Download Measuring human development in Botswana

Statistique, Développement et Droits de l‘Homme
Session C-Pa 6e
Measuring Human Development in Botswana
Johnson MAIKETSO
Montreux, 4. – 8. 9. 2000
Statistique, Développement et Droits de l‘Homme
Measuring Human Development in Botswana
Johnson MAIKETSO
Botswana Institute for Development Policy Analysis
p/Bag BR 29
Gaborone, Botswana
T. + 267 371 750 F. + 267 371 748
[email protected]
ABSTRACT
Measuring Human Development in Botswana
This paper seeks to describe the position of Botswana with regard to the measurement and
implementation of human development. The assertion that sustainable human development and
human rights are complementary and inseparable is supported by the United Nations which
publishes the annual Human Development Report. Human Development Reports are now published
at national level and are intended to further elaborate issues specific to particular countries. The
paper also brings out the importance of data in measuring human development and discusses data
constraints which are experiences in Botswana. These constraints include inter-alia, availability,
accessibility, reliability, accuracy, and timeliness of data. In particular, indicators which relate to
poverty, income and wealth distribution, survival, health, education/literacy, mortality, nutrition,
HIV/AIDS, orphanhood, unemployment and gender among others, it is argued, should be
accurately presented if a clear picture of the development of a society is to be properly portrayed.
These may be categorized into those that measure inputs or government effort (usually short-run
indicators), and those that measure human development outcomes (usually long-run indicators).
RESUME
La mesure du développement humain au Botswana
Cet article a pour objectif de décrire la situation régnant au Botswana en matière de mesure
et de mise en oeuvre du développement humain. L'affirmation selon laquelle le développement
humain soutenable et les droits de la personne sont complémentaires et inséparables est appuyée
par les Nations Unies, qui publient ne Rapport annuel sur le développement humain. Des rapports
similaires sont désormais publiés également au niveau national, leur objectif étant d'étudier plus en
détail des questions spécifiques à des pays individuels. Cet article met également en évidence
l’importance des données statistiques pour la mesure du développement humain et traite des limites
liées aux données qui prévalent au Botswana. Ces limites ont trait, entre autres, à la disponibilité, à
l'accessibilité, à la fiabilité, à la précision et à l'actualité des données. En particulier, déclare-t-on,
il y a lieu de présenter avec minutie les indicateurs ayant trait à la pauvreté, à la distribution du
revenu et de la richesse, à l'espérance de vie, à la santé, à l'éducation/alphabétisation, à la
mortalité, à la nutrition, au HIV/SIDA, aux orphelins, au chômage et aux sexes, entre autres, si on
veut décrire comme il faut le développement d'une société. Ces indicateurs, on peut les subdiviser
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selon qu'ils mesurent des données de fait ou des efforts de la part du gouvernement (ils sont
généralement à court terme) ou qu'ils rendent compte de résultats du développement humain (ils
sont généralement à long terme).
1. Introduction
It is important to clearly bring out the linkage between human development and human rights
in order to stress the legitimacy of the right to development. The process of human development
seeks to enlarge people’s capabilities and give them the freedom to live as they wish. It focuses on
five fundamental capabilities that enable choices to be made. These are, to lead a long and healthy
life, to be knowledgeable, to enjoy a decent standard of living, to have self-respect of others and to
have political freedom. The United Nations’ proclamation on human rights emphasises among
others, human dignity and the development of a human person reaffirms and reinforces such.
Therefore, developing the people stems out as the greatest project in the global village. “The right to
development is an inalienable human right and an integral part of fundamental freedoms”
(Declaration of the 1993 United Nations World Conference on Human Rights).
Molutsi and Motumise (1996) argue that the ultimate objective of the right to development is
the enhancement of the person. Measurement of human development therefore, is performed against
pre-determined expectations. The importance of information to facilitate measurement of human
development in any society therefore cannot be underestimated. The development of any society
should be measurable to make possible the monitoring of strategies put in place to develop the
people. Information on the available resources (inputs) and the products (outputs) should guide any
human development project. A lot of criticisms have been levelled against a number of developing
countries as concerns their data sources. Data is not only unavailable in developing countries but is
also unreliable. The Botswana statistical data however, have been hailed as relatively good. Some
commentators have argued that the high level of HIV/AIDS infection is in a way due to the
availability and reliability of data comparing with other third world countries1. Notwithstanding, the
development of the Botswana data is essential.
The paper borrows much from the Botswana Human Development Report (BHDR) first
published in 1998, the United Nations Publications on Human Development especially the Human
Development Reports (HDRs) and other sources of related literature on the Botswana economic
performance vis-à-vis human development and human rights. United Nations’ Declarations which
relate to Human Rights and Human Development (which Botswana as a member adheres or has to
adhere to) also make part of the literature for discussion.
The rest of the paper is organised as follows. Section two covers an insight on human
development progress in Botswana. Issues of poverty, development and human rights in the context
of Botswana are discussed in section three. Section four focuses on the state of data in Botswana
and argues for its further development. HIV/AIDS, the contemporary problem the country is facing
is discussed in section five. Sections six makes a case for the realisation of the essentiality of data to
better measure human development. Section seven summarises and concludes the discussion.
2. Human Development in Botswana
Botswana’s development is carried out through a planning system that consists mainly of the
National Development Plans (six-year plans) and annual budgets. Vision 2016 was introduced in
1
Data on HIV/AIDS in most developing countries are not reliable and sometimes unavailable. It is contended that
countries with reliable statistics tend to portray high HIV/AIDS prevalence and consequently do badly on human
development measurements.
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1996 but it is not incorporated into the planning system 2. It is also within this mechanism of
planning that an effort is made to bring out feedback on the progress of development of the country.
However, such reports may not be adequate to portray a true picture of the most important subject
of human development let alone human rights. Human development and human rights, it is
contended cover a wide range of factors some of which do not have any standard numerical units or
indices. There is therefore a justification for the publication of the country’s national human
development report.
The development paradigm of the past emphasised the growth of the overall economy which
was believed would automatically ‘trickle down’ to the poor (Jazairy et al 1992). This old definition
of development made no reference of issues of distribution and poverty. Growth in per capita
income has however not always meant the reduction in poverty levels and the betterment of
people’s lives, as the ‘trickle down’ theory of development would suggest. For instance, between
1965 and 1988, the annual rate of growth of GNP per capita in China was 5.4%. However, during
the same period, the proportion of rural population below poverty line increased from 6% in 1965 to
14% in 1988. A similar trend occurred in Egypt and Sri Lanka during the same period (Jazairy et al,
1992). The development trend in Botswana has featured fast economic growth with a lag in
equitable income and wealth distribution and improvements in the lives of the general population. A
discussion of human development in Botswana therefore would not be adequate without putting
across issues of the extraordinary economic growth along with poverty, income and wealth
distribution.3 A discussion on poverty in Botswana follows in section three below.
Table 1. Selected Indicators of Human Development in Botswana
Indicator
GNP per capita in US$
Economic growth rate (%)
Population size (in millions)
Poverty Rate (% of Population)
Unemployment Rate (%)
Literacy rate (%)
HIV Prevalence (Male adult) (%)
HIV Prevalence (Female adult) (%)
Life expectancy at birth in years
Infant Mortality Rate (per 1000)
Under 5 Mortality Rate (per 1000)
Year
1991
2580
6.3
1.33
59 (85/86)
13.9
54
4
5
65.3
48
38
Most recent estimates
3310 (1997)
4.5 (98/99)
1.65 (2000)
47 (1993/94)
19.6 (1998)
74.4 (1997)
27 (1999)
37 (1999)
66.2 (1997/98)
42 (1996)
49 (1997)
Sources: Central Statistics Office; UNDP Human Development Reports; Bank of Botswana Annual Reports; Annual
Economic Reports.
There is an association between economic growth, economic development and human
development and human rights. The economy of Botswana has over the years experienced
phenomenal improvement. This exceptional performance has been attributable to the contribution of
2
In 1996, the Botswana Government set up a Presidential Task Group to develop a long-term vision for Botswana
(Vision 2016). The vision compiles Batswana’s aspirations and dreams for the future. The vision exercise has been
running for the past four years. It is hoped that in future, the planning system will encompass the long-term vision.
3
As discussed by Hudson and Wright,1997, the Gini Coefficient for Botswana revolved around 0.55 for both HIES 1
and HIES 2 (HIES – Household Income and Expenditure Survey) which were conducted in 1985/86 and 1993/94
respectively. In 1974, the Gini Coefficient was 0.57. these figures portray a significant degree of inequality (see Hudson
and Wright, 1997).
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the diamond industry to the overall economy. GDP and GDP per capita have recorded significant
growth rates4. In some years, both GDP and GDP per capita recorded growth rates of more than 6%
(Bank of Botswana, various issues; Central Statistics Office, various issues). This phenomenal
economic performance, though brought with it positive economic growth, has not simultaneously
resulted in a similar magnitude of growth in employment. Consequently, there has been negative
impacts on wealth and income distribution thus vast proportions of the population have remained in
poverty. Contrary to the theoretical expectations, the benefits of growth have not ‘trickled down’ to
the masses with ease. Accordingly, problems that are poverty driven, (such as, malnutrition, high
levels of dependency, lack of adequate shelter and clothing and high rates of mortality and
mortality) have continued to threaten humanity.
Some important factors (especially efforts aimed at ensuring equitable distribution of
economic resources) which would contribute in promoting human development and hence human
rights have arguably lagged behind when the economy experienced an astronomical growth.
Moreover, the right to development is not enshrined in the constitution of Botswana as a
fundamental right. Molutsi and Motumise (1996) argue that the inclusion of this right in the
constitution would make a difference. This would ensure the protection of this right through the
judicial process. Further, the state would be legally obliged to provide conditions necessary for the
people to enjoy this right.
Notwithstanding, Botswana has indeed made some positive strides in human development.
The country has enjoyed thirty-four years of post-independence political stability. Besides political
stability, and perhaps more importantly, positive improvements were also made possible through
government expenditure. The government, as the chief beneficiary of the diamond revenues, has to
make available such revenues to the population through the mechanism of spending5. Consequently,
government expenditure is correspondingly high by international standards, at about 40% of the
GDP in 1998 (see table 2 below). Even though government expenditure is not necessarily a good
measure of human development, this significantly high level of government spending has in no
doubt translated in improvement in some important aspects of human development. No single
indicator however would adequately bring out these developments. Some of these positive
developments are discussed below (see also table 1 above).
Table 2. Trends in Government Expenditure (Recurrent Plus Development)
Govt. Expenditure
Govt Expenditure (Pm)
% change in expenditure
Govt. exp. (% of GDP)
Health share of exp.
Educ. share of exp.
Year
1991
3367.6
14.4
43.2
5.1
21.9
1992
3771.0
12.0
41.3
5.6
22.8
1993
4481.2
18.8
40.3
6.0
22.6
1994
4276.8
-4.6
34.1
6.1
22.9
1995
5194.5
21.5
35.5
6.4
23.9
1996
6092.4
17.3
35.9
6.0
25.2
1997
7406.1
21.6
35.5
5.4
23.4
1998
9065.4
22.4
39.6
5.1
24.7
Sources, Annual Economic Reports; Botswana Human Development Report 1997; Bank of Botswana Annual Reports
Prior to the discovery of diamonds in the early 1970’s, agriculture played a chief role in the Botswana economy,
contributing more 30% to GDP while mining’s contribution was less than 10%. To date, mining’s contribution to GDP
stand at more than 30%. The growth rates of GDP and GDP per capita have been impressive over the years during
which diamonds have dominated the economy.
5
Diamond revenue accounts for a significantly high proportion of government revenue. Since 1995, diamond industry’s
contribution to government revenue has never been less than 40%. In 1989, it was as high as 59% See also Botswana
Government, 2000 and Gaolathe, 1997).
5
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There have been notable improvements in life expectancy, infant mortality, access to health
facilities and literacy. For instance, the Central Statistics Office of Botswana reports life expectancy
of 66.2 years having increased from less than 60 years in the 1970s. The infant mortality rate has
gone down to below 50 per 1000, having declined from more than 150 per 1000 at independence in
1966. It should be emphasised that these improvements and others occurred at a time when the
economy of the country was doing exceptionally well. Life expectancy and infant mortality in
particular are usually positively linked to the status of health in any given locality. Provision of
health in Botswana has enjoyed positive consideration and priority from the government. Public
health provision is highly subsidised in that individuals’ contribution to the recurrent expenditure of
government-run health facilities is in the region of 1 per-cent (Botswana Government, 1997a).
Access to health services continues to improve. In 1996, only 12% of the entire population did not
have access to health services (UNDP, 1998).
Education, which is also highly subsidised in Botswana, has experienced phenomenal
improvements. This is a development one could positively tie to human development and human
rights. The Botswana’s long term vision (Vision 2016) sees education as, “an investment that will
lead to a higher quality of human capacity and productivity in the future, and to a better quality of
life for everyone.” Besides, an educated and an informed society will learn, understand and
appreciate its rights and responsibilities. Considerable government spending on education
particularly in building educational infrastructure is worth noting. Government’s commitment and
realised input came against very low levels of education at independence. Harvey and Lewis (1990)
state that at independence, there were only forty Batswana with university qualifications and about
hundred people with secondary school leaving certificate. Further, they posit that there were only
nine secondary schools with only two offering full five-year course and only 1531 students were
enrolled. Graduation beyond secondary education was continuously low thus very few citizens
qualified to take up high level jobs in government and the private sector.
3. Poverty, Development and Human Rights in the Botswana Context
Article 25 (1) of the United Nations Universal Declaration of Human Rights states that:
“Everyone has the right to a standard of living adequate for the health and well-being of himself
and his family, including food, clothing, housing and medical care and necessary social services,
and the right to security in the event of unemployment, sickness, disability, widowhood, old age or
other lack of livelihood in circumstances beyond his control.”
It is legally, socially and politically right to argue therefore that the impoverished of any
country or society are denied some of their human rights. In short, they are denied the right to
development. The people of any society or grouping have the right to be freed from poverty.
“Freedom from poverty is an integral an inalienable human right” (UNDP, 1998).
The inadequacy of the traditional measures of GDP and GDP per capita as measures of
development has been echoed many a time by different authors. The development of better
measures has thus been inevitable. The 1994 HDR constructed the income-distribution-adjusted
Human Development Index (HDI) with the aim of reflecting the maldistributions of income in
countries6. A very skewed income distribution phenomenon was revealed for Botswana. The ratio
between income share of the bottom 20% of the population and that of the top 20% in Botswana
was 1 to 47. Consequently, the country’s HDI ranking (adjusted for income) slipped by eight places
(UNDP, 1994). In relation to this phenomenon, the poverty levels in Botswana are fairly high as
discussed below.
6
This HDI adjustment was done by dividing the share of income of the bottom 20% of the population by the share of
the top 20%. The ratio was multiplied by the country’s overall HDI to yield the income-distribution-adjusted HDI. See
Human Development Report, 1994.
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In Botswana, the national literature and data on poverty are obtained from mainly the
Household Income and Expenditure Surveys (HIES) and specific national studies on the subject.
The census cover some aspects of poverty but it should be noted that census data are shallow and
are conducted after fairly long periods of time (ten years in case of Botswana). The first extensive
study on poverty and poverty alleviation in Botswana was conducted by Botswana Institute for
Development Policy Analysis (BIDPA) for the Botswana government in 1997. This study was
based on the HIES data of 1985/86 and 1993/94 as well as interviews of stakeholders. The
following discussion is chiefly based on the results of this study and other writings on the subject.
Though showing signs of improvement, poverty levels have remained fairly high in
Botswana. During the 1993/94 HIES, 38% of households had incomes below the relevant poverty
line having decreased from 49% of households in 1985/86. During the same period (1985/86), 59%
of Botswana citizens lived in households with incomes below their poverty line. The 1993/94 figure
had fallen to 47% (BIDPA, 1997; Jefferis, 1997). These high rates of poverty and inequity have
existed and continue to exist against high and favourable rates of GDP and GDP per capita growth
as discussed below. Molutsi and Motumise (1996) expressed the fear that it is going to be more
difficult to help the poor during a period of slow economic performance than was the case during a
period of uninterrupted prosperity.
According to Jazairy et al (1988), the annual rates of growth of GDP and GDP per capita for
Botswana during 1965-1980 period were 14.2% and 10.7% respectively. The growth figures for the
period 1980-1988 were 11.4% and 8.0% respectively. With such notable and significant
improvements in these measures, in 1988, 55% of the rural Botswana population was below the
poverty line (Jazairy et al, 1992). The 1965 poverty level figure is not available but the 1988 figure
is still high by any standards. It should be borne in mind that the proportion of the Botswana
population residing in rural areas at that time was over half (Central Statistics Office, 1988).
Further, rural-urban differentials of poverty levels have indicated that the rural areas are more
affected7. The 1993/94 HIES show that 48% of rural households were in poverty compared to 36%
of urban village households and 23% of urban households. During the same period, 55% of
Botswana citizens were in poverty comparing with 46% living in urban villages and 29% in urban
areas. The figures for individual citizens are higher because the poor have larger than average
households (Jefferis, 1997).
4. Data Availability, Accuracy, and Reliability of Sources
The general quality of data in Botswana is seldom satisfactory. The country has so far
conducted three major successful population censuses in 1971, 1981 and 1991. However, the area
of timeliness of data still needs improvement. Census and survey data take fairly long before they
are published and made accessible to the public. For instance the population projections preceding
the 1991 population and housing census were published in 1997 (six years later), the 1993 Literacy
Survey data was published in 1997 and the 1998 Demographic Survey data is not yet published to
date. It is however worth noting that with the help of the Central Bank, data on the national
economy has received a fair treatment in terms of timely publication.
A lot of controversy has been generated by the reports on the life expectancy at birth for
Botswana. The national data bank (Central Statistics Office) publications and the United Nations
Development Program (UNDP) (through its yearly HDR publication) differ greatly in the
estimation of this important measure. The 1999 Human Development Report estimates life
expectancy at birth for Botswana at 47.4 years for the year 1997. The Central Statistics Office’s
7
The 1991 census defines urban centres as settlement on state land and those on tribal land with a population of 5000 or
more persons with at least 75% of labour force in non-agricultural occupations. The percentage of people living in
urban centres in Botswana rose from 9.6 in 1971 to 18.3 in 1981 and 45.7 in 1991. (CSO, 1997).
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projections are 65.1years and 65.4 years for the years 1997 and 1998 respectively. It is highly
appreciated that the UNDP modelled data from Botswana local sources to account for the impact of
HIV/AIDS, thus the drastic drop of its estimate. However, the vast difference in this particular
measure from the two sources cannot be simply ignored. The vastly dissenting opinions of the two
sources therefore serve to instil confusion and doubt in their users. Under this circumstance, the
reliability of the two sources cannot escape questioning. It is not far fetched to argue that, the
drastic drop of the UNDP estimate may be viewed by some people as an exaggeration of the impact
of HIV/AIDS problem and may impact on the attitude and behaviour of people towards the disease.
It is equally arguable that the continued rise of the life expectancy at birth as estimated by Central
Statistics Office does not take fully into account the impact of HIV/AIDS and may also be an
exaggeration and misleading to the reader and other recipients of this particular information. The
user of information on this particular measure is therefore left without a reliable source. It is correct
to argue that presently, Botswana does not have a reliable estimate of life expectancy at birth.
5. HIV/AIDS Data: Coverage, Accuracy and Timeliness
Botswana is suffering a serious blow of HIV/AIDS. The first case of AIDS was identified in
1985 (Botswana Government, 1997b). To date, it is estimated that one third of the sexually active
population is HIV-positive. This poses a serious threat to the positive developments that have been
achieved in the course of making better the lives of the people of Botswana. The AIDS pandemic is
undoubtedly reversing the positive strides in human development. To date, the life expectancy at
birth for Botswana would be about 70 years if the historical trend of its growth were not reversed by
HIV/AIDS.
As a contemporary issue, and posing a serious threat on the country’s economy, HIV/AIDS
needs concerted efforts by all stakeholders in addressing it and its related matters. The issue of data
in this instance is fundamental to enable the setting up of mitigating strategies. Constraints relating
to availability, reliability, accessibility, accuracy and timeliness would act to the disadvantage of
any efforts towards the reduction of the impact of the epidemic. The HIV/AIDS pandemic also
makes it imperative that other issues that are consequential be given some attention in order to curb
the impact of the disease on the nation and communities. Data which relate to orphanhood, poverty,
income and wealth distribution, survival, health and mortality need to be accurately and timely
reported in order to put the impact on check. It should be acknowledged that HIV/AIDS limits
people’s access to necessities as it tends to decrease households’ income and increase their spending
so that their disposable income will be reduced (BIDPA, 1999). Therefore, HIV/AIDS is likely to
exacerbate the already existing poverty, skewed income and wealth distribution, and is also
probable to undo the positives which Botswana has realised in survival and health.
Notwithstanding the essentiality of data, in collecting the data related to HIV/AIDS necessary
caution should be exercised not to encroach on people’s privacy and confidentiality. The right to
privacy and confidentiality therefore should not be compromised in order to push forward the
importance of data in mapping out mitigating strategies and to enhance human development in all
aspects of human life. The most important data source of data on AIDS prevalence in Botswana is
the annual sentinel surveillance report which is based on antenatal clinic (ANC) surveys. This
exercise therefore includes exclusively women visiting ANCs who have a portion of their blood
sent for HIV testing. The survey is done on an anonymous unlinked basis. This means that no
woman can be identified as having given a certain sample. All precautions are taken to ensure that
confidentiality and privacy of persons involved are not compromised. The establishment of
voluntary counselling and testing centres for HIV/AIDS in the country should trigger authorities to
put in place necessary legal framework lest the rights of the people are violated. The programme of
Mother-to Child-Transmission (MTCT) which started in Botswana in 1999 and is meant to reduce
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the rate of infection among children born to HIV positive mothers should be looked at from this
angle as well8. Nevertheless the importance of data on HIV/AIDS remains.
The issue of accuracy and reliability of data from the ANC surveys has however cropped up
on the basis that the sample is not representative in that it includes only pregnant women. However,
it has been argued that the data is modelled to adjust for the factors that affect it. Nevertheless, it is
acknowledged that the figures obtained from this exercise are purely estimates and should not be
quoted or interpreted as if they were highly accurate. They are to portray a general picture of the
status of the epidemic and provide guidance in formulating intervention strategies.
6. The Need for Complete Vital Registration System
A vital registration system has been identified as the most effective in as far as capturing
important demographic events (births, deaths, and marriages) is concerned. It should be mentioned
however that a significant number of developing countries are under serious financial strain and
cannot afford such a noble exercise. Birth registration in particular is a right to the individual
concerned. The denial of it or failure to issue it is tantamount to the denial of the individual’s
citizenship (or the individual’s right to nationality) which may later result on denial of certain
rights, privileges, and entitlements. A state acknowledges the existence of a child by the registration
of his/her birth and the issuance of the birth certificate. In other words, birth registration may be
viewed as a pledge by the state that the concerned child’s health, education, housing and other
essential provisions will fall within its list of national obligations. It is an assurance that the
planning mechanism of the state will take into account the welfare of such a child.
In 1997 the Botswana government put up the National Population Policy which among others
envisages strengthening national capacity for data collection, training, research and evaluation. It
also promises to enact and enforce laws governing the registration of vital events. This is seen as a
positive development towards the realisation of the importance of this exercise. A pilot project on
the implementation of the civil registration in Botswana has been undertaken in Botswana and its
progress report is being awaited. It is hoped that once the civil registration system is in full
operation, satisfactory and fairly accurate demographic measures will be obtained. Indices that are
generated from data on births, deaths, marriages and other events taken care of by the civil
registration system will improve significantly. Further differences in their estimates by different
authorities would be avoided. For instance, this will help measure life expectancy at birth rather
than projecting it from census data which are available only after ten years.
7. Summary and Conclusions
While appreciating the progress Botswana has made in human development, Molutsi and
Motumise (1996) convincingly contend that it will make a positive impact if the right to
development were a legal right of the people. By developing countries’ standards, Botswana is
doing fairly well in the human development and human rights’ phase. Having run a most stable
democracy, it has outlived bad instances of political instability, it has had no incidences of human
rights’ violations which are politically motivated, a phenomenon which has characterised many
African developing countries. It therefore, does not have a bad record of human rights perpetuated
by political authorities.
The need for the country to start conducting civil registration exercise/system cannot be
overvalued. This will go a long way to improving the quality of data obtained in all aspects of great
8
This programme involves a short-term course of anti-retroviral drug (Zidovudine or AZT). The children are not breastfed but are given an alternative infant feeding. Two pilot projects of the programme started in Botswana’s two cities
(Gaborone and Francistown) in 1999 are ongoing. It is hoped that through the MTCT programme, the level of Motherto-Child transmission of the HIV virus will be reduced and hence chances of child survival will improve.
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importance. Independent special surveys covering important issues such as poverty, HIV/AIDS,
unemployment and other essential aspects of human development and human rights should be
conducted more often. Even though these studies are conducted, the time interval between them is
in most cases fairly long creating an element of information gap. As much as the information is
essential, the issue of reliability and timeliness should not be compromised. It is further an
observation that some surveys are conducted as would be required by users, but the results take
rather too long to be released to their intended audiences. Moreover, there should be a
comprehensive collaboration between institutions which produce statistics in order to promote the
development of statistics and avoid duplication of efforts.
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Vol. 10 No. 6.
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Gaborone.
Botswana Government, (2000). Annual Economic Report. Ministry of Finance and Development
Planning. Government Printer. Gaborone.
Botswana Government, (1997a). National Development Plan 8 - 1997/98-2002/03. Ministry of
Finance and Development Planning. Government Printer. Gaborone.
Botswana Government, (1997b). National Population Policy National Council on Population and
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