Download Comparison Studies of Three Taiwanese Languages: Mandarin

A GLIMPSE OF HISTORY
By Kan Tion Siong
A flower on a rainy night
A flower on a rainy night
Blown to the ground by the wind and rain
Out of everyone’s sight
It sighs nights and days
It withered and dashed to the ground
Never to return ever again
Dashed to the ground
Dashed to the ground
Who is going to take care of me?
Merciless wind and rain
Shortcut my future
The flower withered and fell to the ground
What am I going to do?
Merciless rain merciless rain
Mindful not of my future
It never cared for my destiny
Nor heeded my fraility
Thus making my future gloomy
Raindrops raindrops
Led us into a pool of misery
Why push us off the leaves and branches
To be trampled to smithereens?
On March 22, 2008, a majority of Taiwanese voted for Mr. Ma Ying-Jeou,
Chinese Nationalist, or KMT, as their president for the next four years. Along
with it, they also turned down the referendum for joining the United Nations as
Taiwan.
Just like the metaphoric flower in the Taiwanese folk song A Flower On A
Rainy Night, it was a devastating setback for the Taiwanese who have yearned for
independence and a membership in the U.N. and other international organizations.
Ma is a Trojan horse (Ma, horse in Chinese) for China’s hegemonic claim
over Taiwan. Ma has a law degree from Harvard University under the KMT’s
scholarship. He was a campus spy on KMT’s payroll during the 70’s and editor
of an anti-Taiwan-independence newsletter in Boston. His wife had campus
police citations of theft of newspapers and magazines containing anti-KMT and
Pro-Taiwan-independence articles. His wife had also court records of criminal
activity of taking national college entrance examination for another person in the
60’s in Taiwan; she was acquitted because she had not got the passing grade for
that person. Her father as a KMT high-ranking partisan had significant influence
in her acquittal as well. After all KMT owned Judicial courts as bragged by a
KMT top official.
During Ma’s tenure as mayor of city of Taipei, he had embezzled expense
accounts and taken bribes from city contractors. He was indicted by the public
prosecutors but then was acquitted by the three-judge panel in the lower court
who cited a precedent case of a twelfth-century Chinese dynasty; on prosecutorial
appeal, the appellate court acquitted him as well. Just like a top KMT official used
to say “We (KMT) own the court”. After he was acquitted, he vowed to sue the
prosecutors for libels. While Ma was mayor of Taipei, his wife brokered for a
Chinese pharmaceutical company to be the exclusive supplier to the city-owned
hospitals and clinics. In addition, his wife’s sister was the principal of a school in
China. Ma’s mandarin arrogance was evident when he, as mayor of Taipei, told a
group of aborigines who petitioned for compensatory damage for evacuating their
homes for a public project that he would treat them like “human beings”. With
Chinese Nationalists’ aegis and Chinese Communist connections, no wonder Ma
is virtually a representative of China for years to come.
When Ma took over the administration he immediately implemented direct
flight link with China, recognizing Chinese academic degrees, raising the assetbased Taiwanese investment from 40% to 60% in China, allowing Taiwan-based
high-tech industry to move to China and called for “diplomatic truce” and
unilateral disarmament to appease China. Furthermore, Ma allowed his
representatives presented him as Mr. Ma instead of President Ma before highranking Chinese officials. The Taiwanese compradore one after another in Ma’s
administration went to China as pariahs. China in turn listed Taiwan as Chinese
Taipei in the 2008 Olympic games in lieu of the traditional Taiwan or TPE
(Taipei) used by the IOC. Ma is conspicuously paving the way for China’s
annexation of Taiwan.
It is no wonder Taiwanese who yearn for independence and a membership
in the U.N. are melancholic like that metaphoric flower in the Taiwanese folk
song. The history of Taiwan is well reflected in the folk song full of
disappointments and chagrin despite continual struggle and hope. Since
Taiwanese are at a crossroads now, they have to know their past and the long road
their forebears have taken towards independence. A glimpse of Taiwan’s history
is very helpful especially for the younger generation.
Taiwan’s history can be summarized in the epochs of European
colonization, Chinese occupation, Japanese colonization and Chinese Nationalist
era of usurpation.
EUROPEAN COLONIZATION
(1624-1661)
In the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, Europeans went through cultural
renaissance and industrial revolution. Their vision raised above the horizon and beyond
their home turf. Their venture into the other part of the world had motivated them to
build better and larger ships and weapons. The western colonialists including the Dutch,
Portuguese, Spanish, English and French one time or the other colonized Asian territories
and traded slaves. The Portuguese sailors yelled “Iha Formosa” (beautiful island) when
they sighted the island in their voyage through the straits. To the Westerners, Formosa is
the name of the island and Formosans refer to the aboriginal inhabitants of the MalayoPolynesian stock. After World War II Taiwan has become more commonly called and
Taiwanese refer to the people in Taiwan which comprise about 74% Hok-Lo’s, 12%
Hakka’s, 12% Chinese refugees after World War II and their descendants and 2%
aborigines and foreigners.
The Dutch occupied Taiwan in 1624 until 1661 when they were driven out by
Koxinga, the remnant general of the Ming Dynasty, which was overrun by the Ching
Dynasty of the Manchu. During the Dutch occupation, the Dutch via the East Indian
Company financed by the Dutch Crown used Formosa as the distribution hub for their
merchandises and spoils. They constructed the Zelandia and the Providential in An-Ping
Taiwan.
The East Indian Company exported rice, sugar, camphors, and buckskins to its
European customers. It also involved in the shipment of Chinese slaves to their
plantations in Indonesia, Malaya and other Dutch colonies. The Spanish had occupied the
Northern Formosa and they established missionary schools and churches. They were
driven out of Formosa by the Dutch in the mid-seventeenth century.
At one time or other, Scots, Germans, Italians, Filipinos, Japanese, French,
English and Americans were in Formosa as well. No one knows how many
miscegenational children were born to the aborignal women.
As a matter of history, in 1853-1854 Commodore Perry suggested to annex
Formosa as a part of the American territory. The Western colonists opened up Formosa
from a primitive agrarian isolated Pacific Island onto the vision of a maritime commercial
hub. Japanese had explored Formosa in 1875; their sailors were killed by the aborigines
and Japanese appealed to the Ching Dynasty for retribution. Ching government denied
its jurisdiction over the aborigines; after all they were beyond the pale of the empire.
In the 13th, 14th, and 15th centuries, Japanese, Okinawan and occasionally Korean
ships passed through the Taiwan Straits trading with South China and Southeast Asia.
From time to time these sailors had to take shelter along the shores of Pakkan-tao. The
island was known vaguely in Japan as Takasago-Kuni, the “High Mountain Country”. A
small settlement was established on a defensive islet on the southwestern coast. The
Japanese called their hamlet “Takasago” and the anchorage simply as “the Big Bay” or
Dai Wan. The Japanese shipped deer hides, rattan and other forest products to Japan for
handsome profits.
When the Catholic Spaniards and Portuguese had been evicted from Japan, the
rival Protestant Dutch came to Japan to trade with the Japanese and started missionary
work. The Spanish built a garrison and established a Catholic mission in North Taiwan.
However their sixteen years of occupation in North Taiwan was not successful. In 1642,
the Dutch came up from Zelandia and evicted their Catholic rivals out of Taiwan. The
Dutch Protestants were the mainstream of Christian pioneers in spreading the Word and
Salvation through Jesus. They Romanized the Amoy dialect in sermons. To this day
Romanized bibles are still used for church sermons.
KINGDOM OF KOXINGA
(1661-1683)
In the 2nd half of the sixteenth century, the Ming Dynasty was facing internal
divisions and invading barbarians from the north beyond the Great Wall. Heavy taxation,
social unrests and constant warfare forced people to go overseas for a better life. They
went to Java, Malaya, Borneo, Siam and the Philippines. Tens of thousands ventured
through the Black Straits to Formosa. These adventurous outlaws were the ancestors of
the majority of the people in Taiwan today mainly Hok-Lo’s and Hakka’s.
Cheng Cheng-Kung, the son of Cheng Chu-Long, a merchant-pirate, and his
Japanese concubine was the remnant general of the Ming Dynasty. When Ming Dynasty
army was overwhelmed by the Ching Dynasty, Cheng-Kung managed to retreat to
Kinman and vowed to fight to the last solider. He then decided to maneuver his army to
fight the Dutch in Formosa. In 1661 he launched an army of 25,000 strong from Kinman
and with the assistance of the aborigines and immigrants in An-Ping, Cheng successfully
overpowered the Dutch garrison command in Zelandia despite the Fort’s request for
reinforcements from Indonesia. Koxinga established himself in An-Ping as Tung Tu or
East Capital in honor of his loyalty to the Ming Emperor. Koxinga died in 1662, a year
after his victory over the Dutch. His son Cheng Chi took over.
During the Koxinga regime, a policy of military farming prevailed; the regime
inherited the Dutch system of imperial farm system by allocating farms to the soldiers.
As majority of the soldiers were bachelors, intermarriage of the soldiers and aboriginal
women became a norm. There remains to this day a saying “with Chinese grandfather but
no Chinese grandmother”. Thus, in history this was the beginning of Taiwanization.
During the Koxinga era, mercantilism was prevalent; the Formosans were trading
with neighboring countries such as Japan, Indonesia, the Philippines and even Europeans.
In 1674, the Koxinga army capitalizing the opportunities of rebellions in the mainland
against Ching Dynasty invaded China. But it was a disaster; the army retreated to Amoy
and then to Formosa. In 1683, Koxinga’s grandson a “boy king” persuaded by Ching
General Shih Long surrendered and went to Peking to be officiated and retired. Shih
Long was one of the renegade generals of Koxinga. In 1684, the kingdom of Koxinga
got its final exit in history.
History tended to repeat itself. About two hundred sixty years after Kingdom of
Koxinga gave up its claim over mainland, Chiang Kai-Shek slinked his Chinese
Nationalist Party, KMT, into Taiwan and grounded itself as Republic of China on Taiwan
claiming its sovereignty over China and vowing to recover mainland China.
The Kingdom of Koxinga was a sovereign state apart from China. It lasted 22
years. At the beginning Koxinga himself had a Negro as his bodyguard and he also
maintained like a pet a missionary, Father Ricci. He vowed to recover Mainland as a
Ming patriot. This historical background and patriotic psyche of Koxinga had a parallel
in history. Chiang Kai-Shek maintained himself with a missionary zeal to allure western
aids for his dream of recovering his lost mainland.
In the historical winds, the island of Formosa represented the haven for those who
were defeated in the mainland China and became a stepping-stone or jumping board for
the dream of recovering the Mainland. It also became a piece of property to be ceded
away when Ching Dynasty was defeated by the Empire of Japan.
CHING DYNASTY
(1683-1895)
After the Koxinga Kingdom drew to its denouement, there was a debate among
the courtiers of the Ching Dynasty whether to keep Formosa as a part of the vast empire
or give it up as a worthless ball of clay. It was Shih Long, the renegade general of
Koxinga who insisted on keeping Formosa as a part of the Ching Empire.
During the Ching occupation of Formosa from 1683 till 1895 when Formosa was
ceded in perpetuity to Japan after Sino-Japanese War in 1894, Formosa was a thorn to the
Ching Empire.
The island is less than 100 miles across the Formosa Straits from the Mainland,
and the people who came to Formosa were desperate. They gained freedom from the
exploitation of the Ching government. Most were remnants of Ming Dynasty and they
deemed Ching Dynasty as a foreign conqueror and they were the patriotic sort. To the
Formosans, the sky was high and the Ching Emperor was far away; therefore, there was
“an uprising every three years, and a rebellion every five years”. In the beginning, the
uprising or rebellion not uncommonly was always in the name of Anti-Ching and
Restoring-Ming in a very patriotic fervor. However, more often than not it was for the
struggling against autocratic dominance, corruption, and excessive taxation by the
government.
The carpetbaggers as officials sent by the Ching Dynasty from China always
exploited as much as they could while they were there. Their positions were transient at
best because it was Ching Dynasty’s policy not to let the officials and the Formosans get
too cozy with each other. As a matter of fact, this is true with the Japanese colonist as
well as the Chiang regime in the Chinese Nationalist era.
Ching Dynasty occupied Formosa from 1683 till 1895 when it was ceded to the
Japanese after Ching was defeated in the Sino-Japanese War in 1894.
JAPANESE COLONY
(1895-1945)
After Sino-Japanese War in 1894, Formosa was ceded to Japan in perpetuity
under the legal counsel of Colonel Dulles Foster, Secretary of State of the United States
of America at one time. The Japanese faced resistance from the Formosans. The
Formosans organized militia to resist the Japanese invasion. On the diplomatic end the
Formosans established the Republic of Formosa in helter-skelter and appealed to the
world the Formosans’ desire not to be occupied by the Japanese. The Republic of
Formosa although ephemeral at best for less than six months had a fair complete
organization except a constitution. It had a name as a nation, a national flag, various
Departments of Defense, Foreign Relation, Executive, Legislative, and Treasury; Tang C.
S. as President, Chiu F. C. as Vice President, Liu Y. F. as Defense General and so on.
However, soon after the arrival of the Japanese forces, Tang Chiu and Liu all fled to
China.
The Formosan elites intended for international interference to avoid being taken
over by the Japanese. However, at the time Japan had gone through reformation, and
modernization and become a forceful power; it defeated Russia in 1905 Russo-Japan war.
The United States, England and France were busy devoting their strengths and resources
for positioning themselves in the Atlantic. The appeal of this first Republic in Asia fell
on their deaf ears at most.
For the Formosans their military resistance with primitive weapons, tools, knives,
hoes, and bamboo sticks could not match those powerful powdered guns used by the
modern Japanese soldiers. It was disaster after disaster undoubtedly; the military
resistances culminated in 1915 when Say Lai An Rebellion occurred. In the end 866
insurgents were sentenced to death. Thanks to the humanitarian concerns of the Japanese
people in Japan, most of the death sentences were reduced to lesser offense.
Japanese cruelty in Formosa culminated in a mass massacre of the aborigines in
central mountain region of Formosa. In 1930, the aborigines of the Sidiq tribe were up
against the tyrannical treatment of their people. The aborigines rebelled and killed the
Japanese police and civilians. The Japanese authorities retaliated by using toxic gas and
bombers to nearly wipeout the entire tribal village of 1200 or so. Mass suicide of the
tribesmen, their wives, and children resulted in the uproar in Japan proper as well as
international condemnation of such an atrocity.
Realizing the futility of militant resistance, the Formosan elites shifted their
strategy in the way of promoting a home rule movement. They started by appealing the
sixty-three rule. The sixty-three rule was the law promulgated by the Viceroy; the law
called for the absolute authority of the Viceroy to have executive, legislative, and other
authorities bestowed by the Japanese Government. The law is restrictive in every way; it
was discriminatory at best.
The Formosan elites also established Formosan Cultural Association. This was a
grass-root movement to educate the mass the cultural root of the Formosan people, social
justice and economic equality. In the eyes of the Japanese rulers, all these activities in
Home Rule Movement or Cultural Association were seditious at most. The enlightenment
of the Formosan people through all these efforts bore fruit despite the Japanese policy of
Nipponization to counter such home rule movement and cultural inculcation. In the
process of Nipponization, the Japanese encouraged Formosans to speak Japanese,
adopting Japanese style of living and changing names to Japanese ones. In the literature
areas, Japanese literary works were encouraged and rewarded. Despite all this effort of
Nippoinization, Taiwanization went deeper in the hearts of many who did not consider
themselves Japanese at all.
Japanese launched war in 1937 against China. Their success in China encouraged
them to even more ambitiously extend their East Asia Co-prosperity Sphere. In 1941 the
attack on Pearl Harbor was the beginning of the end for the empire which overtook nearly
all Asia. In 1945 atomic bombs on Hiroshima and Nagasaki brought the saber rattling
Japanese empire to its knees.
During the half-century colonialism by the Japanese, the Formosans had been
evolved from a vulgar, illiterate society to a modern class with a worldview. The
education promulgated under Japanese rule propelled the Formosans toward the New
World order. The industrial base laid down by the Japanese military ambition gave
Formosa a thumb-up economic power.
However, such a higher level in social modernization, cultural refinement and
economic prosperity caused the big chasm between the Formosans and their brethren
across the Straits in China. After a half-century of Japanese colonialism, the Formosans
considered the victory over Japan as the great opportunity to go back to the Mother Land.
However, the new comers from China after 2nd World War considered Taiwan as their
war spoil and they treated the Formosans as the enemy’s collaborators. With such a big
difference in understanding the meaning of the victory over Japan, conflicts became
inevitable.
It was the difference in two substantially different cultures and the superiority
complex of the backward mainlanders over the much more enlightened Formosans that
caused a tragedy in 1947. During the occupation by Japanese, Formosans called the
Japanese dogs, but after Chiang Kai-Shek and his cliques took over Formosa they found
out the dog was gone and in came the pig.
228 HOLOCAUST
(March 1947)
During the heat of the 2nd World War in the Pacific Theater, Japanese forces
occupied nearly two-thirds of China. Chiang Kai-Shek was playing games with Mao
Tse-Tung’s communist forces on one hand and using Japanese as a bargain with the
Allied Powers on the other.
Though self-perceived as a military genius, Generalissimo Chiang was not a great
military giant in the eyes of the Allied Powers Commanders. In order to keep Chiang to
continue fighting the Japanese instead of compromising and yielding to the enemy,
leaders of Allied Powers in 1943 Cairo Declaration consented to give Taiwan to Chiang
for his alliance in China. As a matter of history, at Cairo Summit, Chiang did not even
ask for Taiwan as his war spoil. After Japanese surrender in 1945, General MacArthur
under Allied Executive Order, delegated Chiang as Allied Custodian of Taiwan. Chen Yi
appointed by Chiang Kai-Shek as Governor General came to Taiwan as a conqueror. The
Chen Yi cliqne plundered the island right and left without mercy.
The carpetbaggers from mainland China exploited their status as Allied Powers.
They occupied the government offices and positions through nepotism; many cases can
be cited that Chinese officials employed their own relatives without educational
background qualified for the jobs. Soldiers running loose plundered private homes and
public buildings for anything of any value. Jokes flew around that Chinese soldiers took
hydrants and installed them in their own homes to find no water coming out; soldiers
took off light bulbs and expected them to light-up; soldiers put bicycles on their shoulders
instead of riding on them.
Taiwanese under Japanese rule for fifty years had become an educated populace
much more so than those in the mainland. They were law abiding and socially adaptable
rather than as backward as the mainlanders.
After Japanese surrender in 1945, Chen-Yi clique ruined the economy. Runaway
inflation had pushed the people to the brink; unemployment reached 60% when the
Formosan soldiers conscripted by the Japanese came back from the Philippines and other
areas. Social chaos, rising unrest and economic ruins had turned the island into a kettle
ready to steam off. Despite all these turmoils, Chen Yi and his cliques not only did not
manage to correct the situations, they even exploited further the economy of the island to
aid Chiang Kai-Shek’s war effort in mainland China and to line up their own pockets.
Throughout the island, conflicts between government officials, mainland police
and Formosans frequently occurred; friction between Formosans and mainlanders had
become daily routine. In the evening of February 27, 1947, a gang of Monopoly Bureau
police confiscated the cigarettes of a widow who depended upon the sales of cigarettes
for a meager living. The woman pled the police to give her back the cigarettes to no
avail. The policeman knocked her down with his rifle. The bystanders roared with rage
as they jumped upon the policemen. A chase ensued, the police fired at a bystander who
was shot to death.
This isolated incident was the beginning of the 228 Holocaust. The next day a
crowd marched to the Governor General’s mansion demanding the punishment of the
police who had caused the incident. The garrison guards fired and six people lying dead
on the street.
The chain of the events spread to other parts of the island and widespread attacks
on mainlanders began. The Formosans demanded the Governor General to settle the
matter by reforming his offices, punishing the offenders and compensating the victims.
Chen Yi declared curfew and allowed the formation of 228 Incident Settlement
Committee. Meanwhile, he dispatched message to Chiang Kai-Shek in Nanking for
reinforcement. He used delay tactics by negotiating with the Settlement Committee while
awaiting Chiang Kai-Shek’s reinforcement to come ashore.
For the first few days the island was under firm control by the Formosans in an
orderly fashion and in restraint. On March 8, 1947, Chiang Kai-Shek’s 21st Army arrived
at Keelung. Once ashore, the soldiers started machine-gunning every Formosan in sight;
the massacre went on all the way to Taipei. They killed, machine-gunned, raped and
raided wantonly.
The 228-Settlement Committee dissolved. Leaders and innocent people alike were
in prisons, and executed without trials. Chen Yi’s cliques used their positions to extort
money or payoff from next of kins or relatives seeking for help to release their kinfolks.
All told, estimated 30,000 elites perished during the 228 Holocaust. Among the dead
were professors, doctors, lawyers, journalists, teachers, students and people of all walks
of life. Thirty thousand victims, the then future leaders in a population of 6 millions or so
were a tremendous loss to the Formosans. The Chiang regime’s claim they could not find
qualified Formosans to fill decision-making positions was not without reason. It took
another generation to see the process of Taiwanization take root. The subsequent white
terror in the aftermath of the 228 massacres in the name of purging the villages of bandits
and communists had 100,000 or more imprisoned or executed.
General Albert Wedemeyer visited Taiwan soon after the massacre. His Report to
the Secretary of State dated August 17, 1947, summed up the situation.
“Our experience in Formosa is most enlightening. The Administration of the
former Governor Chen Yi has alienated the people from the Central Government (of
China). Many were forced to feel that conditions under autocratic (Japanese) rule were
preferable.
“The Central Government… can not attribute their failures to the activities of the
Communists or of dissident elements. The people anticipated sincerely and
enthusiastically deliverance from the Japanese yoke. However, Chen Yi and his
henchmen ruthlessly, corruptly, and avariciously imposed their regime upon a happy and
amenable population. The Army conducted themselves as conquerors, Secret police
operated freely to intimidate and to facilitate exploitation by Central Government
officials …
“The island is extremely productive… The Japanese had efficiently electrified
even remote areas and also established excellent railroad lines and highways. Eighty
percent of the people can read and write, the exact antithesis of conditions prevailing in
the mainland of China. There were indications that Formosans would be receptive
toward United States guardianship and United Nations trusteeship. The fear the Central
Government contemplates bleeding their island to support the tottering and corrupt
Nanking machine, and I think their fears well founded”.
Unfortunately the State Department did not take Wedemeyer’s Report seriously.
The desire of the Taiwanese people was never heeded, the right for self-determination
was denied.
THE WINDS OF TAIWANIZATION
After 228 Holocaust, two historical expatriations took place.
In mainland China, facing the cruelty of defeat, Chiang Kai-Shek resigned his
presidency of China with the provisions he would resume his position anytime he wished.
Lee Tzong-zun took over as president, in fact as the scapegoat for losing mainland China
to Chinese Communists. After resignation as president Chiang detoured through places
to finally settle in Taipei.
In 1949, Chinese Communists took over China and established People’s Republic
of China. Chiang, his cliques and rag-tag armed forces flooded Taiwan like locusts and
drowning rats. All told 500,000 Chinese soldiers and 1,500,000 refugees came to
Taiwan.
Meanwhile after 228 Holocaust, quite a few elites of the Holocaust survivors fled
the island to Hong Kong and Japan to avoid persecution. Ms. Hsieh Sha-Hong, Snow
Red, the communist leader during 228 uprising, and Dr. Thomas Liao, fled to Hong Kong
to establish the Taiwanese Alliance for Re-liberation.
However, Snow Red insisted on Chinese Communists’ aid for liberation of
Taiwan while Dr. Liao was in favor of United Nations’ plebiscite and self-determination.
Thus, the Alliance fell apart. Red Snow went to China and Liao departed for Japan.
Snow Red lived in China through tumultuous Cultural Revolution; she died in 1970 with
her dream of reliberating Taiwan unfulfilled.
Dr. Liao campaigned for plebiscite and self-determination for Taiwan, and he
went on to form the Provisional Taiwan Government in Tokyo. He was the Provisional
President. However, after several years of marginal activities he gave up his ideal and
surrendered to Chiang Ching-Kuo. Nevertheless, Taiwanese in Japan and the United
States continued their fight for independence by forming Formosans for Free Formosans
(3F) in 1956; United Formosans for Independence (UFI) in 1958; United Formosans in
American for Independence (UFAI) in 1966; and then World United Formosans for
Independence (WUFI) in 1970. The campaign for independence continued throughout the
past half century.
In Taiwan, Chiang Kai-Shek declared Martial Law under totalitarianism. His son
Chiang Ching-Kuo was made the head of secret service using terror and secrecy for
controlling the minds of the people. Throughout the sixties the slogan was “Counter
attack Mainland; Recover China”. Chiang Ching-Kuo moved from the secret service to
Garrison Command onto Defense Minister, and the Prime Minister. His tactics of terror
and political Machiavellianism were basically learned from Moscow where his father
sent him to study.
In 1964, Dr. Peng M. M. and his two students were arrested for distributing
pamphlets advocating Taiwan independence. Dr. Peng a professor of politics at National
Taiwan University was put in house arrest after vigorous protests overseas and Amnesty
International’s petition; both of his students were jailed, one for 12 years and the other 8
years.
In 1970, as Premier, and heir apparent to Chiang Kai-Shek, Chiang Ching-Kuo
was invited by the United States to come to New York. On April 24, 1970 at the Plaza
Hotel, W.H. Huang, a member of the World United Formosans for Independence (WUFI)
fired a shot at Chiang Ching-Kuo. He escaped the fate, however, the shot might have
helped him rethinking his terror tactics and Machiavellianism in politics.
In 1971, Dr. Peng fled Taiwan through the aid of WUFI; he became a leader of
WUFI, FAPA (Formosan Association of Public Affairs), and Formosa Study.
In 1972, President Nixon visited Mao Tse-Tung in Peking. These diplomatic
moves from containment to open arms forced Chiang Regime to change the slogan from
“Counter Attack Mainland” to “Build Taiwan”.
In 1975 Chiang Kai-Shek died, Yan Chia-Kan succeeded as President although
Ching-Kuo was the real power behind the KMT machinery.
Despite the marital law and constant surveillance by the secret agents, the nonKMT opposition elites inched their way toward liberalization of basic rights and reforms
in government. Their issues and arguments had been widely accepted by the Taiwanese
but vehemently rejected by the KMT partisans. The solidarity of the non-KMT elites and
the general populace threatened the KMT regime for total control. In 1978 general
election for legislative members and local representatives and commissars, the opposition
elites were certain for scoring a big victory. However, international politics thwarted
that. The United States established the official diplomatic tie with China. KMT regime
declared the cancellation of the general election due to national emergency.
The non-KMT opposition elites advanced their ideals through publishing the
Formosan Monthly, and establishing distribution network throughout the country. The
KMT was waiting for the right moment to squash the opposition. On December 10, 1979,
the non-KMT elites were holding a rally in Kaohsiung to celebrate the 10th anniversary of
the Universal Declaration of Human Rights. The rally dotted with torches, banners and
microphones. KMT used hoodlums to agitate the masses and the KMT police. The rally
turned into chaos. KMT through their propaganda machinery condemned the rally as a
seditious act of the opposition elites. Island-wide arrests moved forward and persecution
followed.
During the trial of the key opposition elites, the ideals of a free independent
Taiwan, Taiwan for Taiwanese and basic civil rights were eloquently disseminated
throughout the island and echoed around the world.
The Formosa Magazine incident in 1979 was indeed the watershed that taboos
under martial law as Chiang regime’s pretense of representing the entire China were
lifted and revealed. During the trial WUFI exercised its long established channel for
making the world know the truth in Taiwan under KMT regime.
On February 28, 1980, the mother and the six-year old twin daughters of Mr. YiHsiung Lin, a former assemblyman of the Taiwan provincial assembly, were stabbed in
the basement of his residence. The mother and twin daughters were dead and the elder
daughter was stabbed 9 times but she survived. Mr. Lin was prisoned at the time for his
alleged crime of instigating the Formosa Magazine incident. The residence was guarded
under 24-hour surveillance by the KMT police and agents. To this day, the crime is still
not solved.
The KMT regime’s terror extended to overseas as well. In the summer of 1981,
Dr. W. C. Chen a professor in statistics at Carnegie-Mellon University in Pittsburgh went
back to Taiwan to visit his family. He was tortured to death by the Garrison Command
for linking his activities in the U.S. with the key elites of the Formosa Magazine incident.
Challenges to Ching Kuo’s totalitarianism began when Chen Ding-nan was
elected the magistrate of I-Lan County. During his tenure as a magistrate (1981-1989),
Mr. Chen, nicknamed Mr. Clean by his constituents, established rigorous rules for his
administration. He also removed the secret agents assigned to each public office or
school; he removed the ceremonial flag-raising and anthem-singing everyday for the
schools in the morning and evening; he abrogated the ceremonial processions at each
national holiday such as Double-Tenth Day, Chiang Kai-Shek’s birthday and so on. Mr.
Chen’s actions in challenging the KMT authorities were unprecedented; it inspired the
other counties to follow suit. The totalitarian image of KMT was thus broken; the myth of
their authorities was pierced.
In September 1986, the elites of non-KMT gathered their mettle and formed the
Democratic Progressive Party (DPP). The DPP was declared illegal by the KMT
authorities though no compulsive dissolution was called for. The DPP survived and
gained support from the grassroots. DPP’s main party line is for the independence of
Taiwan and social justice for all.
In 1987, Martial Law of 38 years was lifted, signs of genuine Taiwanization
appeared. In 1988, Chiang Ching-Kuo died; Vice President Lee Teng-Hui succeeded as
President. Lee Ten-Hui is a native Taiwanese; a technocrat under the auspices of ChingKuo as Vice President.
In the ensuing years after Lee became President, liberalization in all facets of
political, social, governmental and economic spheres began picking up the speed.
Common bond among all ethnic groups was called for; freedom in press, media, and
speech was gradually realized; vernacular languages, which had long been derided, were
encouraged. Voices or disclosure of the fact of 228 Holocaust back in 1947 were
escalated; those culprits causing atrocities during the Holocaust were demanded to be
brought to justice; memorial monuments for 228 victims were erected.
Demand for 100% freedom of speech was exemplified by Cheng Na-Jung
(Nylon). Cheng, the publisher of Freedom Era Magazine was indicted by KMT for
publishing a draft constitution for the independent Taiwan by Professor Hsu in Tokyo.
Cheng defied KMT by self-immolation by fire at his office when KMT police surrounded
his office on April 7, 1989. The voices for freedom and independence for Taiwan
climaxed during the funeral procession of Cheng Na-Jung when another Taiwanese
immolated himself by fire in front of the presidential palace.
On June 4, 1989, Chinese students at Tian-an-men Square were massacred by the
armed soldiers in contrast to the liberalization in Taiwan. Taiwan for Taiwanese and one
China, one Taiwan had become one more step toward Taiwanization.
In late 1980’s and early 1990’s WUFI members moved toward breaking the
barriers of black-listing by KMT. The black-list policy had been enforced severely
throughout the campuses in the universities where oversea Taiwanese students studied.
The KMT student spies were paid stipends by reporting to KMT for any suspect
advocating independence for Taiwan. A great number of overseas Taiwanese were
black-listed and prohibited from going back to Taiwan.
Several overseas Taiwanese led the movement by special routes to get back to
Taiwan. Some were successful; some were stopped and sent back to the U.S. at the
airport; some were thrown into jail. Such waves of homecoming roused the sentiment of
the Taiwanese under KMT’s white terror in decades; the black-list barrier was officially
lifted in the spring of 1992. Several WUFI members joined the DPP in participating the
democratic process in Taiwan.
The democratization and Taiwanization have been moving in tandem toward a
common bond for the Taiwanese and a genuine democratic society with justice for all.
However, the threats of the People’s Republic of China claiming its hegemony over
Taiwan have overshadowed the desire and determination of the Taiwanese for an
independent Taiwan.
In the 1996 presidential election, China fired missiles to the near shore of Taiwan
to intimidate the pro-independence Taiwanese. In July 1999, President Lee Teng-hui
infuriated China by his statement of “State to State” relationship between Taiwan and
China. In September 1999, a 7.6 Richter scale earthquake woke up the Taiwanese to
their senses further, when the President of China showing his sympathy for his
“compatriots” in Taiwan by pledging a token amount of $100,000 to aid the quake
victims. While in the past decade, Taiwanese had contributed more than $50 millions to
aid the victims of natural disasters in China. China also outraged the Taiwanese and
international communities by directing the international relief effort via China
disregarding totally the humanitarian urgency of such a catastrophe.
In the 2000 presidential election, KMT had Lien as the candidate, and James
Soong as another candidate for the KMT splinter of People First Party (PFP); while Chen
Shui-Bian and Anita Lu were the candidates of president and vice president for the DPP.
After a vigorous campaign, Chen and Lu won the presidential election. The loss of the
presidency to DPP enraged KMT partisans and followers greatly. It was a loss of face for
the 100-yr old grand-old-party that could not tolerate any other party which challenged it
let alone taking over its governance of Taiwan. They stormed the presidential palace and
surrounded the presidential residence of KMT Chairman Lee Teng-hui demanding his
resignation for the loss of the presidency.
Lee resigned and Lien became the KMT Chairman. KMT also demanded
recounting votes to find Chen actually gained more votes after recounting! Lien, breaking
KMT’s own national security law went to mainland China to meet with communist
leaders to form Chinese KMT-Communist coalition to oppress Taiwanese. Lien vowed
to revanche the governance of Taiwan from the hands of Chen Shui-Bian in 2004.
Because of his novice as president, Chen had to use the well-trenched KMT personnel in
the long-established bureaucracy, which had long been KMT’s bulwark. Therefore, Chen
was always between a rock and a hard place when time came for solving a problem or
implementing a policy. On legislative matters, KMT had majority legislators to block
nearly every major proposal or budgetary request such as purchase of weaponry or major
infrastructural projects. KMT’s sabotage was to make Chen’s administration paralyzed
and look incompetent in the eyes of the people. KMT also through China-financed
media, T.V., and Internet to exaggerate and spread rumors, innuendos and fabrications to
bombard and brainwash Taiwanese people 24/7. Chen’s daughter’s father-in-law, a
school administrator and a former KMT partisan, solicited for bribes and palm greasing
for filling positions in keeping with KMT tradition; the scandal was greatly exaggerated
to indict Chen and his family. Some other molehill types of blemishes were blown out of
proportion just to humiliate and deface Chen and his family while all Chen’s
achievements were marginalized or totally ignored by the media. By hook or by crook
KMT was determined to recuperate its loss of presidency.
When re-election for president in 2004 came, Lien, KMT Chairman, teamed up
with James Soong, PFP Chairman, counting on the combined followers to beat Chen.
James Soong had been indicted for bilking KMT treasure of millions of U.S. dollars
when he was secretary general of KMT before splintering from it. Lien forewent Soong’s
infraction and dishonesty for the end of beating Chen and taking over the presidency.
In the final days of the campaign, Chen was shot by a sniper from the crowd.
KMT immediately fabricated the innuendo that Chen used self-directed sniper incident to
win sympathy from the voters. Nonetheless, Chen won the re-election. Lien-Soong
followers stormed the presidential palace decrying vote fraud and self-directed sniper
drama and demanded recounting. To their chagrin, again recounting was in Chen’s favor.
KMT then demanded the forensic investigation of the sniper incident. Dr. Li an
internationally known U.S. forensic expert went to Taiwan to do the investigation; his
finding was it was actual sniper shot rather than a self-directed drama. KMT denounced
the forensic report and formed their own ad hoc investigative committee to look into the
matter. KMT partisans and followers, bombarded through their own and China-backed
media all sorts of lies, fabrications about Chen’s administration, officials, and family
members. KMT had accumulated ill-gotten U.S. $10 billion or more of Party assets since
1945, which has made KMT the richest political party in the world history. They had
used that money to ground firm basis from the smallest political units in every corner of
Taiwan. These pillars in normal time had been ears and eyes for the KMT regime; in
election time they became the distribution hub of rewards or punishment according to
win or loss of KMT nominated candidate. The money also used for payoff to judicial
personnel for help acquitting designated KMT officials who might be unfortunately
caught for wrongdoing. It was also used to hire assassins from the underground world to
stem opposition in keeping with KMT tradition of close relationship with the gangsters
from Chiag Kai-Shek and on.
Shortly after Chen’s re-election, there was a “red-shirt revolt” against Chen’s reelection, instigated by KMT but led by Shih Min-teh, who was a prisoner of conscience
for 27 years in KMT's jail and one-time Chairman of DPP. The red-shirt revolt was a
farcical drama instigated by Chinese Nationalists and anti-Chen faction of the DPP. The
red-shirt rioters occupied presidential palace plaza against Taipei’s curfew law. But
Mayor Ma had not done anything to disperse or control it. The red-shirt rioters demanded
President Chen resign for alleged corruption. Ma even announced that if Chen did not
resign, “the bullet is in the chamber and the gun is cocked; Chen would die an ugly
death”. Toward the end of the presidential campaign, three KMT legislators along with a
Finance official broke into DPP campaign headquarters to show force.
Ma in his bid for presidency offered to open direct flight between Taiwan and
China to expedite commercial activities in a common market and to accredit diplomas
and degrees from China. He fervently assured Taiwanese voters he would staunchly
defend Taiwan’s sovereignty.
Now that Taiwanese voted Ma as their leader, a Trojan horse is firmly situated at
the gate of Taiwan. Ma had allowed “Red Shirt” rioters in the presidential plaza while
mayor of Taipei, are red guards and red army next with hordes of Chinese job seekers
and brides coming to shore?
Those who have been yearning for self-determination, independence, genuine democracy
and membership in the U.N. and other international organizations probably would feel
like that metaphoric flower in the Taiwanese folk song A Flower On A Rainy Night for
years to come.
TITLE TO FORMOSA
“Formosa belongs to 23 million Taiwanese” has long been asserted by the proTaiwan-Independence camp from historical perspectives. However, China has insisted
Taiwan part of China despite the fact China’s national father Dr. Sun Yat-sen and
Chairman Mao Tse Tung had at one time or another advocated Taiwan Independence
along with Korean Independence.
If we examine some historical events, which had resulted in treaties, we will find
that by international law Formosa indeed belongs to Taiwanese.
1.
The Treaty of Shimonoseki
Japan defeated China in 1894 in the Sino-Japanese War over the issue of Korea.
The Ching Empire and Japan signed the Treaty of Shimonoseki. In this treaty, China
ceded Formosa and the Pescadores and other atolls to the empire of Japan in perpetuity.
At first, the empire of Japan distinguished Formosa as a colony, but later it treated it as its
own territory and Japan as the hinterland.
2.
Cairo Declaration and Potsdam Proclamation
On December 7, 1941, Japan attacked Pearl Harbor, thus dragging the United
States into the World War II. The U.S. led the Allied Powers in the Pacific theater.
In 1943, Japan had conquered a majority of the Southeast Asian territories and
nearly two-thirds of China. Generalissimo Chiang Kai-Shek, Commander of the Allied
Powers in China, confronting with the Chinese communists and Japanese forces had
showed intention to go over to the Japanese side extorting more military and financial
aids from the U.S. In order to keep Chiang in the Allied Powers, U.S. President Franklin
D. Roosevelt, and Prime Minister of Great Britain Winston Churchill on their way to
Tehran invited Chiang to meet in Cairo from November 22 –26, 1943. On December 1,
1943, the three governments made a statement known as the Cairo Declaration.
In parts, the Cairo Declaration states that all the territories Japan has stolen from
the Chinese, such as Manchuria, Formosa, and the Pescadores, shall be restored to the
Republic of China. In June 1945, U.S. President Truman, British Prime Minister
Churchill, and President Chiang Kai-Shek conferred in Potsdam. On July 26, 1945 the
three governments issued a joint declaration called the Potsdam Proclamation, which
confirmed the Cairo Declaration with respect to the future of Formosa. The Potsdam
Proclamation states “… the terms of the Cairo Declaration shall be carried out and
Japanese sovereignty shall be limited to the islands of Honshu, Hokkaido, Kyushu,
Shikoku, and such minor islands as we determine”
At the time when the proclamation was made, Japan had not yet surrendered. It is
a general rule of law that one cannot give something which one does not have. The three
governments did not have the title to Formosa and the Pescadores; they could not force
the title of Formosa to be transferred. Such transfer could have been made at a postwar
settlement in a treaty only after Japan surrendered.
In addition, a joint declaration, like a communiqué, of several governments is
often used to express the common foreign policy of the governments that made the
declarations. Such foreign policy does not bind succeeding governments. It certainly does
not have the nature of a contract in a private law, creating a binding obligation on the
governments, let alone on the states. Thus, the Potsdam Proclamation does not have the
effect upon People’s Republic of China, which succeeded Chinag Kai-Shek’s Republic of
China.
3.
Post –surrender Usurpation by the Chiang Regime
As the leader of the Allied Powers, soon after the Japanese surrender, U.S. Army
occupied the major islands of Japan and Okinawa as well as assumed the post-surrender
operation of southern Korea, leaving northern Korea to Russia which had declared war
against Japan just a week before Japanese surrender. The United States asked Britain to
assume the operation of Southeast Asia, where Japan defeated U.K. during the war. After
the U.S. occupied Okinawa Islands, it could also have taken over the post-surrender
operation in Formosa. But, soon after Japan surrendered, the U.S. wanted to call back its
troops as soon as possible. The Supreme Commander of the Allied Forces, General
MacArthur decided to assign the post-surrender operation in Formosa over to
Generalissimo Chiang and his R.O.C. After all, most U.S. State Department officials
thought that Formosa would be turned over to China pursuant to the Cairo Declaration at
a post-surrender settlement.
The war between Japan and the Allied Powers did not formally end until 1951
when the Peace Treaty of San Francisco was signed. The war between China and Japan
was not formally over until 1952 when the peace treaty between Japan and China,
represented by the ROC government was signed. Therefore, the occupation of Formosa
by the ROC was until then a military wartime occupation.
The assignment of post-surrender operation of Formosa to R.O.C. by General
MacArthur created an agency relationship between the Allied Powers as the principal and
R.O.C. government as the agent, pending a peace settlement. The agency relationship
would have terminated if the title of Formosa had formally transferred to China in a
peace treaty being negotiated at the time. The territory of a defeated state became a
territorial state. The occupation of an enemy’s territory after the enemy surrenders,
pending a settlement, however, does not give the occupying state the title to the territory
it occupies, until a territorial treaty is signed.
Therefore, the occupation of Formosa by R.O.C. was on an agency basis
mandated by the Allied Powers for post-surrender operation only. ROC did not have the
title to Formosa. R.O.C. would be a reigning government only if it acquired the title to
Formosa. Since R.O.C. never acquired the title to Formosa, PRC subsequently did not
have the title to Formosa, because P.R.C was not even the agent for the Allied Powers.
4.
Peace Treaty of San Francisco
The U.S. led the drafting of the Peace Treaty of San Francisco and distributed to
other Allied Powers for comments and exchanges of notes. It was signed on September
8, 1951 between Japan and the Allied Powers.
Neither R.O.C. nor P.R.C. was a party or a signatory to this treaty.
The Peace Treaty of San Francisco, which forced Japan to dispose of its
territories, is a territorial treaty. Regarding Formosa it provides that “Japan renounces all
right, title and claim to Formosa and the Pescadores”. China did not acquire title to
Formosa under the Treaty of San Francisco. The U.S. Government had a change of mind
with respect to the Cairo Declaration and intended to leave the future of Formosa
undetermined. The use of the word “renounce” in disposing the title to Formosa was not
without careful deliberation. Since neither R.O.C. nor P.R.C. was a party to the Treaty of
San Francisco neither could acquire the title to Formosa. Furthermore, the Cairo
Declaration and the Potsdam Proclamation were rejected formally by the Allied Powers
who signed the Peace Treaty of San Francisco. Also, the Treaty of San Francisco did not
terminate the agency relationship of the ROC government and the Allied Powers;
therefore, the status of the R.O.C. government as an agent of the Allied Powers was
unchanged.
5.
Peace Treaty between China and Japan
Since the Treaty of San Francisco was signed in 1951, Japan has signed two peace
treaties with China, one with the R.O.C. government in 1952 and the other one with the
PRC government in 1978. Neither peace treaty is a territorial treaty.
The 1952 treaty signed by the ROC government ended the war between China
and Japan. It did not deal with title to Formosa, but simply confirmed the abandon of
Formosa in the Treaty of San Francisco, accepting it as valid without claiming Formosa
as its own. While the peace treaty signed between Japan and PRC government in 1978
did not even mention the Peace Treaty of San Francisco or Formosa.
Therefore, China could not have acquired title to Formosa under these two treaties
because Japan, having renounced its title to the island of Taiwan in the 1951 Peace Treaty
of San Francisco, had no more title or right to the island of Taiwan to give at the time of
signing these two treaties.
As a matter of fact when the United States and some other countries say that
neither ROC nor Taiwan is a country, it is essentially correct according to the Treaty of
San Francisco. The Treaty of San Francisco also stipulates to follow the constitution of
the United Nations, which calls for the territories liberated after the war be put in U.N.’s
custody.
Therefore, Chiang regime or R.O.C. in fact has usurped Taiwan since 1945
without legitimate title to it; the U.S. has failed to terminate the agent status of R.O.C.
over Taiwan and the U.N. has been negligent for not assuming the custody of Taiwan and
upholding the right of Taiwanese to self-determination in accordance with the Universal
Declaration of Human Rights.
TAIWAN, U.S., AND U.N.
Even though American policy-makers have long regarded Taiwan as strategically,
economically, and politically important, they have viewed the island and its inhabitants as
one of the stepping-stones to attain American objectives of global security and prosperity.
The aspirations and rights of the Taiwanese are just secondary in their rank of priority.
The “creative ambiguity” policy or “policy of no policy” toward Taiwan question has
been the norm of the decision makers.
Commodore Matthew C. Perry during his voyage in 1853-1854 to the Far East to
clear the way for commercial expansion viewed Taiwan as suitable for developing an
American base of operations in the Asia Pacific region. He proposed to Washington for
such a “Taiwan Plan”; but the U.S. chose Philippines as the Pacific region economic and
strategic center.
During World Wart II, U.S. considered Taiwan as a critical place in the Pacific
theater that Perry had advocated nearly a century ago. The Americans did a lot of
research on the island regarding its potential as a launching pad for invading Japan
proper. Long planned U.S. bombing of Taiwan began shortly after the Cairo Declaration
in December 1943. Hundreds of thousands of propaganda leaflets rained upon the
Taiwanese. These messages urged the Taiwanese to rise up against Japanese imperial
colonists and promised liberation, freedom, self-determination, and democracy
guaranteed by the U.S. and Chiang Kai-Shek.
After Japanese surrender, the U.S. role involved shipping Chinese “take-over”
teams and soldiers; managing repatriation of 170,000 Japanese troops and 330,000
civilians. When 228 riot occurred, U.S. transported Chiang Kai-Shek’s 50,000
reinforcements from the mainland to join the 12,000 garrison troops already on Taiwan.
The Americans witnessed the massacres and pogroms; their pleading for intervention fell
on deaf ears of the policy makers. General Wedemeyer, the U.S. Military Commander in
the Far East visited Taiwan in August 1947. He wrote a report to the Secretary of State
regarding Taiwanese aspirations for self-determination and recommending U.N.
trusteeship and U.S. guardianship. Unfortunately, his report was disregarded. John Carter
Vincent, Director of the Office of Far Eastern Affairs, bluntly said “no one in the Untied
Nations – and certainly no one in Washington – will ever be interested in Formosa”.
With this, the U. S. continued to support Chiang Kai-Shek despite his precarious situation
on the mainland.
U.S. President Truman despised Chiang-Kai-Shek so much that he decided to
dump him after Chiang took refuge in Taiwan. President Truman declared in January
1950, “The U.S. will not pursue a course that will lead to involvement in the civil conflict
in China and will not provide military aid or advice to Chinese Forces on Formosa….”
Secretary of State, Dean Acheson placed Taiwan beyond American’s Pacific “defensive
perimeter”, and even hinted that U.S. might be willing to recognize the new People’s
Republic of China.
However, the breakout of the Korean war charged all that. The strong “China
Lobby” and the fear of Russian dominance in Asia compelled Truman to dispatch 7th
Fleet to the Taiwan Straits to block any PRC invasion of Taiwan. Both Republican and
Democratic parties viewed the survival of Chiang’s Republic of China on Taiwan as vital
to U.S. National Security. Between 1950, and 1965 more than $3 billions military aid
was poured into Chiang’s coffers. The Eisenhower Administration entered into a Mutual
Security Treaty with the Chiang Regime and even threatened to use nuclear weapons to
defend Kinman and Matsu, two small islands no more than 5 miles off China’s coast.
John Foster Dulles, Secretary of State formulated the Mutual Security Treaty. As an
historic irony, Mr. Dulles’ grandfather, Colonel Dulles Foster counseled Ching Dynasty
to transfer Formosa to the Japanese in 1895. Chiang regime also received over $1.7
billion economic aid along with thousands of American technical, economic and military
advisers for the development of Taiwan. U.S. private companies also sank in more than
$1 billion in investment from 1965 to 1987 making Taiwan a cheap export source for
American consumers for cheap labor, lax environmental regulations, and social stability
under martial law.
In 1972 President Nixon visited China through the arrangement of “Ping-Pong
Diplomacy” of Henry Kissinger. On February 28, 1972, ironically, the 25 th anniversary
of the 228 Holocaust, U.S. – PRC Shanghai Communiqué had U.S. “acknowledge”
China’s claim of “one China, and Taiwan is part of China”. The State Department also
dropped its opposition to seating the PRC in the U.N. George Bush, the then Ambassador
to the U.N. fought to maintain separate seats for the PRC and ROC to no avail due to the
objections of both PRC and ROC insisting on a policy of “one China”.
As a matter of fact, the Shanghai Communiqué contradicted long-standing U.S.
policy that Taiwan’s international status remains open. Only ten months earlier on April
28, 1971 the State Department spokesperson reiterated: “In our view, sovereignty over
Taiwan and the Pescadores is an unsettled questions subject to future international
resolution”.
New Year’s day 1979, President Carter entered into a new joint communiqué with
PRC, reiterating. “The Government of the United States of America acknowledges the
Chinese position that there is but one China and Taiwan is part of China”. Carter also
insists that the U.S. “will continue to have an interest in the peaceful resolution of the
Taiwan issue”. Neither the U.S. State Department, Justice Department nor the U.S.
Congress considers the ROC or Taiwan a State. On April 10, 1979, U.S. Congress
passed the Taiwan Relations Act (TRA) under Carter Administration to protect the
interest of Taiwan.
In 1971, the U.N. General Assembly issued resolutions replacing the ROC with
the PRC. On September 21, 1999, a severe earthquake of 7.6 Richter scale shook the
central part of Taiwan. The U.N. Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs
was planning to send a disaster assessment team to Taiwan when the PRC government
notified Mr. Kofi Annan, the U.N. Secretary General, that the U.N. had to ask the PRC
government for permission to dispatch an aid team; Mr. Annan called Taiwan “the
Taiwan Province of China”.
In 2007 when Taiwanese petitioned to the U.N. General Assembly for admission
of Taiwan as a member of U.N., Mr. Moon, U.N. Secretary General, turned down the
application and erroneously called Taiwan a part of China.
Recently, the U.S. State Department requires Taiwanese-Americans who apply
for passport shall indicate their birthplace as Taiwan instead of Republic of China (ROC)
or simply China because if they indicate their birthplace as ROC or China, the official
documented birthplace would be People’s Republic of China (PRC). This further
confirms ROC is not a state at all.
TAIWANESE AT A CROSSROADS
Chinese Nationalists had vowed to revanche the governance of Taiwan by all
means since Lee Teng-Hui, a native Taiwanese succeeded Chiang Ching-Kuo in 1988 as
President of Taiwan when Chiang Ching-Kuo died, albeit Lee was a KMT loyalist.
Chinese Nationalists have the traditional sense of a superiority complex that only a
Chinese is qualified to be the President in Taiwan and native Taiwanese are at best
lackeys or compradore subservient to their Chinese overlords. Therefore, the Chinese
Nationalists have long held grudges against Lee as President and Chairman of KMT. Lee
survived in the KMT’s internecine feud by playing the young-eyed against the hardliners. He also gained popularity among the Taiwanese for his nativism and pragmatism.
In 1996 presidential election, Lee ran against Dr. Peng M.M. who was proTaiwan-Independence under the banner of Democratic Progressive Party (DPP). China
fired missiles to the near shore to intimidate Taiwanese voters to not vote for the proTaiwan independence. Lee was elected President of Taiwan in 1996.
In the 2000 presidential election, KMT’s Lien and James Soong, who splintered
from KMT and formed People First Party ran against DPP’s Chen Shui-Bian. Due to the
split of KMT, DPP’s Chen was elected President by a slight margin. Lee was booted
outright by the rioting KMT partisans and supporters instigated by Lien, Soong and Ma
from his party headquarters on the night of the defeat. KMT partisans vowed to
recuperate the presidency from Chen, who was from a poor background of a tenant
farming family.
During Chen’s first term, he moved toward Taiwanization by eradicating vestiges
of Chiang Kai-Shek’s omni-present statues, changing names of airport and memorial
halls bearing the dictator’s title, advocating vernacular languages, promulgating
education in Taiwan’s history, culture, geography and so on.
In the 2004 presidential election, Chen and his Vice President Anita Lu were
nearly killed by sniper shots while campaigning. Chen was re-elected as president despite
KMT’s expectation of Lien and Soong to have a combined vote tally over Chen. The
KMT partisans and followers rioted for their loss of face and presidency. They vowed to
revanche the presidency in 2008. They bombarded Taiwanese through KMT controlled
media day and night the imaginary or half-truths of wrongdoing, malfeasance, and
corruption about Chen’s administration and family scandals as well as the conspiracy of
the sniper’s shots. Chinese Nationalists also channeled through their long established
local pillars for the vote-buying in the 2008 legislators and presidential elections. They
scored three quarters of the legislative seats and they won the presidency.
Ma during his campaign vowed to standby the Taiwanese people for Taiwan’s
sovereignty; to achieve economic success of 6-3-3 goal once in office. Once he was
inaugurated, he declared the 6-3-3 goal was not achievable. The so-called “6-3-3 goal”
was 6% annual economic growth, U.S. $30,000 per capital annual income, and less than
3% unemployment. Unfortunately, upon taking office, the prices of consumer’s
commodities substantially increased; stocks index dropped 33% from higher than 9,000
down to less than 6,000. Natural disasters occurred and he showed his apathy to the cry
for help from people; to the farmers’ decry of high fertilizer prices, he indicated his
displeasure and called the complaining farmers as whiners and the flood victims as
cynical sorts.
Ma increased the asset-based investment level in China from 40% to 60%; he
opened up the air flight link between Taiwan and China; he allowed the accreditation of
Chinese academic diplomas and degrees so that Chinese degree-holders can come to
Taiwan to compete for high paying jobs.
Ma also downgraded himself to be a head of a district in relation to China; he
allowed Chinese leaders to call him Mr. Ma instead of President Ma; he declared to
international media Taiwan and China relation is of a district to district nature rather than
nation to nation as claimed by former presidents Lee and Chen. Ma also proposed
diplomatic truce between Taiwan and China and curtailed defense spending and weapon
upgrading to appease China. In the 2008 summer Olympic Games, China intentionally
labeled Taiwan as Chinese Taipei in contradiction to IOC’s conventional way of listing
Taiwan as TPE. China also upgraded its 1400 or so missiles aiming at Taiwan.
Taiwanese were disappointed at Ma’s performance and furious at his speedy
China-leaning stance. Ma’s popularity dropped to lower than 25% compared to his all
time high of 71% or so. Taiwanese are basically up in arms and 300,000 or more
demonstrated in Taipei against Ma’s performance 100 days after his inauguration.
In mid-October, Chang, Chinese deputy director of “Cross-Strait Liaison Office”
came to visit Taiwan. While visiting Tainan in southern Taiwan, Chang fell to the
ground when a crowd gathered around him to protest his anti-Taiwan-Independence
statement. Ma administration immediately indicted Mr. Wang, a councilman of city of
Tainan who was alleged to be the leader of the crowd; Wang was sentenced to more than
one year in jail eight days after the incident. In addition, the police chief of Tainan was
immediately fired for “negligence of duty” for failing to protect the visiting Chinese.
On October 25, 600,000 demonstrators protested against Ma’s incompetence in
propping up the economy when the stock index plummeted to 4,500 or so and lifting the
ban of melamine-contaminated milk and related products. During November 3-6, Chen
Ying-Ling, a Chinese envoy came to Taiwan to meet with Ma. Ma dispatched more than
7,000 police for crowd control and protecting the Chinese visitor. The police used
barricades to prevent people from getting closer to the visitor. They confiscated national
flags from the people while displaying Chinese flags; they body searched people for any
leaflets or banners which might have any hint of antagonizing the Chinese. The police
used tear gas and clubs to disperse the demonstrators and gangsters beat or clubbed
unarmed bystanders. The police even broke into a music store to shut down the
Taiwanese songs which Ma administration felt might offend the visiting Chinese.
The chaos and police brutalities reminded the Taiwanese people the terror under
the martial law in the totalitarian Chiang era and the diabolic KMT tactics of instigating
the conflicts through the gangsters.
Despite all the uproar from the people, Ma went ahead and in the 7-minute
meeting with the Chinese envoy signed several pre-annexation agreements such as direct
flight, sea transport, mail and closer economic partnership. On top of these egregious
traitorous acts, Ma also pursues vigorously as his votive goals in persecuting the exofficials of the former Chen administration including ex-president Chen and his various
ministers, cabinet members and officers. By mid-November eight months after Ma’s
inauguration ex-president Chen and several of his prominent officials had been thrown in
jail.
Taiwanese are at a crossroads whether to be independent or annexed by China.
Now that Chinese Nationalists have succeeded in recuperating the governance of Taiwan,
Taiwanese have to take a strong posture against Chinese Nationalists’ leaning toward
China and Chinese Communists’ attempt of annexing Taiwan into their fold. Realizing
the precarious situation of their homeland, Taiwanese have to take action now to protect
Taiwan’s sovereignty. They have come to realize that they have been truly misled by the
Trojan horse to a pool of misery. Nonetheless, as Taiwanese like to say crises can be
opportunities as well, instead of singing the melancholic song of the metaphoric flower in
“A Flower on a Rainy Night”, perhaps they have to sing the song of the Les Miserablé.
Do you hear the people sing?
Singing the song of angry men
It is the music of a people
Who will not be slaved again!
When the beating of your heart
Echoes the beating of drums
There a life about to start
When tomorrow comes!
JSC/jr
11/18/08