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Reference List
Gross L. The Comic Vision of Anishinaabe Culture and Religion. American Indian Quarterly
[serial online]. Summer2002 2002;26(3):436-459. Available from: Academic Search Complete,
Ipswich, MA. Accessed October 2, 2012.
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The Comic Vision of Anishinaabe Culture and Religion
One of the challenges I have faced as an academic is the manner in which I should discuss my
own people, the Anishinaabe. The fact of the matter is, I am an Anishinaabe academic, no matter
how much the term sounds like an oxymoron. I feel I can no longer use the third person in
discussing my people. The experience of the Anishinaabe is my experience, and there is no way I
can imply the Anishinaabe are the "Other." As such, I have made a conscious decision to use the
first person in my academic writing on the Anishinaabe. In one respect, I am surrendering the
scholarly goal of supposed objectivity for a larger goal--academic precision. To the degree my
comments approach the latter aim, my writing will serve the interests of both the Anishinaabe
and academic communities, thus encouraging dialogue between the two. In the final analysis, if
we are to move beyond treating people as the other, just such a dialogue is necessary. Hopefully,
my remarks below will provide a small step in that direction.
The myths of the Anishinaabe are helping us to maintain a distinct identity, and by continuing to
tell our sacred stories and controlling the telling of those stories, we are sustaining our cultural
sovereignty. One question that needs further development, however, is the worldview developed
on the basis of those myths. In recent years, analysis of Anishinaabe myths by non-Anishinaabe
scholars has centered around what might be termed food economics--the relationship of the
Anishinaabe to food resources, with a special emphasis on game animals. The general consensus
is that the myths teach morality, especially environmental ethics. The conclusions drawn on the
basis of this approach have been insightful, as far as they go. However, another perspective leads
to a different understanding of Anishinaabe worldview and sacred stories.
Although the sacred stories of the Anishinaabe are wide ranging, one common element is that
many of the stories are funny. What happens if the humorous nature of Anishinaabe tales is taken
seriously? For example, having our most important mythic character, Wenabozho, or Nanabush,
engage in slapstick antics greatly influences the manner in which we view and live in the world;
in other words, myths affect worldview. As it turns out, the worldview of the Anishinaabe very
much fits the definition of the comic vision developed by John Morreall (1999). However, this
comic vision is not just limited to humor; it also involves a wide range of elements, such as
complex conceptual schemes, equality, and forgiveness. One goal of this present study, then, will
be to demonstrate how the notion of the comic vision discussed by Morreall fits our Anishinaabe
worldview and sacred stories.
Once it is understood that the worldview of the Anishinaabe is essentially comic, the comic
vision can be used to show continuity between traditional and modern culture. Further, an
understanding of the comic vision can help explain how Anishinaabe culture is recovering in the
wake of what I call "Post Apocalypse Stress Syndrome." Along with many other Native
American peoples, the Anishinaabe have seen the end of our world, which has created
tremendous social stresses. The comic vision of the Anishinaabe is helping us overcome that
trauma and helps explain how we are managing to survive.
To explore these issues, it is helpful to lay out the general notion of the world-building activities
of human beings developed by Peter Berger (1969). From there, the current non-Anishinaabe
understanding of Anishinaabe myths will be discussed. The relationship between the comic
vision and religion will then be explained in some detail, followed by examples from
Anishinaabe myths demonstrating the elements of the comic vision found therein. To discuss the
issues of the continuity of Anishinaabe worldview and Post Apocalypse Stress Syndrome, the
article will conclude with a look at Anishinaabe myths in the modern period.
Berger argues that the world humans inhabit is not a mere given but rather that humans engage in
a process of world construction through a dialectic process of externalization, objectivation, and
internalization (Berger 1969, 3-51). Most animals interact with the environment more or less by
instinctual reactions. Humans, however, have a low instinctual drive, and, as a result, they
structure methods for being in the world. This is the process of externalization, whereby humans
construct culture, both material and nonmaterial. Once created, these elements of culture acquire
an objective reality of their own. Such objectivity includes the nonmaterial aspects of human
creativity, including society itself. Society, then, on the one hand, provides an identity for an
individual human being, but, on the other, it can also have the coercive effect of controlling an
individual's life. Internalization is the process whereby individuals develop a symmetry between
the objective world of society and the subjective world of the individual. While recognizing that
this process is never complete, socialization is successful to the degree an individual accepts and
follows the established norms of society.
William Paden argues that the process of world building is a closed circuit shaped by language.
Thus, for example, for a culture with only two kinds of animals--cats and dogs--other animals
such as elephants and zebras will either be seen as aberrant cats or dogs or as odd (Paden 1994,
56). Another way of saying this is that people generally see what they expect to see or what is
important to them. The changing nature of transportation over the last century and a half serves
as an example. Undoubtedly, people living 150 years ago could determine the condition of a
horse with a single look. Horses played such an important role in society that intense interest and
learning would have been devoted to knowing horses. With the advent of automobiles,
knowledge of horses has declined so that now very few people can look at a horse and "read" it,
as it were. However, modern people know a lot about cars and can determine a given make and
model with the slightest look. Thus, the world is not a given but rather based on the dictates of
what is important individually and collectively. People see what they are trained to see and pretty
much ignore the rest. The physical reality we inhabit is not neutral but instead is informed by our
cultural biases. Thus, even though Berger (1969) puts his emphasis on society, his observations
indicate we simply do not inhabit a given society but, in fact, exist in worlds of our own creation.
Although Berger mentions the low instinctual drive of humans as the primary reason for humans
to create societies, another element important to the process of world creation is the expansive
nature of human consciousness. Human beings have a consciousness stretching from the
beginning of time to its very end. Unlike animals, which seem to inhabit an eternal now, humans
can contemplate now and forever. Human imagination also reaches across the vastness of space
and beyond. Thus, humans create worlds of fiction where heroes and villains fight epic battles of
life and death and dream up worlds out of this world--heavens, hells, and all manner of
extraspatial dimensions. In short, humans envision the cosmos.
As a result, humans invariably ask questions concerning our place in creation, generally
involving why we are here and the meaning of life. The cosmos, however, provides no ready,
evident answers, only vast emptiness. This is the chaos humans seek to fend off by constructing
worlds in which human life has meaning and security. As Susanne Langer has argued in another
context, chaos is the one thing human beings cannot tolerate (Langer 1942, 287). Berger writes
that "nomos," or established order, is a shield against terror: "Seen in the perspective of society,
every nomos is an area of meaning carved out of a vast mass of meaninglessness, a small
clearing of lucidity in a formless, dark, always ominous jungle" (Berger 1969, :24). The
emphasis here is on the horror supposedly inherent outside of social control.
World building serves as a useful heuristic tool in understanding the culture-building activities of
humans. However, it also needs to be kept in mind that, as Berger observes, worlds are
inherently unstable. As human creations, the societies people create are not permanent. The
process of socialization is never complete, and, though they do so at their own peril, people can
and do question the underlying basis of social structures. If the questioning reaches an acute
enough level, the world can collapse. Also, although the process is sometimes almost invisibly
slow, worlds inevitably change over the course of time. Worlds are further subject to outside
pressure in many forms, such as natural disasters. For example, the Lisbon earthquake shook
more than the foundations of the city itself. The questioning of the will of God in regard to this
event set up a chain reaction, it has been argued, which ended the age of optimism in eighteenthcentury Europe (Kendrick 1957, 180-212). Pressures can also come from competing worlds-from people living in other societies. Interaction with outside groups has been the norm more
than the exception throughout history, and these interactions are fertile fields for new ideas and
ways of doing things. Worlds can also collapse. The supporting pillars of a given world can give
way for whatever reason, and society will come tumbling down. People undergoing such an
experience are left to deal with the fallout and to somehow adjust to new realities, either by
giving up their world for dead or by trying to pick up the pieces as best they can. This
observation will be particularly relevant to the discussion of Post Apocalypse Stress Syndrome
below.
However, before worlds crumble, they first must be constructed. One primary means by which
humans construct worlds is with myths or sacred stories. It should be kept in mind that "myth" is
being used here as a technical term from the academic study of religion. Thus, it is not being
used in the sense of folk tales or stories with no sacred significance. Of course, in the academic
study of religion there is much discussion as to the nature and role of myths. However, for our
purposes we will focus on the observation that myths form the "sacred, world-constituting
language within living religious traditions" (Paden 1994, 75). As world-building language, myths
determine both the shape of a given religious world and the manner of being within that world.
Myths can therefore be both paradigmatic and programmatic. In regard to this study, the question
becomes, What is the type of worldview and way of being in the world associated with
Anishinaabe myths? For the most part, current scholarly analysis by non-Anishinaabe academics
emphasizes those aspects of the sacred stories of the Anishinaabe that focus on relations with
food resources, especially game animals, and on morality, particularly environmental ethics.
Some of the most important work on Anishinaabe myths has been done by Christopher Vecsey,
who dedicated a chapter of his seminal work on Ojibwe religion to the analysis of the
Wenabozho cycle (Vecsey 1983, 84-100). Although Vecsey does not see the duality of the
Anishinaabe universe as an "explicit or major theme of the myth," that duality is a good starting
point (1983,98). As Vecsey argues, there is a basic duality within the Anishinaabe worldview,
entailing the contrast between sky and water. In my view, as well as that of Theresa Smith, the
worldview would be better seen in a tripartite manner, with the addition of land, the place of
habitation for the Anishinaabe, as the third component (Smith 1995, 44-47). Be that as it may,
Vecsey contrasts sky beings, who generally are well disposed toward humans, with underwater
beings, who are not so well disposed and, more importantly, control the "earth's food supplies"
(1983,97). Sky beings include "the Thunderbirds, Four Winds, birds, and sun," while underwater
beings include "serpents and other water reptiles" (97). It should be noted, of course, that
Mishibizhii, the underwater monster, is considered the leader of beings associated with the
watery realm.
The dynamics of the Wenabozho cycle are played out within the parameters of this worldview.
According to Vecsey, there are two major themes evident in the myths, "death and animalhuman relationships" (1983,96). He is more concerned with the latter, but the former is perhaps
the more interesting. In Vecsey's view, death "permeated every aspect" of the myths (96).
Interestingly enough, the role of death as Vecsey portrays it is extremely positive, for, as he
observes, "Each death led to a benefit of some kind" (96). This is most evident in the Earth Diver
myth. Vecsey notes that the animals who dive into the water to fetch some dirt usually drown,
including the muskrat. But, as he goes on to say, "their deaths were essential preconditions for
their success" (96). Although Vecsey does not follow up on these comments to any great degree,
we must take note of the fact that especially in regard to the Earth Diver myth, the deaths that
occurred were not underwater beings, who are dangerous to humans and so might be expected to
be targeted for annihilation, but precisely those animals who were lending aid to Wenabozho,
and, by extension, to human beings generally. That is, the myth faces the fact that death must be
expected even of close friends and allies. However, even if death is inevitable, indeed,
sometimes even necessary, that does not mean it is only a negative event. Death can have
positive benefits as well. Thus, as much as humans may dread the prospect of death, the Earth
Diver myth teaches people how to accept death as a part of living. That is a rather profound
instruction, and it is why I see Vecsey's comments on death as being the more interesting
observation.
In Vecsey's mind, the more important theme is animal-human relationships because he sees the
central meaning of the myth being "the alleviation of hunger through successful hunting"
(1983,94). More to the point, however, is the fact that successful hunting is dependent on animalhuman relationships. As such, the acts of revenge perpetrated by Wenabozho established the
conditions conducive to hunting and asserted the rights of humans to hunt (96-97). Although
Vecsey does not go into detail, he provides a clue in the conclusion of his analysis by writing of
the dual nature of the Anishinaabe universe that "both aspects of the world had to be controlled
for the sake of successful hunting" (98). What seems to be happening here is that the myth
generally establishes the place of humans in the world vis-à-vis the sky and underwater beings
and specifically legitimizes hunting on the part of humans. Overall, then, Vecsey argues that the
myth teaches the role of death and the place of humans in the world.
Continuing with the theme of the duality of the Anishinaabe universe, Smith (1995) presented
her analysis of the Earth Diver myth in her study of the Manitoulin Island Anishinaabe. Rather
than take a structuralist approach based on the categories Vecsey and John Fisher (1984) used in
their analysis of the Anishinaabe myths, and which informed Vecsey's analysis in his monograph
on Anishinaabe religion, Smith prefers to look to the "eidetic pattern" formed by the Anishinaabe
worldview (Smith 1995, 181). Here she follows Vecsey in arguing for a dual structure to the
Anishinaabe universe, as defined by the sky and underwater realm. For Smith, however, what is
important is the ability of Wenabozho to engage in a "dialectic movement inscribed upon the
cosmic structure of this lifeworld" (181). As such, Smith especially emphasizes the manner in
which Wenabozho takes the guise of a toad woman to gain access to Mishibizhii's lodge. The
toad is an animal that moves between land and water, and Smith points out that the animals that
assist Wenabozho are also those that move between land and water, such as the beaver and, of
course, the muskrat. This is no small feat, for this ability eventually allows Wenabozho to recreate land, which now stands at the very center of the eternal battles between the Thunderers
and Mishibizhii, the struggle between whom forms the centerpiece of Smith's investigation.
Thus, much like Vecsey, Smith sees the Earth Diver myth as establishing a place for humans in
the world. In some respects, the thrust of their respective arguments is the same: both seem to see
Anishinaabe myths as defining where humans stand in the world, Vecsey more in terms of
relationships and Smith more in terms of physical location.
In addition to the above, Smith also reads into the Earth Diver myth lessons on human morality.
She writes, "Nanabush [Wenabozho] balances himself, depending upon his body, his free soul
(instinct/intuition), and his ego soul (reason) at appropriate times. He seeks alliances with others,
exercises caution and emotional restraint and reciprocates for the help he has received"
(1995,179; emphasis in original).
As can be seen here, one of Smith's major concerns is personality; she is most interested in what
the story has to say about the actors in the drama. Most important is the concept of balance. As
mentioned above, in her analysis of the Earth Diver myth she focuses on the ability of those
figures who are able to move across the boundaries of the Anishinaabe world, who can move
between sky, earth, and water, as the ones who eventually restore balance to the world. Thus, the
balance Smith emphasizes is not the balance in the outside world but the balance that lies within
the individual. As a result, the first feature of Wenabozho she mentions above is the balance
Wenabozho maintains within himself.
The other characteristics mentioned by Smith all relate to the proper conduct of human life, or, to
put it another way, human morality. They relate to how an individual should carry out
relationships. As such, the emphasis is on forming alliances. Still, within those alliances it is
necessary to reciprocate for help received and to show emotional restraint and caution in one's
conduct. This is what Smith is referring to at the end of her analysis when she observes, "if one is
to bimaadiziwin or live well, one must take the lessons contained herein to heart.., humans must
learn how to live here, how to dwell as balanced people in a layered cosmos" (180). In regard to
bimaadiziwin, it will be noted the teaching operates at many levels:
On a simple day-to-day basis, it suggests such actions as rising with the sun and retiring with the
same. Further, bimaadiziwin governs human relations as well, stressing the type of conduct
appropriate between individuals, and the manner in which social life is to be conducted.
Bimaadiziwin also covers the relationship with the broader environment. So, for example, it
teaches the necessity of respecting all life, from the smallest insects on up. Bimaadiziwin,
however, does not exist as a definitive body of law. Instead, it is left up to the individual to
develop an understanding of bimaadiziwin through careful attention to the teaching wherever it
can be found. This makes the term quite complex, and it can serve as a religious blessing, moral
teaching, value system, and goal in life. (gross 2002, 19)
However, Smith makes clear the connection between Anishinaabe myths and the concept of
bimaadiziwin. She shows how her reading is relevant for the Anishinaabe in relating how on
Manitoulin Island, she "found people admire sober, quiet, thoughtful, and respectful individuals"
(1995,180). For her, then, the myth has moved beyond making reference to hunting rights and
practices and is instead "experienced in continuing social values" (1995,180). In the end, Smith
shows how the Earth Diver myth is still a powerful reality for the Anishinaabe.
As opposed to Vecsey and Smith, who both examined the Earth Diver myth specifically,
Overholt and Callicott have taken a very broad approach in their study of Anishinaabe myths
(1982,117-20). Pertinent to our discussion here, Overholt and Callicott discuss two topics in
relation to Anishinaabe myths: bimaadiziwin and environmental ethics. These will be discussed
in turn below.
In regard to bimaadiziwin, Overholt and Callicott begin by observing that the myths teach that
humans need the aid of "other-than-human beings," using Hallowell's term about the spiritual
beings who populate the Anishinaabe universe (Hallowell 1960, 30-34). However, they also note
that this aid does not come free and is dependent upon certain principles of human behavior.
They mention four principles in particular: (1) relationships are reciprocal; (2) one should not do
things beyond the power one has received; (3) one should not be greedy; and (4) one must follow
cultural rules and the terms of one's arrangement with spiritual helpers (Overholt and Callicott
1982,151-52). When it comes to environmental ethics, Overholt and Callicott rely on the
writings of Aldo Leopold to develop their criteria (Leopold 1949). Specifically, they read
Leopold as saying humans need to see themselves as part of a community, that there are certain
behavioral rules that must be followed, and that the elements of the natural environment must be
respected in and of themselves (Overholt and Callicott 1982, 153-55). Overholt and Callicott do
not go into much detail in their analysis of Anishinaabe myths, but based on the evidence they
presented to that point, they argue that the myths do, in fact, teach an environmental ethic.
As can be seen from the above discussion, the most current conclusions extant in the literature
written by non-Anishinaabe scholars emphasize food economy and religious morality. There is
another element at work in these sacred stories, however, that has not been explored in detail: the
theoretical analysis based on John Morreall's (1999) thinking on tragedy and comedy in relation
to religion.
Morreall approaches the study of religion from the point of view of humor studies. Of course,
much work has been done already on comedy in relation to various religious traditions. To
present a few examples, the comic in relation to Zen Buddhism has been examined by Conrad
Hyers (1991). Also, the comic fool in the medieval Catholic tradition has been explored (Cox
1969), and, more to the point, investigations into the trickster figure have a long and rich history
(Doty and Hynes 1993). Morreall is somewhat unique in that he combines the study of the comic
with that of the tragic.
Morreall bases his analysis on the tropes of ancient Greek drama, which broadly consist of
tragedy and comedy. The four features of tragedy include the hero, conflict, suffering, and
response. The hero is a larger than life personality faced with some type of conflict. Rather than
backing away from the conflict, the hero meets the challenge directly. Usually, however, the hero
eventually suffers a tragic fate. This suffering evokes a response on the part of the hero to
question fate, thereby making it possible to "resist it, and through it assert and define" himself
(Morreall 1999, 7-10). Like tragedy, comedy has the same four features; however, they are
played out in a completely different manner. The comic hero, or comic protagonist, as Morreall
prefers, is antiheroic, and the emphasis is on human limitations and frailties. The comic
protagonist is also faced with conflict, but rather than seeking to assert himself, the comic
protagonist will generally use his wits to work himself out of trouble. This has several important
implications. Rather than struggling against his place in the world, as does the tragic hero, the
comic protagonist feels very much at home in the world. Also, the heroic struggle against the
world involves emotions such as anger, resentment, and self-pity. Often it is exactly these
emotional responses that lock the tragic hero on an ill-fated path. The comic protagonist,
however, prefers to keep his wits about him, and his response to suffering is generally not
emotional (Morreall 1999, 14-15).
These observations lead Morreall to delineate twenty elements drawn from psychology and
sociology to separate the tragic vision and the comic vision. In essence, these two ways of
looking at the world can be summed up as follows: "In the tragic view we live as individuals. All
activity is serious, and is usually done to accomplish something. Life is hard work. We struggle
solemnly, emotionally engaged with everything that happens to us. In the end we are doomed to
failure, but at least we can show heroism in the struggle" (Morreall 1999, 39). With regard to the
comic view, Morreall writes:
In the comic view, we live in groups. Much of our activity is for its own sake, and much of that
is not serious. We play as well as work. And even when we are trying to accomplish something,
taking risks can bring delight, whether or not we meet our goal. The adventure is rewarding in
itself. When we are striving for a goal, too, we should not be emotionally engaged by every
negative event, for emotions often make us less able to cope with problems. Besides, it feels
better to laugh than to cry. (Morreall 1999, 39)
Morreall goes on to connect the tragic and comic visions to religion. He develops twenty
protragic and procomic features that can be used to determine the degree to which a given
religion embraces the tragic or comic view. Leaving behind the tragic vision at this point,
Morreall divides the comic vision between those features derived from cognitive psychology and
those that originate with social psychology (1999,44-45).
The features of the comic vision as derived from cognitive psychology include:
1. Complex conceptual schemes
2. A high tolerance for disorder
3. Seeking out of the unfamiliar
4. A high tolerance for ambiguity
5. Divergent thinking [that is, developing more than one solution to a problem]
6. Critical thinking
7. Emotional disengagement from problems
8. Willingness to change one's mind
9. Pragmatism
10. A second chance
11. An embracing of physical existence
12. Nonseriousness
The features of the comic vision as derived from social psychology include:
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13. Antiheroism
14. Pacifism
15. Forgiveness
16. Equality
17. More sexual equality
18. Questioning of authority and tradition
19. Situation ethics rather than rules
20. Social integration
From this point, Morreall examines various religions to determine the degree to which the tragic
and comic features are at work in the given traditions. Of course, it is recognized that no religion
is strictly tragic or comic, and not every element of one or the other will be found in a given
tradition. Also, the same religion can appear as comic or tragic depending on exactly which
aspect or, especially, subdivision is held up for scrutiny. As a result, some traditions, or parts
thereof, can better be said to be tragic or comic. While the discussion is generally useful and
provides an insightful manner for thinking about different religions, it needs to be said that one
major shortcoming of Morreall's discussion is the lack of Indigenous religions. In the entirety of
the monograph, there is not one mention of the religions of Indigenous people. Instead, the focus
is on Christianity, Judaism, Islam, Hinduism, Buddhism, and the East Asian traditions of
Confucianism and Taoism. This is unfortunate in that an examination of Indigenous traditions in
general and American Indian religions in particular could have greatly added to Morreall's work.
In part, then, this study is meant as a corrective to this situation.
Certainly, when it comes to the Anishinaabe, a discussion of the comic vision can shed much
needed light on certain aspects of our religion. Although not every element can be found in
Anishinaabe myths, the comic vision as outlined by Morreall appears to be almost an exact
description of those myths. Some of the above features seem to be variations on a theme, such as
"a second chance" and "forgiveness." Both of these are essential features of Anishinaabe myths.
That is, when the comic protagonist of Anishinaabe stories, Wenabozho, makes a mistake, he
will see it as another mistake his "aunts and uncles" can make. Human beings are Wenabozho's
aunts and uncles, and in allowing for human error the myths encourage self-forgiveness and
giving oneself a second chance.
Also, anybody who has ever listened to Wenabozho stories as told by people conversant with the
tradition know that Anishinaabe myths very much embrace physical existence. Many of the
scatological and sexual aspects of Anishinaabe myths were censored by earlier non-Anishinaabe
ethnographers and investigators, so the bodily aspect of Anishinaabe myths does not appear to a
great extent in the recorded lore. However, the Anishinaabe who tell the stories are not afraid to
include the basest of physical functions. One example is the story of Wenabozho and the skunk,
in which Wenabozho gets three "shots" of the skunks "power." To exercise these shots,
Wenabozho turns around, bends over, and lets loose with a fart. Of course, he wastes his power
on petty things so that when he needs it to defend himself against the Sioux, he is defenseless
and gets beaten.
Equality figures greatly in Anishinaabe myths, usually in the guise of the need for humans to
respect all animals. Thus, Wenabozho often relies on the help of animals either to assist him or to
save his life. More often than not, these animals otherwise might be seen as small, useless, and/or
helpless. As a point of fact, however, these are just the types of stories the Anishinaabe relish.
Perhaps the best-known example is found in the Earth Diver myth. After the world is flooded,
Wenabozho states he can rebuild the earth, but he needs some dirt. There are variations in the
myth, but often the beaver, otter, and mink fail in turn. The muskrat then volunteers to try, and
all the other animals laugh. They want to know how the muskrat thinks he can succeed when
even the beaver, the strongest of divers, has failed. Wenabozho intervenes and encourages the
muskrat to try. Of course, the muskrat succeeds, and Wenabozho is able to rebuild the earth.
Another story exists in which Wenabozho is being boiled alive by a giant cannibal. While the
cannibal is napping, a snake volunteers to help. Wenabozho has the snake crawl up the giant's
intestinal tract, starting from the anus. When the snake is next to the giant's heart, he bites and
punctures it, and so kills the giant. Thus, an otherwise lowly creature saves Wenabozho's life.
Seeking out of the unfamiliar also seems to be an important part of Anishinaabe myths. Stories
about Wenabozho often start with him walking around, so that from the onset Wenabozho is set
to begin some adventure into the unknown. This occurs in the above-mentioned story of
Wenabozho and the skunk. The thundering sound of the skunk using his power compels
Wenabozho to seek out the source of the noise. On a more dramatic note, Wenabozho sets off
into the unknown to track down his father, although he was advised by many people not to do so
(Johnston 1995, 60-61).
The ideas of complex conceptual schemes and antiheroism can be discussed together.
Wenabozho plays the role of both the hero and antihero, thus creating a complex character. It is
well known that Wenabozho brought art and culture to the Anishinaabe, but he also brought
other important things. Wenabozho could not stand to see his grandmother suffering from the
cold, so he set off to steal fire from the old man who was hoarding it. Of course, in true trickster
fashion, he cons his way into the lodge of the old man. He turns himself into a rabbit shivering
with cold. One of the old man's daughters takes pity on the rabbit and brings it inside to warm
up. Once inside, Wenabozho steals the fire and brings it home to his grateful grandmother. This
story is particularly touching and poignant in the love Wenabozho exhibits for his grandmother,
and it points to the noble side of Wenabozho's character. On the other hand, Wenabozho did
some awfully foolish things as well, and thus he could be characterized as an antihero. In the
classic story of Wenabozho and the ducks, Wenabozho manages to kill some ducks. While they
are roasting, he lies down to take a nap, putting his anus on guard duty. When Sioux Indians
come, the anus awakens Wenabozho. However, the Sioux go into hiding, and Wenabozho fails to
see them. After this happens two more times, Wenabozho ceases to heed the warning calls of his
anus and continues to sleep. The Sioux are thus able to steal Wenabozho's duck dinner. Upon
waking up and discovering the thievery, Wenabozho blames his anus for the loss and, to get his
revenge, sticks his anus in the fire. Too late Wenabozho realizes his mistake, and he winds up
with a burnt butt. Thus, Wenabozho could be seen as both a hero and an antihero. The nature of
Wenabozho's character would therefore invite complex thinking for the Anishinaabe.
To bring this discussion to a brief summary, other aspects of the comic vision exist in
Anishinaabe myths as well. Wenabozho often goes against prevailing social norms. Thus,
Anishinaabe myths seem to invite a questioning of authority and tradition. This questioning is
related to a high tolerance for disorder. The ethics presented in Anishinaabe myths are usually
situational in nature, and this, in turn, can be related to divergent thinking. Certainly, the
existence of divergent versions of Anishinaabe myths could be evidence of divergent thinking in
the comic vision of Anishinaabe religion. The nonseriousness of Wenabozho myths is clear
enough. Even, to a degree, is the pragmatic nature of these stores. The tales encourage us to live
by our wits and not be tied down by any one set way of doing things. In this regard, as the story
of Wenabozho and the skunk demonstrates, even a fart can be useful. Other features as presented
by Morreall could be discussed, but the above comments should suffice to indicate the comic
nature of Anishinaabe religion as exemplified by Anishinaabe myths.
There is a tendency--but only a tendency--for people in a culture to take on the characteristics of
important religious figures in that culture. For example, there is evidence that old Anishinaabe
took on the characteristics of Wenabozho, the trickster figure in our tradition, (Vecsey 1983, 9394). Of course, the personality of the old Anishinaabe cannot be reconstructed. However,
evidence from the early days of the European presence on this continent would suggest the old
Indians put a high premium on the comic personality. The expectation was that the hardest
sufferings in life were to be cheerfully endured and that under no circumstances should one lose
one's ability to laugh. It may be the case that keeping in good cheer was thought to be a defense
against illness. For example, as quoted by Hallowell, Jovency wrote about the Indians in Canada
that "They endure many days fasting; also diseases and trials with the greatest cheerfulness and
patience" (Hallowell 1955, 133).
Although Hallowell's discussion is quite broad, encompassing as it does a general examination of
eastern woodland Indians at the time of contact, evidence exists as to the emphasis on humor
among the Anishinaabe as an ongoing phenomenon, at least up to the late nineteenth century.
There is continual laughter, and jests flying all around the wigwam from the time they wake in
the morning till the last one goes to sleep. As long as they have anything to eat, and if no one is
very sick, they are as cheerful and happy as can be. The laughter and droll remarks pass from one
to another, a continual fusillade all around. The old woman says something funny; the children
take it up, and laugh at it; all the others repeat it, each with some embellishment, or adding some
ludicrous feature, and thus there is continual merriment all day and all evening long. (Gilfillan
1901, 64)
In fact, among the Manitoba Anishinaabe in the early to mid-twentieth century, humor was one
of the few emotions that enjoyed free reign. Keeping in mind the Manitoba Anishinaabe were
still relatively unassimilated, as argued by Hallowell, the following quotation speaks well to the
stress placed on humor in traditional forms of Anishinaabe society.
The very positive emphasis upon the expression of amusement, in contrast to the inhibitions
imposed upon the expression of other forms of emotion is highly characteristic.
[Anyone], Indian or white, who can tickle the risibilities of the Saulteaux is socially popular. The
psychological importance of laughter among them is also evidenced by the institutionalization of
humor. Despite the fact that their myths are sacred stories, many of them are characterized by a
Rabelaisian humor that never fails to provoke a laugh. "Tear jerking" or tragic stories of any kind
would, in fact, be unthinkable among the Saulteaux. (Hallowell 1955, 145)
"Saulteaux," of course, is one Canadian name for the Anishinaabe. As can be seen, both the
importance of laughter and the presence of laughter are ongoing phenomena in Anishinaabe
culture. Actually, in the above quote it would have been better for Hallowell not to write
"Despite the fact that their myths are sacred stories, many of them are characterized by a
Rabelaisian humor." Given the comic vision of the Anishinaabe, this sentiment could more
properly be stated as, "Because their myths are sacred stories... " In other words, there was a
reflection and mutual reinforcement between the general personality structure of the Anishinaabe
and our sacred stories. The two worked together to bolster our comic vision. In fact, as can be
seen in this analysis, the comic vision had thoroughly penetrated Anishinaabe culture. This
should come as no surprise. Among the Anishinaabe, it is commonly thought that religion and
life way are one in the same. In other words, we do not have a religion but a way of life. As the
evidence above indicates, this was as much true in the past as it is today. What happens, then,
when, as in the case of the Anishinaabe, the comic vision can be applied to a culture as a whole?
At that point, Morreall's (1999) observations can probably be applied to the entire culture.
Anishinaabe culture embraced the comic vision, that is, it was a comic culture. Not that
Anishinaabe culture was or is laughable; instead, Anishinaabe culture as a whole expresses
almost completely Morreall's comic vision. This is especially important because it is my
contention that the comic vision evident in the history of the Anishinaabe has helped us endure
the worst effects of genocide perpetrated by Euro-Americans on Indian cultures in general.
American Indians in general have seen the end of our worlds. There are no Indian cultures in the
United States that remain wholly unaffected by the presence of Euro-Americans. While
recognizing that some cultures have been able to remain intact better than others, there is no
Indian nation that can claim to be living in complete accord with its precontact culture. Also,
there is no nation that enjoys unabridged sovereignty, as existed in the past. In effect, the old
world of our ancestors has come to an end. Thus, American Indians are living in a
postapocalyptic environment (Larson 2000, 18-19). This is not to say that the worldview that
previously informed the cultures has also become defunct. It simply means that American
Indians are in the process of building new worlds--worlds that are true to our history but
cognizant of present realities.
When a culture enters a postapocalypse period, it usually undergoes great stress. There are
several considerations that need to be taken into account in this regard. First, the stress is societywide in nature. The stress does not simply involve a small segment of the population, as might be
the case with combat veterans experiencing post-traumatic stress disorder. Instead, everyone in
the culture is affected to one degree or another. Second, the stress strikes at both the personal and
institutional levels. As such, some features are expressed in the lives of individual people.
However, an apocalypse causes the collapse of societal institutions, which normally function to
circumvent and/or minimize stress in the wake of a shock to the culture and assist in the recovery
process. Thus, a number of features of the postapocalyptic environment can be enumerated.
On the personal level, a postapocalyptic period will include:
1. An abandonment of productive employment
2. An increase in substance abuse
3. An increase in violence, especially domestic violence
4. An increase in the suicide rate
5. An increase in the rate of mental illness
6. The abandonment of established religious practices
7. The adoption of fanatical forms of religion
8. A loss of hope
9. A sense of despair
10. A sense of survivor's guilt
On the institutional level, a postapocalyptic period will witness the collapse or weakening of the
following:

11 Family structures




12. Government institutions
13. Educational institutions and processes
14. Established religious institutions
15. Health care delivery systems
Together, these personal and institutional features constitute what I call Post Apocalypse Stress
Syndrome (PASS), which can be thought of as post-traumatic stress disorder (PTSD) raised to
the level of an entire culture. However, it must be noted that since pass involves institutional
structures as well as personal concerns, the phenomenon should not be thought of as PTSD
becoming pandemic in a society. The affliction goes much further than that, and that is what
makes recovery so difficult, especially in light of the fact that PASS tends to be generational in
nature. It is not simply the case that a shock wave will move through the society, after which
time people will be able to continue as they had in the past. Instead, the effect is so profound that
the stress can ruin people for the rest of their lives, with the attendant despair and dysfunction
being picked up and carried on by subsequent generations.
Apocalyptic events have manifested themselves in different ways depending on the Indian nation
and its subparts. The White Earth Reservation in northern Minnesota provides a good example
for how this process worked for the Anishinaabe. Melissa Meyer (1994) has explored this issue
in some detail, focusing especially on intratribal relations. While recognizing that the forces of
market capitalism were fully arrayed to dispossess the Anishinaabe of their land and resources,
Meyer argues that the Anishinaabe were not passive victims in this process. Instead, the
Anishinaabe, as they had done from the time of contact with Europeans, developed strategies for
adaptation and survival. Within the White Earth community, a range of responses emerged, from
those people who sought to preserve the traditional subsistence lifestyle to those who worked
vigorously to fully integrate themselves into the market economy. A few Anishinaabe were able
to reap personal profit from the latter strategy. However, the majority of the Anishinaabe were
left impoverished, having lost access to their land and resources. The net effect was that the
Anishinaabe as a whole were left at the margins of modern society. Most significantly, there is
an acknowledgment that the historical process Meyer describes resulted in the very types of
social dysfunctions associated with PASS:
Many contemporary Indians in Minnesota blame poverty, disease, domestic violence, and
chemical dependency ultimately on the processes of dispossession that snowballed in the late
nineteenth and twentieth centuries. The stereotype of the irresolute, drunken Indian grew out of
these conditions. Contemporary stereotypes and misunderstandings conceal historical processes
that have created current conditions. Marv Many-penny and others recognize this as they urge all
of us to remember that "the history is everything." (Meyer 1994, 235)
Although Meyer exposes the basic dynamics at work, at some point other factors critical to the
apocalyptic experience of the Anishinaabe need to be further developed and integrated into this
history, specifically in the areas of disease and boarding schools. Meyer has effectively explored
many of the political and sociological processes. The role of diseases and the boarding schools
speak more to the psychological processes. This, of course, is not to say Meyer ignores these
phenomena. In the case of diseases, Meyer discusses the deplorable health conditions that led to
increased disease incidents on the reservation, such that the situation became a national scandal.
One telling observation relates how "In one home the diseased inhabitants just sat and stared"
(Meyer 1994, 220). Under these types of conditions, the mental health of the survivors must have
suffered greatly. In particular, it can be speculated that they suffered from some type of
survivor's guilt. At the very least, seeing beloved relatives die horrible deaths must have had a
severe impact on those left standing. Additionally, the boarding school experience was
tremendously difficult on Indian children. Several factors worked together to undermine the
mental health of these children. First and foremost, the isolation and loneliness weighed heavily
on their young minds. Worse, however, was the physical punishment. Even if children escaped
corporal punishment, the pattern was established that discipline involved physical force. Finally,
in being denied their heritage at school, students commonly had their identity as Indians
undermined. Coming out of the boarding schools, they were neither Indian nor white, a situation
that led to much internal rage. Later in life, this rage, coupled with the history of physical
punishment, contributed to a rise in chemical dependency and domestic violence. The loss of
land, resources, relatives, and heritage all contributed to a shattering of the Anishinaabe world.
Though fragments remained that would aid in the later reconstruction of the culture, the totality
added up to an apocalyptic experience from which the Anishinaabe are still recovering.
Anishinaabe myths and the resulting comic vision serve as important underpinnings for the
Anishinaabe, giving evidence to both our continuing worldview and methods for maintaining our
culture. A few examples will suffice to illustrate this point, looking first at changing myths and
then at a living example of the comic vision, before finally returning to the mythic hero
Wenabozho.
One phenomenon that deserves further investigation is the creation of modern Wenabozho
stories, especially those involving Paul Bunyan. A number of stories are circulating in which
Wenabozho has some type of confrontation with Paul Bunyan. The one with which I am most
familiar has Wenabozho betting Paul Bunyan he can beat him in a wrestling match, with the bet
being that if Paul Bunyan won he could continue logging the north woods, while if Wenabozho
won Paul Bunyan would have to leave the area. Of course, Wenabozho won, much to the delight
of the Anishinaabe, who use this story to account for the fact that the woods in northern
Minnesota are still virgin wilderness, such as that found in the Boundary Waters Canoe Area.
This story is particularly fascinating due to its provenance. I originally heard the tale from Rose
Barstow, my Ojibwe language instructor at the University of Minnesota. Most likely, she heard it
from her father, Thomas Shingobe. I knew Shingobe personally, and he told me some of his life
story, including his adventures as a lumberjack. As Meyer reports, one of the few employment
opportunities available for Indians in the early twentieth century was logging (Meyer 1994, 82).
My own uncles have stories of their time in the woods as lumberjacks. Indians, then, actually
participated in the deforestation of northern Minnesota. Yet it could be seen that these same
people, such as Shingobe, were developing stories that speak to Anishinaabe resistance to
logging. This makes the recent history of Anishinaabe storytelling complex and nuanced. It
could be argued that the very Indians who participated in logging gave their children the means
by which to provide ultimate victory to the Anishinaabe.
By structuring Wenabozho and Paul Bunyan myths in this manner, the stories exhibit many
features of the comic vision. Stopping Paul Bunyan gives the Anishinaabe a second chance at
restoring the woods and continuing a subsistence lifestyle. These stories could also be seen as an
exercise in forgiveness. Creating these stories indicates that the Anishinaabe were engaged in
critical thinking about the economic forces surrounding them. Being involved in, yet
denouncing, logging gives evidence to complex conceptual thinking and a willingness to change
one's mind. Developing different tales also shows the Anishinaabe were not so bound by
tradition as to see it as inviolable. We could do this, in part, due to the comic vision of our
religion and way of life.
The comic vision is also found in the manner in which we are reconstituting institutional
structures. In dealing with PASS, a society needs to rebuild its institutions. Although the White
Earth nation chose to adopt a form of tribal government under the Indian Reorganization Act,
tribal leaders brought the comic vision into their particular expression of these new forms of
governance. In this regard, it is significant that a sense of humor can be found among the tribal
leaders of the Anishinaabe. As reported by Frank Miller, humor and laughter were common
occurrences at the tribal council meetings he attended in the 1960s. Miller found two types of
humor common in the council meetings: ribbing and wisecracking. The former was generally
directed toward others, while wisecracking usually targeted a situation; "ribbing is making fun
of, but a wisecrack is more likely to be funny to a person not directly involved in the situation"
(Miller 1967, 265). Miller found four functions of humor at the council meetings: (1) promote
group solidarity; (2) validate a friendly relationship with outsiders; (3) comment indirectly on an
action; and (4) relieve tension. These functions can be related with at least two aspects of the
comic vision: social integration and equality. In promoting solidarity with those in the group and
outside it, humor in this situation brought all parties together into an integrated whole. Within
that whole, no party was above humor, not even the chairman, thus supporting a feeling of
equality as well. Also, one of the goals of the council as a whole was to keep discussion of issues
from destroying their unity. Thus, the ribbing never got out of hand and was "limited to friendly
joshing" (Miller 1967, 265). That is, no matter how serious the issue, it was balanced by a sense
of nonseriousness, another feature of the comic vision. Also, by maintaining a sense of humor,
the council was able to have an emotional disengagement from problems, yet another feature of
the comic vision. There is further evidence of an embracing of physical existence. A resolution
was passed to remove a group of non-Indians from the reservation for various reasons; one of the
people, Alice, was notorious for her promiscuity. Upon recessing for lunch, one representative
said, "See you guys later--I've got a date with Alice," a comment that reportedly eased tensions
all around (Miller 1967, 269-70). Apparently, this representative was more than willing to
embrace physical existence. So whether it is a question of equality or embracing physical
existence, it is apparent that the council very much gives testimony to the living tradition of the
comic vision among the Anishinaabe.
One issue not addressed very thoroughly by Miller, however, is the underlying reasons for the
council making use of the comic vision. Miller concludes that the "most important process in
tribal council humor is communication .... Through humor, men can sometimes communicate
what would be difficult to say in any other way. Through humor, human contacts, always
problematical, become less fragile" (1967,271). While recognizing the importance of
communication to the use of humor among the council members, another element, which Miller
himself discusses, needs to be brought to the fore. In discussing the nature of the tribal council,
Miller writes:
There is a strong feeling, usually not made explicit, that business should be conducted in the
"Indian way," that is, with approval by consensus rather than by a simple majority. One
manifestation of this attitude is the slow pace of meetings; discussion often drags, wanders off
the topic, or repeats points that have been made before. If there is an issue which is politically
sensitive or about which the representatives are ignorant, there may be a dead silence of three or
four minutes after the chairman introduces it. Half an hour may pass before discussion becomes
animated, or it may never. Officials from the Bureau of Indian Affairs and other visitors,
burdened with their belief that "a stitch in time saves nine," fidget and fuss, while the Indians sit
stolidly, tranquility personified. In most cases the talk continues until all agree, or at least until
the dissenters acquiesce. Consequently, a high percentage of resolutions are passed unanimously,
often without a formal vote. If unanimity is not attained, the dissenters are likely to complain that
the matter has been railroaded, regardless of the time and care that have been devoted to its
consideration. (1967,265)
What is the core of this "Indian way"? Most fundamentally, the emphasis is on equality. To a
large degree, Anishinaabe culture has always been and is still today nonhierarchical. The
emphasis is on maintaining a fiat social structure. If we put together the observations made about
the comic vision among the tribal council with those about the political process, it should be
readily evident that in both cases an important underlying dynamic is the desire to maintain
equality among all parties. Thus, the tribal council members made humor a regular part of their
proceedings for the serious social business of maintaining equality. The same phenomenon was
also at work in the political process. Thus, we can agree with Miller that communication was an
important aspect of tribal council humor. However, it also needs to be recognized that the
communication among the council members helped to keep any one individual from rising too
high above the rest. In that the communication relied so much on humor, the importance of the
cultural ideal of the comic vision, then, is an important underpinning for other cultural ideals--in
this case, social equality.
This example of the governing patterns of the Anishinaabe is of particular importance. It
illustrates the manner in which we are rebuilding institutional structures in the wake of the
apocalypse. That the comic vision is brought into government testifies to the ongoing relevance
of the traditional worldview of the Anishinaabe. It gives evidence of the survival of the culture,
and it also explains how the culture is managing to persist. Even though the form of government
extant among the Anishinaabe is foreign to our traditional ways, the use of the comic vision
helps to maintain important cultural values, especially social equality. Once again it can be seen
that the comic vision both explains how the culture is able to maintain its continuity and
illustrates that there is continuity between the present-day culture and its historical antecedents.
Currently, the comic vision continues to inspire the Anishinaabe and to assist in the process of
rebuilding and healing our lives. Some of the best examples of this can be found among the
Anishinaabe writers who draw heavily on the trickster tradition to create stories exploring the
magnitude of the apocalypse and how humor functions to deal with the trauma. Of special
interest is the emphasis on the comic in relation to the Anishinaabe oral tradition, as opposed to
the stress on food resources and morality, as developed by the non-Anishinaabe writers discussed
above. Perhaps the most important and most noted of Anishinaabe authors is Gerald Vizenor,
who very much is "writing in the oral tradition" (Blaeser 1996, title page). One challenge in
discussing Vizenor concerns the large corpus of this work, and this review is by no means
intended to present a thorough presentation of his writings (Helstern 1999). Instead, one
particularly salient feature will be brought forward for consideration: his ideas on the liberating
and healing power of the trickster. Some of Vizenor's ideas in this regard appeared in a collection
of essays on postmodernism and Native American literature (1993), although he has presented
them elsewhere (1990). Vizenor opens his essay by lauding the trickster. "The trickster is a
liberator and healer in a narrative, a comic sign, communal signification and a discourse with
imagination" (1993,187). This is a theme Vizenor returns to again and again throughout the
whole of the piece (1993,188,192,194,196,204,205), and, for the sake of brevity, need not be
repeated here. Vizenor draws from postmodern theory to illuminate trickster discourse and its
liberating and healing power. For example, Vizenor follows the lead of Bakhtin in celebrating
the dialogic process, adding that "The interlocutors in the trickster narratives are the author,
narrator, characters and audience" (1993,191). This emphasis on the dialogic process is at the
heart of Vizenor's thinking, pointing to his understanding of the way trickster discourse works in
tribal societies. In short, trickster discourse functions as a cultural whole, meaning that the whole
of the culture is involved in the process. Without appreciating that wholeness, it is impossible to
understand the trickster. The dialogic process explains, to some degree, how Vizenor can see the
trickster as a liberator and healer. Engaging in language games, as trickster discourse does, the
"tribal trickster is atavistic, a revenant holotrope in new and recurrent narratives" (1993,205).
The trickster does not die; he comes back to life again in new guises, new narratives. As such,
the trickster can face the onslaught of the European invasion, and rather than "vanish," as seems
to have been the hope of earlier Euro-Americans, the trickster mutates into something even
greater. Maintaining the role of cultural hero in new stories and new roles, the trickster liberates
the Anishinaabe from the oppression of colonialism and opens healing vistas of the imagination.
The healing power of the trickster can be seen in the works of other Anishinaabe writers who
bring the trickster into their writing. One prominent example of this is the works of Louise
Erdrich. Again, like Vizenor, Erdrich has a large and growing body of work, with an even larger
body of academic writing to accompany it (Burdick 1996). Again, for the sake of brevity, only
one example will be illustrated, from the novel Tracks (1988). The trickster element in Tracks
has been widely noted, as well as the destructive effects of colonialization. However, of
particular interest is the outcome of the story, which has not received nearly as much attention.
At the end of the novel, the two characters who remain most intact are Nanapush, the recognized
trickster in the story, and his companion, Margaret. Both Fluer and Pauline, two of the other
more important figures in the book, have faded from the scene. Pauline takes her vows as a nun,
and Fluer hitches herself to a wagon and disappears into the proverbial sunset (Erdrich 1988,
204-5,224). Even Eli has abandoned the traditional life, taking a job as a lumberjack and
participating in the destruction of his native forest (213). All three of these characters--Pauline,
Fleur, and Eli--have lost everything important in Anishinaabe life: family, community, and land.
Nanapush and Margaret survive, however. Nanapush is able to retrieve Lulu from the boarding
school and so maintain a family. The fact that Nanapush is able to become tribal chairman
speaks to his standing in the community (225-26). Finally, they are living on Margaret's land,
which she was able to retain in true trickster fashion by using the money raised to pay the taxes
on Fleur's allotment for her own, keeping in mind that the trickster can be avaricious at times as
well (207). While Tracks recognizes the severity of the collapse of our society, it also points the
way toward survival, relying on the comic vision and use one's wits to survive as embodied by
Nanapush to meet the forces of colonialism and oppression. Contrast this with the tragic figure of
Fleur, who, while making a principled stand so characteristic of the tragic vision, nevertheless in
the end loses all that is near and dear to her heart.
Vizenor and Erdrich operate at a very elite level. Both are recognized and established writers.
Other Anishinaabe voices speak the same language as these two, however, with one of the more
pertinent being Jim Northrup. Of particular interest is the fact that Northrup makes his home on
an Anishinaabe reservation-Fund du Lac in northern Minnesota. Thus, his writing reflects life
"on the ground" for the Anishinaabe people, with his collection of short stories and poems,
Walking the Rez Road (1993), being one of the better examples of his work. The book includes a
loosely connected set of stories revolving around the life experiences of Luke Warmwater, a
Vietnam veteran who survived the war but is "having trouble surviving the peace" (8). It would
be hard to label Luke a trickster character in that he leads such an ordinary life on an
economically impoverished Anishinaabe reservation. There are bouts of drinking, jail time, and
binges of gambling on the bingo line (85-88,126-35). However, as previously pointed out, there
is a tendency of people to take on the characteristics of important figures in their culture, and this
certainly seems to be the case with Luke. In particular, Luke is a figure who lives by his wits. For
example, he uses his wits to pull the old trick of getting out of jail by agreeing to undergo
treatment at a chemical dependency center (86). And he, as well as his fellow Indians, tells
stories, such as in the moving van they fill with tall tales and other narratives (55-58). The stories
are especially important. They are filled with humor and exemplify the healing power of telling a
good story. Through the use of stories, the comic vision is kept alive, and one gets the very real
sense these Indians are practicing the forgiveness that is so critical to continued survival in the
wake of an apocalypse.
One last example will be presented to give testimony to the living presence of the trickster
among the Anishinaabe. Theresa Smith reported on a play put on by a group of Anishinaabe on
Manitoulin Island entitled "Nanabush of the 80s." As quoted by Smith, the "meaning and
purpose" of their play, as expressed by the Indians themselves, is as follows:
There is a legendary character in Indian lore who is known as Nanabush... Because he is half
human and half spirit (he is the grandson of the Moon), the choices and challenges he brings
force us to come to terms with the realities of the world we live in. Always present and ever
active, Nanabush has been dormant as a character in our culture for many years, but is now
acknowledged again, welcomed with open arms, and transformed into Nanabush of the 80s.
(Smith 1995, 156)
The realities of the world we live in are both tragic and comic. The response of Wenabozho is to
maintain the comic spirit. Ever the trickster, as long as Wenabozho lives the comic vision will
endure among the Anishinaabe. In welcoming him with open arms, we assure ourselves that he
will remain close to our hearts and minds.
The comic vision is an integral part of Anishinaabe culture. It is an intimate part of our heritage,
dating from long before the presence of Europeans on this continent. However, the coming of
Europeans completely changed the face of our existence. We have endured the end of our world,
and we continue to suffer from the effects of Post Apocalypse Stress Syndrome. While we will
never be able to return to the old world, that does not mean we cannot bring that world with us
into the new. The comic vision is one means by which we are surviving in the face of PASS and
maintaining our cultural heritage. The comic vision gives witness to and helps support our
ongoing efforts to rebuild our world. As long as we keep telling the old stories, we will persist as
a people. And as long as we keep laughing at the old stories, not only will we survive, we will
thrive once again.
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~~~~~~~~
By Lawrence W. Gross
Lawrence W. Gross is an assistant professor at Iowa State University with a joint appointment in
religious studies and American Indian studies. He is also Anishinaabe, being enrolled with the
White Earth Nation of northern Minnesota.
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