
language schools were again closed.
“Most of the viable agricultural land was appropriated, for an airport and a
military base, and an ‘open prison’ … According to testimonies collected by a
Turkish researcher, and by some of the islanders themselves, … the inmates of
the ‘open prison’ committed many criminal acts against the (then still mostly
ethnic Greek) inhabitants to the point of driving many to emigration, while the
authorities did not intervene effectively.”xxix
The Turkish newspaper, Haber Türk, reported that “more than 100 mosques and
mausoleums were destroyed during the years 1963-74, and 16 during the years 1955-58,
allegedly by the Greek Cypriot side.”xxx But recent revelations call into question whether Greeks
were involved. During a trial in September 2010, retired Turkish general, and former head of the
Special War Department, Sabri Yirmibeşoğlu admitted that the Turkish military had attacked and
sabotaged ‘sacred values’ in Cyprus in 1974, and blamed it on the Greek Cypriots. “In Special
War, certain acts of sabotage are staged and blamed on the enemy to increase public resistance.
We did this on Cyprus; we even burnt down a mosque.”xxxi
xxxii
Yirmibeşoğlu revealed that in
1971, a Mobility Investigation Board was set up to send weapons against EOKA in Cyprus.xxxiii
Using bombings and other excuses, Turkey invaded Cyprus in 1974, and still occupies northern
Cyprus, in contravention of both International law and Articles 21 and 27 of the Treaty of
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Lausanne. The Greek citizens of northern Cyprus were terrorized and many murdered, forcing
others to flee for their lives.
Yirmibeşoğlu also admitted that the events that led to the Sept. 6-7, 1955 pogroms against
the Greeks of Istanbul, known as Septembrianaxxxiv were staged by Turkey’s Special War
Department, but blamed on Greece.xxxv Septembriana and later pogroms reduced the Greek
population of Istanbul from 297,788 in 1924, xxxvi to between 1,000 and 2,500 today.xxxvii
The ethnic makeup of Imbros in 1912, was 9,357 Greeks and 99 Turks. Tenedos had
5,420 Greeks and 1,200 Turks. Recent statistics show that only 25 Greeks now live on Tenedos
and only 225 mostly elderly Greeks still live on Imbros.xxxviii The Council of Europe in the 2008
Parliamentary Session, third part, pointed out that the international community, which included
Greece, failed to check Turkey’s violations early on.
Outright massacres, as well as death marches in Anatolia were used to kill all three
Christian peoples: Greeks, Assyrians and Armenians between 1914-1923. The final count for
Greeks killed was 1.2 million, 353,000 of whom were Pontians; Armenians between 600,000 to
1.5 million; and Assyrians 275,000, more than half their total population, which amounts to at
least 3 million victims of Genocide. Countless others were exiled.
With the above-mentioned in mind, one might argue that the genocide of the Greeks that
began in 1913 and 1914 as pogroms in Eastern Thrace and Western Anatolia respectively, then
spread to the Pontic and Cappadoccia regions, continued for many decades—with periods of
reprieve—against Greeks who live under Turkish rule.
Conclusion
Although this was a Genocide of the Christians of Anatolia: Greeks, Assyrians, and
Armenians, by a predominantly Muslim nation, religion per se, had relatively little to do with the
decision for genocide. Germany, after all, was predominantly Christian, although a few German
Jewish propagandists also played a part. As with almost all genocides, commerce, territory,
resources, and power are the true motivators. Religion and/or race are simply useful tools of the
governing elite. Sabri Yirmibeşoğlu’s confessions are a perfect example of the use of religion to
divide and conquer.
Genocidal acts in various parts of the world today, and the continued refusal of the
international community to enforce treaty provisions and international law, are sad reminders
that our system is broken—high jacked by special interests and political agendas. Unless a
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mechanism is devised to force adherence to treaties and international law, with mandatory
consequences, such as meaningful sanctions, not just for powerless nations, but for all nations,
these tragedies will continue, and international law will remain relatively meaningless. Perhaps
the focus of the next conference should be finding mechanisms for change.
Thank you.
i
The use of the term Anatolian Greeks in this paper refers to all Ottoman Greeks including the Pontians and
Thracians, although Thrace is not in Anatolia. According to the Federal Research Division, “The Aegean coast
of Anatolia was an integral part of a Greek-Minoan-Mycenean civilization (ca. 2600-1200 B.C.).” See: ‘Turkey:
A Country Study’, Kessinger Publishing, 2004, p. 24. Lesser-known Greek settlements in Anatolia include
Bithynia, Caria, Cilicia, Galatia, Lycaonia, Lycia, Lydia, Mysia, Pamphylia, Paphlagonia, Phrygia, and Pisidia.
ii
Henry Morgenthau, Sr. Ambassador Morgenthau’s Story. Doubleday, Page & Company, Garden City, New
York. 1918. P. 152
iii
Hilmar Kaiser, Imperialism, Racism, and Development Theories, Gomidas Institute. (December 15, 1997) p. 10.
iv
Kaiserlich Deutsche Gesandtschaft Bonn PAAA, Turkei Nr. 168, Bd. 6, f. Bd. 7. 24/6/1909. No. 48, A. 10963.
Wangenheim zu Seiner Durchlaucht Dem Herrn Reichskanzler Fürsten von Bülow. p.54. Constantinos Fotiadis.
v
Conditions in Trabezon 1910, Moricz to Herrn Alois Grafen von Aehrenthal. HHStA, PA, XXXVIII, Karten
349, Konsulate 1910, Trapezunt. 5.1.1910. Z. 1 pol. Pp. 191-193. Constantinos Fotiadis.
vi
Hilmar Kaiser, Imperialism, Racism, and Development Theories, Gomidas Institute. (December 15, 1997. pp.
19-20
vii
Hilmar Kaiser, Imperialism, Racism, and Development Theories, Gomidas Institute. (December 15, 1997. p. 31.
viii
The Austro-Germans and Islam. French Official Report on the Remarkable War Propaganda of Germany in
Moslem Countries. New York Times Current History. Pp. 158-159
ix
George Horton, The Blight of Asia. Chapter V. Persecution of Christians in Smyrna District (1911-1914)
x
Persecution and Extermination of the Communities of Macri and Livissi, (1914 –1918), Extract from The Black
Book of Asia Minor. Paris 1919.
xi
Henry Morgenthau, Sr. Ambassador Morgenthau’s Story. P. 27
xii
D.J., Turkey and Greeks. Record of Persecution. Complicity of Germany, 1/26/17. News article found in, and
addressing documentation from the archives of the Hellenic Ministry of Foreign Affairs.
xiii
Hilmar Kaiser, Imperialism, Racism, and Development Theories, Gomidas Institute. p. 32.
xiv
Niall Ferguson, The War of the World: Twentieth Century Conflict and the Descent of the West. The Penguin
Press, New York. 2006. p. 180.
xv
“The Greeks were parboiled and then sent on death marches! Turkish Bath Weapon,” The Stevens Point
Journal, September 11th 1919.
xvi
DH. EUM. 3 SUBE, nr. 8-79 (1) Ministry of Interior. General Directorate of Security to Antalya Prefecture. 5
September 1915 [Turkey]
xvii
The London Morning Post. writing from Constantinople on Dec. 5, 1918. The New York Times Current History:
the European war, Volume 18. P. 549
xviii
George Horton, Report to Secretary of State, The Near Eastern Question, September 27, 1922.
xix Count Ferri-Pisani, A Talk with the King of Greece. Also One with Former Premier Venizelos. Two Suppressed
Interviews. The New York Times. October 29, 1916.
xx
Edward Hale Bierstadt, The Great Betrayal: Economic Imperialism & the Destruction of Christian
Communities in Asia Minor. Reprinted by The Pontian Greek Society of Chicago. First published in 1924. The
description is from Ethel Thompson, a Near East Relief worker during 1921-1922. p. 56.
xxi
These descriptions correspond to the description my Pontic Greek mother gives of her own death march to exile
at the age of ten. Thea Halo, Not Even My Name, Picador USA, an imprint of St. Martin’s Press. New York
2001.
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xxii
Powell and Ward, Treatment of the Christians by Turks. Report to American Consul at Aleppo, Syria, Jesse B.
Jackson. p. 4.
xxiii
F.O. 371/7877, X/P 9206. 16.5.1922. p. 307
xxiv
F.O. 371/7877, X/P 9206. 16.5.1922. p. 308
xxv
Edward Hale Bierstadt, The Great Betrayal. pp. 248-249
xxvi
Silas Bent, Uprooting of Greeks in Turkey, The New York Times, January 21st 1923, page XX5. (For a copy of
the complete article see: Greek-genocide.org)
xxvii
Council of Europe. Parliamentary Assembly Doc. 11629, 6 June 2008.
http://assembly.coe.int/Main.asp?link=/Documents/WorkingDocs/Doc08/EDOC11629.htm
xxviii
Parliamentary Assembly-2008 Ordinary Session, Council of Europe. P. 130
xxix
Council of Europe. Parliamentary Assembly-2008 Ordinary Session. P. 130
xxx
General admits torching mosque in Cyprus, Famagusta Gazette, Sep 26, 2010.
xxxi
Retired general confesses to burning mosque to fire up public. Today’s Zaman. Setember 24, 2010.
xxxii
Turkey burned mosque during Cyprus conflict, general says. Hürriyet Daily News, September 24, 2010. The use
of the term ‘disputed island’ is Hürriyet’s.
xxxiii
General admits torching mosque in Cyprus, Famagusta Gazette, Sep 26, 2010.
xxxiv
Speros Vyronis, The Mechanism of Catastrophe: The Turkish Pogrom of September 6-7, 1955, And The
Destruction of The Greek Community of Istanbul, Greekworks.Com Inc. May 2, 2005. Also see: Alfred des
Zayas, The Istanbul Pogrom of 6-7 September 1955 in the Light of International Law, Genocide Studies and
Prevention, Volume 2, Number 2, August 2007 p.137.
xxxv
Retired general confesses to burning mosque to fire up public. Today’s Zaman. Setember 24, 2010.
xxxvi
Speros Vyronis, The Mechanism of Catastrophe. p.16. Vyronis takes this figure from Turkish statistics.
xxxvii
Ibid. p. 565.
xxxviii
Council of Europe. Parliamentary Assembly Doc. 11629, 6 June 2008. Turkish authorities pointed out that
economic concerns also played a roll in emigration from the islands for both Greeks and Turks, but there is no
doubt that the terror of the open prison, the expropriation of lands, and the closing of Greek-language schools
and other violations of the treaty, played the largest roll in clearing the islands of their Greek inhabitants.
http://assembly.coe.int/Main.asp?link=/Documents/WorkingDocs/Doc08/EDOC11629.htm
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