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Taleban Government Appoints Two New Ministers FTS19961117000219 Kabul Radio Afghanistan Network in Pashto 1500 GMT 17 Nov 96 Under a decree by his eminence Amir al-Momenin [Mola Mohammad Omar], Mawlawi Ahmad Jan has been appointed as the acting minister of mines and industries and Mawlawi Jalaloddin Haqqani as the acting minister of borders. Rabbani on Afghan Arabs, Bin-Ladin, Taleban FTS19961202000853 London AL-SHARQ AL-AWSAT in Arabic 02 Dec 96 [Part two of interview with "deposed" Afghan President Borhanoddin Rabbani by Amir Taheri in Paris; date not given] [Taheri] You are surely aware of the doubts several countries have regarding your government, especially the United States. [Rabbani] We are, but what we do not know is the real reason behind these doubts. During the jihad against the Soviets some elements attacked our movement as a movement loyal to the Americans because we always insisted on having the closest relations with the United States because the United States, as a superpower, was capable of counterbalancing the Soviet Union at the time, and it supported the liberation war we waged. After the liberation we pursued a policy of close rapprochement with the United States because that best reflected our national interests. I visited Washington and met with (President George) Bush twice. Our message was that Washington should hear what it wished to know about Afghanistan from us and not from other parties or foreign governments. Before this year the Americans never complained against us on any issue pertaining to our policies or the developments in Afghanistan in general. Early this year Robin Raphel [U.S. assistant secretary of state for South Asian affairs] came to see me in Kabul and said that Washington was concerned about the terrorist training camps on Afghan territory. I asked her if she could mention a single location of such camps. She mentioned Jalalabad. I explained to her that Jalalabad was under the control of a council headed by Hajji Qader, the ally of Abdulrab Rasul Sayyaf, both of whom were hostile to the government at the time. I suggested to her that the United States should send a team to investigate the matter. They sent (Senator Hank) Brown. When Brown came to me I told him that he had complete freedom to go anywhere he liked to locate the terrorist camps and that we would then seek to close them down. Nobody told us that that was an urgent matter in the eyes of Washington and its regional allies. [Taheri] That is really astonishing because the U.S. media had for years been saying that several people involved in "terrorist" operations in the United States, including the perpetrators of New York's World Trade Center explosion, had received training in Afghanistan. You know that some recent attacks on U.S. positions in the region were planned and executed by elements trained and based in Afghanistan. [Rabbani] That may be so but what has the Afghan Government or our movement got to do with that? During the liberation war our movement (Jam'iyat-e Eslami) continuously opposed the involvement of foreign fighters in our work, because we had an abundance of manpower. Hundreds of thousands of Afghan youths came forward to volunteer as mojahedin and they did well because of their knowledge of their country's terrain and their strong incentive to fight the invaders. We felt that the non-Afghan brothers who really wished to help us could do so by sending us the value of what would be their travel expenses to Afghanistan in cash. We needed funds and arms, not men, but some mojahedin groups did receive foreign volunteers for reasons of their own. The Hezb-e Eslami, with its numerous wings, was active in that field. Those wings were the forces most supported by the United States, Pakistan, and their regional allies. During the war of liberation thousands of foreign volunteers flooded into Pakistan and Afghanistan, encouraged by their governments, including some Gulf states' governments, but few volunteers actually participated in the fighting. At any rate, our forces did not use foreign fighters, although we did use the services of some foreign doctors who came to us as volunteers. After the liberation most of them left Afghanistan. Some settled in Pakistan but the majority went back to their homelands or to other areas in search of other scope for jihad. [Taheri] You have mentioned the part played by the Hezb-e Eslami wings in the camps of what is now known as "the Afghan Arabs," but Golboddin Hekmatyar, the leader of Hezb-e Eslami, was appointed prime minister in your government. You also entered into alliances with leaders of other wings of that party, such as Yunus Khalis and Sayyaf. [Rabbani] That is true but these alliances were based on a program which included the exclusion of all armed foreign elements from Afghan territory. Our own government was itself the victim of terrorism for about four years. We helped in the restoration of peace to Tajikistan after years of civil war. What interest would we have in training terrorists to strike at countries whose friendship and aid we badly need? [Taheri] You mean to say that there were absolutely no foreign armed groups in the territories under your government's control? [Rabbani] There were camps in Paktia, Konar, and Nangarhar before they came under our control. As soon as we entered into alliances with the wings governing these areas, most of these camps were closed down. Some 10-20 Arab families, with children, were in Jalalabad under the protection of Hajji Qader, but we were assured by the people concerned that they were not armed. Also, Jalaloddin Haqqani, leader of one of the mojahedin groups, looked after the few remaining "Afghan Arabs," against our wish to deport them all from the country. Another group of "Afghan Arabs" was under the protection of Mawlay Akbari, another local leader. Of course, Qader, Haqqani, and Akbari had close ties with Pakistan. Let me also remind you that the Arabs were not the only people in these camps. There were volunteers of other nationalities, from Kashmir and the Philippines. Does anyone really need reminding that Afghanistan is a country that is landlocked on all sides and that reaching its territory necessitates passing through other countries? So which neighboring countries did the "Afghan Arabs" pass through to enter Afghanistan? I raised this issue with (Benazir) Bhutto on more than one occasion. Fighting foreign terrorism requires cooperation between Afghanistan and Pakistan. Many "Afghan Arabs" have homes and families in Pakistan. They use Pakistani territory in their travels to their homeland and in fighting their governments. Of course, preventing the use of Afghan territory as a springboard for operations against other countries has been and will continue to be one of our government's political priorities. I have given Egyptian President (Husni) Mubarak and Tunisian President (Zine El Abidine) Ben Ali categorical assurances that no Egyptian or Tunisian nationals use our territory for acts of terrorism. [Taheri] And yet Hekmatyar participated in a conference of groups and movements held in Khartoum to declare jihad against the United States and its allies, and he also invited Dr. Hasan al-Turabi, general secretary of the Sudanese National Islamic Front, to visit Afghanistan. [Rabbani] That was before he rejoined the government ranks. I have already said that he was readmitted to the government on the basis of a program including closure of the camps used by foreign fighters. I have no reason to believe that he has not honored his commitments under the agreement, although some factions of the Hezb- e Eslami continued to sponsor a few volunteers alongside whom we fought in the past. As regards Hekmatyar's invitation to al-Turabi, that did not take place. Al-Turabi was in constant contact with us during the jihad and, as far as we knew, he had close relations with the Americans at the time. He later on offered to lead a mediation mission to Kabul but nobody responded to that offer. [Taheri] What about Usamah Bin-Ladin who, early this year, gave interviews to some British and German papers while in Afghanistan? [Rabbani] He was in Nangarhar under the protection of Hajji Qader. Before that he was under the wing of Khalis who benefited from Bin-Ladin's financial campaigns to collect donations during the liberation war. Again the Pakistanis had knowledge of Bin-Ladin's movements between Nangarhar and Khartoum, coming and going via Peshawar. [Taheri] But according to press reports, the Taleban Movement promised to arrest the "Afghan Arabs." [Rabbani] That is the Taleban's affair. All I know is that, after detaining a few dozen "Afghan Arabs" and moving them to Kandahar last September, Taleban has now allowed the reopening of some camps. [Taheri] Why? [Rabbani] The Taleban movement is deeply divided on that issue. Perhaps some elements close to the Pakistani authorities had promised to arrest the "Afghan Arabs" and to close their camps, but other elements in the Taleban leadership and some local mojahedin leaders who joined the Taleban perhaps want to protect the "Afghan Arabs" and are most likely doing so for money. [Taheri] Is Bin-Ladin one of those? [Rabbani] Our information is that Bin-Ladin left Afghanistan supposedly for Khartoum after the Taleban captured Nangarhar, Konar, and Paktia. The latest reports received by us indicate that he was seen in Kabul in the company of some Taleban leaders in November. We have to assume that he repeatedly traveled between Sudan and Afghanistan via Pakistan. [Taheri] Are you implying that the Taleban's policy on the "Afghan Arabs" has changed? [Rabbani] First of all, I do not know what their original policy really was, but I do know that they are opening new camps for foreign movements' members. Perhaps the aim is to train foreign volunteers to fight on their side. The Taleban have suffered grave losses, of dead and captured, in the recent battles and they perhaps want to use some "Afghan Arabs" to consolidate their ranks. The fact is that "Afghan Arabs" have participated in the fighting between the conflicting blocs and factions at all stages since the defeat of the communist regime to this day. Sayyaf, for instance, recruited Arabs where he is in Lajiham [as transliterated] to fight units of the Shiite Unity Party who were led by the late Abdol Ali Mazari. [Taheri] All that is really confusing. Is there any information as to the current number and whereabouts of the "Afghan Arabs" in Afghanistan? [Rabbani] Our information is that the old camps of Badr-1 and Badr-2 which we had closed down in Khasteh have been reopened. The number of foreign volunteers is estimated at 600, many of them Arabs, with others from Pakistan, Kashmir, and the Philippines with them in these two camps. Khasteh is near the Pakistani border. Actually, these two camps use a newly built all-weather road which links Khasteh with Miranshahr in Pakistan. Are those people being trained to fight alongside the Taleban against the government or to fight their governments in their own countries? I cannot be certain about anything at present, but what is new is that a number of training camps have been built in the districts of Shenadan, Wahran, and Farah [as transliterated] in the west. Our information is that about 1000 "Afghan Arabs" are at present receiving training in these new camps. Again we cannot be sure about the purpose of the training. Is it to fight us or is it for the purpose of proceeding to carry out operations in other countries? [Taheri] There is another issue of interest to many countries, namely the drugs issue. Afghanistan has become a main center for smuggling heroin. [Rabbani] That is true. The problem began under the communist regime. After liberation we realized the danger that drugs pose to our people. So we created a special directorate to combat the production and smuggling of narcotics and, despite our minimal resources, we allocated a good part of our budget for that purpose. Our government formulated a cooperation program with Pakistan, Iran, and Turkey in that field. We also sought technical aid from the United Nations to fight the production and smuggling of drugs but we did not get the desired cooperation. Some had convinced the Americans that the Taleban would end the drugs trade but they now realize that they were deceived. The elements controlling the Taleban cannot possibly give the United States and its allies what they want. One sometimes has to follow a mirage. Four-fifths of the heroin produced in Afghanistan over the past two years came from areas under Taleban control. The picture should be clear to the Americans through the satellite photographs. [Taheri] Your critics maintain that your government is trying to form a bloc with New Delhi, Moscow, and Tehran. [Rabbani] That is false. Afghanistan's position among nations is one of nonalignment. We want normal relations with all neighbors and others without joining any military bloc. We have not concluded anything that is in any way akin to a military agreement with any party. We fought the aggression committed against our government in Kabul without anyone's help. We fought using our own willpower and resources. We have close relations with numerous countries, especially Egypt, Turkey, Germany, and France. We welcomed the Turkish offer to hold a conference in Ankara on the Afghan problem. I have written to Custodian of the Two Holy Mosques King Fahd Bin-'Abd-al-'Aziz seeking his assistance in making fresh efforts to establish peace in Afghanistan either through a direct Saudi initiative or in the context of the Organization of the Islamic Conference. We sincerely hope that a conference will be held in Jeddah to help find a political formula to avoid more bloodshed in Afghanistan. We are not in a position to tolerate the existence of a blacklist in hostile countries. We need everyone and we would be grateful to anyone who helps the Afghan people in this time of crisis. A friend in need is a friend indeed. I sincerely wish that Pakistan and the United States would reconsider their policies toward us on the basis of the existing facts on the grounds. These two countries now have a better understanding of the Taleban movement and its real ideology, and they should realize that the salvation preached by the Taleban would not stop at Afghanistan's borders. The United States and Pakistan should think hard before creating a monster like Frankenstein's, who turned on his maker. Pakistan is really in grave danger because some tribal elements in its border northwestern districts still have special concessions given by Britain, and they do not recognize the legitimacy of the Pakistani Government. The Pakistani Government should embark on a thorough and comprehensive dialogue with us before it is too late. [Taheri] Can I ask you about Najibollah's death? [Rabbani] When the Taleban attacked the capital, Kabul, we convened an emergency meeting of the government attended by senior military commanders. After much discussion all the conferees agreed on temporary withdrawal from Kabul to avoid bloodshed. We then sent envoys to everyone whose safety we thought would be in danger if he remained in Kabul after our withdrawal. We sent a special envoy to Najibollah, whom we were protecting on behalf of the United Nations, offering to take him and his brother with us. He told our envoy that he was grateful for that offer but did not wish to leave Kabul because "certain arrangements" had been made that would help him ensure his safety. We did not pause for long about that matter and we assumed that the arrangements he was referring to were made through the United Nations which was committed to protecting him pending his appearance before a judicial court to face trial for the crimes he committed against the Afghan people. We learned later that some channels of contact in the United States had promised to smuggle him out of Kabul to the West, presumably via Pakistan. He, in return, promised to provide all the information he had about his long cooperation with the Soviets and his work as head of the Afghan security organ (Khalid) and then as head of the communist regime in Kabul. We do not know the identity of that American channel of communication but we know that the Taleban undoubtedly knew about the deal and decided to kill him before his contacts could act. A Taleban unit went to Najibollah's headquarters and opened fire killing him and his brother. After his death he was left hanging for hours. Our information is that Najibollah's contacts arrived in an armored car to rescue him but they arrived half an hour too late. He wasted the opportunity for his own survival. [Taheri] Had Najibollah agreed to go with you, would you not have executed him? [Rabbani] No. We had promised the United Nations that we would protect him until an elected government determined his fate. We do not smear our hands with people's blood like that. [Taheri] To foreign observers it seems as if there is a double deadlock, military and political, in Afghanistan. What are your expectations for the near future? [Rabbani] The deadlock cannot last forever. The elements of popular uprisings against the Taleban are growing in various parts of the country, especially in Herat and Kabul. When such movements surge forward, our military forces will make the necessary moves to support them. That is how our counterattack took place in October. The people rose against the Taleban north of Kabul enabling our forces to regain the initiative. We, of course, will continue our efforts for a political solution. There are now several channels open for that purpose. Of course, I cannot go into details at this point but we are under no illusions. We realize that we have to be prepared for war despite the winter season which hampers the fighting very much. But one thing is certain: We will drive the Taleban from all the cities it now occupies, including Kabul, and, after that, form a government of national unity. Social Origins of Taleban FTS19970124001403 Paris Les Nouvelles d'Afghanistan in French 24 Jan 97 [Article by Mariam Abou Zahab, an INALCO [expansion unknown] instructor: "The Social Origins of the Taleban"] There are many questions about the Taleban movement. Where do they come from? What is this Islamic law they are trying to enforce completely? What is the status of the other populations they do not control (in this issue the Hazaras and the Uzbeks)? What are the international implications of their coming to Kabul? Are there prospects for a solution? In this second part, specialists on Afghanistan provide some answers. They are described as students or illiterates. They are sometimes said to be manipulated by Pakistan, sometimes Pushto nationalists. We look at their chiefs' ideology. But who are they, the rank and file Taleban soldiers? Where do they come from? Even if the Taleban include in their ranks some professional soldiers and some former Khalqis have joined them for various reasons, often ethnic or tribal, most Taleban come from private Afghan or Pakistani madrassas. Unlike the leaders of the resistance's basic parties, who have often graduated from the Shariat department of Kabul and Al Azhar University, a good number of the mullahs who lead the Taleban movement were trained in Pakistani madrassas of the Deoband sensibility, thus a part of the tradition of special relations between Deoband and Afghanistan. (Footnote 1) The majority of Taleban belong to the lowest rungs of Pushto society. Many, natives of the poor countryside of Zaboul and Ouruzgan Provinces, do not enjoy the prestige and the power connected with owning land. There are many orphans among them: small, private madrassas or ones linked to a resistance party--essentially Maolawi Mohammadi's Harakat-e Enqelab-e Islami--and who often lived inside mujahidin bases, which under the Soviet occupation took in the children of chahid (martyrs) or the poorest families. The students of these madrassas were housed and fed and got an education that would make it possible for them to earn their living. Furthermore, starting very young, they were mobilized for the jihad. We should remember that nonreligious education, which was already very little in evidence in these rural areas before the Soviet occupation, had disappeared completely during the war and that, in any event, it was associated with communism and thus utterly rejected. In the 1980's I visited a number of these madrasses, in particular in the northern part of Zaboul Province and I cannot forget what I saw there: the students' living conditions, a majority of whom were between 6 and 12 years old, were extremely harsh. Ill fed, sleeping on the floor in dilapidated buildings, the children lived in diplorable hygienic conditions. Lessons, basically oral ones, consisted mainly of learning the Koran by heart, which generally takes three to four years of study. Students learned how to read Persian and Arabic though not to write it. The madrassas established in Pakistan by the Jamiat-e Ulama-e Islam (JUI) (Footnote 2) for the refugees recruited from the same social strata. According to the 1 December 1995 issue of the Pakistani newspaper Dawn, at that time 1,383 madrassas were officially registered in the Northwest Frontier Province (NWFP), 684 of which were affiliated with the JUI. There were 99,307 Pakistani and 13,772 Afghan students. The JUI's madrassas had foreign financing (Footnote 3), as was acknowledged by Maulana Fazlur Rahman in March 1995: "We accept donations from every Muslim country, organization, and other donors. Without them, we wouldn't be able to run these madrassas." The refugees did not turn to these madrasses because they couldn't gain access to Pakistani high schools but because this type of Islamic education corresponded to the traditional training they wanted, in particular within the context of the jihad. Besides it seems to be an established fact that most of the madrassas located in the tribal zone provided their students with military training. The Akora Khattak Madrassa The mullahs who lead the Taleban movement have often graduated from prestigious Pakistani madrassas and in particular from Jamiah al Islamiyah and Dar ul Ulum Sarhad, both located in Peshawar, and from Dar ul Ulum Haqqaniyah, the Akora Khattak madrassa located five kilometers from Nowshera (NWFP). The latter, established following the 1947 partition by Abdul Haq Akorwi, a Deoband graduate, trains onethird of Pakistan's Deobandi graduates. Recruiting almost exclusively among Pushtos, it is currently headed up by Maulana Sami-ul Haq, the son of the founder and the chief of his own JUI faction that is opposed to the PPP [expansion not given], unlike the majority trend led by Fazlur Rahman, which supports the Benazir Bhutto government. (Footnote 4) The study of this madrassa by Jamal Malik (Footnote 5), which has been linked since the beginning to Afghanistan, is one of the most eloquent. The proportion of Afghan students there is very high: from 15[percnt] in 1959-60, it rose to 37[percnt] in 1970--i.e. 204 students out of 550--and it rose to 60[percnt] in 1985--about 400 students out of 680. Of a total of 799 graduates between 1977 and 1984, 129 were Afghan (16.2[percnt]), 34.9[percnt] of whom belonged to a family with a religious tradition. The madrassa's enrollment records do not mention tribal background, which would be contrary to Islam's egalitarian principles, though they do mention the graduates' geographic origin. Most come from Kandahar, Ghazni, Jalalabad or Paktia. (Footnote 6) It should be pointed out that during the same period 93 graduates were originally from the Pushto areas of north Baluchistan and 133 others from Bannu and North Waziristan, which is not insignificant when we remember that Maolawi Mohammad Nabi Mohammadi got support from the Wazir and Mahsud tribes in his fight against the Soviet occupier. One can deduce that ties were established between the Afghan and Pakistani students, given their ethnic and cultural affinities and that the Pakistani students were mobilized for the Afghan jihad. The Dar ul Ulum Haqqaniya madrassa provides a top education and no military training is given its students. They have however taken an active role in the jihad, leaving in rotation for Afghanistan for several months without that disrupting their studies. The interest of Saudi Arabia and Zia ul Haq's Pakistani Government in this madrassa, which claimed to be "on the front line of the jihad" was thus considerable. Dar ul Ulum Haqqaniya's resources and in particular the monies spent by the Pakistani Government under the rubric of zakat (legal alms) thus increased significantly starting in 1982. (Footnote 8) For the past few weeks the Urdu-language press, which is generally favorable to the Jamaat-e Islami and the Afghan Hezb-e Islami, has launched a Taleban rehabilitation operation. The visit by Maulana Sami-ul Haq to Kandahar, his meeting with Mollah Mohammad Omar, and his pleasure at again meeting a number of his former students [at the mullah's] was extensively covered by the press with a level of sympathy that would be somewhat astonishing if one did not know of the fear that the rise of the JUI inspires in certain circles in Pakistan. A Millenary Movement How can one interpret the Taleban movement? The very austere life in the madrassas, the privations [the students] endure, and a militant Islamic education that mixes pachtounwali (the Pushto moral code, editor's note) values and the sharia, have radicalized the Taleban and mobilized them to take revenge. In this way, the movement is part of the extension of the social restructurings that took place in Afghanistan during the war. It is a reaction by the less well off and young social strata to the Khans and traditional notables, a reaction of the periphery against the center, and of the countryside against the city, which is seen as a place of perdition where traditional Pushto values are in danger. The movement is also part of the tradition of millenary Pushto movements which appear at moments of crisis when moral and religious values are threatened and when the solution appears to be in a return to the old order and a moral approach to public life. The jihad that was proclaimed by the Pushto mullahs under such circumstances is based on cultural and religious values, with pachtounwali and the sharia not being seen as distinct or in conflict. There is an internalizing of pachtounwali in Islam, which partly explains the particular type of sharia currently enforced by the Taleban. In this sense, the Taleban movement is deeply Afghan. Last, the Taleban movement's millenary character is ever more pronounced when you frequently hear it repeated that Afghanistan's savior will come from Kandahar and when certain accounts pertaining to the appearance of the mehdi (Footnote 9) call for him to appear from Kandahar in a context that might evoke what the last few years have been like. It is clear that it is not only foreign military and financial assistance, wherever it came from, that has helped the Taleban make such rapid progress. The popular backing and the personality of Mollah Omar, among others, make you think of movements that were observed in these areas during the last century. None, though, lasted as long as the Taleban's. (2 November 1996) Footnotes 1. Cf. in particular Barbara Daly Metcalf, Islamic Revival in British India: Deoband 1860-1990, Princeton University Press, 1982, and Rizvi S. S. A., History of the Dar ul Ulum Deobrand, Deoband, 1980. 109 Afghans graduated from Deoband between 1867, when it was founded as a theological seminary, and 1967. Deoband is a theological school founded in 1867 in northern India and which was the source of a fundamentalist reform movement in the Hanafite tradition (the rite practiced by the Sunni of Afghanistan and the entire Indian sub-continent). 2. Cf. on this subject Mariam Abu Zahab, "The Jamiat-e Ulama-e Islam and the madrassas" (Les Nouvelles d'Afghanistan, No. 68) and "The Teaching in the Madrassas" (Les Nouvelles d'Afghanistan, No. 71). 3. Pakistan's prime minister Benazir Bhutto has acknowledged that the Baluchistan madrassas received financing from Saudi Arabia, the United States, and the United Kingdom. 4. Rivalries between the Pakistan religious parties (the two factions of the JUI and the Jamaat-e Islami) have been exacerbated by developments in the situation in Afghanistan since 1992, with the JUI having acquired great importance at the expense of the Jamaat-e Islami. This explains, at least partly, the populist strategy adopted by the Jamaat in the domestic policy area and aims to make it once again the top religious party. 5. Jamal Malik, Colonization of Islam: Dissolution of Traditional Institutions in Pakistan, Manohar Publishers, Delhi and Vanguard Books, Lahore, 1996. 6. Jalaluddin Haqqani, among others, is one of Akora Khattak's famous graduates. 7. Cf. Jamal Malik, op. cit., p. 207 for a study of the content of the monthly [magazine] Al Haq published by this madrassa. 8. Cf. Jamal Malik, op. cit. Zakat funds, which accounted for 5.2[percnt] of the resources in 1980, rose to 18.9[percnt] in 1984. 9. In Sunni Islam, the mehdi is supposed to return at the end of time to reestablish justice on earth. Pakistani Students Dead, Captured in Fighting FTS19970719000091 Islamabad The Nation in English 14 Jul 97 pp 1 7 [Report by Ahmed Rashid] KABUL -- Over 200 Pakistani madrassa [religious school] students have been killed in fighting in Afghanistan since the Taliban were driven out of Mazar-e-Sharif on May 28. Afghan opposition leaders, General Malik Pahalwan, Ahmad Shah Masud and Karim Khalili are now holding an estimated 550 Pakistanis as prisoner in at least four different locations. However, the Pakistan government, which is involved in shuttle diplomacy for the release of several Afghan Taliban leaders held prisoners, has made no formal request to either the faction leaders or international humanitarian agencies to seeking the release of Pakistanis held prisoner. Islamabad appears unconcerned with their plight, although some Pakistani prisoners are known to be seriously wounded and ill. According to Taliban field commanders and soldiers at the front and senior Western officials and humanitarian aid agency representatives, General Malik is holding 225 Pakistani prisoners in Maimana in western Afghanistan. The presence of these prisoners has been confirmed by international agencies present in the region. Last week the prison was reported to have been accidentally bombed by Taliban fighters, killing 44 and wounding 50 Taliban prisoners. However, the Taliban deny the bombing. It is not known if Pakistani prisoners also died in the bombing raid. According to multiple but highly reliable sources, Malik is also holding an estimated 200 Pakistanis in Mazar-e-Sharif, while Masud is holding over 100 Pakistanis in the Panjshir Valley, although Masud's spokesman claims to have 200 Pakistani prisoners. At least 50 of these Pakistanis were captured last November during Masud's abortive drive on Kabul. Reliable Afghan sources said Hizbe Wahadat led by the Hazara leader Karim Khalili is also holding not less than a dozen Pakistanis in Bamiyan. In interviews with several Taliban Cabinet Ministers and Deputy Ministers, the Taliban leadership categorically denied that Pakistanis are fighting alongside their forces. Pakistan also denies that their government personnel or madrassa students are involved inside Afghanistan. In contrast opposition leaders claim that these prisoners are Pakistani personnel, but there is no evidence to confirm this and most of the prisoners appear to be madarassa students. However, the presence of these students, who come from madrassas outside the control of the government, has been made much easier because of the refusal of the Federal Government or the NWFP and Balochistan governments to close the borders with Afghanistan. Most of the Pakistani students interviewed said they had crossed easily from major crossing points--Torkhum in NWFP and Chaman in Balochistan--using normal mini-buses which are operating a shuttle service from Peshawar and Quetta. Most of these madrassa students were captured when between 3000- 4000 Pakistani students answered Taliban leader Mullah Mohammed Omar's call for reinforcements after the Taliban defeat in Mazar. Thousands of Afghan madrassa students, Afghans living in FATA and refugee camps also answered the call. Many Pakistanis were captured in the headlong Taliban rush to Mazar from Kabul along the Salang Highway, when they thought Mazar had fallen to Taliban forces. However, within days the Taliban were pushed back and thousands of their troops in the north and along the Salang Highway were trapped in pincer movements by Malik, Masud and Khalili. Meanwhile, Pakistani students continue fighting with their Taliban brothers. At Jabel Seraj, north of Kabul, there are at least 50 Pakistani students on the front-line and Taliban field commanders, who did not wish to be quoted said the Pakistanis were fighting well and had made many sacrifices for the cause of Islam. A few Pakistanis are known to be on the front-line at Mohammad Raqi in the east and Jalrees in west, where the opposition belt around Kabul is tightening in a huge 180 degree are around the city at a distance of between 60-80 kilometers from Kabul. Pakistani students are still roaming around the bazars in Kabul waiting for a military assignment and weapons to be made available. There are Sindhis from Nawabshah, Mirpur and Sukkur, Muhajirs from Karachi and Hyderabad, Punjabis from all over the province but the bulk are Pashtuns from the NWFP and Balochistan. The majority belongs to particular madrassas rather than Islamic political parties in Pakistan although they have been joined by several Sunni militants, who have arrived to avoid the present crackdown against them in Pakistan and receive military training. The bulk of the Pakistanis are from two institutions in particular, the Darul-Uloom Haqqani in Akora Khatak near Nowshera in the NWFP which has more than 8000 Afghan and Pakistani students in 12 affiliated madrassas and the Jamia Uloomul-Islamiyah in Karachi, which also has a large Afghan students enrollment. Haqqania is run by Maulana Samiul Haq who has been proud to declare that most of his students have joined the Taliban since the Mazar battle. "Mullah Omar personally rang me to request that I let these students to go to Afghanistan on leave since they are needed there," Maulana Haq was quoted in earlier Press reports. Many of the top Taliban Ieadership have graduated from Haqqania. These include the famous former Mujahideen Commander Jalaluddin Haqqani who is now in charge of the Jabel Seraj front and spent six years in Haqqania before the Jehad in 1979 as, both a student and teacher. Others include Ahmed Jan the Minister of Mines and Industries, Maulvi Qalamuddin, head of the powerful Department of Observances of Religious Commands or the Religious Police, Maulvi Arifullah Arif the Deputy Minister of Finance who spent 14 years at Haqqania, and several others. Several prominent figures including the deputy to Maulvi Mohammed Hassan, the Governor of Kandahar graduated from Islamayiah in Karachi. In the past few days a high-level Pakistani delegations has been shuttling between Mazar and Kandahar ostensibly to get peace talks moving between the two sides. However, sources said the delegation has been more involved in trying to obtain the release from General Malik, of several Taliban leaders including the former Foreign Minister Mullah Mohammed Ghaus, Maulvi Abdul Mansur, Chief of the Taliban air force and Maulvi Abdul Rezaq, the former Governor of Herat, who were captured during the Mazar fighting. Afghan opposition and Western aid workers who recently returned from Mazar say the Pakistani delegation told Malik that the release of these three men would be a goodwill gesture after which the Taliban would agree to hold peace talks. However, Malik has categorically said that peace talks must start first and before any prisoner exchange begins. However, the Pakistan government has neither approached Malik nor Masud for the release of its citizens nor has it made any official request to the International Committee of the Red Cross, the Afghan Red Crescent Society nor Dr Norbet Holl's UN Special Mission to Afghanistan, to try and secure the release of these prisoners or even obtain verification about their numbers, their health and the conditions in which they are being held. Officially Islamabad may deny even presence of these Pakistanis, but there appears to be no reason for the appalling lack of any private humanitarian effort by Islamabad to recognise the reality on the ground. The Pakistani prisoners are said to be in a terrible plight, some are wounded and others are ill. Reliable sources say that Masud has even been willing to release several Pakistani prisoners who are seriously ill in Panjshir, but there has been no response from Islamabad. Meanwhile, at least 200 Pakistanis and possibly many more have been killed in fighting since the battle for Mazar at the end of May. The Taliban have gone to considerable expense, care and political foresight to make sure that Pakistani dead bodies are returned to their villages in Pakistan. The Taliban have sent such bodies as far as Karachi and Hyderabad. The prisoners exchange issue is the key to any future peace talks between the opposing factions but the simple fact is that the opposition forces hold more than double the numbers of Taliban. They also hold 10 top Taliban leaders. Thus the Taliban are talking from a position of relative weakness, when they demand the release of their prisoners before any peace talks begin and use Pakistan as a go between. According to several international agencies and other humanitarian groups involved in the prisoners issue, the Afghan opposition presently holds an estimated yet still staggering figure of 3600 Taliban as prisoners. Malik holds some 1,000 Taliban in Maimana, 1,000 in Sheberghan and 800 in Mazar-eSharif. Some of those prisoners held in Maimana had been moved south from Mazar for security reasons and to enable Malik to have better control over them. Meanwhile, Masud holds between 600-700 prisoners in the Panjshir. General Naderi's Ismaeli forces north of the salang tunnel an estimated 100 Taliban and Hizbe Wahdat hold an unspecified number which is not less than 100. In contrast the Taliban hold an estimated total of 1900 prisoners from the opposition forces. The Taliban hold some 1200 prisoners in Kandahar including the former Governor of Herat, Ismael Khan, who is said by Western NGO visitors who saw him this week, to be in good health. Ismael Khan was betrayed by General Malik when he switched sides to the Taliban in mid-May. Some 500 of these 1200 prisoners were those captured during the battle for Kabul last year, but the remaining 700 are reportedly those captured along with Ismael Khan and who were handed over to the Taliban by General Malik. The Taliban also hold some 700 prisoners in Kabul, but some of them are known to be Kabul civilians rather than opposition fighters. According to Western agencies, between Monday and Wednesday the Taliban had arrested some 200 Hazara and Panjsheri citizens of Kabul in a major security drive and a search for illegal weapons. Hazara sources said that on July 8, Hazara shopkeepers closed down the Taimanay bazar in north west Kabul in protest, but opened up shops the next day out of fear of more reprisals. Some 300 Hazaras were arrested in June after the Mazar defeat, but many of them were later freed. The arrests signal fears of anti-Taliban activities by the non-Pashtun residents of Kabul, but for the moment the Taliban appear secure in Kabul. The lack of a clear policy in Islamabad towards the Afghan conflict, the continuing series of diplomatic and political blunders by Pakistan, starting from the premature recognition of the Taliban government and the present aim to call a regional conference in Islamabad which is unlikely to be attended by any of the regional powers who are backing the Afghan opposition, has already led to Pakistan's isolation in the region and total mistrust of Pakistani intention by the Afghan opposition leadership. Pakistani Consular officials were booted out of Mazar by General Malik for a second time last week after spending only seven days there, since they returned for the first time after closing down the Consulate in May after the Mazar debacle. Pakistani diplomatic representation is unacceptable now to any Afghan opposition faction and how Islamabad can still claim to be even-handed, have a policy of no favorites and maintain a dialogue with the opposition when its diplomats are not accepted appears unrealistic. However, for Pakistan to ignore the fact that it has hundreds of its own citizens being held prisoner in Afghan jails and the failure to make any attempt to either secure their release or learn about their condition, appears to be a major humanitarian miscalculation by Islamabad and could lead to growing anger at home by those families whose children are being held prisoner. Activities of Harkatul Ansar Viewed FTS19971011000444 Islamabad The News in English 09 Oct 97 pp 1 8 [Report by Kamran Khan] KARACHI -- After an exhaustive probe, the United States authorities have concluded that the kidnapping, three years ago, of five westerners from Indian-held Kashmir was actually carried out by the Pakistan-based Harkatul Ansar guerrilla organization under the cover of Al-Faran group, this was disclosed in background interviews with knowledgeable sources in Islamabad last week. Sources said that the US authorities expected to make that announcement shortly, identifying Harkat ul Ansar as a terrorist organization that had kidnapped the five westerners from the Valley and had murdered, if not all, at least two of their hostages. One of the five kidnapped westerners had escaped from the captivity soon after the incident. In their quest to reach the bottom of the case, the sources said that the American, British and German officials had joined hands and had actively sought the help of the Indian authorities, who remained under international pressure for the safe release of the hostages. Two British nationals, an American and a German were among the four western hostages feared to have died or were murdered during their three-year long captivity with the previously unknown Al-Faran Group. "All hopes have faded for the safe recovery of the hostages from their kidnappers," said a senior Pakistan official familiar with the case. While the expected announcement from Washington will put the Pakistani authorities in a difficult situation, it may create some jubilation in India where authorities consider the activities of Harkatul Ansar, particularly in the Valley, as a major threat to the Indian security forces. Sources acknowledged that Harkatul Ansar volunteers also operated in other parts of India. Soon after the sensational kidnapping near Srinagar in 1994, the Al-Faran group had demanded of the authorities to release several top ranking Harkatul Ansar leaders who had been arrested by the Indian security services. They included Maulana Masoud Azhar, the Secretary General and leader of the Indian operations of Harktul Ansar. Sources said in their battle to free Kashmir from Indian control, the freedom fighters in the Valley get active support of at least 5000-men strong Harkatul Ansar that believes in extending military support to the subjugated Muslims all over the world. High-level serving and former security officials acknowledge that they were aware of the Harkat's battle operations against the Soviet army during the Afghan war. "Fighting along with the troops of Maulana Jalaluddin Haqqani in the Paktia province of Afghanistan, Harkat's boys gave severe jolts to the Soviet army," recalled a former intelligence official. Privately Pakistani security officials concede that they have some knowledge of the fact that religiously motivated Pakistani youth do cross borders into India to take part in the freedom struggle there, but they stress that Pakistani authorities do not exercise any control over those boys and security services make every effort to discourage their activities. During an investigation by this correspondent into the activities of this increasingly militant organization last year, several Harkatul Ansar sources had informed that Harkatul Ansar was born in central Punjab in the early eighties when a group of religious Punjab philanthropists decided to offer some kind of assistance to the Afghan Mujahideen. "We started off by offering relief services in Afghan Mujahideen camps in the NWFP. Later, we extended these services to the Mujahideen who subsequently had become very fond of the Harkat's selfless services," an Harkat activist said, giving a background of his organization. "Ours is basically a Sunni organization close to the Deobandi school of thought. We are not a sectarian organization and would like to stay away from the current sectarian tension in the country. Our people are mostly impressed by the "Tablighi Jamaat". Most of our workers do come from the Tablighi Jamaat. We regularly go to its annual meeting at Raiwind," added another Harkat official, throwing some light on the organization's ideology. Senior police officials in Punjab, however, felt the Sipahe Suhaba Pakistan (SSP) is closely tied to the Harkatul Ansar and both organizations draw direct or indirect support from a friendly Arab country and several rich Arab nationals. Harkat insiders disclosed that financial support for their organization came mostly in the shape of donations from businessmen in Pakistan, Saudi Arabia and Egypt. One Harkat source said that a group of Indian Muslim businessmen in Britain whose relatives and friends had suffered most in the carnage of Muslims in the aftermath of the demolition of Babri Mosque in India, contributed generously for its secret operations in India. Giving an outline of its operations, several Harkat insiders said separate units within the organization look after the training, operations and finances. One Harkat warrior, who had participated in a military operation in Srinagar, gave an insight into the working of this secretive organization. He revealed that a typical Harkat sympathizer joins the organization during the mass contact campaign or through its offices by offering his life for Jihad anywhere in the world. The new recruit, after a necessary in-house security clearance, is then sent for a forty-day training program. Later, he is sent to the relevant Harkat commander who delivers weapons and select routes to transport the Mujahid to the area of active operation where he would operate under a field commander. Each worker volunteers his services for a period ranging between 40 to 120 days. Under the set procedure, the Mujahid is told in advance that in case of martyrdom his body would not be brought back to Pakistan and he would be buried at the place of the operation. The Harkat, its activists claimed, took full care of the families of 'Shaheeds'. "Our brave warriors are buried in Kashmir, Tajikistan, Bosnia, Burma and the Philippines. Muslims in those countries would never forget these courageous boys from Pakistan," according to an Harkat activist. CIA Said Trying To Recover Missiles Bequeathed to Afghans FTS19980831000884 Paris Le Point in French 29 Aug 98 p 39 [Report signed "O.W.": "The Forgotten Stingers"] Urgent. Secret service in disarray seeking to recover missiles. This is the torment facing the CIA, which is concerned about the proliferation of the fearsome American Stinger ground-to-air missiles, bequeathed to the Afghan resistance in the 1980's during the war against the Soviet Union. Highly efficient -- almost 100 percent so at less than 3,500 meters, and a maximum range of 5,000 meters -- these missiles, which weigh 10 kg, are 1.5 meters long, and reach speeds of 1,935 kph, were not distributed by American agents in the resistance, but by Pakistani intermediaries. These intermediaries were keen to encourage their proteges within Afghan fundamentalist circles, such as the fighters for Gulbuddin Hekmatyar's Hez Islami [name as published] party. Initially, the CIA was hesitant, but Vincent Cannistraro, a former CIA officer and ex-director of intelligence at the NSC, managed to force the idea through. He himself negotiated with Pakistani head of state Zia in 1986. "Then US President Ronald Reagan signed the order form when he saw a video showing the first 10 missiles hitting their targets: Soviet MiG's," Vincent Cannistraro said. All in all, 1,000 Stingers were distributed, worth $30 million, at least three of which were given -- as Le Point's special correspondent was able to find out -- to the allies of radical commander Jalaluddin Haqqani [name as published] in their stronghold in Khost, one of the Arab combatant training centers bombed by the Americans. Out of the 1,000 Stingers, between 200 and 250 were actually launched. Around 100 are in the hands of the Pakistani secret services, the Isi. Several hundred were bought on the black market by intermediaries at a price of between $100,000 and $250,000, and resold to Iran, to the Bosnian forces, and probably to North Korea and Libya. "These missiles are no longer operational," one former CIA officer says, "because they are delivered with batteries that last two years." Wrong. These batteries can easily be cobbled together by an electrical engineer, as confirmed by Paul Beaver, an expert from Jane's Defense International in London. According to the information we have, the Taleban have several of them. Some of the missiles acquired by foreign emissaries in the Afghan resistance were bartered for acetic anhydride, a component used in the production of heroin. The CIA experts are chewing their nails. Once again, this is a singular kickback. [Description of source: Paris Le Point in French -- right-of-center general interest weekly magazine featuring domestic and international political news] Taleban: US Missiles Fail To Hit Targets FTS19980821000122 Islamabad The News in English 21 Aug 98 pp 1 8 [Report by Rahimullah Yusufzai] PESHAWAR: As expected, the US struck in Afghanistan Thursday night with at least five missile attacks in Khost and Jalalabad to destroy Saudi dissident Osama Bin Laden's bases. However, Taliban spokesmen claimed Bin Laden had survived the attack. The attack was launched between 9.20 and 9.45 pm, barely half an hour after a Bin Laden confidant, Dr Ayman Al-Zawahiri, spoke on satellite phone with this correspondent "from somewhere in Afghanistan." At that time, Dr Al-Zawahiri said Bin Laden was safe and sound. There was great confusion earlier whether it was an air raid by American jet-fighters or a missile attack. Taliban officials were unaware if it was a missile or air attack. However, it was later confirmed that Tomahawk Cruise missile were fired from American slups in the Arabian Sea. These missiles are known for their accuracy and long range, up to 2000 kilometres. Mulla Abdul Hye Mutmain, a Taliban spokesman in Kandahar in southwestern Afghanistan, also thought it was an attack by US jet-fighters. He informed that the planes attacked two or three places in Khost and also Jalalabad. "The Americans failed to hit their targets. Osama Bin Laden is safe and the casualties are not as high as we expected in such attacks. We are still waiting for details about the number of people killed and injured," he said. Mutmain, who is head of the information department in Kandahar which serves as headquarters of the Taliban Islamic Movement, said their jet-fighters would have tried to tackle the intruding American planes had the military airbases at Khost and Jalalabad been operational. "We cannot be overawed by such attacks. We know how to defend our country," he stressed. Information was hard to get as Taliban leaders were not traceable and those who were accessible and awake at that time in the night said they themselves were waiting for details of the air strikes and damage caused in Khost and Jalalabad. The news was first broken by the CNN and, thereafter, began a scramble for bits and pieces of information from a war-ravaged country like Afghanistan where the communication system is almost non-existent. Prior to confirmation of reports that it was a Cruise missile attack, there was speculation as to how the US jet-fighters made their way to Khost, which is in southern Afghanistan on the border with Pakistan's North Waziristan agency, and Jalalahad, capital of Nangarhar province in eastern Afghanistan bordering Khyber and Kurram agencies in Pakistan. Some reports at that time said the planes flew from US ships and took the Guadar route to enter southern Afghanistan and bomb targets in Khost and Jalalabad. There were also speculation whether the Americans used bases in the region, ranging from those in the Gulf to Central Asia, to reach Afghanistan. It was also pointed out that the advanced US jet-fighters can refuel in the air and, thus, flying from a distant place wasn't an insurmountable problem. It was also pointed out that sending jet-fighters to Afghanistan overflying Pakistan in a politically volatile area was fraught with risks. Taliban and Pakistani sources said the Khost airfield and some of its surrounding area was destroyed by the missile attack. The Al-Badr camp near the Pakistan border in Khost where Bin Laden held his news conference in May and where he reportedly spent lot of time, was also said to have been attacked. So were the Zhawar camp belonging to former mujahideen commander Mulla Jalaluddin Haqqani, all in Khost. All these bases were built during the "Jehad" against the Soviet occupation in Afghanistan and were used for keeping troops, maintaining stockpiles of arms, and training fighters. However, Khost governor Mulla Abdullah said Khost airport wasn't attacked and the Zhawar and other bases which were targeted escaped damage. In Nangarhar, the target was said to be the Hadda farm near Jalalabad where Bin Laden lived in a newlybuilt house in a colony which also housed Hezb-i-Islami chief Mulla Yunis Khalis and other mujahideen leaders. Bin Laden took refuge in Jalalabad when he came to Afghanistan in May 1996 from Sudan. It was reported that a house belonging to late mujahideen commander Engineer Mahmood was the target of the missile attack. It apparently wasn't hit. Some casualties reportedly occurred in the missile attack on Jalalabad. [Description of source: The News--independent daily, member of the Jang Publishing Group] Terrorist Camps in Afghanistan Viewed FTS19980918000342 Karachi Newsline Sep 98 pp 36 37 39 in English 01 Sep 98 [Article by Rahimullah Yusufzai: "Exporting Jehad?"] Al-Badr, named thus by deposed Afghan Prime Minister Gulbaddin Hekmatyar's Hezb-iIslamia and its Pakistani ally, the Jamaat-i-Islami, is a complex in the Gurbaz district of Khost province in southern Afghanistan comprising six camps. Hundreds of Afghans, Pakistanis and Muslim militants from several other countries have spent time at these camps and received military training there. Some of those under training, such as Abu Talha from Cheechawatni in Punjab, chalked their names on the roadside rocks. Graffiti in Urdu and Arabic, such as 'Jamaat-i-Islami Zindabad, [Long Live Jamaat-i-Islami]' 'Shaheen Shahend Group,' and 'Victory is at hand,' is visible all over the place. The remotely located camps are situated in the lap of mountains on the border between Pakistan's North Waziristan Agency and Afghanistan. Two jeepable roads provide access to them. They are guarded by a mountain-top command post and a few checkposts on the road manned by armed guards, and are barricaded by barbed wire fences. The two camps in the Al-Badr complex going by the names Al-Badr-I and Al-Badr-II were raided and shut down by the Taliban Islamic movement about two years ago on the plea that the Hezb-i-Islami (Hekmatyar) was using them for anti-Taliban activities in Khost. Relations between the Taliban and Hezb-i-Islami were never cordial. In fact, the two had fought for control of several provinces in Afghanistan before confronting each other in Khost. It was only a matter of time before the Al-Badr camps were cleared of Hezb-i-lslami men by the Taliban because the latter feared that Hekmatyar's supporters would always be looking for opportunities to avenge their humiliating military defeats by them. After capturing Khost and the adjoining provinces of Paktia and Paktika, the Taliban spent some time consolidating their positions before striking at the Hezb-i-Islamirun camps. On that occasion, Syed Abdullah, the Taliban Governor of Khost, maintained that his government had credible reports that the camps had become centers of antiTaliban planning and activities. He felt the Hezb-i-Islami was contemplating revenge on the Taliban because it had suffered the most at their hands. "Qazi Hussain Ahmad's Jamaat-i-Islami is very close to the Hezb-i-Islami and the two were jointly running these camps. We took over the camps and asked the 107 Pakistanis living there to return to their homeland. They were very honorably allowed to enter Pakistan at the Pak-Afghan border near the camps," he explained. What Syed Abdullah didn't explain was the fact that the camps were handed over to the Harkatul Ansar, a militant Islamic group that is sending volunteers to fight in Afghanistan, Indian-occupied Jammu and Kashmir and certain other trouble spots in the world. The Harkatul Ansar was renamed Harkatul Mujahideen when it was declared a terrorist outfit by the US government. In the past, the Harkatul Ansar was very close to the Jamiatul-Ulema-i-Islam (JUI) Pakistan, especially to its faction led by Maulana Fazlur Rehman. There are still strong links between the two, but the Harkatul Muiahideen has now become more radical and seems to have established international links to pursue its agenda. Coincidentally, the Harkatul Mujahideen leader is also named Fazlur Rehman (Khalil) and like the JUI leader, belongs to Dera Ismail Khan in the NWFP. It was probably due to the Harkatul Mujahideen and the JUI's friendly terms with the Taliban that the camps were handed over to the former after being seized from the Hezb-i-islami and the Jamaat-i-Islami. The Hezb-i-Islami's pointsman for running the camps and establishing links with like-minded groups and individuals from other countries was its well-known commander, Khalid Farooqi, while those from Taliban ranks assisting in this task included former military commanders Mullah Wahidyar and Mansoor and Jalaluddin Haqqani. The latter has been running a huge camp called 'Salman Farsi Ghund' in Khost for years where he trains and equips Afghan fighters and also volunteers from other Islamic countries. In a recent interview in Khost, Haqqani said he initially established the camps to house the first mujahideen radio station in Afghanistan. In due course of time, he said a madrassah [school] workshop was built, specifically for the repair of arms since it was not always possible to transport weapons to Pakistan for repair. Later, a clinic and ammunition dumps were also established at the camps. He denied that his camps were ever used for military or terrorist training and disputed American claims of having dealt a fatal blow to the infrastructure in the area. "Two Red Army air and ground attacks, artillery shelling and scores of air raids failed to destroy the Zhavara camps. What can 60 or 70 longrange Tomahawk cruise missiles do to a place as fortified as Zhavara? he asked. The camps in Khost attracted much attention when deposed Prime Minister Benazir Bhutto and her interior minister Maj. Gen. (Retd) Naseerullah Babar publicly alleged that they were used to impart military training to a number of Pakistanis who later indulged in terrorist activities. Both asked that the camps be closed down as they were posing a security threat to Pakistan. Ms Bhutto had also complained about the activities of Arab volunteers who came to Pakistan during the Afghan 'jehad' and later stayed on, prompting governments in Egypt, Algeria and Saudi Arabia to complain to Islamabad that these militants were using Pakistani soil to mount terrorist attacks in their countries. In 1996 Babar also provided information about the arrest of two batches of 33 and 107 Pakistanis, mostly from the Punjab and Sindh, on the Pak-Afghan border who had received military training in the Khost camps. He didn't provide details on that occasion about the political affiliation of the arrested Pakistanis, but it was obvious that they were mostly Jamaat-i-Islami members. Government officials also hinted that some of them could be MQM activists seeking military training in different guises. The arrested men were nabbed when they tried to cross over to Pakistan, booked under the notorious Frontier Crimes Regulations (FCR) by the political administration of the North Waziristan agency, and sent to the central prison in Dera Ismail Khan. All of them were freed after interrogation. Al-Badr I and II were not the only military training camps in Khost. There were others, such as the Abu Jindal, Al-Farooq, Salman Farsi and Khalid Bin Waleed camps. Abu Jindal subsequently came to be known as the Arab camp, and it was here that Saudi dissident, Osama Bin Laden, held his famous press conference in May this year in which he announced the launching of his International Islamic Front for Jehad Against America and Israel. Volunteers from almost every Arab country were to be found there, although the majority belonged to Egypt, Saudi Arabia and Algeria. The more famous among them were Dr. Ayman Al-Zawahiri, head of the Islamic Jehad in Egypt, Shaikh Taseer Abdullah who is a right-hand man of Bin Laden, the two young sons of the blind Egyptian preacher and Gama'at-i-Islami leader Shaikh Omar Abdur Rahman, who was convicted for planning the bombings in New York and is now imprisoned in an American jail, and Shawki Islambouli, the younger brother of an Egyptian army officer, Khalid Islambouli, who shot dead President Anwar Sadaat during a military parade in Cairo. In his interview on that occasion, Khost governor Syed Abdullah refuted the Hezb-iIslami and Jamaat-i-Islami contention that the seizure of the Al-Badr camps by the Taliban and the eviction of Pakistanis and Afghans was an un-Islamic and anti-jehad act. "The Taliban aren't opposed to a genuine jehad. In fact, our movement itself is a jehad against sin, corruption and cruelty in which the mujahideen indulged after the installation of an Islamic movement in Afghanistan in 1992," he argued. He added that the Taliban would never allow their area to be used for activities against Pakistan because the Pakistan government and people had supported the Afghans in their hour of trial during the Soviet occupation of their country. However, Abdullah's contention was disputed by the PPP government (1993-96) which repeatedly pointed accusing fingers at the Khost camps as a center from which religious fanatics were unleashed to strike in Pakistan. The Harkatul Mujahideen, because of its Sunni base, also became a platform for anti-Shia elements, one sign of which was the subsequent naming of one of the Khost camps the 'Amir Muawiyya' camp. There were also reports that Sunni extremists wanted in Pakistan took refuge in these camps and lured others to follow in their footsteps. The Harkatul Muiahideen has been recruiting young men from all the provinces of Pakistan and from both sides of the Line of Control in Kashmir. A sizable number of its recruits are students of religion from madrassahs [religious schools]. In fact, they are the Pakistani version of the Afghan Taliban and some are actively involved in the ongoing fighting in Afghanistan. Others have sacrificed their lives fighting in Indian occupied Kashmir. Along with the Lashkar-i-Tayyaba, the Harkatul Mujahideen is one of the two major Pakistani suppliers of manpower for the battle in Jammu and Kashmir. The Khost camps have attracted so many young men from the Punjab province that it has come to be known as the Punjabi Ghund (camp)--even though men from the NWFP, Sindh and Kashmir as well as Arabs live there. The inmate comprise teenagers as well as grey-haired men. Some of the permanent residents of the camps, like Mohammad Yaqub alias Abu Huraira of the Harkatul Mujahideen, commanded respect from all and sundry. Abu Huraira, who was often referred to as an 'ustad [teacher]' by the younger Harkat boys, was one of the nine members of the Harkatul Muiahideen killed in the August 20 US airstrike against the Khost camps. Syed Abdullah, who is still the governor of Khost, claimed after the American cruise missile attack that the camps had largely survived the mujahideen commanders like Shah Khan Gurbaz, who has been named head of a garrison now being set up at the Arab or Abu Jindal camp, also disputed Washington's claims that the camps have been made inoperational. Nonetheless, the Taliban leaders refused journalists access to the camps for about two weeks, arousing suspicion about whether they were indeed intact or being rehabilitated. However, the Taliban recently allowed journalists to visit the camps and Syed Abdullah has announced plans to set up a madrassah in the Salman Farsi camp and a garrison in the Arab one. Will these proposed changes satisfy President Bill Clinton who, after the airstrike on Afghanistan, called the Khost camps 'the world's largest facility for terrorist training,' or should one expect more American and western attacks on this infrastructure? Afghan Camps Damaged by US Strikes Described FTS19980905000423 Islamabad The News in English 04 Sep 98 p 4 [Report by Rahimullah Yusufzal] PESHAWAR: The Taliban have decided to make use of the camps recently attacked by the US with Tomahawk cruise missiles by establishing a madrassa [seminaries] and a garrison there. During a recent visit to Khost in southern Afghanistan, the provincial Taliban governor Syed Abdullah told this correspondent that the madrassa being set up in the Salman Farsi camp in Zhavara near the Pakistan border would be commissioned in a few days time. He also said the Al-Badr or so-called Arab camp, where the Arab volunteers used to put up, would now house a Taliban garrison. Syed Abdullah claimed the Arabs, Pakistanis and Kashmiris based in the camps were leaving. "We don't know their destination but I was told the Arab mujahideen were going towards Kabul," he informed. He thought some Arabs were already based near Kabul and those displaced from the Khost camps could join them there. Shah Khan Gurbaz, a former mujahideen military commander who has now joined the Taliban, has been named as head of the new garrison. In an interview with The News in Khost, he informed that he had already shifted some of his troops and weapons to the camp and would make the garrison fully operational soon. Mulla Jalaluddin Haqqani, who originally built the camps in Khost in the early 1980s, disputed the US claim that the camps had suffered substantial damage due to the airstrike. "The camps at Zhavara survived two air and ground offensives by the Red Army and couldn't be captured or destroyed despite frequent air raids and shelling. What can about 60 or 70 long-range, largely-inaccurate American missiles do to a fortified place built into mountains?" he asked. He claimed the Salman Farsi camp has emerged largely unscathed and the Al-Badr camps, also known as Abu Jindal or the Arab camp, have suffered minimum damage. He conceded that the Khalid bin Waleed and Amir Muawiyya camps had suffered some damage. He also claimed that the ammunition dumps in the camps were almost all intact. Both Haqqani and Syed Abdullah denied that the Khost camps were used for military or terrorist training. They said Arabs, Pakistanis and Kashmiris who couldn't return to their countries due to various reasons were mostly living in these camps. They said seminaries were being run in the camps and the five mosques built there offered religious services not only to the inmates of the camps but also Gurbaz villagers living in the vicinity. Haqqani recalled that he had built the Zhavara camp in the 1980s to house the first mujahideen radio station and in due course of time he set up a clinic, a madrassa, ammunition depots and also a workshop to repair damaged arms there. At no time was the Zhavara camp used to impart military or terrorist training. The Arabs, Pakistanis and Kashmiris came much later and set up base there. But even they never indulged in any terrorist activity," he contended. [Description of source: The News--independent daily, member of the Jang Publishing Group] Muslim Radicals Declare 'Open War' on US FTS19980918000321 Karachi Newsline Sep 98 pp 40 41 in English 01 Sep 98 [Article by Behroz Khan: "Remains of the Day"] Radical Muslim groups, which were attacked by the United States in eastern Afghanistan, now await a go-ahead signal from the Taliban leadership to either resume activities in Khost or relocate their training camps elsewhere in the country. "We can rebuild the damaged portions of the mud houses and the camps will be fully operational within a week's time. The American air strikes cannot deter us from our goal. It is up to the Taliban and the mujahideen high command to decide whether to stay in Jawar or relocate the camps," says Kashmiri guerrilla leader Bakht Zamin, at a Mansehra base. The commander, affiliated with the Hezb-ul-Mujahideen, was in one of the training camps in Khost when American Tomahawk cruise missiles rained down on them on the night of August 20, leaving over two dozen people dead. The majority of the people who died were either Pakistani or Kashmiri nationals while seven Arab nationals also perished in the attack. Being hand-in-glove with the extremist Islamic groups and supporting their cause in the Muslim states, it is believed that the Taliban will opt for relocating the camps rather than expelling these militant outfits. "Our operations have not been disrupted by the air strikes. Thousands of mujahideen have already been trained and our cadre is intact. The killing of 22 persons cannot affect our task," says the Harkat commander, who hopes to return to Afghanistan in the near future to resume his training activities. All the six training camps in Khost were hit by dozens of missiles fired by the US in pursuit of the Saudi multi-millionaire Osama bin Laden, who took refuge in Afghanistan after his eviction from Sudan in 1996. According to US Secretary of State, Madeleine Albright, 70 to 75 missiles were launched from American ships close to Pakistani waters in the Arabian Sea to hit targets in Sudan and Afghanistan. Seven of the missiles hit a pharmaceutical factory in Khartoum which the Americans believe was manufacturing chemical weapons, a charge categorically denied by Sudan. "Not we, but America is the biggest terrorist in the world. It has let loose a reign of terror on Muslims all over the world. Can America prove the involvement of Osama bin Laden or those killed in the air strikes in the bombing of embassies in Dar-essalam and Tanzania," asks Dr. Ahmad Sarwar a Pakistani national who was also in the Amir Muawiya training camp on the night of August 20. "I heard a whistle like sound, followed by a fireball. And within seconds the missile hit the ground some 15 yards to my right. There was a deafening explosion and six to seven others in succession," recalls Dr. Sarwar, who accompanied the three injured persons who were shifted to the Hayatabad Medical Complex Peshawar from Khost. "It is our turn now. We will reply to the US attack. The superpower attacked our religious schools in Khost in the night like cowards, but we will strike in broad daylight," says the bearded doctor. Ahmad Sarwar claims these camps imparted only religious education and had nothing to do with military or 'terrorist' training. "Did the Americans kill Osama? Only innocent people and students of religious schools were targeted. The attack destroyed the hostels, two mosques and a few houses of the civilian population," the doctor says angrily. "Now we declare an open war on America", says Habibur Rehman, 22, who received severe burns on half his body in the missile attack. "We will avenge the blood of our brethren and tell the Americans that faith is mightier than tanks and missiles," says Habib in a pain-choked voice. On the night of the attack, "I was woken up by the sound of a big explosion. There was dust and fire all around. People were running for shelter. I was in severe pain." But despite his ordeal. Habib is determined to go back to Afghanistan to complete his course. "Such strikes cannot stop us." Habibur Rehman's fearlessness and determination to return to his camp in Afghanistan is surprising. What is it that hardens a 22-year-old to the vagaries of wars? Interviews with those returning from these camps after completing military training reveal that Afghani, Pakistani and Kashmiri teachers train the militants in elementary to medium and highskilled guerrilla warfare on light and heavy weapons. The camps are run by the Arabs, Pakistanis and Kashmiris in coordination with each other under the supervision of the Taliban administration. Reportedly, an average of 250 people are trained at a time in each camp and the duration of the course ranges from 40 or 90 days to six months. Describing life inside the camps, one of the mujahideen, Jasim, says the day starts with (Fajr) morning prayers and an hour of exercise, followed by classes till midday. "We get military lessons and practical training at the camp," says Jasim, adding that in the afternoons the mujahideen enjoy sports. Dars-i-Quran classes are held after dinner. The courses taught include training for normal combat to hit-and-run to sabotage. A number of educated people and students from pre-medical and preengineering classes have joined the rank and file of the mujahideen. "Jehad is more important than studying in college," declared one of Bakht Zamin's lieutenants. Established with the help of US and Pakistani secret agencies in the early '80s to train fighters to combat Soviet forces in Afghanistan, these camps have also been visited by William Casey, then director ClA, and the late General Akhtar Abdur Rehman, then director general of the ISI. At the time, several camps run by mujahideen commanders were operating in the provinces of Kunar, Nangarhar and Khost in Afghanistan, sharing a border with Pakistan. And the mujahideen commandos had been trained by American instructors and Pakistani military officials, in line with guide books of the US Marines. Some of these guides were later recovered from the houses of Arabs in Peshawar, when there was a crackdown on extremists in 1993. Similar books translated into Arabic were also confiscated from a camp in Jalalabad. The camps in Khost, supervised by Commander Jalaluddin Haqqani, accommodated most of the Arabs who crossed into Afghanistan in the wake of the crackdown. Osama bin Laden has become a new source of inspiration for the radical Arab groups. Osama took refuge in Afghanistan in May 1996, after his eviction from Sudan. The number of Osama's supporters from Arab countries presently hiding in Afghanistan is estimated to be around 200. The 43 year-old tall and frail-looking Saudi dissident, who used to carry a Kalashnikov assault rifle on his shoulder, is escorted by a squad of his trusted supporters. Mindful of his security and the hunt launched by the United States, Osama keeps changing his sanctuary from Nangarhar to Kandahar to Khost. He has announced the formation of the International Islamic Front for jehad against America and Israel and believes that his mujahideen would evict the infidel forces from the holy land, a reference to Saudi Arabia. Meanwhile, back at the training camps in Afghanistan, radical groups angered by the American attack on their bases, have vowed to strike back and target installations of their enemy. "We will be back with full force and vengeance" says one Harkat leader. London-Based Islamic Center Publishes Usamah Bin-Ladin's Biography GMP20000422000025 (Internet) Islamic Observation Center WWW-Text in Arabic 22 Apr 00 [Biography of Usamah Bin-Ladin, "written by brother Mujtahid with minor modifications"] Usamah Bin-Ladin was born in 1377 hegira, corresponding to 1957, to a Syrian mother from Damascus. He is the 43d among his brothers and sisters, and the 21st among his brothers--the children of the famous contractor Muhammad Awad Bin-Ladin. His Father Usamah's father, Muhammad Awad Bin-Ladin, arrived in Jeddah from Hadhramaut around the year 1930. Those who knew his father remember that he was an epitome of perseverance, hard work, and self-reliance. Therefore, in a few years time, Muhammad Bin-Ladin turned from a construction worker at the primitive Jeddah Port into the largest construction contractor in the Kingdom. In addition, Usamah's father was courageous and willing to take risks. Thus, he managed to convince King Sa'ud that he was the best to handle difficult and challenging projects. During King Sa'ud's rule, he managed to establish a good relationship with senior members of the ruling family, including Faysal, who was prince then. When the famous dispute took place between Faysal and Sa'ud, he was one of those who persuaded King Sa'ud to step down in favor of Faysal. This was not all. Muhammad Bin-Ladin paid the salaries of all state employees for almost six months after Sa'ud's departure when the treasury was completely empty. To repay him, King Faysal issued a decree awarding all construction contracts to him. The king practically entrusted Muhammad Bin-Ladin with the Ministry of Construction. In 1969, Muhammad Bin-Ladin took it upon himself to rebuild Al-Aqsa Mosque after the fire that broke out at the mosque. He had already contributed to the first Saudi expansion of the two mosques [in Mecca and Medina]. That is why the Bin-Ladin family says that they had the honor of building the three [holy] mosques. Muhammad Bin-Ladin was a religious, generous, and modest man, in spite of his enormous wealth. He had kept the bucket with which he used to carry construction materials and hung it in his living room to show pride in his perseverance and to remind himself and his children that he was a simple man before he became the biggest contractor in the region. Muhammad Bin-Ladin died in 1970 in a plane crash. It is said that he was inspecting the famous Al-Hada road project when the plane crashed. Muhammad Bin-Ladin had possessed a strong personality. He had kept all his children in one residence. He was extremely careful about their discipline and observance of religion and morals. Muhammad Bin-Ladin died when Usamah was nine and a half years. The strongest person in the family after the father was the eldest son, Salim Bin-Ladin, who enjoyed a strong personality and prestige. It is said that King Fahd could not force the family to make him a partner until after Salim's death in a plane crash. Bakr Bin-Ladin could not fill the vacuum left by Salim. His Study and Marriage Usamah was brought up as a good Muslim. He has been a practicing Muslim since his early childhood. He married for the first time when he was 17 years old. His wife was a daughter of a maternal uncle in Syria. He received his elementary, secondary, and university studies in Jeddah. He earned a university degree in public administration science. During his studies, he familiarized himself with the activities of famous Islamic currents and met many Islamic personalities. Nothing special happened during his studies. Contrary to the claims of some Arab and Western newspapers, Usamah did not travel to any country other than the countries of the Arabian Peninsula, Pakistan, Afghanistan, Syria, and Sudan. All the reports about trips to Switzerland, London, and the Philippines are baseless. Also, the claims that Usamah became religious after a stage of deviation are untrue and unfounded. How Was Bin-Ladin's Mentality Shaped? In addition to the conservative atmosphere in which Usamah was brought up, Muhammad Bin-Ladin, Usamah's father, used to host a large number of pilgrims every year, some of whom were well-known Islamic figures. Usamah's brothers continued this tradition after the death of their father. This provided Usamah with an opportunity to learn from some distinguished figures from among the guests. However, at the university, there were two people who left a lasting impression on his life. They were Muhammad Qutub and Shaykh Abdallah Azzam. Islamic education was a mandatory course for all university students. Bin-Ladin Begins Jihad Usamah's relationship with Afghanistan began in the first weeks of the Russian invasion of that country. He was shocked by the news of the occupation of a Muslim country and the displacement of its people in this manner at the hands of atheist Communists. Usamah wanted to have a first-hand look at the situation since its very inception. So he arranged with the Islamic group a trip to Pakistan. The group took him from Karachi to Peshawar, where he met with a group of mujahidin commanders, such as Sayyaf and Rabbani. He was already familiar with their names, because some of them used to frequent his father's place during the hajj season. Usamah was careful to keep the trip a secret because he was unaware of the stand of the state. He was also careful to make the trip exploratory in nature before making a decision on that issue. The trip lasted one month, and he was convinced that the issue deserved most of his attention. When he returned to the Kingdom and felt that he could speak about the trip, he started to tell his brothers, relatives, and fellow students about his observations. He also managed to conduct a public relations campaign in favor of the mujahidin. The result of the campaign was a huge amount of donations and contributions to the mujahidin. Usamah took the donations and went on another trip to Pakistan, in the company of a large number of Pakistanis and Afghans who work at the Bin-Ladin Corporation. Usamah spent another month there. He repeated these trips, carrying donations with him, in the company of people of different nationalities. He went only to the areas of the camps, without entering Afghanistan. This situation continued until the year 1982. In 1982, Usamah decided to cross the border and enter Afghanistan to take part in the jihad. He saw the rugged mountainous terrain of Afghanistan, so he decided to use his experience as a contractor. He brought a huge number of bulldozers, excavators, and other equipment to help the mujahidin go through the mountains, build roads, and set up camps. Usamah made more visits to Afghanistan and supervised the delivery of funds, weapons, and equipment. He sometimes took part in some battles, but irregularly. Some people of the Peninsula were influenced by Usamah's visits and started to head to Afghanistan, but in small numbers, since the issue had not yet become a public campaign and organized in establishments, offices, and camps. The year 1984 saw the emergence of the first model of institutional action of the jihad of the Arabs in Afghanistan; namely, Bayt al-Ansar [House of Supporters] in Peshawar. Bayt al-Ansar was established as an advance station or temporary residence to welcome the people coming to take part in jihad before they head for training and then jihad. In spite of the establishment of Bayt al-Ansar, Usamah did not have his own agency or infrastructure, including camps, stores, supply, and communications. He did not have his own front. He used to send the newly arriving young people to one of the combatant parties, such as Hekmatyar, Sayyaf, or Rabbani. The establishment of Bayt al-Ansar coincided with the setting up of a services office in Peshawar by Shaykh Abdallah Azzam, may God rest his soul. The office and Bayt complemented the work of each other. The office carried out the media mission, collection of donations, and urging the Muslims, especially the Arabs, to sacrifice their lives and donate their money for the cause of jihad. Meanwhile, Bayt al-Ansar carried out the practical mission of receiving and directing those who wish to take part in the jihad or who want to learn about the situation of the Afghans. During that period, the relationship between Shaykh Abdallah and Usamah grew stronger; however, it was the opinion of both people that it would be better to keep their work separate and to have several fronts, while maintaining good coordination. In 1986, Usamah decided to expand the organization of jihad and to have his own camps and lines of supply. Indeed, he managed to build six camps. By virtue of his experience in constructions, he managed to move and transfer these camps more than once according to the war conditions. Thus, Usamah gained experience in camps and managed to adopt Arab mujahidin from the first moment of their arrival and to train them and make them take part in the battles. This made the idea of taking part in jihad sound very attractive, because young people started to spread the news of how simple the idea was and to lessen the fear of participating in jihad, since the people who receive, train, and command the participants were all Arabs. During that period, a huge number of Arab mujahidin started to report to Bayt alAnsar and the camps. Those people included high-school and university students and perhaps illiterate people and others who had come to atone for their grave sins. They included engineers, doctors, and even efficient officers who were experienced in combat. In the beginning, the Arab mujahidin took part in several skirmishes and limited fighting. They then took part in fierce battles, the most famous of which was the Jaji battle at the end of that year. In that battle, the Arab mujahidin defeated elite and well-armed Russian units and killed a number of the best Russian commandos. Between 1986 and 1989, the Arab mujahidin fought five major battles with the Russians and hundreds of minor clashes and skirmishes. It was one of the best periods for the mujahidin because there was an opportunity to carry out jihad without harassment by the rulers of the Kingdom or the Pakistani Government. During that period, Usamah returned to the Kingdom only for a very short while. He spent most days of the year in Afghanistan. He was busy carrying out jihad and training and supervising the mujahidin. God blessed his company, although he was away from his business doing other things. Al-Qa'idah [The Base] In the end of the 1980s, specifically in 1988, Usamah noticed that there was an increase in the activity and travels of the Arab mujahidin to the battlefront and also in the number of wounded and martyred people, and that he did not have a record of this activity despite its importance and the fact that this was part of the ABC's of the military. The lack of information often caused embarrassment to Usamah with some families, which inquired about their sons by telephone or by sending an envoy to know the fate of a family member who had joined him. Usamah felt that the lack of information is shameful, besides being a basic administrative mistake. Therefore, he decided to keep records for the Arab mujahidin. The idea of the records expanded to include full details about everyone who had arrived in Afghanistan through arrangements by the shaykh's group. The records were arranged in a way to include the date of arrival of the person, his joining Bayt alAnsar, and then details of his joining the training camps and then sending him to the front. The records became like an independent administration. There was a need to give it a name for internal purposes. Usamah and his aides agreed to call it the Base Registry, since the base includes Bayt al-Ansar, the training camps, and the fronts. So this is the base. It is not the monster depicted by the Americans in a Hollywood style. Of course, the word base continued to be used by the group associated with Usamah. The Americans, and other people who are ignorant of the modus operandi of jihad groups, got the impression that it was the name of a terrorist organization. Return to the Kingdom In 1989, specifically after the withdrawal of the Soviet Union from Afghanistan, Usamah returned to the Kingdom to finish a few things there. He thought this trip was like other trips to the Kingdom. However, this time it was different from the previous trips. Usamah learned after his arrival that he was banned from travel. He thought that the reason was the Russian withdrawal and the understanding reached between the major powers and the Kingdom. No doubt, this was one factor, but Usamah was surprised to learn about the main reason, which he had not thought about. Usamah started to plan for launching a jihad front against South Yemen from the Kingdom and North Yemen. The rulers of the Kingdom were worried about the diplomatic embarrassment this would cause. They were also more worried because this plan by Usamah was evidence that the man wants jihad for its own sake and not to use the opportunity of common interests with major powers and governments. This was the main reason for preventing him from travel, and God knows better. Warns of the Danger of the Iraqi Regime Usamah's behavior during that period showed that the man started to act as if he was an official who was concerned about a cause. The rulers were greatly upset when he spoke publicly about the danger of the Iraqi regime and predicted that this regime would invade the Gulf. He said this in public and recorded lectures at a time when the Iraqi regime was one of the strongest friends of the Kingdom. King Fahd had returned from a visit to Iraq then. Secret Advice to the State The Saudi Interior Ministry was not content with preventing him from travel. It also warned him against carrying out any public activity, telling him that he could be arrested or placed under house arrest if he did not comply with the orders. Despite the hostile attitude of the state toward him, Usamah wrote a letter including advice to the state. The letter was delivered via one of his brothers to Prince Ahmad Bin-Abd-al-Aziz. The letter included general advice and personal ideas. The general advice demanded comprehensive reform, while the personal part was a repeat of his predictions about Saddam's ambitions in the region and the need for preparation for this situation. Prince Nayif had made it a point to meet Usamah when he read a report about his lecture about Saddam's ambitions. After the Invasion of Kuwait As soon as Usamah heard about the invasion of Kuwait in the news, he acted in a manner that reflected his feeling of a large part of responsibility. He wrote another letter to the state, explaining his view of the best way to protect the country from the Iraqi threat. He included several suggestions on the best way to mobilize the nation against this danger and the best way practically to face it. He also suggested asking all the Arab mujahidin, who listen to him, to come to the defense of Saudi Arabia. The letter was delivered in the same method the first letter was delivered. The state's reaction was a promise to examine this issue. In spite of his doubts about the regime's position on religious and national issues, Usamah had expected a request for some contribution to the defense of the country. He thought that the regime, in spite of its religious violations, had some concern about the country and a desire to protect it. But instead of benefiting from the offer Usamah had made, the state made a decision to invite US troops. This decision was the reason for the greatest change in Usamah's life. Usamah says that when he heard the news about calling US troops, this was the greatest shock in his life. In his opinion, this was the first time since the Prophet's mission that the infidels control the Arabian Peninsula by their military forces. He was also shocked because the US forces did not come through occupation or against the will of the rulers. Rather, they came at the request of those rulers, who rushed to seek the help of the Americans. Usamah felt frustrated and worried about the future of the Peninsula following this serious development. At that point, he realized that sending letters and memorandums to Saudi officials is useless and that he must think about another method. Usamah acted on two fronts. First, he sought to obtain a fatwa [religious ruling] that every Muslim, especially the people of the Peninsula, should prepare to fight. Indeed, Shaykh Bin-Uthaymin issued such a fatwa, and Usamah used it to spur young people to go to Afghanistan and get some training there. In response to his call, a large number of young people traveled to Afghanistan. Second, he sought to assemble the largest number of ulema [Muslim scholars] in an independent Islamic institution other than the Senior Ulema Commission so that this new institution would be an authority for the people. In his opinion, the Senior Ulema Commission had turned into a tool in the hand of the state after issuing a fatwa sanctioning the invitation of [foreign] forces. Although Usamah's movement was restricted, since he was almost under house arrest, he managed to achieve some of his goals, especially on the first front. However, his attempts to gather the ulema in an independent body were not successful because of the restrictions imposed on his movement and because the ulema, including young ones, had not yet comprehended the idea of independent institutions. Usamah Terrorized by the Authority Usamah did not comply with the restrictions imposed on him. He delivered a number of lectures and held a large number of meetings with ulema and activists in the area of the Islamic call. The authorities did not accept this. Therefore, Usamah was summoned several times and strictly warned that he must freeze his activities. To intimidate him, the authority sent a detachment of the National Guard in Jeddah to raid his farm in the suburbs of Jeddah and conduct a surprise search. He was not present when the raid took place. The detachment arrested some workers on the farm (they were released later) and wrote down a list of the items they found on the farm and videotaped the farm and its warehouses and other facilities. When Usamah learned about the incident, he was extremely angry and wrote a strong protest letter to Prince Abdallah. Usamah was surprised when he received a reply from Prince Abdallah, denying his knowledge of the incident and promising to punish those responsible. Outside the Country Once Again The accumulation of these incidents, whether at the level of the country or on the personal level, made Usamah think seriously about leaving the country. But how can he do that when he is banned from travel and all his movements are closely watched? Bin-Ladin, however, managed to leave the country easily and publicly. How Did He Leave the Kingdom? The days went by while Usamah experienced an unbearable situation. He was a man of action, jihad, and movement, but all of a sudden he found himself under house arrest. Another thing he could not put up with was the presence of [foreign] forces in the Arabian Peninsula. He thought he would be contradicting himself if he claimed that he had fought the infidels in Afghanistan because they occupied a Muslim country, while the infidels were now in the Arabian Peninsula, which is a more sacred place. Usamah bitterly tolerated the period of the war "Desert Storm." He then reached a conviction that he could not be honest with himself if he remained in the Kingdom. His escape was not easy, since he is a well-known figure and his house was always guarded. That is why he thought of a method that is close to a normal style, and this method was a success. One of his brothers was close to Prince Ahmad Bin-Abd-al-Aziz, deputy interior minister. Usamah spoke with his brother, telling him that he had many financial commitments in Pakistan and other areas and that people owed him certain obligations and he owed others some obligations. He said he could not ask another person to resolve all these issues on his behalf, since some of them were based on trust and personal relations. His brother was convinced of the idea and promised to explain this to Prince Ahmad. Prince Nayif was about to take a leave, so Usamah's brother waited until Nayif went on leave and spoke to Prince Ahmad. He managed to persuade him to return Usamah's passport and allow him to travel. Prince Ahmad agreed and allowed him one trip and he asked the security agencies to watch him. Thus, Usamah abandoned the method of escape and disguise and left the country in a normal manner. When he arrived in Pakistan, the first thing he did was to write a tender letter of apology to his brother, telling him that he was not planning to return and that he would cause him embarrassment with Prince Nayif. He apologized to him, telling him that the price was high and that it deserved resorting to such a method. To Afghanistan Once Again Usamah knew that it would not be safe for him to stay in Pakistan because of the Saudi-Pakistani security cooperation. So he hurriedly entered Afghanistan once again. His presence there coincided with the collapse of the Communist regime and the fall of Kabul and the beginning of war among the Afghan factions. The first measure he took to deal with this issue was to issue a directive to Arab youths not to get involved in the ongoing conflict and not to side with any party. He maintained this stand until the Taleban entered Kabul. He decided then to side with the Taleban. The second measure he took was to make huge efforts to reconcile the factions. Regrettably, however, his efforts did not achieve any result worth mentioning. While in Afghanistan, his country's intelligence, led by a well-known prince, cooperated with the Pakistani intelligence to kill or kidnap him. But all attempts failed because his sympathizers within the Pakistani security agency and the other country were quick to leak information to him so he would remain cautious. He remained in Afghanistan for several months and continued his attempts to settle differences. After his repeated failure, he knew that he had reached a dead end. Usamah felt that his presence in Afghanistan was useless, especially since many people were lying in wait for him and would continue to try to kidnap or assassinate him. After studying the situation with a number of his close associates, he decided to look for another place from which he can serve Islam other than Afghanistan. To Sudan Leaving for Sudan was one of Usamah's options. This was not because it would be a new base for a new plan, but because he had heard a lot about this new country. The Islamists had started to talk about this country's enthusiasm about Islam and Muslims and its eagerness to implement an Islamic plan. Usamah thought he could provide something to this country through his trade and construction experience and his relations with the Kingdom and the Gulf. Besides, Sudan would provide him with a shelter to replace Afghanistan. Usamah left for Sudan on a private plane in a secret flight toward the end of 1991. He took with him a number of his companions, while others followed him via other routes. While in Sudan, the Sudanese Government was very hospitable toward him, but at that stage he was not in need of any financial support, because his money was still under his control. He managed to normally transfer a part of his funds and equipment from the Kingdom to Sudan. Usamah did not contribute to any military action in Sudan, but he greatly contributed toward building roads, farms, and other construction projects. The most famous of these was Al-Tahaddi [Challenge] Road from Khartoum to Port Sudan. Although Usamah left the Kingdom as explained above and although he was exposed to kidnapping and killing attempts in Afghanistan by the Saudi regime, he did not declare a hostile stand toward the ruling regime. He did not want to sever ties with religious personalities, merchants, and some influential people in the Kingdom. This policy was beneficial. Usamah managed to convince a large number of those people to support Sudan and hold investments in it. During that period, he was offered more than once a return to the country and was given guarantees, but he did not welcome the idea at all. Interest in him grew noticeably at the end of 1992 when an order was issued to freeze his assets. Afterward, Usamah's case turned into a hot issue on the agenda of the US intelligence, and this issue was regularly raised between the Americans and the Saudi authorities. Pressures on Usamah intensified to make him return and the authority tried to embarrass him by putting pressure on his family and blackmailing him through them, but to no avail. When the Saudi Government despaired of his return, King Fahd issued a decree abrogating his citizenship in early 1994. It is said that Usamah threw the civil status book onto the lap of one of the people dispatched by the authorities to persuade him to return before abrogating his citizenship. Usamah told this person: "Don't deal with me the way you deal with subordinates. Take it. I don't need it." These developments, which ended in abrogating his citizenship, coincided with other developments in the Kingdom, which Usamah had closely followed. The Islamic current had sent a number of memorandums, demanding reform. The last of these developments, which coincided with the abrogation of citizenship, was the case of the Committee for the Defense of Legitimate Rights [CDLR] and the arrest campaign of its founders and sympathizers before the CDLR moved to London. These developments prompted Usamah to take the first declared initiative against the Saudi Government in early 1994 when he issued a personal statement responding to the decision abrogating his citizenship. After this statement, Usamah decided to act publicly, in cooperation with others. This led to the emergence of the Commission for Advice and Reform. The Commission for Advice and Reform When Usamah and a number of those cooperating with him saw the campaign launched by the state against the CDLR and the arrest of a number of its founders and others, some people advised him to form an alternative body, which he called "The Commission for Advice and Defense of Legitimate Rights" to replace the CDLR, which was suppressed. Usamah did not know that the CDLR was about to resume its work from London. The CDLR reemerged from London, so his associates advised him to change that name and to choose another name because the CDLR chose its name first and the name must be changed in full. So the name was changed to "The Commission for Advice and Reform." The new commission began to issue different statements in its own name, and not in Usamah's personal name. The commission opened an office in London and appointed Khalid al-Fawwaz in charge of it. It is fair to say that the language of the statements of that commission was different from Bin-Ladin's recent statements. We go back to his stay in Sudan. Throughout his stay in Sudan, Usamah was the focus of many Islamic movement pioneers from all over the world, journalists, and intelligence men and agents of the United States and some Arab countries. During that period, Usamah had maintained ties with ulema, preachers, and merchants in the Kingdom. He had also maintained ties with many old friends in jihad, whether those who remained in Pakistan and Afghanistan or those who returned to Arab countries. During his stay in Sudan, two important developments were tied to him. The first: The incidents in Somalia and Yemen. The second: The Riyadh bombing. As for the incidents in Somalia, they are well known. There was a small faction, led by a group of those who received training in Afghanistan. They played a role in qualitative operations against the Americans. As for Yemen, the United States and Yemen kept silent on incidents in which several Americans were killed in a hotel in Aden. Usamah takes pride in these operations, but he does not attribute them directly to himself. He just considers them part of his general circle. As for the Riyadh bombing, evidence strongly indicates that the group behind it had a relationship with Usamah. Usamah did not deny the relationship and did not deny his support for the action, but he was accurate in that he did not attribute it to himself directly in any speech on any occasion. Following the incidents in Somalia and the Riyadh bombing, Usamah's stay in Sudan after 1994 began to greatly embarrass the Sudanese Government, which came under strong pressure from the United States and Arab countries to expel or extradite him. The Sudanese tolerated the pressure for some time, but it was clear that they were not willing to remain patient for a long time. The Sudanese began to put pressure on the Arab Afghans to leave Sudan. Usamah was aware of the pressure against Sudan because the Sudanese had kept him informed of this. They might have told him once that he should consider leaving. When Usamah felt that the Sudanese could no longer put up with him and were embarrassed to tell him that, he started to make arrangements for his departure by himself. To prepare for his departure, Usamah contacted his old friends of the Afghan mujahidin and chose from them Shaykh Yunos Khales and Shaykh Jalaloddin Haqqani, who had a strong influence in the Jalalabad region. This happened before Taleban extended its influence outside Kandahar, when Afghan areas were split between Afghan factions. After securing a place for him in Jalalabad, Usamah prepared to leave Sudan in a top-secret operation. For this purpose, he chartered a private plane that carried him, along with a number of his followers, to Afghanistan, where he was received by Shaykh Yunos Khales and Shaykh Haqqani. After his arrival there, he sent a message to Afghan factions telling them that he was still committed to not interfering in their differences and struggles. This was before the Taleban captured Jalalabad and then Kabul. Since his arrival in Afghanistan, a series of dramatic developments has taken place. These include the Al-Khubar bombing, the Taleban's capture of Jalalabad, the attempt to kidnap Usamah, and the statement of jihad against the Americans, which he issued in November 1996. In June 1996, a large explosion rocked the city of Al-Khubar, killing 20 US military personnel and wounding hundreds. Usamah did not claim responsibility for the Al-Khubar bombing. He supported the bombing, without claiming responsibility for it. Meanwhile, the Saudi authorities were careful to pin the charge on Shiite elements, supported by Iran, in an attempt to discredit Bin-Ladin. The Saudi authorities continued to avoid holding Bin-Ladin responsible until one of the Saudi officials made a statement to AFP following the incidents of Kenya and Tanzania, in which he slipped and said that the reason for severing ties with the Taleban was that it sheltered the people wanted in Al-Khubar bombing from the group that accompanies BinLadin. This statement was not repeated and no similar statement was made. On the contrary, the Saudis tried to blow the case of Hani al-Sayigh out of proportion to achieve the same goal. Shortly after the Al-Khubar bombing, Usamah issued his first statement titled "Declaring Jihad to Drive Out the Infidels From the Peninsula of the Arabs." This time, the statement was not issued in the name of the Commission for Advice and Reform; it was issued in Bin-Ladin's name personally. The 12-page statement said that the situation of the Peninsula, under the presence of infidel forces, had not been experienced since the era of Prophet Muhammad, God's peace and blessings be upon him. The statement was sent by fax in the form of a booklet. It attracted the attention of some newspapers and news agencies. At that stage, the Saudi ambassador in Islamabad tried to pressure Yunos Khales and Haqqani to hand over Usamah. The ambassador tried to tempt them by making certain offers, but Yunos Khales's reply was categorical. He said: If an animal seeks refuge with us, we will protect him. So how about a man who sacrificed himself and his money for the sake of God and jihad in Afghanistan? Afterward, Taleban invaded the region where Usamah was staying. By that time, Usamah had known some details about the Taleban, since Yunos Khales and Haqqani had already joined Taleban and considered themselves part of the Taleban army. However, Usamah had no idea what his situation would be after he had become in the region under their control. Usamah did not have to wait for long. Mola Omar, the leader of Taleban, sent a delegation to meet Usamah and to reassure him and tell him that he is still a guest. Mola Omar pledged to protect him, but he asked him to stop any media activity. Usamah had given interviews to CNN and the British Channel Four during that period. The other development that happened afterward and that forced Usamah to move to Kandahar was the kidnapping attempt, which was leaked to Usamah and aborted before it was carried out. Mercenaries from the tribes on the Pakistani-Afghan border had been financed to carry out a lightning attack on the area where Usamah was staying and kidnap or kill him. Pakistan and other known countries had arranged the operation, but the news leaked to Usamah quickly so he made arrangements quickly to move to Kandahar, the stronghold of the Taleban, which is safer. Face to Face With Mola Omar] During Usamah's stay in Jalalabad, an important development took place: The Taleban entered Kabul almost without battles. This helped the Taleban, since it became the largest power in Afghanistan, despite the limited recognition of it. In the meantime, Usamah was planning to move to Kandahar to be safe from the kidnapping attempt, which we have previously noted. This development facilitated Usamah's move to Kandahar, since he traveled via Kabul. He went to Kabul by car and from Kabul to Kandahar by plane. When he arrived in Kandahar, Usamah was careful to meet Mola Omar, the amir of the Taleban, in person, because up until that moment, he had not met Mola Omar in spite of the frequent correspondence between them. The meeting took place in a very friendly atmosphere. It actually took place before the recent differences had surfaced between them. Mola Omar welcomed Usamah and expressed his happiness to host him. He said that he and the Taleban were honored to defend Usamah as an esteemed Arab guest and as a mujahid who fought with them in the Afghanistan war. In the same meeting, Mola Omar spoke about the serious challenges facing the Taleban after entering Kabul, especially facing the forces of Dostum. He told Usamah that it would be better if he decreased the media campaign and that this was only a request, and not an order or an obligation. Usamah responded by saying that he had already decided to reduce or totally freeze his media activity. So, Mola Omar was satisfied with this answer. Saudi Recognition Meanwhile, the Saudi Government had recognized the Taleban, in a move believed to aim at embarrassing the Taleban to cooperate with it on the case of Usamah. The Saudi Government went a step further when it invited all members of the Taleban government and Mola Omar personally to perform hajj and 'umrah [minor pilgrimage] and host them as official guests. In fact, one of the key figures of the Taleban government, Prime Minister Mohammad Rabbani, visited the Kingdom to perform hajj. However, it seems that "good hospitality" did not change his attitude and the stands of his government. The position of Taleban toward Usamah did not change. The Taleban politely turned down the requests of several delegations sent by the Saudi Government, including diplomats, businessmen, Usamah's relatives, and intelligence figures. Usamah Party to the Afghan War Another development happened in those days making Usamah more popular with the Taleban. Usamah abandoned his neutral stand toward the dispute of the Afghan factions and decided to side strongly with the Taleban against Dostum. He ordered his men to fight alongside the Taleban. When Shah Masud insisted on becoming a party to the war, Usamah made the religious scholars who accompanied him issue a fatwa to the effect that fighting Masud is considered rightful jihad. This decision played an important role in helping the Taleban, since they had not yet arranged their affairs and all their initial victories happened almost without a fight. This is because of the concern of the people for the Taleban and the fact that field commanders surrendered to their authority. As for Dostum and Masud, their forces were more united because they convinced their followers that the war was ethnic, and not religious. What helped to keep them united was Dostum's dependence on the Uzbeks and Masud's dependence on the Tajiks. Masud and Dostum sought to persuade their followers that the Taleban were nothing but Pashtuns who wanted to control them. Add to this the fact that the Western world felt the danger of the Taleban only after the fall of Kabul and their protection of Usamah. This made Masud and Dostum win generous support from Russia, America, Turkey, Iran, and other sides. The Taleban were about to collapse in the face of the regular and united forces, which were supported by other parties. At least in two cases, it was Usamah's battalions that repulsed those forces from Kabul. The Taleban did not forget this and Usamah became more popular with them. Another factor that made Usamah more popular with the Taleban was the fact that he freed up a number of specialized young people to help the Taleban in planning, management, and development of the new state. Although the group that was with Usamah is modest in knowledge, for the Taleban it was a team of university professors. Another Kidnapping Attempt The Americans and their allies did not despair of capturing Usamah. After they realized that it was impossible to persuade the Taleban [to extradite Bin-Ladin], the Americans, along with the Pakistanis and a third country, thought of preparing a plan to kidnap Usamah by carrying out a commando operation from Pakistani territory. Training on the operation began in the end of the spring of 1997, provided that implementation would take place at the beginning of summer. The operation was kept under total secrecy. However, because Pakistan was a party to it, it was impossible to keep it secret, since the Pakistani military intelligence had many sympathizers with Usamah. The news was leaked to Usamah and other Arab parties, which leaked it to the press. Thus, the US plan was exposed and canceled. The Americans first denied the story, then later acknowledged that it was true. They attributed the cancellation of the plan to fear of casualties within US ranks. Taleban Ulema With Bin-Ladin Toward the end of 1997 and the beginning of 1998, Usamah decided to resume his activity. He first started with the ulema of Taleban and Pakistan. Usamah managed to get a fatwa from around 40 ulema in Afghanistan and Pakistan. The fatwa supported his statement to drive the infidel forces out of the Arabian Peninsula. The fatwa was circulated on a large scale in Pakistan and Afghanistan and was leaked to the press. The newspaper Al-Quds al-Arabi published excerpts of it. Through this statement, Usamah wanted to achieve two objectives. First, a comprehensive Islamic plan to mobilize Muslim ulema against US presence in the Arabian Peninsula, based on the fact that these signatures would be collected from other sides and countries. Second, to get a moral and Islamic cover within Afghanistan because he had decided to revive his media activity and he did not want to be in a weak position with Mola Omar. The World Islamic Front This development coincided with--God knows if this was one of its reasons or consequences--the assembly of a number of leaders of Islamic groups, especially the Egyptian jihad group, in Afghanistan. A large number of delegations flocked from Pakistan and Kashmir to see Usamah. One of those leaders talked Usamah into expanding the concept of war with the United States to fight it everywhere. This conviction grew larger to include, instead of fighting America, killing every American in the age of combat everywhere and anytime, along with the Jews. Those who convinced Usamah of the idea cited two justifications: One political, while the other was based on Islamic shari'ah. The justification that is based on shari'ah is that the Americans are occupying the lands of the two holy mosques. Therefore, every American is considered supportive of the occupation of the Arabian Peninsula. Since the Americans and the Jews fight the Muslims everywhere and anytime and sanction the shedding of the blood of Muslim civilians, then killing the Americans and Jews is sanctioned, no matter where or when. The political justification is that the United States has become enemy number one for Islam and is lying in wait for the Muslims and the Islamic groups. The United States no longer has any rival. Therefore, it is necessary that the Muslims should feel that they are enemies of the United States. This should turn into a major Islamic issue all over the Islamic world. This conviction turned into action, by issuing a statement of the World Islamic Front in February 1998, which calls for killing the Americans and Jews everywhere and anytime. The statement was signed by Bin-Ladin; Dr. Ayman al-Zawahiri for the Egyptian Jihad Group; and Rifa'i Taha, one of the officials of the Egyptian Islamic Group. It was also signed by the leader of one of the Kashmiri factions and one of the famous Pakistani leaders. The statement was disseminated and published by the press. The statement was a turning point for Usamah in several respects. First, the statement represented a shift toward a global plan, instead of focusing on the issue of the US forces in the Arabian Peninsula. Second, the statement represented what some people deemed abandonment of the caution Usamah had earlier been careful to maintain in his Islamic stand and the insistence to expand the circle of shedding blood. Third, it was the first time that Usamah became a party to what looks like an Islamic alliance of jihad groups. In the past, he used to work with his own group and to reject declared alliances, while approving of the idea of cooperation and coordination, but without a declared alliance. Dispute With Mola Omar Mola Omar was not pleased with these activities. He considered them a violation of the moral commitment between him and Usamah during their previous meeting. Mola Omar sent a message to Usamah, asking him about what had happened. Usamah replied that the circumstances that necessitated halting media activities had ended and that there was no need for remaining silent. Usamah used the card of the ulema to strengthen his position, since the Taleban respect the opinion of the ulema, who all respect Mola Omar. Mola Omar was angry, but hid his anger and continued to try to convince Usamah to maintain his silence. Instead of remaining silent, Usamah took an escalatory attitude and called a news conference around May 1998. He arranged for the news conference secretly in an area near the border with Pakistan in the suburbs of Khost. A small number of journalists were invited. A few days before the conference, Usamah had given a lengthy interview to the American network ABC. In the news conference and in the interview, Usamah referred to the possibility of incidents against the Americans within a short period. He did not specify where. Mola Omar again sent a message to Usamah, objecting to what happened and asking him to give an explanation. Usamah did not have any persuasive style to convince Mola Omar, except for the ulema. Indeed, Usamah's reply was that he accepts the judgment of the ulema. Mola Omar rejected the idea. This was not out of disrespect for the ulema, but to close this door. Mola Omar did not want to make it a habit for any person who wants to rebel to ask for the judgment of the ulema. Relations between the two men became tense. Mola Omar, who could have prevented Usamah from carrying out media activities, preferred to remain patient and to resort to persuasion for the time being. US Embassies Bombed Following Bin-Ladin's statements that he would strike within weeks, the Americans remained in a state of anticipation. The Americans took precautions against any attacks by declaring a state of maximum alert. However, all their precautions were taken in the Arab region, the Gulf, and, to some extent, in the Horn of Africa. While the Americans were on full alert, the strike was carried out against locations not anticipated by them; namely, their embassies in Kenya and Tanzania. The two embassies were blown up by two booby-trapped trucks on 7 August 1998. Commenting on the Western handling of this issue--whether through official parties or the media and research centers--might be more important than trying to delve into the actual blast. This is because the political, security, and strategic effects of this incident are more important than the incident itself. Apparently, the repercussions of such incidents are more important than the incidents themselves, in view of their own impact and nature. At the time, US official spokespersons were cautious not to accuse certain parties. In spite of this, media agencies, political experts, and official sources, which decline to be identified, contributed a great deal of comments, information, and analyses that help examine the repercussions of this incident. Upon conducting an in-depth examination of what was issued by those parties, we notice the following: First, Islamic movements, or what the West calls Islamic fundamentalists, were the principal suspects. All other parties, such as Iran, Iraq, and Libya, were simply excluded. Many parties spoke about Shaykh Bin-Ladin and the Egyptian Jihad Group. Extensive reference was made to Bin-Ladin's threats of carrying out a strike within weeks. These threats came in Bin-Ladin's interview with the US network ABC. A reference was also made to the Jihad Group's statement, which was published in the Al-Hayah newspaper two days before the blast. Bin-Ladin was linked to the Egyptian Jihad through the statement of the World Islamic Front for Fighting Jews and Crusaders. These two parties were among the signatories to the statement. Second, those bombings reopened the file of the Al-Khubar blast. Those responsible for the blast had not been announced until that date. It was noticed that the US press, for the first time, cited US officials as saying that America considered Bin-Ladin responsible for the Al-Khubar blast, and even for the Riyadh blast. In the past, US sources had cast doubt on the Saudi story about the involvement of Shiites and Iran and pointed to the possibility of the existence of domestic opposition that is responsible for the Al-Khubar blast. Third, it was noticed in press and analytical commentaries that the two incidents were linked to the US presence in the region in general and in the Kingdom in particular. The two incidents were also linked to US policy toward Israel and Iraq and US support for governments in the region and their cooperation in the arrest of wanted Islamists and encouragement of the arrest of others. On the other hand, this issue seemed important through embarrassing the Arab regimes that collaborate with America in its policy against Islam. These regimes felt that those jihad members had moved from confronting them to confronting their American masters. Meaning that they have logistical capabilities that are greater than just confronting those regimes. This causes a high degree of embarrassment. Although there are many indications that certain Islamic parties are responsible for the incident, well-known parties did not claim responsibility for the incident. The only thing to be officially announced was the statement of the so-called "Islamic Army for Liberating Holy Places," which was unheard of before. However, the content of the statement is directly linked to the groups, about which there were indications, since the statement attacked US policy, demanded the departure of US forces from the Arabian Peninsula, and demanded the release of Shaykh Umar Abd-alRahman. The statement went as far as identifying the party that issued it by demanding the release of shaykhs held in the Kingdom's prisons, such as then-Shaykhs Salman and Safar. At the time, the groups that carry out such actions probably believed that the message could be delivered without claiming responsibility for the action in public. This is because the Americans and Arab regimes knew who was behind the issue through an intelligence examination of the statement. As for the public, it would be enough for it to read the demands in the statement without knowing its source. And if these groups did not want any negative effects of the incident to be linked to them, they would have gotten rid of this through not claiming responsibility for the incident openly and publicly. The final conclusion that should be pointed out is that Islamic parties, which are believed to be behind the two incidents, have demonstrated through the two incidents that they have logistical, technical, and human resources to carry out the operation. These parties have also demonstrated that they managed to exploit the maximum element of surprise, and that they also managed to coordinate the two incidents with a huge size of destruction. The Americans Retaliate Bin-Ladin did not speak publicly. He was only quoted as denying responsibility for the bombing. However, it seems that the Americans had another conclusion, which they had reached from the first week after the bombing; namely, that Bin-Ladin is 100 percent responsible for the two explosions whether he admitted it or not. Based on that alleged information, the Americans carried out their well-known operation of striking Sudan and Afghanistan. Dozens of Cruise missiles fell on Sudan and Afghanistan to strike two specific targets in Sudan and Afghanistan. But was the US retaliation smart? Taking a close look at the issue shows that America is now unknowingly implementing parts of the programs of jihad groups. Perhaps, it was God's will that Clinton's scandals increased at the time and became a factor in the timing of the US strike. Then, the US strike became one of the reasons behind the mounting outrage and hostility against America in the Islamic world, which is exactly what the jihad groups want. America had dragged Saddam into occupying Kuwait and given political and military signals that encourage Saddam to enter Kuwait. America did this to justify landing and keeping its forces and maintaining its domination over the region. Likewise, the jihad groups succeeded in dragging America into launching this strike to achieve what these groups had sought in terms of mobilizing the Islamic public against America, proving that these groups are equals with that superpower, and then justifying a long-term conflict with America following this mobilization, irrespective of whether this policy is correct or not. The US strike in all its details-- the timing, the quality of the target, the method, and the quantity--was evidence of the confusion and misjudgment on the part of the Americans. It is not possible to explain these details strategically, politically, or militarily. Had Clinton's scandal with Monica not been behind this action, then there would be no explanation other than the triumph of arrogance and self-conceit over planning, study, and wisdom. As for the timing, America did not make an open accusation against Bin-Ladin. It was unable to do that except after months of investigations. Even after the strike, Kenyan and American investigators continued to refuse to point a finger of accusation against anyone. Before the case of Kenya and Tanzania, America had refrained from launching a strike except after obtaining concrete evidence, and not only indications. But this conclusive evidence cannot be obtained in only two weeks after the Kenya and Tanzania incidents. Besides, the time factor is also important to prepare the world public to accept, at least partially, the idea of the strike, but all of this did not happen. Therefore, the strike was very embarrassing for America's allies in the Arab and Islamic world. Compare, for example, this hastiness in launching the strike with America's rejection of launching a strike against Iran up until now on the pretext of lack of evidence, although Saudi Arabia's allegations of the Iranian role in Al-Khubar are stronger than America's evidence of Bin-Ladin's role in Kenya and Tanzania. The targets selected by America were laughable and even shameful. Immediately after the strike, it became clear that the selection of the targets was catastrophic for America. For example, America alleged that Bin-Ladin had used the pharmaceutical factory in Sudan to produce chemical weapons, or at least components of chemical weapons. America also alleged that the selection of the target was based on confirmed intelligence information. It is known that making a decision to launch such a strike means that the Americans trust those intelligence reports to the extent that they disregard all the serious risks of this operation. This means that if Sudan managed to prove that the factory was no more than a real pharmaceutical factory, which is what happened, then this would harm the credibility of the US intelligence. This would also destroy US justifications for any future strike, since successive analyses about this factory continued until it became clear that it had nothing to do with Bin-Ladin. But regardless of the claim of the intelligence, the US strike was a compounded error. On the one hand, the strike was an infringement on a sovereign country. This contravenes so-called international law, international norms, and the methods of civilized nations, to use the words of America itself. America alleges that it is very careful to respect these values. On the other hand, the US strike surprised Sudan, since there were no previous signals from America of the existence of such an activity at the factory. On the contrary, America had greatly softened its tone against Sudan during the period that preceded the strike, thus giving the impression that America despaired of linking Sudan to the terrorism it alleges. Anyway, all those who follow jihad movements in general and Bin-Ladin in particular know that their ties with Sudan were severed completely. They also know that these groups are dissatisfied with the Sudanese Government, which they consider as having abandoned a religious duty in order to clear itself of the accusation of terrorism. Some jihad trends even go as far as categorizing Sudan with Egypt and Saudi Arabia. The target that was struck in Afghanistan is also evidence of glaring stupidity, since the United States could not tell the difference between Islamic countries and jihad groups, and also between Afghanistan, Iraq, and Libya. It is common knowledge that Islamic groups do not operate like armies, which have centers for command and communications or centers for logistical support and ammunition. These centers are targets, which, if struck with precision, help paralyze the armies. As for jihad groups in Afghanistan, you find them in a trench, a tunnel, a cave, or a tent between trees. Those familiar with the situation in Afghanistan burst into laughter when the Americans called the struck target "Bin-Ladin's infrastructure." Anyway, most of BinLadin's followers in Afghanistan were present in northern Afghanistan at the time and rejoicing with the Taleban over their victories over Dostum. In addition, a large number of Bin-Ladin's followers and supporters are outside Afghanistan. Some of these followers and supporters declare that they are present in Yemen, Somalia, and Pakistan, while some others do not declare where they are. Therefore, the so-called infrastructure was only an attempt at heating up the atmosphere and persuading the ignorant US public. Furthermore, America's strike against Afghanistan is more dangerous than the strike against Sudan because it amounts to agitating and infuriating the Taleban and pushing it into the battle against America. Apparently, the Americans compared Afghanistan with Iraq and Libya after they saw the effect of the missiles on these two countries. But the opposite happened, since Afghans in general and the Taleban in particular are inclined to defiance and confrontation, and not to submission and fear. This is what made Taleban leader Mola Omar vow at the time to defend Bin-Ladin even if all countries of the world waged war on Taleban. Apparently, the Americans sustained further, unexpected damage by attacking Afghanistan when it became clear that most of the victims were Pakistani mojahedin in Kashmir. This is what prompted their leader, at a news conference, to declare war on America, as well as India. Jihad groups were in desperate need for the method the Americans presented the strike in the media and officially. This method portrays those groups in general and Bin-Ladin in particular as America's real opponent and equal and as a force that succeeded in forcing America to act in a confused manner. Bin-Ladin is no longer that person who is shown on US and Western channels, which argue to prove that he is a force to be reckoned with. On the contrary, Bin-Ladin has now become America's monster number one, according to the statements of the US President and officials themselves. Millions of people in the world have watched how the US President, the secretary of defense, and the chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff were careful to mention Usamah Bin-Ladin in their speeches and answers to the press in order to justify the strike. This portrayal and this method gave strong momentum to the supporters of the jihad trend, especially Bin-Ladin's followers, boosted their morale, and made them feel like a superpower in the face of the United States. Those hasty, erroneous strikes even seemed as evidence to them that they made America lose its mind and, consequently, it became confused and did not know where to strike. Regarding the Arab and Islamic public, the story is not different, since the public is experiencing a crisis of heroism and a crisis of sacrifices. The public is waiting for one that satisfies the feeling of taking revenge and curtailing America and its terrorism, as it terrorized and harassed Muslims in Palestine, Iraq, the Arabian Peninsula, Africa, Turkey, and elsewhere. Therefore, watching US officials admit that they were confused and afraid of Bin-Ladin through those strikes satisfied this feeling and boosted Bin-Ladin's popularity. This is especially since Bin-Ladin, unlike America's alleged opponents of the rulers of Arab countries, cannot be accused of collusion. The record of this new leader is completely different from the record of those leaders, such as Al-Qadhafi and Saddam. If Bin-Ladin declared his confrontation of America, then no one would cast doubt on this declaration. These effects were observed on the ground after the strike, since voicing admiration and support of Bin-Ladin does not cause security embarrassment anymore. In Pakistan and the Islamic east, the public not only admires Bin-Ladin, but also considers him a leader and savior of the Islamic nation from the domination of the Americans. Demonstrations were staged there, in which demonstrators carried pictures of BinLadin. Moreover, those who lived with Bin-Ladin and the Arab mujahidin, and even nonMuslims who were able to meet Bin-Ladin stress an important fact; namely, that this man and members of jihad groups consider death in their war with America as one of their greatest wishes. Therefore, these strikes cannot be considered effective in frightening or terrorizing those groups. The members of these groups had lived under Russian and Communist bombardment for many years and waged many fierce battles with the Russians and others to the extent that they have become addicted to the sounds of explosions. They find it difficult to sleep without them, as one of their companions said. Other losers in this turmoil are the Arab governments, which live under the protection of America. These governments have appeared despicable and small between two superpowers--the United States and Bin-Ladin. The US strikes caused great embarrassment to those governments, which could not support the strikes lest they should prove their absolute collusion. Nor could these governments denounce the strikes lest they should recognize Bin-Ladin indirectly. These feelings were clear in the Saudi media, which completely ignored news of the strikes. The Kingdom's television, radio, and local press only carried a brief report about the strikes, without making any reference to Bin-Ladin. The Saudi press abroad, which cannot ignore Bin-Ladin, was allowed to mention Bin-Ladin's name, provided he is not referred to as a Saudi. For its part, Taleban felt deeply embarrassed after the first explosion and before the US strike. The Americans, however, saved them from embarrassment through the stupid strike, especially since the two strikes coincided with the participation of Arab Afghans, most of whom are followers of Bin-Ladin, in Taleban's battle against Dostum in northern Afghanistan. The Arab Afghans played a key role in eliminating Dostum, especially since the first offensive, which was launched by Taleban alone, was unsuccessful. During that period, the Americans again tried to negotiate with Taleban on Bin-Ladin, but Mola Omar refused to negotiate with them. Then, the Americans only sent a letter to Mola Omar, in which they explained their request; namely, that the United States is concerned about its security and the security of its citizens, which is the reason for its dialogue with the Taleban. Mola Omar only replied to them by saying that if the Americans were serious about requesting security for themselves, then they should leave the Islamic world, especially the Arabian Peninsula. Did the Americans Have Another Choice? Yes, they had a much wiser choice. However, Almighty God not only made them drop this choice, but also wanted them to blow Bin-Ladin's issue out of proportion to cover up for Clinton's scandals. This other choice could have besieged Bin-Ladin and the jihad groups. The Americans were not guided to this choice; namely, staying patient and tolerant and magnifying the image of innocent people, especially Muslims, who were killed in the Kenya and Tanzania bombings and portraying Bin-Ladin and members of jihad groups as bloodthirsty people, who are the exception among the Muslims themselves, and who do not even care about killing their fellow companions of innocent Muslims. The Americans perhaps had an opportunity to greatly benefit from religious institutions in Egypt and the Kingdom in distorting the image of these groups through linking them to the killing of dozens of innocent Muslims for the sake of killing a few Americans only, and in depicting those groups as the last ones to adhere to religion. Had the Americans shown patience, tolerated the impact of the strike, and moved in that direction, Bin-Ladin and the jihad groups would have been put in a critical position with the peoples and the Taleban. This is because that action, which the Americans can question its legitimacy on the Islamic level through the said institutions, would greatly harm the popularity of those groups and make America appear as the party that is unjustly wronged and treated. But what happened was that the Americans were deprived of this choice in a way that they could not recover, because they had gone too far in exaggerating the reaction and inflating Bin-Ladin and proving that he harmed them. America Launches Campaign Against "Bin-Ladin's Aides" In the weeks that followed the two bombings and the US retaliation, America embarked on an arrest campaign against some Arabs and Muslims under the pretext of their links to Bin-Ladin. The method of announcing [arrests] now used by the United States is similar to the method used by some Arab countries. As soon as these countries arrest or kill a "group leader," another "group leader" appears and they arrest or kill him and it becomes clear that the leaders in those groups outnumber the members! The United States has used this method to improve its image in its pursuit of Bin-Ladin's alleged network. The US Government has exploited the ignorance of the American people and exaggerated the issue to compensate for its failure in the war of "terrorism" and the pursuit of Bin-Ladin. As for Bin-Ladin himself, he remained under Taleban's protection during that period for fear of a surprise assassination or kidnapping. At the time, the spokesman for the movement denied the rumor that Bin-Ladin was under house arrest, and said that Bin-Ladin was free to move all over Afghanistan. Saudi Arabia Did Not Lose Hope The Saudi Government did not stop its attempts to put pressure on Taleban to hand over Bin-Ladin. For this purpose, the Saudi Government used the last arrow in its quiver; namely, dispatching Turki al-Faysal--the most experienced Saudi prince in Afghanistan's affairs--to Afghanistan. Turki al-Faysal left for Afghanistan accompanied by Abdallah al-Turki, Islamic affairs minister, and Salman al-Umari, Saudi charge d'affaires in Kabul. In Kandahar, the Saudi delegation met Mola Omar and requested handing over Bin-Ladin to the United States. A heated argument took place between the Saudi delegation and Taleban. During the meeting, Mola Omar said that if they [the Saudis] were speaking for the United States, then they should not blame him if he said that he was speaking for Bin-Ladin. This statement by Mola Omar was intended to embarrass the delegation, which requested handing over Bin-Ladin to the United States, although Mola Omar did not approve of Bin-Ladin's recent policies. At the meeting, Turki al-Faysal claimed that he had come at the request of Mola Omar in order to receive Bin-Ladin. Mola Omar denied making such a promise and even criticized the legitimacy of making such a request in the first place. Thus, the argument between the two sides became so heated to the extent that Mola Omar said harsh words to the Saudi delegation, which the interpreter hesitated to interpret. Mola Omar chided the interpreter and insisted on interpreting the words verbatim. Before Turki al-Faysal left, Mola Omar asked him to take the Saudi charge d'affaires with him because he is so-and-so. After Turki alFaysal returned to Riyadh, he requested an apology from Mola Omar, who refused to apologize. Mola Omar also refused to return the Saudi charge d'affaires. So the Saudis decided to expel the Afghan charge d'affaires in Riyadh. Saudi Arabia Expels Taleban's Representative At the end of September in the same year, the Saudi Government decided to expel Taleban's representative without an official justification. But the reason for this was known afterward through the Taleban themselves. In brief, the reason for the expulsion--as mentioned above--was the movement's rejection of all Saudi requests to hand over Usamah Bin-Ladin or curb his activity or hand over other "Arab Afghans" who are present in Taleban's areas. Officially, nothing was issued except for a single shy statement by a responsible source who declined to be identified, according to AFP's story at the time. Saudi Slip of the Tongue: Bin-Ladin is Behind Al-Khubar Bombing The said statement by the Saudi official was tantamount to a slip of the tongue, which the Saudi official took back. Afterward, it was learned that that official was punished for the leak. The statement said that the reason for expelling Taleban's representative was their failure to cooperate with the Saudi Government on extraditing some wanted followers of Bin-Ladin who reside in Taleban's areas despite the existence of proofs of their involvement in the Al-Khubar bombing. This slip of the tongue was the first time a Saudi party says that those responsible for the AlKhubar bombing were followers of Bin-Ladin, while Saudi Arabia had claimed--and continued to claim--that those responsible for the incident were Shiites. The Expulsion of Taleban's Ambassador is Natural The Saudi Government's decision to expel Taleban's representative was not strange inasmuch as their quick recognition of Taleban was interesting. Perhaps, the first recognition of Taleban was based on misjudgments to the effect that this new entity should join the new world order under US auspices. The Kingdom is the best one that can do this, in view of its spiritual standing in the Islamic world and its influence and experience in Afghan jihad in the past. The Saudi Government decided to deal with Taleban in the same method it had dealt with former party leaders based on the belief that the Taleban are Afghans, just as former parties, and the method that worked with the parties would work with the Taleban. That is why the rulers of the Kingdom ignored the issue of Bin-Ladin at the beginning and contributed the recognition-without anything in return--as a favor to the Afghans, who would be careful to return this "great" favor. The Saudi Government took another step by inviting Taleban leaders to perform the hajj and umrah as official guests of the Saudi state. Tempting offers, which entice humans, were made to some Taleban leaders. The Saudi Government also tried to use its religious influence by sending some ulema or letters from shaykhs to influence Taleban's positions. All the Saudi Government had hoped was that the Taleban would agree to deal with the rest of the world on a "Pakistani-Saudi" basis, or, at least, that they would accept the Saudi Government's minimum demands of handing over BinLadin or downsizing him. But none of this materialized in spite of the repeated Saudi attempts. The Saudi Government did not lose hope and tried to influence Taleban through some personalities, which it regarded as flexible wings in Taleban, but the result was negative. Therefore, the Saudis became involved, since they neither contained Taleban nor were absolved of the accusation of collaboration or dealing with the Taleban after their confrontation of the United States. It was inevitable to get rid of this accusation after the relationship with the Taleban became pointless. Thus, the expulsion decision was made. It is highly likely that the timing had to do with Prince Abdallah's visit to Washington, since the decision was issued one day before Prince Abdallah's arrival in Washington. The decision was tantamount to an acquittal of the Saudi Government of the relationship with the Taleban, who shelter America's enemy number one: Bin-Ladin. It would not have been proper for Prince Abdallah to be a guest of the Americans while his country continues to be pleased with Taleban--the exporter of "terrorism." Bin-Ladin Saves Kabul Once More On the level of Bin-Ladin and "Arab Afghans," a funny development coincided with those events and strengthened their position in the eyes of the Taleban. This happened when Arab Afghans managed to protect one of Kabul's fronts against Ahmad Shah Masud while the Taleban were preoccupied with the Bamiyan front, where the Shiites are, and the northern front, where Dostum is. Ahmad Shah Masud, who is considered an experienced field commander, had carried out a successful military operation by exploiting the fact that the front was empty of Taleban troops. The Arab mujahidin were swift-moving and they had a buildup near northern Kabul, where the front opposite to Ahmad Shah Masud is situated. The Arabs showed incredible courage in that battle, in which around 50 Arabs only held out their ground in the face of Ahmad Shah Masud and prevented him from entering Kabul. Those who follow Afghan affairs probably noticed that since then, Masud began making statements against BinLadin, while he had ignored him in the past. Another development took place on the level of the Arab mujahidin when they were joined by other non-Arab nationals from Pakistan, Bangladesh, Tajikistan, Uzbekistan, and other countries. Most, or almost all, of these mujahidin feel that they are followers of Bin-Ladin. Saudi Press Adopts the Government's Position No sooner was the Saudi decision to sever diplomatic ties with the Taleban issued than the Saudi press turned against Taleban and changed its rhetoric on the pattern of the Arab revolutionary media in the 1960s. All of a sudden, those who had been described by the same press during the period of good relations as students applying the Islamic shari'ah turned into mercenaries, highwaymen, drug traffickers, and centers of international terrorism and cultural backwardness. Other newspapers did not attach importance to this area as much as they attached importance to Bin-Ladin's case. These newspapers highlighted Taleban as an opportunist group that protects BinLadin today for temporary interests and sells him out the next day. At the time, the Al-Sharq al-Awsat newspaper alleged that Mola Omar broke his oath and that handing over Bin Ladin was only a question of time. Taleban Execute a Spy for Saudi Arabia The Al-Sharq al-Awsat newspaper's expectations were wrong to the extent that the Taleban took the world by surprise when they executed a pro-Saudi person. This person came after a prince assigned him to kill Bin-Ladin, as Taleban's sources say. According to Taleban's story, the Taleban, in cooperation with Bin-Ladin's group, arrested several mercenaries, including some persons from Bin-Ladin's home country, who were planning to carry out sabotage operations in Afghanistan and also planning to assassinate Bin-Ladin. The arrested persons include Afghans and Arabs, as well as some persons from Bin-Ladin's home country. Their interrogation revealed that they were dispatched by the prince in charge of the file of Afghanistan and Pakistan. Bin-Ladin's Mother Embroiled in the Game In spite of the failure of Turki al-Faysal's visit, the Saudis did not lose hope and decided to use another method that has nothing to do with the Taleban; namely, exercising pressure on Bin-Ladin directly. Bin-Ladin's mother was banned from travel and was prevented from visiting her son when he was in Sudan. The Saudi Government knew that Bin-Ladin was yearning to see his mother. Therefore, the Saudi Government arranged a visit for his mother by a private plane to take her to Kandahar in order to use her to put pressure on her son and blackmail him. Usamah's mother was indeed flown [to Kandahar] together with her husband, who comes from Al-Attas family--a well-known family from Hadhramaut. The mother arrived and Usamah indeed met his mother, whom he had not seen for years. It is not strange that the meeting was very emotional, but Bin-Ladin was perfectly clear in that his issues were not subject to discussion despite the blackmail. The brokenhearted mother returned after she was delighted to see her son, Usamah, but did not achieve any demand for the one who dispatched her with her husband. The Absence Bin-Ladin suddenly reappeared on some US newspapers and two television channels in early 1999, thus again embarrassing the Taleban. Bin-Ladin's answers and comments did not indicate any change of position. Later, after the Americans and the Saudis despaired of the Taleban heeding diplomatic pressure, it was decided to use all possible means. This prompted the Taleban to decide to isolate Bin-Ladin from the world to achieve two objectives. First, protecting him. Second, preventing him from causing them another embarrassment they can do without, especially since they disagreed with Bin-Ladin over the recent fatwa. Bin-Ladin has remained isolated for protection purposes up until now. During this period, there were reports that he left Afghanistan, but these reports were not confirmed. At the beginning of the summer of 1999, the Al-Jazirah Channel showed a documentary on Bin-Ladin. The interview with Bin-Ladin, which was a part of the documentary, was videotaped during the same past period; namely, in early 1998. Imposing Blockade on Taleban As was announced and reported, the United States decided to use its influence on the Security Council to impose a blockade on Taleban until it hands over Bin-Ladin. The Security Council's endorsement of the resolution was evidence that the Council's entity was willing to implement US orders in a shameful manner. We do not want to comment a lot on this because the world's mere submission to the United States on such an issue reflects the situation of the world at present. What is important is that America and others did not understand that this method does not work with the Taleban, and that it is unthinkable that they would extradite Bin-Ladin. The Current Situation Usamah Bin-Ladin is still present in a private place for protecting him, along with a significant number of Arab brothers. There has been no significant development that would alter his situation. His relationship with the Taleban is still unchanged in terms of showing respect and appreciation and providing protection, while expressing reservations about his recent actions. Also, there has been no change in his ties with other parties. Questions and Answers The first pivot: Why has the United States officially, and through its head, Clinton, adopted Bin-Ladin's confrontation? The second pivot: Why is Bin-Ladin so popular with the Muslims in general? The third pivot: Why do Al Sa'ud comment on Bin-Ladin in this manner? What you have described as an international consensus on labeling Bin-Ladin as terrorist--and perhaps you mean governments and political parties--is a part of the US stand and does not require a special analysis. Regarding the first pivot, there is a very important observation, which is that despite the old US interest in Bin-Ladin--I mean the intelligence--the US political and media attention started only after the declaration of the World Islamic Front. Nothing new happened over the past two years with regard to Bin-Ladin's sacrifices and jihad. The man has been known for his sacrifices and endeavors since he knew Afghanistan. Notice also that he did not start to antagonize America publicly until after the declaration of the World Islamic Front in 1998, when the US Administration and afterward the US media showed an unusual interest in him. In fact, when he issued the jihad statement in 1996 on expelling US and other non-Muslim forces from the Arabian Peninsula, there was very limited attention to him. In fact, some of those who are following Bin-Ladin's case assert that the Americans perhaps tried to avoid responding to that statement fearing that this would put him in the limelight, which would make him famous. Notice also that although his name was linked to the Al-Khubar and Riyadh bombings, the US authorities did not make any serious effort to prove this, compared to their attempts to tie him to the bombings in Kenya and Tanzania. The same previous observation is valid here. The Americans were careful at that stage to belittle the importance of any role for Bin-Ladin in the bombings of Riyadh and Al-Khubar, while categorically confirming and asserting and playing up his role in the bombings in Kenya and Tanzania. It seems to me that the reason for the change in the US attitude toward the total disregard of the 1996 statement to the interest in the bombings in 1998 is because the Americans realized the difference between calling for the eviction of infidel occupation forces from the Arabian Peninsula, which infidels are not allowed to enter, and the call for killing the Americans everywhere and anytime. The Americans know that the first call has a strong argument and is based on teachings of the shari'ah and is widely accepted by the Muslims, since it calls for expelling the infidel invaders from the holiest Muslim country. Besides, this call is perfectly acceptable to non-Muslims, including the US public opinion. This is because expelling occupation forces from an occupied country is a legitimate and justified demand and finds a receptive ear by liberation forces. Demanding that people be given their rights is a very embarrassing issue for the US Government, which claims to support the right of people to self-determination. This applies to the operations in Riyadh and Al-Khubar. In those two operations, which the Americans have information on BinLadin's role in them, the target was the US forces inside the Arabian Peninsula. So the target was military forces, and the justification is their presence in the form of occupation forces on holy lands. As for the second call or declaration of the World Islamic Front, it was different because it was a call for killing Americans, civilian and military, not in the Arabian Peninsula, but everywhere. The Americans know that this kind of rhetoric is unlikely to receive any sympathy from the US public opinion. Besides, this talk will not receive the same acceptance the first statement received from the Muslims. This is because it is not based on cogent proof from the Islamic shari'ah that parallels the argument advanced in the first statement. Afterward, the bombings in Kenya and Tanzania came to prove the content of the statement of the Front. At least, this is how the Americans portrayed it. The target in the bombings was not US forces. It was a handful of Americans, irrespective of the innocent victims that may die with them, even if those victims were Muslims. As long as there are American victims, it is okay if hundreds are killed. The field here is not the holy lands, and not even the United States itself. This way, it would be possible to deprive Bin-Ladin of Islamic and international sympathy by depicting him as a bloodthirsty person without a religious justification or an acceptable political logic. Hence, the US enthusiasm to face Bin-Ladin the two bombings. But God decreed that this US scandal with Lewinsky. This led to a ludicrous the Islamic reaction, which we will discuss in after the declaration of the Front and enthusiasm coincide with Clinton's confusion in US policy, followed by the second pivot. The second pivot: Why has Bin-Ladin won this popularity among ordinary Muslims? This issue stems from the first. In my opinion, the most important factor here was not the statements of Bin-Ladin or the Kenya and Tanzania bombings or the Riyadh and Al-Khubar bombings. The key factor--and God knows if I am right--was the US reaction, represented in hitting Afghanistan and Sudan, and Clinton's statement that he had made the decision to strike the two countries in retaliation against Bin-Ladin. To envisage this outcome, we should understand the current Islamic mentality, which is hostile toward the United States because of its stands against the Muslims. Meanwhile, we see the submission of the rulers of the Arabs and Muslims to the United States, and their willingness to carry out its orders and plans. This is why the Muslims are thirsty for and greatly enthusiastic about anyone who stands against the United States and proves that he can hurt it. Is there better evidence that Bin-Ladin had hurt the United States and quenched the thirst of Muslims than Clinton himself standing and repeating Bin-Ladin's name three times while announcing the strike against Sudan and Afghanistan as a retaliation against Bin-Ladin? Afterward, the US media, followed by the international and Arab media, got busy describing the ongoing war between Bin-Ladin and the United States. I believe--and I hope that people will not misunderstand me here--that had the United States not responded in this manner, Bin-Ladin would probably not have turned into this legendary hero. In fact, had the United States waited a little bit longer and tried to exploit the religious gaps in the statement of the World Front--seeking the help of the ulema of the authority recommended by the Saudi and Egyptian Governments--and had it focused on the blood and remains in Kenya and Tanzania, where a large number of Muslims were killed, BinLadin would not have achieved this popularity. Perhaps, God wanted to confuse the Americans when He decreed that their President get involved in that scandal and thus the equation was completely reversed. The third pivot: Why do Al Sa'ud comment on Bin-Ladin in this manner? As we have said, this is also related to the first pivot. The Al Sa'ud family did not disown Bin-Ladin because he is a "terrorist." They disowned him because he became more famous and greater than them. There are many "Saudi" terrorists, and yet the Al Sa'ud disowned only Bin-Ladin. The reason has to do with the psychological state of Al Sa'ud more than it has to do with Bin-Ladin. The Al Sa'ud do not want anyone who belongs to the country that is named after them to be greater than them. Usually, the Al Sa'ud deal with such a problem by dwarfing the person whose stature gets greater. They did this to Al-Qusaybi, Ayid al-Qarni, Salman al-Awdah, and Safar al-Hawali. As for Bin-Ladin, they had no way of dwarfing him because he was far from their influence. The only solution was to strip him of his affiliation to the Kingdom. Thus, we saw how the statements of Prince Nayif and Prince Sultan on the case of BinLadin reflected their discomfort and displeasure with Bin-Ladin's fame. Based on this attitude, we would not find it strange if an order was issued abrogating the citizenship of Al-Khattab, who is waging jihad in Chechnya, should his fame continue to grow. Just wait for statements by Nayif about Al-Khattab similar to his statements about Bin-Ladin. The sources: --First-hand, personal information, which means close companionship. --Stories by a large number of those who had a first-hand experience with BinLadin, including ulema, escorts, followers, and even members of the Bin-Ladin family. --The statements of the shaykh in his own name or in the name of the commissions or the parties with which he was associated. --Articles on him in Arabic and English. --Recordings of television interviews with CNN, ABC, and other stations. Issues and Analyses About Usamah Bin-Ladin Bin-Ladin's Personality Bin-Ladin had a good upbringing, in terms of performing the duties ordered by Islam and observing a code of ethics and rules of politeness in general. His father raised him in a way through which he got used to responsibility, self-confidence, generosity, and modesty. Rarely do we find one person who combines all these traits. Bin-Ladin is also known for his shyness and tendency not to speak a lot. He looks serious most of the time, yet he tries to be cheerful. In general, he avoids raising his voice or laughing too much. He was known for all these traits even before engaging in jihad. After engaging in jihad, he acquired other traits, such as sacrifice, patience, and endurance. His self-confidence and ability to shoulder responsibility made him a good commander, whether in terms of the field concept or the concept of commanding a group. Bin-Ladin is greatly popular with his followers. They love him so much. However, those who know him very well say that, for one reason or another, his "charisma" is not predominant. This could be because he avoids singling himself out from his followers and deals with others in excessive familiarity. This makes him lose some of his prestige. Bin-Ladin is careful to share with the young people who accompany him all their activities and daily life. He avoids singling himself out in terms of his food, clothing, or place of living. Although he is married to several women, he spends more time with his followers than with his family. Leadership and Mental Capacity In terms of his mental capacity, Bin-Ladin is said to have a great measure of intelligence, self-confidence, power of observation, and common sense. However, those who know Bin-Ladin's personality say that judging these mental faculties, in conjunction with his capacity for leadership and planning, shows that he hesitates a little in making decisions and assessing matters, to a degree that causes harm in some cases. But some people justify his hesitation by saying that he prefers not to make hasty decisions and to consult ulema and clerics, and that this hesitation is not caused by a lack of self-confidence. Indeed, Bin-Ladin is careful to consult the ulema, even when there are difficult security conditions. Perhaps, this was one of the reasons for his delay in making decisions. While some people deem this a sign of maturity and careful consideration, others say that expanding the circle of consultation to include operational matters and waiting to hear the opinion of a number of ulema who are difficult to contact goes against decisiveness and resolve in leadership. Courage and Caution One of the outstanding traits of Bin-Ladin, on which his enemies and supporters agree, is courage. His associates say that a huge bomb could explode not far from where he is standing, and yet this would not make him turn a hair. During the incidents of Afghanistan, he came under heavy artillery fire more than 40 times--in three cases people were flying on his right and left--and yet there was no indication that he was affected at all, except feeling sad over the loss of loved ones. One of the serious incidents, which he miraculously escaped with the help of God, was when a Scud missile exploded 17 meters from him. He was taken to a hospital or a local doctor more than once for treatment from wounds he had sustained. Once, he was about to die because the cloud of chemical weapons had reached him. His permanent wish is martyrdom. He thinks that he is living an extra age, so to speak, because he had escaped death so many times. This feeling gave him an additional dose of faith and an urge to please God more, since God gave him more courage and indifference toward the plans of the enemies. For him, life and death are the same. In spite of his courage, he was very cautious. He learned from his personal experience and from what his friends--who were experienced in security matters--had told him about many aspects of security precautions. For example, it is said that he does not allow any electronic device in the place where he lives, even if it is an electric clock, since this could lead others to his place through special equipment. In addition, he has a team for security and watch, who are especially trained on this. It is also said that since he became an opponent of parties that have influence and a strong intelligence, he no longer trusted anyone, except for the group he knew very well. He does not accept outside recommendations. It is natural for someone like him to shroud his movements and travels in total secrecy and to use diversion methods and tricks when he moves. Emotions and Strictness Paradoxically, Bin-Ladin combines emotion and tenderness on the one hand and strictness and stubbornness on the other. He is greatly moved when a person dear to him gets hurt or when someone reminds him of an emotional story he had experienced. However, despite this feeling, he does not change his attitudes. For this reason, he suffers a great deal. He often thinks about the young people who were hurt because of him inside or outside the Kingdom. At the same time, it does not occur to him to change his attitudes because of what happened to those people. The same thing goes for his attitude toward his family, brothers, and mother. He is extremely dutiful toward his mother and greatly cares about her and worries about the harassment she is exposed to; however, he does not take this factor into consideration when making decisions and plans. As for his brothers, we will see when we talk about his family that Bin-Ladin cares about family bonds and fears for his brothers, but he does not give this any role in his decisions and plans. One of the sentiments that affect Bin-Ladin is his passionate love for Hejaz. He used to say that a tent under the mountains of Hejaz is better than a palace on the Nile. He considers his love for this country dual, first because God honored it with the [Islamic] message, and second because he was born and raised there and he had beautiful memories in it. Despite this, Bin-Ladin finds no parallel to the land of jihad and his memories there. That is why he considers some places in Afghanistan to be the most beautiful spot and its memories the best. It was in these places that the most dangerous confrontations with the Russians took place, in which Bin-Ladin personally took part and in which he lost a number of his men. Culture and Education It is said that Bin-Ladin has had a good share of education, general knowledge, and academic and Islamic studies. He is an avid reader, and he has an unusual interest in information, documents, archiving, and following the press and special reports. Therefore, he is careful to take with him a team of researchers and information specialists wherever he goes. Bin-Ladin has been eager to improve his knowledge of Islamic sciences and the Arabic language. Thus, he always makes it a point to have a knowledgeable escort. Bin-Ladin is known for his love and appreciation of poetry. It is said that he wrote poetry, but probably it was not good enough to be made public. It is said that he is obsessed with accuracy in using the Arabic language when he takes part in any media activity or writes a statement or letter. But it is also said that he does not like to attribute what is published to himself and prefers that it be jointly attributed to other scholars in his company. Thought and Methodology Throughout his life, Bin-Ladin has been influenced by Islamic movements in general, but he never joined any of them organizationally. He was only influenced by the ideas and concepts raised by these groups, such as the comprehensive character of Islam, the issue of rule, return to Islamic sciences, the biography of the Prophet and the caliphs, and the need for collective work for the Islamic plan. Bin-Ladin was also influenced by some jihad figures, thinkers, and figures engaged in the Islamic call, most prominently Muhammad Qutub and Shaykh Abdallah Azzam. Although Bin-Ladin is famous and has followers, he does not represent an independent school of thought. Bin-Ladin is not prolific, in terms of speech, writing, lecturing, and academic output. All the lectures he delivered do not exceed a handful. That is why very few recordings are available for him and within a very limited circle. Also, he did not author any books or write any letters, other than the statements attributed to him and the organizations he founded. If we want to characterize Bin-Ladin's style, he is closer to the general character of Islam-abiding young people in the country of the two holy mosques. He believes in the salafi [traditional] approach in terms of depending on evidence from Islamic shari'ah, while respecting the views of other ulema and not offending them, even those who are allied with the rulers, with very few exceptions. He also respects Islamic groups that operate in the Islamic world, although he has certain observations on them in certain issues. As for judging the Muslims, he believes that the Muslims in general are powerless. They are either confused or deliberately deviant for worldly interests and gains. Although Bin-Ladin pays attention to the question of rule, as is the case of most Islamic movements and groups that call for change, and although he considers most, if not all, ruling regimes to be un-Islamic, he avoids accusing leading personalities of infidelity. As far as we know, he was never quoted as accusing any of the well-known personalities of infidelity. Because Bin-Ladin lived a long time in a country that is replete with superstitions and fads, he learned the art of balancing the rejection of these fads and superstitions and dealing with the social and political reality without confrontation. In brief, Bin-Ladin represents an independent school, whether from the intellectual aspect or the operational and strategic aspect. We will see, God willing, that his operational program and strategic plan are not the outcome of his special individualistic view or his personal opinions. Most likely, they are the outcome of several factors, including the influence of the surrounding environment, especially the academics and specialists he consults. Bin-Ladin's Family Muhammad Awad Bin-Ladin died at the age of 54. After his death, the eldest son, Salim Bin-Ladin, took over the affairs of the family. Salim enjoyed a strong personality, which led to the unity of the family and kept it disciplined on the one hand and protected it from the intervention of the ruling family on the other. Usamah regarded his brother, Salim, as a father. He liked his strong personality and concern about protecting the family. Salim died in the early 1980s (Usamah's father died in the middle of 1386 hegira) in a private plane crash, like his father. His death was a loss to the family and its impact was felt quickly when members of the ruling family, including King Fahd, became partners in the big Bin-Ladin Company and the small BinLadin companies. The Bin-Ladin family suffered a great deal from the intervention of the ruling family. The partnership turned into unilateral influence. This was clear in many projects, most important of which was the project to expand the two holy mosques. The king got his full share on time, while Bakr Bin-Ladin received his share in small amounts. This is although the king was only a nominal partner, which means without capital or effort. This partnership took place by force, and not willingly. Usamah was almost the 21st among the sons, but the rest of the members of the family looked at him as if he were the wise man of the family, especially when he rose to fame in Afghanistan and after the death of his brother, Salim. Usamah was the authority and arbiter in the family's internal disputes. During the jihad days in the 1980s, his brothers, sisters, and relatives were quick to host him at their homes upon his return to the Kingdom. Since his stay in the Kingdom was usually short, he used to make them agree to meet at the place of the oldest member of the family. Each time he returned to the Kingdom, his brothers used to introduce their children to him one by one and his sisters would bring their children and introduce them to him. Some of his sisters would ask him to name their children to be blessed by his choice of name. The relationship continued like this, until he left for Sudan and then for Afghanistan. Of course, his family continued to take pride in him and remained careful to stay in touch with him as much as they could. As for reports that his brothers had disowned him, these are untrue. It was a false statement issued in their name. People close to the family know that the family was threatened and warned against making any hint that the statement was false. The important thing is that the family stayed in touch with Usamah, and this was not without the knowledge of the state, which wanted this to remain as an emergency channel of communication. The state used this channel more than once when he was in Sudan and Afghanistan. Naturally, it is now very difficult for his family to get in touch with him. Usamah married for the first time at an early age when he was 17 years old. His first wife was the daughter of one of his maternal uncles. The rest of his wives were from families in Mecca. One of them was of noble descent. At least three of his wives managed to obtain high academic degrees while they were married to him. Bin-Ladin's wives are still with him in Afghanistan. They were also with him in Sudan, except for one, who is said to have stayed behind because of difficult circumstances against her will. As for Usamah's children, they are probably over 20 in number. Usamah follows a strict policy in raising his children. His sons must master horse-riding and swimming and be exposed to harsh living conditions to get used to this style of life. The girls should study the Koran and Islamic sciences and other things that befit them. Therefore, Usamah got tired when he lived in the Kingdom because his sons lived close to their cousins in a luxurious atmosphere. He found it difficult to expose them to difficult living conditions without this meaning severing their bonds with their relatives. For example, some of Usamah's brothers used to show their love for his children by buying one of them a car on passing school tests. Usamah deemed this alien to his traditions, but he had to be courteous toward his brothers so he would accept the gift and then dispose of it (unless it is American-made of course!) Because of his busy schedule, Usamah used to devote some time to his family, whether his small family or big one. When he was in the Kingdom, he used to devote a whole day every week to his family. He would assemble with them his mother and sisters. He often spent that time outside Jeddah, and most of the time at his farm. Usamah managed to take all his children with him, except for three of them--the oldest and two others. The oldest went to the Kingdom to get married, and he was banned from travel. As for the two other children, they are still at an elementary age, but they are already banned from travel, perhaps to blackmail Usamah or to keep them hostages to protect the members of the ruling family from the "wrath" of BinLadin. As for reports that Usamah married one of the daughters of Mola Omar, these are baseless and a fabrication by an intelligence source, which then spread without having any foundation. Bin-Ladin and Al Sa'ud Contrary to what is believed and to what many people allege, Bin-Ladin does not have--and has never had--any special relationship on the personal level with Al Sa'ud. All the contacts that took place in the past, including the contacts during the days of jihad and during the Gulf crisis, were made through his brothers. His brothers had a special relationship with Ahmad Bin-Abd-al-Aziz and Abd-al-Rahman BinAbd-al-Aziz. They also had a good relationship with King Fahd, Abdallah, Sultan, and the successive princes of Mecca. Usamah may have met some princes accidentally at some gathering or at one of the homes of his brothers, but certainly there was no special relationship. As for the rumors, which were taken for granted, that he had a special relationship and used to coordinate with Turki al-Faysal, since the latter was interested in Afghanistan, these are baseless. In fact, Bin-Ladin was often suspicious of the role played by Turki al-Faysal in Afghanistan. They met only once, and at that meeting they had an argument, in which Usamah accused Turki of playing a suspicious role during the war between the parties. Usamah was of the opinion that the Saudi Government had assigned Turki the task of prolonging differences between the mujahidin. In fact, Usamah has had suspicions about the entire Saudi Government since the 1980s, but he preferred to remain silent in order not to influence the support for jihad. He did not want to provoke the state. As for his brothers, their relationship with Al Sa'ud got very complicated because of the trade partnership with many princes. The king and a number of princes are still partners in a number of the Bin-Ladin companies. However, as we have said, Al Sa'ud were careful to maintain the relationship with the Bin-Ladin family as a channel of communication with Usamah in case they need this channel, as happened following the Kenya and Tanzania bombings. The Relationship With the United States Contrary to what is said in some writings, Bin-Ladin had no relations with the United States, neither direct nor indirect. All allegations to this effect are baseless fabrications. The truth is that Bin-Ladin's attitude toward the United States has been hostile since he knew Afghanistan. One of his confirmed statements at the beginning of the 1980s, when the United States pretended in front of the world that it supported the Afghan jihad, was that the next battle would be with the United States. For him, this was not a mere prophecy, but was a position that had a basis. The evidence is that since then, he has vowed not to buy any US commodity, except if this was absolutely essential. He also made his family and those on whom he had influence adopt the same attitude. Since we are talking about Bin-Ladin and the United States, we must comment on the relationship between the United States and the Afghan issue. First, there was a very powerful US role in Afghanistan, which cannot be denied. This role was in the form of political, financial, and military intervention and recruitment, infiltration, and spying. This activity targeted, among others, the socalled Arab Afghans. Second, the US intervention took place directly through real presence of US individuals, whether from the intelligence or other political sides. This also happened indirectly through Pakistan, Saudi Arabia, and Egypt. Third, there were Afghan teams, which cooperated with the United States in almost an exposed manner, such as the groups of Mojaddedi, Jilani, and Mohammad Nabi. These groups were willing, right from the beginning, to loosen up on the jihad plan. All the US and Saudi support went to them in the beginning. Fourth, the groups that were considered clean at that time, such as the groups of Rabbani, Hekmatyar, and Sayyaf, received indirect US support via Pakistan or Saudi Arabia. Fifth, there was a US-Pakistani-Saudi understanding on taming the mujahidin after the Russians' departure. If this failed, then the alternative would be to ignite differences between them, and this is what happened. Sixth, contrary to what is believed, the Americans had no role in forming the Taleban. The Americans thought at the beginning that the Taleban were an appropriate force for a balance. So they remained silent on them and did not realize their danger until it was too late. Seventh, the US role is still present and powerful in Afghanistan, despite the fact that the Taleban cut off the US lines. This role is played through Pakistan and by supporting Shah Masud and through the international pressure and the blockade. Eighth, Bin-Ladin could have received a US weapon, either through buying it or from one of the other parties, but it never happened that Bin-Ladin received any weapons from the United States. In fact, he never dealt with any US officials. To recap, we say that Bin-Ladin has never had any relationship with the Americans. The relationship was one of hostility, but it never occurred to the Americans that Bin-Ladin would be a problem for them one day. The Relationship With Pakistan Bin-Ladin enjoys great respect within the circles of ordinary Pakistanis, the Pakistani army, and a large number of Pakistani ulema. However, he did not set up any relationship with official Pakistani sides. He was perfectly aware that they had an understanding with the Americans and the Saudis and that the relationship with them would bring no good. However, the respect he enjoyed with the army and the ulema helped him a lot, whether during the jihad days or at present. This is because the Pakistani army is an establishment in which religion plays an important role and that has a number of commanders who sympathize with the cause of jihad. We can say that this respect ensured indirect support for Bin-Ladin in several stages, whether in terms of information or logistical support. The Relationship With the Afghans Usamah liked the Afghan people and admired many of their traits. He wished he could help reduce the ignorance and poverty from which the Afghan people suffer. Usamah does not deny the spread of superstitions and fads and the predominance of some tribal habits over religion. However, he believes that the Afghan community has traits that counterbalance these drawbacks. He also believes that addressing these problems is not done through directly denying them, but that they need a comprehensive plan that will take several generations to be realized. As for the Afghans as groups, Usamah was very careful not to be identified with any of them, so that he would not lose the other groups. He, along with Shaykh Abdallah Azzam, sought to reconcile and unite these groups. He also sought to mend fences between them after the collapse of Communism, but he failed. So he decided to leave Afghanistan. When he returned to Afghanistan and before he became under the protection of Taleban, he maintained his position and sent messages to all the parties that were there, telling them that he was not siding with one party against another. Those parties assured him that he would be protected wherever he went or traveled. This indeed was the stand of all the groups. The Afghan people think Bin-Ladin deserves their love because he is an Arab who came from the Hejaz country, the land of the two holy mosques, and because he abandoned wealth and luxury to wage jihad against their enemy. The Relationship With Taleban After the Taleban took over, the equation changed because most of Afghanistan became under their control. Despite this, Bin-Ladin took his time and did not make a decision to change his policy and side with Taleban until after he became convinced of their policy and trend and was certain that their plan was to implement Islamic law in Afghanistan, and that they were not afflicted, like other parties and leaders, by the desire for pure control and the readiness to burn the country to compete over power and neglect the application of Islam. At the beginning, the Taleban supported him all the way. They were happy to inherit him from the people who were in control of Jalalabad before them. Although Taleban's support for Bin-Ladin was based on principled foundations, other elements helped make the relationship closer. One of these elements was the role of the Bin-Ladin group in saving Kabul twice from the attack of Ahmad Shah Masud after one of the fronts was exposed. Another element was his role in persuading a number of specialized Arab young people to provide consultation to the Taleban concerning their plan to rebuild the country. Bin-Ladin also played a role in alerting the Taleban against being fooled by the gas companies that wanted to lay pipelines from Central Asia to the Indian Ocean through Afghanistan and Pakistan. He also helped them get samples of international contracts of this kind. The Taleban supported his idea of expelling the infidel forces from the Arabian Peninsula. This continued to be their position, as we said in the historical review, until the declaration of the World Front, when they started to show reservations about his actions, especially his media activity, which often greatly embarrassed them. However, the fact that they had reservations did not mean, in any way, that they were willing to extradite him to any other party. The Taleban reject the extradition from two angles. The first is religious, which is that it is not allowed to extradite any Muslim, let alone a mujahid, to an infidel. The second is that Taleban attach great importance to chivalry and gallantry and to the protection of guests, even if the host were to be killed. This is what Shaykh Yunos Khales told the Saudi ambassador, when he said to him that even if an animal sought shelter in his house, he would not hand it over, so how about a mujahid who abandoned his country and wealth for the sake of jihad. The Relationship With Islamic Groups Usamah did not belong to any Islamic group. He may have had some strong relations with some personalities that are thought to be supportive of some groups, but he did not belong to any group. Usamah tried to maintain a good relationship with these groups, based on respect. He also did not talk about them or criticize them, except privately and within an academic context, and not as slander or vilification. Although the Islamic groups respected Usamah personally, they were cautious in dealing with him. The reason was not any reservations about him personally, but because they feared the Arab intelligence activity around him. Of course, the position of the Islamic groups changed with new developments, especially after Usamah's name was tied to the bombings in Kenya and Tanzania. The Relationship With Iran and Iraq There is no relationship writings of American Jews to Hizballah, Hamas, Al-Turabi, have public differences, but with Iran and Iraq. Some allegations were made in the give an impression that Bin-Ladin, Iraq, Iran, and all others are one universal terrorist group, who are in agreement secretly!!! The Rich Bin-Ladin Many people speak about Bin-Ladin, as if his stature is based on wealth alone. No doubt, money made him special. Also, there is no doubt that his sacrifices and financial contributions played a role in his fame, but this should be placed within its right context. This is because many people contributed money toward good deeds. In fact, some people made contributions more than Bin-Ladin. The reason why Bin-Ladin became special is that he made jihad the origin of all things in his life, while financial activity was only a branch and dedicated to the service of jihad. All the influence, relations, and power that resulted from financial activity were in the service of jihad. Others who make contributions to serve Islam and to serve jihad purposes could not do the same thing. How He Invests? Before Bin-Ladin's final departure from the Kingdom, his financial activity was a replica of the activity of his brothers, whether in the contracting business or trade and industry. Besides his partnership in the main company, Usamah had separate activities, even when he was in the Kingdom. But he was different from his brothers in that he had independent activities, by keeping a specific policy in his financial activity. His purpose by this commitment was to ensure an Islamic character of this activity and prevent ill-gotten gains. His Financial Policies Part of these policies is that he absolutely rejected investment in a non-Islamic country, unless this is unavoidable. For example, if the financial channels that lead to this Islamic country must go through a non-Islamic country. Part of these policies, of course, is avoiding any activity that may be suspected of usury. This is why he used to avoid investing in the stock market and Western shares because he thinks that the investor cannot be sure that his shares will not be polluted by usury because the money is deposited in banks that deal in usury and because profit is mixed with interest. Also, part of his policies is that he likes to supervise personally most of his financial activities, although those who work with him are honest. He is also careful to consult ulema and students on all financial activities, so as to avoid breaching any Islamic law inadvertently. Three Shocks Financially, Usamah was exposed to three shocks, which greatly affected his financial activity. The first shock was the decision of the Saudi Government to freeze his known assets, including movable and immovable assets, after it felt that there was no hope of his coming back. These assets were estimated at $200-300 million when they were frozen. The funds were placed under the control of official parties. This is the estimation which the media speak about when they talk about Bin-Ladin and his assets. As for the funds at his disposal right now, this is another story. The second shock was when the Sudanese Government failed to pay the cost of the projects implemented by Usamah; mainly, the Road of Challenge, which links Port Sudan and Khartoum. It is believed that Bin-Ladin could not get more than 10 percent of the funds he had demanded from the Sudanese Government, which are probably in excess of $200 million. The third shock was when he had to get rid of a number of companies, which the Saudi Government learned about. All this happened before he entered the stage of open conflict with the United States. It is not strange now that his circumstances should prevent his success in any trade activity. Tangled Funds But the issue does not end here, because the social and political situation in the Kingdom is so complicated and entangled in a way that makes these shocks insufficient to strangle Usamah financially. This issue has some details, but it is unwise to provide the details here because it may embarrass some people. However, the idea basically is that every riyal that goes to King Fahd or Prince Sultan may eventually find its way to Bin-Ladin, against the will of King Fahd and Prince Sultan. A word to the wise is enough. Does Not Please Opponents Bin-Ladin's financial problem, for his opponents, is not confined to these shocks. In fact, this problem is not confined to his own financial abilities in the first place. Perhaps, it does not depend on his financial situation for two main reasons. First, despite his generosity and contributions, Bin-Ladin's personal funds were not the main source of financing the jihad activity he had adopted. The trust of benefactors in him was so great, and they used to give him without any reluctance. Some of them even gave him tens of millions. The second reason, which is known to socalled "terrorism experts," is that the so-called terrorist operations do not cost a lot, when you have people with conviction. This is because those people are not mercenaries who receive money for their operations. All that these operations need is good planning and training. As for the cost of weapons, equipment, and explosives, it is not in the millions, especially in some Arab areas. In Yemen, for example, an RPG [rocket-propelled grenade] costs less than a television set. In Somalia, a TNT device costs less than sugar. The issue is not one of cost inasmuch as it is a case of adoption and readiness. Thus, the Americans' talk about monitoring the funds of BinLadin by computer, Internet, and satellites shows failure and deception of those who do not know. This talk is nonsense. Jordanian Tells of Torture in Bin-Ladin's Prison GMP20000620000032 London Al-Sharq al-Awsat in Arabic 20 Jun 00 P 3 [Report on an interview with Muhammad al-Bayid, a Jordanian recently released by Taleban Movement, in Irbid, Jordan, by Muhammad al-Shafi'i in london; date not given: "Five Arabs, Including a Saudi, Are Detained by Al-Qa'idah Organization on Charges of Spying"] Muhammad al-Bayid, alias Abu-al-Mubtasim, has accused Usamah Bin-Ladin's Egyptian and Saudi fundamentalist supporters in Kandahar of using the method of "repudiation" [al-takfir] for dealing with and getting rid of their opponents. He said that five Arabs are in Taleban's prisons accused of spying on Bin-Ladin, including one who says he is Saudi called Siddiq al-Thaqafi. The 27 years old Al-Bayid is a Jordanian citizen of Palestinian origin. The ruling Taleban Movement in Afghanistan recently released him after detaining him for more than eight months. In a telephone interview with Al-Sharq al-Awsat from his house in the Jordanian city of Irbid, Abu-al-Mubtasim said: "I was accused of spying for Israel's Mosad and the intelligence services of several Arab countries. I was treated very harshly, beaten, kicked, and hanged by the feet like a carcass in Bin-Ladin's prisons." He added that he came under pressure to sign confessions that he had gathered information for Arab and Western intelligence services about Usamah Bin-Ladin's location, his connections with Taleban, whether the latter was sending volunteers to fight in Chechnya, how this was done, and the involvement of the Afghans and Taleban in Kashmir and the jihad in Chechnya. Al-Bayid was reported to have been executed before Taleban released him three weeks ago following a pardon from Taleban Ruler Molla Mohammad Omar. He said, "The personal animosity of Abu-Hafs, the military official in charge of Al-Qa'idah Organization and Bin-Ladin's right-hand man, and another Egyptian fundamentalist from Alexandria called Sayf-al-Adl, Bin-Ladin's Director of Intelligence, was behind his painful experience and accusation of spying for Arab and Western intelligence services." He went on to say that he saw in Taleban's Sarbozah Prison [as transliterated] in Kandahar five Arabs accused of spying on Bin-Ladin. They include a Saudi called Siddiq al-Thaqafi who has been in detention for more than two years, a Syrian youth called Abd-al-Rahim Abd-al-Razzaq Janku who is in his early twenties, a Kurdish youth, and a 70 years old Iraqi accused of the same charge who later died in prison. He added that there are about 120 cells in this prison, each of which can accommodate 40 prisoners. He pointed out that around 3,000 Afghan prisoners from the northern opposition forces led by Ahmmad Shah Mas'ud are in the same prison. Abu-al-Mubtasim said that his military training with the mujahidin in Peshawar, his involvement in the Afghan's jihad against the Russian forces, and his presence among the ranks of the Arab Afghans defending Taleban's positions did not count during his interrogation by colleagues who are very close to Bin-Ladin. He said: "The idea of "repudiation", which has nothing to do with Islam and its doctrines, has become an entrenched principle for the secret Egyptian Jihad Organization's leaders, including its former Leader Ayman al-Zawahiri and Abu-Hafs (Muhammad Atif, Al-Qa'idah's military leader that the FBI is offering a $5 million reward for his capture). Both of them are unusually very close to Bin-Ladin and guard him around the clock when he travels in Kandahar and its suburbs. Abu-al-Mubtasim claimed that Bin-Ladin does not know what is happening around him because he has put himself in the hands of his fundamentalist advisers from AlQa'idah. He added that Bin-Ladin is surrounded by individuals whom he says are outlaws who have proscribed the Muslims' honor and possessions. Talking about the early period of his detention in Bin-Ladin's prisons before being moved to Taleban's Intelligence Service prisons, Abu-al-Mubtasim said: "I went to Kabul to telephone my mother in Jordan. I felt that I was under close surveillance from the adjoining room and was being monitored by an Egyptian fundamentalist called Abu-al-Samh. I was afraid of him because he had earlier accused me of killing fundamentalist Abu-Islam al-Masri in the United Arab Emirates, which I used to visit very frequently to raise financial contributions for the Arab Afghans before I was finally expelled from it about three years ago." He added: A group of Arab Afghans arrested me in Kabul. They accused me of telephoning an officer in Israel's Mosad Intelligence Service and giving him sensitive information about Bin-Ladin's location, the timing of his moves between his four wives, and other information about how the Arab mujahidin were sent from Afghanistan to the Caucasus to help in the jihad under Ibn-al-Hattab's command. He said: "The accusation was made in one of the training camps in Kabul. I gave them the number of the telephone that I had called and told them: Call this number to see that I am telling the truth. But Sayf-al-Adl, a 35 years old Egyptian fundamentalist from Alexandria who is Bin-Ladin's Director of Intelligence and had accompanied him on most of his trips between Somalia, Sudan, and Afghanistan, tricked me. He said that Shaykh Usamah wanted to meet me in person in Kandahar to hear my answers. They moved me to Al-Faruq training camp and threw me in an underground dungeon. Abu-Hafs, Bin-Ladin's right-hand man and Al-Qa'idah's military commander, came the next day and said that he wanted to cleanse me of vice, adultery, and the sins I had committed. He brought me 15 papers full of confessions attributed to me, did not ask me any single question, and asked me to sign them so as to spare my life." Abu-al-Mubtasim went on to say: "The mental and physical suffering did not stop there. They proscribed my sons' possessions according to their famous principle of (proscription) that they believe in and took them all. I asked him: How many thousands of dollars did they take from you? after a pause: "There is no need to mention it." He said Talking further about Bin-Ladin's prisons, he said: "I refused to sign the papers, objected to this method, and expressed my disappointment for spending 12 years of my life in the mujahidin's ranks in defense of their causes. Abu-Jandal, a Saudi fundamentalist who is one of Bin-Ladin's aides and has a black belt in Taikondo, hit me on the head with his strong fist and then punched me with his hands and kicked me with his feet. He threatened to kill me if I did not confess everything. I became very afraid and felt that my soul was leaving my body as it was coming under successive punches." He added that he seized the chance to sleep during the day and think of all that he had gone through since the fight against the Soviet forces in Afghanistan, his involvement with the Arab mujahidin in the war with the Taleban forces, and the torture and severe beatings he had undergone every night for a whole month." He said: "The beating party used to start at 2100 hours and end after the dawn prayers, because it was in line with the daily routine of Bin-Ladin's aides who stay awake all night and sleep during the day." He pointed out that his move to the Taleban Intelligence Service's prison gave him a feeling of safety and made him confident that the truth would appear. He said that Taleban's leaders fear God, deal with their prisoners and detainees the Islamic way, and do not subject them to torture in order to extract false confessions from them. Abu-al-Mubtasim believes that the intercession of Jalaluddin Haqqani, Taleban's Borders Minister, with Molla Omar following the mediation of Abu-Harith al-Urduni opened the way for the amiri pardon and his release. He said: I fought under Haqqani to repel Shah Mas'ud forces and Haqqani sent a written guarantee to Abdul Haq Wathiq, Assistant Director General of Afghanistan's Intelligence Service, in which he confirmed that he had known me since the Khost siege and praised my jihad and religious observance. This paved the way for the matter to reach Taleban's Ruler Molla Mohammad Omar. He pointed that Molla Omar did not know about what his imprisonment and detention until his mother and brother came to visit him in prison in Kandahar. They met there with Mohammad Tayyeb Agha, the Prince of the Faithful's interpreter and special aide who speaks the Arabic language fluently. The Arab and Afghan leaders argued about how to receive my family. Molla Omar welcomed and lodged them in the Guest House and a vehicle was put at their disposal. His elder brother Hatim (Abu-Ja'far) vowed before some Taleban leaders that he personally would execute his brother if he were proved guilty of the charge of spying. Abu-al-Mubtasim cried on the telephone and said with a trembling voice: "I had bought my shroud to absolve myself in front of God and his Prophet before Molla Omar ordered a new investigation of the case before the shari'ah court." He added: "I found in court 150 papers full of confessions and other things attributed to me that I had not committed or heard of before." He said that he had signed after the severe beating and the suspension like a lamb. These included accusations of being the agent of Israel and the intelligence services of the United States and several Arab countries. Other accusations said that he had returned to Afghanistan as part of a plan to kill Bin-Ladin and Molla Omar. He shouted: "I am amazed how can these people who have grown beards and put on Afghan clothes forget the Prophet's hadith before making these accusations against me: "To demolish the Ka'bah stone by stone is better before God than to sanction the blood of a Muslim." [Description of Source: Influential Saudi-owned London daily providing independent coverage of Arab and international issues; editorials reflect official Saudi views on foreign policy] Harakatul Chief Says War Could End If India 'Liberates' Kashmir SAP20001108000013 Islamabad Ausaf in Urdu 06 Nov 00 pp 1 7 [Interview by Wajid Abbasi] Islamabad -- If India liberates Kashmir by any means, we would end our war, because Islam does not teach fighting without a reason. I was an artillery expert during the Afghan jehad and was known for laying explosive mines. My father himself took me to the field of jihad. The famous Indian film singer, Babar, joined the Afghan jehad after leaving the film industry and was martyred. These views were expressed by Maulana Fazlur Rehman Khalil, the chief of Harkatul Mujahideen, in a special interview given to "Ausaf" about his jihadi and personal life. He said that he had been associated with jihad for the last two decades. He said, "During the Afghan-Russia war, I fought on the Ghazni, Paktia, Jalalabad, and Makika fronts. After getting formal education up to grade nine, I shifted to Mianwali for Koranic education. While I was getting religious education, I gave a private exam for 12th grade [as published]. I developed a desire for jihad during my schooldays. This desire turned into a reality when my father took me to Afghanistan." Narrating different events of jihad, he said, "A lot of times, I saw death very closely. One by one, my associates died, but I was not lucky enough to be martyred. I lost hundreds of friends, but I have not been able to forget Commander Abdur Rasheed, Maulana Shabbir Ahmad, and Commander Babar. Commander Babar was a famous Indian singer. His voice was very touching. One day he left the film industry and came to Maulana Jalaluddin Haqqani. He had a heavy body, so Maulana did not consider him appropriate for jihad and sent him to me. I made him go through the toughest training. He was determined and did not want to go back in any case. So, he gradually became an experienced mujahid. Babar changed the words of his songs and changed them into jihadi hymns. His voice was so beautiful and touching that even the communists of Khost used to make requests to hear to his hymns on the wireless. The mujahideen were fond of his songs and he used to arouse the jihadi spirit in the mujahideen with his hymns. Then he was martyred in an encounter. When somebody asks me what I have lost and gained during my jihadi life, my answer is always that I gained the lost legacy of Muslims. I am satisfied with my past and I am thankful to God that he chose me for the field of jihad." Continuing, he said, "There is a lot of difference between the Kashmiri and Afghan jihad. During the Afghan jihad, the entire world supported Afghans, but in Kashmiri jihad, no one is with the Kashmiris. Kashmiris are carrying out their jihad alone." Replying to a question, he said, "I will show my children the path that my father showed to me. I have named my children after famous mujahideen. My eldest son is Salahuddin, then second one is Mohammad Bin Qasim, third Abdur Rehman, fourth Usama, fifth Mazla, and the sixth is Hamza. I have named my daughter after the first martyred woman of Islam, Samia." He said jihad is not dependent on governments. Our people as well as outsiders sabotaged jihad, but we believe that jihad cannot end as long as there is a single mujahid alive." [Description of Source: Description of Source: Islamabad Ausaf in Urdu -- Newspaper with strong anti-India views. Gives wide coverage to fundamentalist religious groups] Taliban orders former king's supporters arrested SAP20011008000051 Islamabad The Nation (Lahore Edition) (Internet Version-WWW) in English 08 Jan 01 [SANA report: "Taliban order arrest of NA supporters"] Kabul -- The Taliban authorities have issued directives to the officials to arrest the supporters of the former Afghan monarch Zahir Shah. The decision was made in a meeting of religious scholars, national elders and elite in Khost province. The meeting strongly condemned the so-called alliance between Zahir Shah and Northern Alliance. Bakhtar News Agency reports that Governor Khost Province, Mulla Abdul Rauf Arif, Minister for Frontiers and Tribal Affairs, Maulvi Jalaluddin Haqqani and Deputy Minster, Mulla Abdur Rahim Akhundzada, Security Commander of Khost Province, Qari Naimatullah and former Governor Khost, Haji Abdul Qayyum Khan and a number of National elders spoke on the occasion. The meeting discussed the current internal and regional situation, alliance between the former Afghan King and Northern Alliance and US threats against Afghanistan. The meeting decided that anyone who runs a pro-Zahir Shah campaign would immediately be arrested by the association of the nationalities. In case of the arrest of such a person, none of the national elder, government officials and Imams of mosques would have the right to make recommendations for his release. The meeting concluded by denouncing the words and deeds of the former Afghan monarch. [Description of Source: Islamabad The Nation (Lahore Edition) in English -Independent daily, member of the Nawa-i-Waqt group] Pakistan: Usama Bin Ladin regrets restrictions imposed by Taleban SAP20010403000014 Karachi Dawn (Internet Version-WWW) in English 03 Apr 01 [Report by Ismail Khan: "Osama regrets curbs by Taliban"] Peshawar -- Osama bin Laden has regretted Taliban's restrictions on him, saying that the United States and its western allies are using him as a pretext. In a letter to the supreme leader of the Taliban, Bin Laden said: "It is surprising that the United States is free to do whatever it feels like and I have been placed under restrictions. History will record this fact." The letter was delivered to Mulla Omar by the Taliban minister for state and frontier regions, Syed Jalaluddin Haqqani, who ran the famous al-Badr camp in Afghanistan's southern Khost province which received a hail of US missiles in August 1998. Mr Haqqanni called on the supreme Taliban leader in southwestern Kandahar shortly before leaving for Saudi Arabia to perform Haj. A senior aide to Mulla Omar confirmed the meeting but denied that Mr Haqqani had delivered any message from Osama. "The meeting did take place but he did not deliver any letter from Osama," Tayyab Agha, senior aide to Mulla Omar, told Dawn on telephone from Kandahar. In his letter, Bin Laden noted that the world community's reaction to the demolition of the Buddha statues in the Bamiyan province had proved the West's general antagonism towards Islam. He quoted the former US secretary of state, Madeleine Albright, as having said that there were other issues besides Osama, which the Taliban needed to resolve. He insisted that it was proof enough that he was being used as a pretext. Bin Laden claimed that no matter what, the US and its western allies would never recognize the Taliban's Islamic emirate. He said he was grateful to the Taliban and was extremely thankful to Mulla Omar for his role, adding that he saluted the courage demonstrated by the Afghan people. It may be added that prosecutors in the US are likely to end arguments by the middle of this week in their case against four defendants, allegedly followers of Saudi exile Osama bin Laden, accused of conspiring to kill Americans in the August 1998 bombings of US embassies in East Africa. NNI ADDS: Mulla Omar ruled out the possibility of handing over Osama bin Laden to the US, saying that he was ready to "sacrifice" what was left of his shattered country before giving up his "guest" to the US. "Half of my country has been destroyed by two decades of war. If the remaining half is also destroyed in trying to protect Bin Laden, I'm prepared for this sacrifice," he said. "He is not going to be handed over if there is any prospect that he will be convicted," a Taliban source confirmed. [Description of Source: Karachi Dawn in English -- Internet version of most widelyread English-language daily] Pakistan: 'Special' Emissaries of Taleban Chief Give Message to Religious Leader SAP20010921000094 Karachi Dawn (Internet Version-WWW) in English 21 Sep 01 [Dawn Bureau Report ] PESHAWAR, Sept 20: Special emissaries of Taliban Supreme Leader Mulla Muhammad Omar held a secret meeting with the Chief of Jammiat-i-Ulema-i-Islam (JUI), Maulana Fazlur Rehman, at his residence in Dera Ismail Khan on Thursday, party sources told Dawn here on Thursday. It is learnt that a Taliban team arrived in D.I. Khan on Wednesday. They conveyed his personal message to the JUI chief. The team held various rounds of talks and discussed each and every aspect of the situation emerging after the attacks on World Trade Center and Pentagon in the US. Besides others, the Taliban team consisted of Minister for State and Frontier Regions, Maulana Jalaluddin Haqqani, and Governor of Kabul, Maulana Adbul Ali. The JUI leader was assisted in the talks by Maulana Mohammad Khan Sherani, JUI head of Balochistan. During the meeting, according to sources, the issue of handing over Osama bin Laden and the possible attack on Afghanistan were on top of the agenda. The Taliban leaders apprised the JUI Chief of the recent visit of the DirectorGeneral of Inter Services Intelligence (ISI), Lt-Gen Mahmood, and his talks with the Taliban Supreme Leader Mulla Omar. Maulana Fazl-ur-Rehman assured the Taliban leaders of all possible help in case of the US attack and made it clear to them that his party would back their stand, the sources added. Later on, "guests", but his residence United States Maulana Fazl-ur-Rehman confirmed his meeting with some important did not disclose that those were the Taliban leaders. He told Dawn at in D.I. Khan that his party had decided to wage a war against the if it attacked Afghanistan. The Central Shura of Jammiat-i-Ulema-i-Islam (JUI) held a meeting on Wednesday night before the arrival of the Taliban team. The Central Shura of the party in its meeting extended full support to the ruling Taliban militia in Afghanistan in this critical juncture, according to Maulana Muhammad Khan Sherani, the JUI chief of Balochistan. [Description of Source: Karachi Dawn in English -- Internet version of most widelyread English-language daily] Afghanistan: Taliban council of ministers dispatches delegations to provinces IAP20010923000082 Kabul Radio Voice of Shari'ah in Dari 1530 GMT 23 Sep 01 An extraordinary session of the Council of Ministers was held today chaired by Mola Mohammad Hasan Akhond, deputy head in charge of administration of the Council of Ministers. The session was attended by all ministers and deputy ministers representing various ministries. Quoting the press office of the Council of Ministers, Bakhtar Information Agency reports: At the beginning of the session, comprehensive discussions were held on the country's defence and security issues. The session also studied the issues related to organizing the affairs of Mojahedin in the capital and provinces as well as a number of other political issues. It also evaluated various dimensions of threats against the Islamic Emirate of Afghanistan, and against the country's independence and territorial integrity. The session adopted the necessary decisions on various issues. The session also discussed the issue of supplying primary needed goods throughout the country, especially in Kabul City. The session gave specific instructions to relevant officials. In the course of the session a commission was set up headed by Mowlawi Khalilollah Pirowzi, head of the Academy of Science. The commission includes esteemed Mowlawi Arsalan Rahmani, deputy minister for Hajj and Endowment; esteemed Faridoddin Mahmud, deputy head of the Academy of Science; esteemed Mola Ramatollah Wahedyar, deputy minister in charge of martyred and refugees; esteemed Mohammad Naim Kochi, esteemed Mowlawi Taleb Jan, esteemed Mowlawi Abdol Ghafur and esteemed Mowlawi Hamidollah Wayez. The delegation has been commissioned to travel to the south zone and carry out tasks jointly with another delegation headed by esteemed Mowlawi Jalaloddin Haqqani, minister of border affairs and tribes, who is already in the south zone. The session also assigned another commission headed by esteemed Mowlawi Zahirorrahman Haqqani, deputy minister for border affairs and tribes. The commission includes esteemed Mowlawi Seyd Asmatollah Asem, deputy minister for public health; esteemed Ezatollah Haqqani, deputy minister for planning; esteemed Mowlawi Najibollah Haqqani, deputy in charge of administrative affairs, and esteemed Mowlawi Mohammad Rostam Hanafi, deputy minister for public works. The commission has been given the task of travelling to eastern zone. The session also appointed another commission headed by esteemed Mowlawi Karamatollah Forqanyar, deputy minister for Hajj and Endowment. The commission includes esteemed Mohammad Musa Hotak, deputy minister for planning; esteemed Mowlawi Seyd Ahmad Shahidkhel, deputy minister for education; esteemed commander Khayal Mohammad Hoseyni and representatives of Shi'i including esteemed Ayatollah Taqatodosi, esteemed Seyd Mohammad Nawab Haydari and esteemed Sajjadi. The commission has been given the task of visiting the provinces of Maydan, Ghazni and Wardak. The session has commissioned the delegations to talk about the threats against the Islamic Emirate of Afghanistan and related issues to religious scholars, elders and leaders of tribes, the officials of the Islamic Emirate and the people of the above mentioned zones in order to organize the affairs of Mojahedin and mobilize people to defend the lofty objectives of the Islamic Emirate, which guarantee the welfare and prosperity of our country's Muslim people. The delegations have been asked to highlight Islamic and national duties and responsibilities of all people and to make every efforts in order to enlighten the people's opinion regarding the existing problems. [Description of Source: Kabul Radio Voice of Shari'ah in Dari/Pashto -- pro-Taleban station broadcasting from Kabul] AFP: Taliban angrily rejects speculation that regime may crumble SAP20010928000001 Hong Kong AFP in English 0153 GMT 28 Sep 01 ISLAMABAD, Sept 28 (AFP) - Afghanistan's Taliban regime has angrily rejected speculation that it may crumble from within before a shot is fired in the US war against terrorism, saying its support among the fiercely independent Afghan people has never been stronger. In eastern Khost province, where US cruise missiles targeted alleged terrorist camps in 1998, Taliban Governor Mullah Abdul Raoof Arif said the Islamic militia was still firmly in control despite international efforts to promote a more broad-based system of government in the war-ravaged country. "We are not going to flee. We will have our graves here and the Taliban's Islamic system will remain," he told the Pakistan-based Afghan Islamic Press. "People of Khost are themselves ready to fight in case of a US attack, and even people from the Wazir tribe living on the border with Pakistan have offered to fight alongside the Taliban. Analysts have been keenly watching for signs of cracks in the secretive Islamic militia amid intense international pressure to hand over Saudi-dissident Osama bin Laden, accused of masterminding the September 11 suicide hijackings in the United States. The regime, headed by a reclusive group of Islamic clerics, is used to its international pariah status and revels in its bitter opposition to all things "Western". But there have been growing international efforts to support the armed opposition groups, and organise a new, broad-based government for Afghanistan, focusing on the popular figure of exiled former kind Zahir Shah. Arif denied reports that local tribes in Khost had announced support for Shah. "There is no such issue, local tribes and local ulema (Islamic scholars) have set up a 34-member commission which is waiting to follow any order from the Taliban," he said. The deputy chief of the Taliban secret service, Mullah Abdul Haq Wasiq, claimed the Afghan people had rallied behind the ruling militia, provoked by proud memories of the Afghans' defeats of British and Soviet invaders. "A big number of opposition commanders have been in contact with us and have expressed their desire to join and fully cooperate with the Islamic Emirate (Taliban) and the Islamic army," he said in a statement read over the official Bakhtar news agency. After more than two decades of war and social disintegration, Afghan warlords are notorious for switching sides and selling their loyalties to the highest bidder, fuelling speculation that Taliban commanders may start defecting to the opposition under the threat of US attack. Sources along the border near the northwestern Pakistani city of Pehawar said several pro-Taliban commanders in Paktia, Nangahar, Laghman, Kunar and Khost were wavering in their backing of the fundamentalist militia. One source, a Pakistan-based Afghan businessman in regular contact with three commanders in Kunar and Nangahar, said the Taliban was losing its grip in several districts as it shifted its forces to defend more strategic sites. "The commanders are unhappy with the way things are going. Some commanders in Kunar, for example, are no longer making money from the timber trade now the borders are shut," said one source, a member of a now-neutral mujahedin (Islamic fighter) group. He said their were mutterings of discontent in Dari Suf in Laghman province, the Pech valley and northern Asadabad in Kunar and areas around Jalalabad in Nangahar. An independent source added that Taliban Minister for Tribes Jalaluddin Haqqani - a powerful figure in the province of Khost -- had also distanced himself from the militia, although reports that he had quit Taliban ranks could not be confirmed. "The Taliban position in major towns is safe for the moment, but they don't have any real presence in some of the outlying areas. They have abandoned a lot of posts, and local commanders are close to abandoning them," another Afghan source said. "They have a feeling of wait and see. They do not want to be targets (of the US)." The United Nations says it has received reports of the Taliban forcibly enlisting young men in the western city of Herat and other reports have indicated that the militia is sending reinforcements to the north of the country to counter an offensive by opposition forces. But the reports and further details of the shifting allegiances have been sketchy and difficult to verify, with the border with Pakistan closed and just a trickle of travellers making it across the border. [Description of Source: Description of Source: Hong Kong AFP in English -- Hong Kong service of the independent French press agency Agence France-Presse] Taliban adopts strategy to resist US move to replace present setup in Kabul SAP20011005000004 Islamabad The News (Internet Version-WWW) in English 05 Oct 01 [Report by Kamran Khan: "Six-pronged Taliban strategy to meet US plan" ] KARACHI: Mullah Omar-led Taliban militia and their supporters in Pakistan are working on a six-pronged strategy based on Pashtun nationalism and religious sentiments to build mass resistance against a United States-sponsored drive to replace the present Taliban set-up in Afghanistan with an internationally recognised moderate broad-based government. Afghanistan watchers, both in and outside the government of Pakistan, have conceded that so far the results of the Taliban's efforts to mobilise Pashtun support on both sides of the Durand Line have been positive, meaning that an international push from Rome for a new pliable government in Kabul would most definitely meet stiff armed resistance from a major chunk of Afghan populace. Identifying the six elements of Taliban strategy to gather maximum Pashtun support, official and independent Afghanistan analysts in their interviews with this correspondent said Mullah Omar and his aides are presently concentrating on: (1) Bringing the former Pashtun mujahideen commanders to their fold (2) Influencing the powerful Pashtun tribal leaders inside Afghanistan with offers for cushy government positions (3) Use of sentimental issues to create dissension amongst Afghani Pashtuns who are prepared to help anti-Taliban forces (4) To use Pashtun-dominated Pakistani tribal belt as a strategic reservoir (5) To use Islamic sentiments in the hard-line Pakistani religious cadre to gain military strength in the impending military confrontation (6) To gain favourable response from the Pashtun composition of Pakistani border forces. There is a general feeling amongst Afghanistan analysts that the Taliban leadership is now reacting to Pakistan's decision to extend an unstinting support to the international campaign against terrorism by devising a strategy that may put Islamabad under tremendous internal pressure. Reports reaching Peshawar and Quetta from Jalalabad and Kandahar have spoken of considerable response from the former Pashtun mujahideen commanders such as Gulbadin Hekmatyar, Maulvi Yunis Khalis and Maulvi Nabi Mohammadi who are believed to have communicated to Mullah Omar their support in any military confrontation against the external forces, Zahir Shah and northern alliance. "America is doing exactly what the former Soviet Union did in Afghanistan, it wants to repeat the most dreadful blunder that the Soviets had committed by implanting its own Babrak Karmal in shape of King Zahir Shah," said Gulbadin Hekmatyar in an interview published Thursday. Some Pakistani sources who recently had the opportunity to have dialogue with Taliban leaders in Kandahar said that diplomatic developments in Rome suggesting that the former King Zahir Shah will emerge as the figurehead in the post-Taliban Afghanistan has fuelled a sense of brotherhood in the former mujahideen community that had despised the former king's indifferent posture in the Afghan jihad against the former Soviet Union. Former mujahideen Pashtun community is also perturbed that international forces want to force a change in Afghanistan by establishing an alliance between a secularminded Zahir Shah and non-Pashtun Northern Alliance. "Taliban are playing heavily on Pashtun nationalism with a cry that outside forces are trying again to implant an anti-Islamic force on Afghanistan," said a senior official who deals with Afghanistan. Because of Zahir Shah factor and the Russian decision to appoint Gen. Mohammad Fahim Khan, the former head of Khad, the infamous Afghan intelligence service of communist era, as the head of Northern Alliance's military command, highly informed Afghan sources said, the Northern Alliance has lost the support of Prof Abdur Rauf Sayyaf and thousands of his followers.. "No religious Pashtun Afghan can digest Gen. Fahim, Zahir Shah and President Bush, all in one go," opined a former ISI [Inter Service Intelligence] official who had dealt extensively with the Afghans during their war against the former Soviet Union. "These names are enough for Hekmatyar, Mohammadi, Khalis and Sayyaf to join hands and stand up." Sayyaf, a famous mujahideen commander, represented a crucial Pashtun support for the Northern Alliance and his much expected outright support for Taliban will add a new vigour to Mullah Omar's vows to confront an external solution of the Afghan crisis. The former Pashtun mujahideen community headed by Maulana Jalaluddin Haqqani, one of the most famous commander of Hizbe Islami (Yunis Khalis) is currently spearheading Taliban drive to allure influential Pashtun tribal heads to important government positions in various provinces. Pashtun tribal leaders of Afghan origin have been lobbied by Taliban that their indifferent posture would lead to an establishment of a non-Pashtun secular government over Afghanistan and by facilitating so the tribal leaders were inviting the wrath of God. Independent Afghan sources, however, said that history showed that tribal leaders in Afghanistan had traditionally supported the wealthy patrons and in rare circumstances only they had resisted the temptation of monetary gains. It will be interesting to see if the tribesmen would support their leaders in their decisions. Afghanistan watchers say that a crucial task facing Taliban is to limit the popular Pashtun support that important anti-Taliban Pashtun commanders such as Abdul Haq, who abandoned his luxurious lifestyle in Dubai last week, are mustering to form an anti-Taliban Pashtun alliance in Peshawar. Abdul Haq, who was known as one of the most successful mujahideen commanders against the Soviet forces, returned to Peshawar from Dubai via Rome where he met with King Zahir Shah. Anti-Taliban forces are hopeful that Abdul Haq would be able to muster enough support of Pashtun tribal leaders in Nangarhar and other strategically important provinces to stage a military uprising against Mullah Omar and his followers. Afghan sources said Taliban worried about Haq's potential were trying to curtail his influence by using his brother Din Mohammad to convey to Pashtun tribal leaders that Haq had secretly joined hands with Russians through Gen. Fahim of Northern Alliance. To reinforce their internal strength the Taliban are banking heavily on the outside Pashtun support, particularly from tribes settled on key strategic points along the Pak-Afghan borders. Officials and other independent sources have confirmed that Taliban have intensified their contacts with important tribal leaders on the Pakistani side of the semi-controlled borders since the crisis broke out in the US. "We have to recognise that Pakistani tribal belt will provide a strategic depth to Taliban. They will get continuous support from an area which will be beyond the enemy's reach," noted a Pakistani official now serving as a political agent in the tribal belt of NWFP [North-West Frontier Province]. Thousands of Afridi tribesmen took to the streets in the most religious and populous Khyber Agency Monday to shout "Osama is our hero" and "death to America". The armed tribesmen vowed to battle against the US forces in Afghanistan. Such rallies, though rare in large Pakistani cities, are almost daily routine in the tribal areas of NWFP, where tribesmen are enlisting themselves for jihad. "Thousands of people have been enlisted for jihad by various tribal maliks, but, we don't know how many of them would actually go to participate in any battle," said a political agent in the NWFP. Pakistani sources have said in recent days the tribesmen have also sent hundreds of small and medium sized weapons, particularly useful in guerrilla warfare, to the fellow tribesmen on the Afghan side of the border. A key plank of Taliban strategy is to capitalise on extremist religious sentiments in jihadi groups and seminaries in Pakistan, who are already sending their men and material to Taliban leadership in Kandahar. "We are proud that the first martyrs of this new war to save the Islamic Emirate of Afghanistan are from our organisation," claimed a Jaish-e-Mohammad activist who identified himself as Abu Ammarah. "The eleven people who gave their lives along with their Taliban brothers were from different towns in Punjab and Sindh provinces." Abu Ammarah also released the names of Jaish-e-Mohammad members who died in battle with Northern Alliance early last week "We never bring bodies back to Pakistan. Our martyrs have been buried in Afghanistan and we have notified this to their families in Pakistan," Abu Ammarah said. Jaish-e-Mohammad sources said all of those Pakistanis who were killed near Mazar-i-Sharif last week had entered Afghanistan from the Chaman border last Friday (September 21). Although Jaish-e-Mohammad and Harkat-ul-Mujahideen had made no official announcement, but informed activists in both organisations had recently disclosed that some of their members have been directed to move inside Afghanistan and report back to their Taliban commanders. Pakistani religious groups had played a pivotal role in Taliban's battle against its opponents in Afghanistan. In a recent development, sources in Lashkar-e-Taiba have revealed that in recent days scores of its followers have travelled to Afghanistan to participate in a "new jihad between Islamists and infidels". Lashkar-e-Taiba's weekly news magazine Zarb-e-Momin was first to print the picture if the downed US spy plane, presented to its reporter by Taliban in Kandahar last week. Breaking his silence over the government's stance on terrorist attacks in the US, Hafiz Mohammad Saeed, the head of Lashkar-e-Taiba said in a statement Sunday: "By permitting America to use our airspace and land, Pakistan would lose its sovereignty and honour. The nation should unite at this juncture and stop the rulers from taking such a suicidal decision." On Wednesday Maulana Sufi Mohammad of Tehrike Nifaze Shariat Mohammadi (TNSM), a group dedicated to turn Pakistan into a Taliban style state, announced that he had enlisted 5,000 TNSM followers who would soon go to defend Afghanistan against infidels. Pakistani officials have been trying in vain to limit men and material support from Pakistani organisations to Taliban. "It is wrong to declare the Taliban's battle against Northern Alliance a jihad," observed Interior Minister Lt. Gen. (retd) Moinuddin Haider last week. "When the two groups of Muslims are fighting, you may call it anything but jihad," he said. Last week federal authorities in Islamabad ordered banks to freeze the accounts used by the Al-Rashid Trust and Harkat-ul-Mujahideen, the two Pakistani groups mentioned in a list of 26 organisations cited by President Bush for being directly or indirectly involved in acts of terrorism. On Friday last, Pakistani authorities took their drive against these two groups a step further by ordering Harkat-ul-Mujahideen to shut down its offices located on the Pakistani side of Kashmir. Informed sources said that because of a peculiar composition of border security forces deployed on 1400 miles long Pak-Afghan borders, Taliban leaders are not expecting a hostile treatment on borders in their efforts to ship resources to and from Pakistan, particularly the tribal areas. These sources said at personal level tribesmen based on the Afghan side of the border are known to have ties with the elements in the border forces, who in some cases belong to the same tribe. [Description of Source: Islamabad The News in English -- Independent daily, member of the Jang Publishing Group] Rift Reported in Taliban, Finance Minister, 'Prominent Commander' Said Back US SAP20011010000149 Islamabad Pakistan in Urdu 10 Oct 01 pp 17 [Report by Javed Iqbal Qureshi: "Wedge in Taliban set-up, US musters support of Finance Minister, army head"] Islamabad -- Creating rift within the Taliban, the US authorities have won over the support of their finance minister (in fact Deputy Chief of the Taliban Council of Minister in-charge of Economic Affairs), Maulvi Abdul Kabeer and his close associate and prominent commander, Maulvi Jalaluddin Haqqani. These two figures will be included in the broad-based government to be installed in Kabul after the collapse of the Taliban. According to knowledgeable sources, Maulvi Kabeer, who also serves as the Governor of the eastern Nangarhar Province of Afghanistan was appointed as head of the Eastern Zone, comprising the provinces of Nangarhar, Kunar and Laghman by Mullah Omar. The powerful sub-group of Maulvi Kabeer includes the Deputy Interior Minister, Maulvi Noor Jamal, Taliban's Chief of Army Staff, based in the eastern provinces, Maulvi Jalaluddin Haqqani and dozens of local tribal chieftains and commanders. This clique is being considered as the richest among the Taliban. The group's sphere of control includes the poppy-rich areas of eastern Afghanistan and their involvement in international heroin trade is also being alleged. The sources said that the United States has revived its previous ties to this group, which is also involved in the smuggling of antiques. The sources say that with the proclaimed support from this group for the US, the Taliban's control over areas from Torkham (Pakistan border) to Kabul will end without a single bullet being fired. The sources said that US authorities have termed as the virtual conservative clique, the Taliban sub-group led by Mullah Mohammad Hassan Akhund, the deputy of Mullah Omar and former Foreign Minister (Deputy Head of the Council of Ministers incharge of Administrative Affairs, who after the death of Taliban Prime Minister Mulla Rabbani last year, virtually heads the Taliban cabinet). The US authorities, the sources add, have also chalked out a strategy to use the Taliban Defense Minister, Mulla Ubaidullah to their benefit. Maulvi Ubaidullah enjoys the support of all the Taliban field commanders. But as he has strong tribal animosity with Mulla Hassan Akhund, their differences are being fanned to create a wedge in the Taliban organism. Besides, the US officials have also evolved a mechanism to use the services of former Taliban Foreign Minister Mulla Ghous and the sitting Interior Minister, Mulla Abdul Razzaq in materializing their game plan. Mulla Ghous was captured by the forces of General Abdul Malik during the Taliban massacre in Mazar-e-Sharif (1997). Later, he mysteriously escaped detention but the Taliban leader removed him from his post, considering him as an unreliable person. Sources said US officials have also obtained information from Pakistani authorities on the four closest aides of Mullah Omar, with whose support the Taliban supremo has ruled over Afghanistan for the last five years. These highly educated and multi-langual Taliban leaders are shy like Mullah Omar himself and prefer to remain in the background. [Description of Source: Islamabad Pakistan in Urdu -- Widely read daily generally supportive of the Pakistan Muslim League] Pakistani politicians, religious leaders condemn US attacks on Afghanistan SAP20011009000051 Islamabad The News (Internet Version-WWW) in English 09 Oct 01 [Repot by correspondent: "Attacks termed aggression against Afghans"] Peshawar -- People from different walks of life throughout the NWFP [North-West Frontier Province] Monday expressed deep resentment over the US and its allies' air attacks on Afghanistan and termed it as direct aggression on the poor Muslim country. Chief of National Awami Party Pakistan (NAPP) Ajmal Khattak said the attacks would further devastate Afghanistan and asked for immediate halt to it. He said for restoration of lasting peace in the region a solution must be found according to the traditions and values of Afghan culture. Ajmal feared spell over of the war to the neighbouring countries and said that in order to resolve the issue a representative Jirga should be convened. He asked the neighbouring countries to stop intervention in Afghanistan and let the Afghans live in peace and decide their future themselves. Leader of Pakistan People's Party and former interior minister Maj Gen (retd) Naseerullah Babar expressed deep resentment over the US attacks on Afghanistan and condemned Pakistan government's support to them. He said it was very unfortunate that all efforts of Pakistan for the past 28 years were washed away by a decision of a "coward leader". He said the support of Northern Alliance to the US and its allies has further triggered the chances of Afghanistan's disintegration. He said these attacks would cause colossal losses to human lives, who are already ravaged by the continued decades long war. He said ulema [religious scholars] including Maulana Fazlur Rehman, Maulana Samiul Haq, Qazi Hussain Ahmad, Maulana Shah Ahmed Noorani and others should have gone to Afghanistan a week ago along with their families to boost the morale of the Taliban and Afghans. He condemned them for sitting in their homes in peace and just shouting hollow slogans. In Batkhela, Jamiat Ahle Hadith Nooristan leader Maulana Taj Muhammad Nooristani of Afghanistan said the US attacks on Afghanistan will further increase the anger against America in the Muslim world. He blamed both the Taliban and Northern Alliance for the present situation in Afghanistan and said their internal differences gave an opportunity to the US to intervene in Afghanistan. He said if Pakistan extended logistic support to the US in attacks on Afghanistan, the government will face tough resistance from the people who are with their Afghan brethrens in their time of distress. In Orakzai Agency, the religious leaders decided to extend all-out support to the Taliban regime in Afghanistan in the wake of US attacks. A meeting held at Darul Uloom Zargari was attended by religious scholars from Orakzai, Kurram, Khyber, North Waziristan and South Waziristan agencies. It was decided that all ulema would work under the leadership of Mualana Fazlur Rahman to prepare people for jihad in Afghanistan. Leader of Pakistan People's Party (Sherpao) Sikandar Hayat Sherpao expressed concern over the US attacks on Afghanistan but said these were inevitable due to the inflexible attitude of the Taliban regime. In a statement the younger Sherpao said the air strikes were aimed at targeting terrorist camps and their collaborators. He hoped the US-led coalition would adopt all precautionary measures and make the operation short and objective-oriented to ensure the safety of Afghan civilians. The PPP leader regretted the miseries of Afghan people, saying they should not be subjected to further sufferings. In Mingora, the Tehrik Nafaz Shariat-e-Muhammadi's central leader Maulana Sufi Muhammad termed the US attacks on Afghanistan as unIslamic and said in these circumstances Jihad was mandatory on each and every Muslim. He was addressing an emergency meeting of the Tehrik's central shura at its headquarters in Aman Dara. The shura warned the government of Pakistan of armed struggle in case it provided airspace and ground facilities to the US for attacks on Afghanistan. The meeting renewed its pledge of unconditional support to the JUI in its efforts against the US attacks on Afghanistan. Sufi Muhammad said the activists of TNSM would soon join the Taliban in Afghanistan for Jihad against the US. He said the TNSM has started preparations for sending youth for jihad to Afghanistan and was now registering names of volunteers. In Hangu, NWFP Amir of JUI Maulana Amanullah announced the waging of jihad against the US following its aggression on Afghanistan. He said the US aggression on Afghanistan has once again awakened the Muslims and there would be an open war against the US and its allies. Amanullah said President Musharraf was "the American puppet" and his decision has caused insecurity among the people. He said the president's decision would have far-reaching affect on the future of our society. He was addressing a Dastar Bandi function at Jamia Uloomi Islamia Zargari, Hangu. In Hangu, the JUI has arranged a lashkar (force) of thousands of youth for jihad in Afghanistan. The lashkar will move towards Afghanistan after meeting with Maulana Fazlur Rehman and Commander Jalaluddin Haqqani in Khost. [Description of Source: Islamabad The News in English -- Independent daily, member of the Jang Publishing Group] Chief of Taliban army contacts Jamaat-i-Islami chief SAP20011013000020 Karachi Jasarat in Urdu 11 Oct 01 pp 1 7 [KPI report: "Taliban leadership contacts Jamaat-i-Islami chief Qazi Hussain Ahmad"] Peshawar - The chief of the Taliban Army, Jalaluddin Haqqani, has contacted Qazi Hussain Ahmad, the central chief of Jamaat-i-Islami, and exchanged views on deciding on a strategy with regard to the new Afghan situation. Qazi Hussain Ahmad disclosed his contact with Jalaluddin Haqqani while replying to a question during a meet-thepress program at the Peshawar Press Club on Wednesday [10 October]. He said that the Taliban leadership had contacted Jamaat-i-Islami in writing. He said Jamaat-iIslami would play the same role as it had played against the Soviet Union. [Description of Source: Karachi Jasarat in Urdu -- Jamaat-i-Islami newspaper catering to the Islamic audience] Taliban officials deny any differences with Mullah Omar SAP20011013000022 Islamabad Pakistan in Urdu 11 Oct 01 pp 1 7 [Special report: "Mullah Abdul Kabir and Jalaluddin Haqqani are loyalists of Mullah Omar: Spokesman"] Islamabad - Mullah Abdul Kabir, Taliban's finance minister and governor of Nangarhar province, and Gen. Jalaluddin Haqqani, the chief of the Taliban forces in the eastern provinces of Afghanistan, have appealed to the media to be careful about reports concerning the Taliban government. In a statement on Wednesday [10 October], they said that they had taken an oath of allegiance to Mullah Muhammad Omar Mujahid and they were his loyalists in spite of all US conspiracies. They said differences could never be created between them. Qari Hafeezur Rehman appealed to the nation to pray to God for the Afghan brothers who desperately needed their prayers in this hour of difficulty and to donate medicines, warm clothes, blankets, and tents at the Afghan Embassy. [Description of Source: Islamabad Pakistan in Urdu -- Widely read daily generally supportive of the Pakistan Muslim League] Pakistan daily: Taliban warn of long guerrilla war; say Usama Bin Ladin alive SAP20011020000024 Islamabad The News (Internet Version-WWW) in English 20 Oct 01 [Report by Aslam Khan: "Taliban warn of long guerrilla war; Army chief warns Pakistan will lose strategic depth to India"] ISLAMABAD: The Taliban have prepared a strategy to start a long guerrilla war from the mountains against any invading troops that seize their cities and a new government that is formed there to wage "a never-ending war to free Afghanistan again from invaders." This was stated here Friday in an exclusive interview to The News by the legendary Mujahideen commander Maulvi Jalaluddin Haqqani, the commander-in-chief of the Taliban's southern military command -- akin to the Taliban army chief -- and Mullah Omar's top military strategist and commander. "We will retreat to the mountains and begin a long guerrilla war to reclaim our pure land from infidels and free our country again like we did against the Soviets," Haqqani, the man who has planned the current Taliban military strategy against the American attacks, which has resulted in incredibly low casualties despite the magnitude of the air attack, said. Haqqani, who is also responsible for the safety of Osama bin Laden, was speaking from an undisclosed location inside Pakistan. His son, Naseeruddin Haqqani, served as the interpreter for his legendary father, the only commander of the Mujahideen that fought the Soviets who was allowed by the Taliban to remain in their ranks. Following is the transcription of the recorded interview: Q: In case US forces take over main cities such as Kabul, Kandahar, Mazar-eSharif and Jalalabad, will Taliban surrender? If not, will they attack these cities to reclaim them? Maulvi Jalaluddin Haqqani: First of all, it is next to impossible for the Americans to do so. Remember that the Soviet also controlled several of Afghan cities once. What happened to them? We [the Taliban] never had a single city but look at us now. Even if the Americans or others manage to [capture Afghan cities] and a new government is installed there, we will not accept it. We will retreat to the mountains and begin a long guerrilla war to reclaim our pure land from infidels and free our country again like we did against the Soviets. Q: How do you plan to deal with a ground invasion by American troops? A: We are eagerly awaiting the American troops to land on our soil, where we will deal with them in our own way. I tell you the Soviets were a brave enemy and their soldiers could withstand tough conditions. The Americans are creatures of comfort. They will not be able to sustain the harsh conditions that await them. Let me also tell you that the Soviets fulfilled their commitments with even their enemies and Muslims, whereas the Americans are untrustworthy and betray even their friends what to speak of enemies. Afghanistan will prove to be the graveyard of the Americans. Q: What is the Taliban's view of a broad-based national government? A: The Afghans are with the Taliban simply because it is an Islamic government. The so-called broad-based national government will by its very nature be secular, which will never be acceptable to the Afghans. No one from the Taliban will be a part of such an unacceptable government, which will be filled with American, Russian and Indian stooges. Q: What do you make of Pakistan's support for a broad-based national government for Afghanistan? A: Let me remind you that on Pakistan's Eastern border is India -- Pakistan's perennial enemy. With the Taliban government in Afghanistan, Pakistan has an unbeatable 2,300 km strategic depth, which even President Pervez Musharraf has proudly proclaimed. Does Pakistan really want a new government, which will include pro-India people in it, thereby wiping out this strategic depth? I tell you, the security and stability of Pakistan and Afghanistan are intertwined. Together, we are strong but separately we are weak. Q: What is the current status of Afghan defences against the American military strikes? A: We have so far held on to our defences. There is no retreat from anywhere. The military strikes have miserably failed to inflict any serious or crippling damage to our defences. Q: How many Afghans have been killed so far in the air raids? A: Around 450 Afghans have so far been martyred in the cowardly American strikes. Q: How many prominent members of the Taliban government been killed? A: Not a single important leader or military commander of the Taliban has been killed in the past 12 days of constant US bombardment. Mullah Omar, Osama bin Laden and all other commanders are safe and sound and carrying out their duties. However, about 25 Taliban soldiers have been martyred. Q: Have all the planes and helicopters in Taliban possession been destroyed as reported? A: This is all propaganda. Only one military helicopter and two Ariana Airlines passenger planes have sustained damages. The rest of the planes are safe. Q: Are Osama bin Laden and his group of Arabs helping the Taliban in defending Afghanistan? A: We don't think in terms of nationalities like Arab, Indian or Pakistani. All with us all Afghans. Whoever migrates to Afghanistan in the name of Islam, we consider them all Afghans be they from Saudi Arabia, Britain, Chechnya, Pakistan, India or any other country of the world. And yes, we are all fighting this war together. Q: What plans do Osama bin Laden and al Qaeda have to deal with potential attack on their suspected positions? A: I told you. We are all fighting together. Q: Why did Osama bin Laden not accept the Ulema's recommendation that he leave Afghanistan? A: The Afghan Ulema never ordered Osama bin Laden to leave Afghanistan. What they actually said was that he is free to decide for himself. Neither did we call him nor will we send him away. force in Afghanistan nor will we force him out. We have neither kept him by Q: How true are the reports of defections in Taliban ranks? A: There is absolutely no truth in such claims. The propagandists had claimed that Qazi Abdul Hye of Sar-e-Pul region in the north had defected along with his forces. This claim was made when he was cut off some days ago in a siege by the Northern Alliance. However, after he broke through the siege, he and everyone of his 4,000 soldiers was back. He is a great scholar of Islam as well as a great military commander. And he is definitely with us. No defections at all. Q: Is Mullah Omar ready to quit as the Taliban leader and hand over power to an acceptable person who can negotiate a ceasefire in order to save the Afghans or to surrender Osama bin Laden? A: We pledged allegiance at his hands and made him the Amir-ul-Momineen (leader of the faithful). As long as he keeps serving Islam and Shariat, we will never leave him and he will remain our leader. Why should he step down? Who are others to demand that Mullah Omar should step down? We don't like George Bush. his place in America? Why doesn't he step down and someone sensible take Q: When was the last time that you met Osama bin Laden? A: Of course, I can't answer that for security reasons. However, let me state clearly that Osama bin Laden is not only safe and sound, he is also in good spirits. Q: How many countries support the Taliban? A: There are several countries that support us including very important ones. But for obvious reasons I am not going to name them. We can understand that America is dangerous and it will harm any country that openly comes to our support. So the countries that support us have the right not to do so openly, which they are doing. Q: Gulbadin Hikmetyar has announced to fight along side the Taliban. Will you accept him in your ranks or try him for various crimes as the Taliban earlier pledged? A: We have a tradition whereby when an external, common enemy threatens the Afghans, we set aside our internal differences and unite against the threat. Besides, Mullah Omar is the final authority to decide whether we will accept Hikmetyar's help or not. Q: How did you come to Pakistan? Did you use a visa? A: I am also the [Taliban] minister for border regions. Our tribes are settled on both sides of the Durand Line since ages. Our houses are divided on both sides of the border. Both sides are my home. Pakistan is my home. And besides, my migration hasn't ended. [Description of Source: Islamabad The News in English -- Independent daily, member of the Jang Publishing Group] Pakistan daily: Scathing attack on cleric directed against Taliban army chief SAP20011020000021 Islamabad Ausaf in Urdu 20 Oct 01 p 2 [Article by Hamid Mir: "The attack on Maulana Samiul Haq"] The most powerful country of the world is showering bombs and missiles on the weakest country of the world, for the past two weeks. The United States thought that the Taliban would be perished in two or three days, but it is yet to achieve any big success in Afghanistan. On the other hand, the world opinion is not willing to accept the US attacks on Afghanistan as war against terrorism. Pressure is also being mounted on the United States to begin ground offensives along with air attacks, in response to which commandos have been dropped in Afghanistan. The United States fully knows that a pitched battle against the Taliban would not be possible for its forces on the terrain of Afghanistan. That is why it is letting loose a vigorous propaganda campaign against the Taliban, as a tool of psychological warfare. Just a few days ago, a report was published in the New York Times and a Pakistani English newspaper about the defection of Taliban Foreign Minister Wakil Ahmad Mutawakkil. The purpose was to mobilize some Taliban commanders to come to Peshawar and address a press conference. After the failure of this move, a psychological onslaught was initiated against the Taliban. Under this campaign, a report was published, stating that the head of one of the biggest seminaries of the North West Frontier Province had assured the secret service agencies of his cooperation in catching Usama bin Ladin. The name of the head of the religious school was not mentioned in the report, but it was a clear reference to Maulana Samiul Haq. The Maulana called me the next morning, saying that the report was directed against him -- with the purpose of discouraging the people and creating misunderstanding among the Pakistani clerics and the Taliban. He said that if a liberal and moderate journalist does not like Usama bin Ladin, he is free to criticize the latter but should, at least, avoid publishing false reports. However, the fact of the matter is that such journalists thrive on false reports. The amazing thing is that the journalist spreading misinformation about Maulana Samiul Haq is sitting in Karachi, publishing expert analysis on the situation in Afghanistan, for the past two months. The former ISI chief, General Mahmood in Islamabad, called Maulana Samiul Haq, along with Maulana Fazlur Rehman, Maulana Shah Ahmad Noorani and Qazi Hussain Ahmad several weeks ago. The purpose of the meeting was to convince them to meet Mullah Omar in Kandahar and have him hand over Usama bin Ladin. But they all expressed their inability to do so. Since then, at least, Maulana Samiul Haq has not been contacted by any secret agency. However, one of the major Pakistani dailies claimed that the Maulana was active against Usama bin Ladin, in connivance with the secret agencies. There are several reasons behind such reports. First, Maulana Samiul Haq had exposed the US plan to attack Afghanistan ahead of the 11 September incidents, following which he set up the Defense of Afghanistan Council. Second, in the past, he had held meetings with Usama bin Ladin, and some important figures in the Taliban hierarchy are graduates of his Dar-ul-Uloom (The house of knowledge, name used for Islamic seminary) Haqqaniah. The Taliban ambassador in Islamabad frequently visits Akora Khattak (the hometown of Maulana Samiul Haq in the NWFP) for consulting the Maulana on different matters. The new army chief of the Taliban, Maulana Jalaluddin Haqqani, has remained a student and a teacher at the Dar-ul-Uloom. He had also taken an active part in the election campaign of Maulana Abdul Haq, the father of Maulana Samiul Haq, in the 1970 general elections in Pakistan. When the Soviet troops invaded Afghanistan in 1979, Maulvi Haqqani returned to Paktia Province of Afghanistan to take part in jihad, at the order of Maulana Abdul Haq. In 1996, Usama bin Ladin was the guest of Maulvi Haqqani in Jalalabad, and it was through the latter that the relationship flourished between the Taliban and Usama bin Ladin. The appointment of Maulvi Jalaluddin Haqqani, commander-in-chief of the Taliban forces, is being construed as the direct involvement of Usama bin Ladin in the military planning of the Taliban. Jalaluddin Haqqani commands respect among some commanders of the Northern Alliance as well. And, in his presence, the chances of a rebellion in the Taliban rank and file have greatly minimized. Therefore, to blemish Haqqani's credibility, a scathing attack was made against his teacher, Maulana Samiul Haq. However, this attack has not worked. Maulana Samiul Haq says that though he is an old man; he would expose the black sheep among the journalists, and prove that such stories are false. He plans to do this by taking active part in the jihad of the Taliban, inside Afghanistan. [Description of Source: Islamabad Ausaf in Urdu -- Newspaper with strong anti-India views. Gives wide coverage to fundamentalist religious groups] Afghanistan: Taliban agree on interim leader in case of martyrdom of Mullah Omar SAP20011020000092 Rawalpindi Jang in Urdu 20 Oct 01 pp 17 [Report by Reporter: "Taliban agree on substitute for Mullah Omar in case of his martyrdom"] Chaman -- The Taliban militia has unanimously agreed on a substitute for Mullah Omar, if the latter is martyred. They have also expressed their determination to remain united until the end, even after their leader is martyred. Taliban sources told daily Jang from Kandahar that the Taliban high command, during its several days of deliberation, decided to remain united till the end. Unflinching support was also expressed for Mullah Omar. They decided that any one from Akhtar Usmani, Akhtar Mansoori, Jalaluddin Haqqani and Wakil Ahmad Mutawakkil would be chosen as an interim leader, in case Mullah Omar is martyred. [Description of Source: Rawalpindi Jang in Urdu -- Largest circulation daily] AFP: Taliban Commander Meets Pakistan Official re: Future Government JPP20011020000077 Hong Kong AFP in English 0030 GMT 20 Oct 01 ISLAMABAD, Oct 20 (AFP) - A senior Taliban military commander has met Pakistani officials to discuss a possible broad-based government in Afghanistan, a foreign ministry spokesman said Saturday. Maulvi Jalaluddin Haqqani, who is based in the Taliban's southern stronghold of Kandahar, travelled to Pakistan to meet Pakistan officials and other Afghans this week, Pakistan foreign office spokesman Riaz Muhammad Khan told reporters. "These meetings and discussions are basically focused on discussions regarding the assessment, future and prospects of a broad-based government," Khan said after confirming that Pakistani officials had met Haqqani. "Many Afghans are in Pakistan and they are meeting each other," the spokesman said. "Now Pakistan's interest as a neighbour is to know their opinion, their assessments and how they look at, in particular, the prospects of a broad-based government emerging in Afghanistan." [Description of Source: Hong Kong AFP in English -- Hong Kong service of the independent French press agency Agence France-Presse] Pro-Taliban Militia Leader Warns of Impending Guerrilla Wafare EUP20011113000209 Milan Corriere della Sera in Italian 13 Nov 01 p14 [Report by Maria Grazia Cutuli: "'We Are Not Beaten; We Await Them in Our Mountains'"] Islamabad -- The Taliban are preparing to leave the main cities of Afghanistan. After the fall of Mazar-e Sharif, the loss of Kunan, the advance on Herat and on Kabul, the fundamentalist militiamen have entered the second phase of the war in which the fighters of Allah will be entrenched in their mountain lairs, digging trenches in the desert, and setting up new lines of defense in the most inaccessible parts of the country. It is not a defeat, their supporters claim. It is simply a "strategic withdrawal" to regroup the ranks of the jihad, reviving the same guerrilla techniques used against the British invaders in the 19th century and against the Soviet troops in the eighties. The new strategy was illustrated to Corriere della Sera by the members of two Pakistani organizations -- close both to Mullah Omar (the Taliban's supreme leader) and to Usama Bin Ladin -- that are playing an active role in the "holy war" against the West. The first was Hussein Hamad Deeshani, the military commander of Herakatul-Jihad Islami, a group to which a number of the "terrorists" on the FBI's black list belong. Having come back from Afghanistan a few days ago, he is now spending a short time in Islamabad pending his return to the front. "The surrender of Mazar-e Sharif was agreed on by the Taliban with the leaders of the Northern Alliance," he claimed, adding: "It is a withdrawal that makes it possible to save both men and arms in order to counterattack at a later date." According to him, also the "handover" of Kabul is imminent. The Taliban are apparently only taking their time pending the consolidation of defensive positions in the mountains. They are reportedly prepared to give up all of the cities "including Kandahar," the moral capital of the Koran's militiamen, in order to get entrenched on the outskirts and to launch their murderous attacks from there. "The US air strikes have caused the Taliban serious damage," Hussein Hamad Deeshani admitted, "but all of us who operate in Afghanistan are capable of holding out in the bush for another 10 years. Even the Northern Alliance will end up moving over to our side." So does the country's future hold chaos? Or are these the dying quips of an increasingly less convincing propaganda machine? Herakat-ul-Jihad Islami has lost about 80 men in the US air strikes but its commander carried on with all the vehemence a preacher: "Do you know how many people have died among the Taliban, the Arabs, and the Pakistanis? A mere 500 militiamen, no more. What is that?" The foreign legions are still the mainstay of the future guerrilla forces for an unconventional army such as that of Mullah Omar. Alongside the volunteers in Herakat-ul-Jihad Islami, also two other Pakistani organizations, chips off the same block, are operating in Afghanistan. They were first set up back in the days of the Soviet invasion: Herakat-ul-Mujaheddin and the Army of Mohammad, against both of which George W. Bush has pointed the finger of accusation, charging them with terrorist activities. And alongside them, there are Arabs of all nationalities who are not necessarily officially incorporated into al-Qa'ida, Usama Bin Ladin's network. "While Mullah Omar could count on the help of 12,000 Arabs before 11 September, the number of volunteers has shot up today. They are coming from all over the world, including from the West. We have a former US serviceman who has converted to Islam, who has fought in Chechnya, and who is now with our men. There are volunteers who hold German nationality and even some with Italian nationality," one Herakat-ul-Mujaheddin activist told me, adding: "Some are immigrants, others are not. They are full fledged Westerners." His code name is Janghir; he is 31 years old, with a beard longer than Usama's. His initiation took place when he was barely out of childhood, during the holy war against the Russians. He perfected his training in the art of war in the training camp in Khost, an Afghan terrorist center bombarded by the United States back in 1998. "Each group is entrusted with oversight over a part of the territory. But the command stays with the Taliban under the leadership of Jalaloddin Haqqani, the head of land operations," he explained. Resistance in the mountains does not frighten anyone. "We have been used to eating dry bread dipped in water and to sleeping in trenches for years." The exodus from the cities heralds a war of attrition. But try as Janghir might to revive his memories of the glorious era of the jihad, it would in fact be a form of solitary resistance more similar to that enacted by the Chechens against Moscow than to the Mojaheddin's war in the eighties. Right now there is no superpower behind the Taliban, no country prepared to back a new guerrilla movement; but there are the "martyrs": "In other words, fighters like myself prepared to sacrifice their lives. The order could come at any time. The 11 September attacks were not justified because there was no war on," Janghir said, "but ever since the United States has begun its air strikes, it has been legitimate to strike at the enemy." The Herakat-ul-Mujaheddin activist issued a warning: "You must all watch out, including you Italians. Remember that the moment your troops set foot in Afghanistan, you will become targets for us." [Description of Source: Milan Corriere della Sera in Italian -- leading centrist daily; largest circulation of Italian dailies] AIP: US aircraft bomb Taliban minister's house, religious school in south IAP20011117000003 Peshawar Afghan Islamic Press in Pashto 0730 GMT 17 Nov 01 Peshawar, 17 November: US aircraft severely bombed the house and religious school of a famous commander and formerly a prominent commander of the jihad against the Russians, Mowlawi Jalaloddin Haqqani. According to AIP [Afghan Islamic Press] sources, American aircraft severely bombed the house and the religious school belonging to the prominent commander of the jihad against the Russians and minister of tribal and border [affairs] of the Taleban government, Mowlawi Jalaloddin Haqqani, in Mata China, some three kilometres west of Khost town [the capital of southeastern Province of Khost] last night. As a result, two people were martyred and four others were injured. Afghan Islamic Press learned from a spokesman for Haqqani: "The Americans intended to eliminate Haqqani. For this purpose they bombed his houses in Kabul and Gardez [the capital of southeastern Paktia Province] as well. As a result, several people were martyred. Mata China was attacked twice last night. On the other hand American aircraft heavily bombed the southern town of Kandahar last night and this morning. According to Afghan Islamic Press sources, six people were martyred and 15 others were wounded as a result. There are also some reports about air raids on Konduz [the capital of northern Konduz Province] but no further details have been received by the Afghan Islamic Press so far. [Description of Source: Peshawar Afghan Islamic Press in Pashto -- Peshawar-based agency, staffed by Afghans; good contacts with Taliban leadership. Faxes reliable, hand-written news reports, describing itself as independent and self-financing] Report Says Arab Fighters in Afghanistan Split Into 5 Groups GMP20011127000068 London Al-Hayah in Arabic 27 Nov 01 p2 [Report by Ahmad Muwaffaq Zaydan from Islamabad: "Arab Afghans Dispersed in Afghanistan and Some of Them Succeeded in Escaping From Konduz; Most of Them Are in Kandahar and the East and a Few Are Cut off"] The constant US strikes on Afghanistan and the destruction of Taliban's means of communications have apparently forced the Arab Afghans to split into scattered islands all over Afghanistan that are unable to coordinate with each other. Afghan sources that recently returned from Kandahar told Al-Hayah yesterday that the Arab Afghans' forces are still walking about in large numbers in the city and showing a readiness to confront the US landing forces like yesterday's one. The Arab Afghans who are in Afghanistan now are divided into five groups. 1. The Kandahar group that is still entrenched in the city, the Taliban's stronghold, and has sworn to defend it regardless of the price. This group feels safer than others because it has the confidence of the pro-Taliban Kandaharis in addition to the presence of Taliban Leader Mullah Mohammad Omar in the city. The rugged mountains around Kandahar provide an important safe hideaway for this force if it decides to evacuate the city. Some circles believe that the movement has prevaricated the surrender of the city all these past weeks in order to carry as much equipment, ammunition, and supplies as possible to the mountains. 2. The Konduz group and this is divided into two groups. One was forced to surrender and then rebelled at the Qalai Janghi. Anyone who has escaped will be tried as "a war criminal" or "a terrorist." The second Konduz group includes those who were smuggled across the mountains' rugged roads. It is believed that "Khattab", the Chechen leader who reportedly led 2,000 Arab and Chechen volunteers during the Konduz siege, was among those who were smuggled. Some sources say they have arrived in Kandahar to join their comrades. 3. The Jalalabad group, which ran the training camps in Darunta on the road to Kabul. After the city's fall, the group moved to the Tora Bora Mountains, which Arab fighters under Usama Bin Ladin used as the base for their military activities during the Soviet invasion of Afghanistan. Circles believe that dozens of Arab Afghans are living in these hideouts. US planes are daily bombarding the area but to no avail because it is full of caves on the mountainsides, which bombs cannot reach. 4. The Paktia and Paktika group. These are the Arab Afghans who fled to this area because they have close ties with Leader Jalaloddin Haqqani who knows the area and its conservative tribal population very well. There are hideouts in this area, especially on the outskirts of Khowst city, which the mujahidin had built during the Soviet invasion. 5. The dispersed group. Some Arab Afghans were cut off and most of them were in areas that were handed over suddenly to the Northern Alliance after the local Taliban forces' surrender. Sources believe that these Arab Afghans are forcing their way with difficulty to reach the Taliban strongholds in Kandahar and the east. Western sources have reported that the Arabs and foreigners hiding in the caves are using local citizens and paying them money to bring them food and information about what is happening in the main cities and on the main roads. According to these divisions, some believe that the Arab Afghans' deterrent response to the US presence is not going to be easy. [Description of Source: London Al-Hayah in Arabic -- Influential Saudi-owned London daily providing independent coverage of Arab and international issues; commentaries occasionally critical of US policy.] AIP: US aircraft bomb areas in eastern Afghanistan IAP20011123000026 Peshawar Afghan Islamic Press in Pashto 1149 GMT 23 Nov 01 Peshawar, 23 November: American aircraft bombed Khost this morning, and one woman and a girl were martyred as a result. During the morning prayer, American war planes bombed the house of a tribal leader, Haji Mohammad Naim Kochi, 20 km to the south of the Khost bazaar in Khost Province. One bomb fell on another house, and as a result one woman and a girl were martyred. Haji Mohammad Naim Kochi helped the Taleban government. And in 1992 he also worked in the [previous] mojahedin government. In another development, Osmani in Paktia Province was also bombed. During the jihad [against the Soviets] Osmani was [prominent commander] Jalaloddin Haqqani's base. Konduz was also bombed. [Description of Source: Peshawar Afghan Islamic Press in Pashto -- Peshawar-based agency, staffed by Afghans; good contacts with Taliban leadership. Faxes reliable, hand-written news reports, describing itself as independent and self-financing] Afghanistan: Former Jihad Commander Appointed as Governor of Khowst SAP20011128000068 Islamabad Ausaf in Urdu 25 Nov 01 pp 8 6 [Report by correspondent: "Ex-jihadi commander Haji Abdur Rehman appointed as governor of Khowst"] Miran Shah -- US bombers have once again bombarded the former jihadi centers of Maulvi Jalaluddin Haqqani located in Zawar. However, no human or material loss has been reported. Likewise, former jihadi commander Muhammad Naeem Kuchi was also targeted last [24 November] night in Dibli, but no loss has been reported. According to details, US bombers are continuously attacking the commanders of former organizations at the the borders of Khowst. Maulvi Jalaluddin Haqqani's school and mosque have been targeted thrice. As a result, hundreds of men, women, and children have been martyred and hundreds injured. In line with the decision of jirgah, elders of different areas of Khowst have elected ex-jihadi commander Haji Abdur Rehman Zoran, the head of Zoran tribe, as the governor of Khowst. [Description of Source: Islamabad Ausaf in Urdu -- Newspaper with strong anti-India views. Gives wide coverage to fundamentalist religious groups] Afghanistan: Local commanders seek about Rs 600,000 to free Pakistani Mujahideen SAP20011202000061 Rawalpindi Jang in Urdu 29 Nov 01 pp 1 7 [Report by Muhammad Jamil Khan: "Jalalabad: 750 Pakistani Mujahideen in custody of local commanders"] Peshawar - According to sources, two local commanders of Jalalabad, Muhammad Zaman and Hazrat Ali, have 750 Pakistani Mujahideen in their custody. Majority of these Pakistanis are untrained and below 20 years of age. Some religious scholars have contacted these commanders for the release of these Pakistanis and the commanders have agreed to release them for 500,000 to 600,000 rupees. In this regard, the religious scholars are having talks with relatives of these commanders present in Pakistan. According to sources, in areas occupied by the Northern Alliance, the families of Arab mujahideen are being looted, women are being humiliated and children are being subjected to violence. According to sources, trained mujahideen have safely reached Pakistan via mountainous passages after vacating Kabul, Mazar-i-Sharif, and other areas, whereas large numbers of untrained mujahideen were arrested by local commanders as they approached Jalalabad by road. Some families have had their men released after paying 100,000 to 300,000 rupees to the commanders. The NWFP [North-West Frontier Province] government is trying to get these mujahideen released without any payment, but in that case they would be arrested by Pakistan government. Maulana Fazlur Rehman's brother Maulana Ataur Rehman, Maulana Gul Naseeb, Jalil Jan, and Abdul Wadood Faqiri are having talks with relatives of Commander Hazrat Ali and Commander Muhammad Zaman Khan in Pakistan. According to some reports, many Pakistani and Arab mujahideen have moved to Khost and Darangoon, the areas supportive of Maulana Jalaluddin Haqqani and Arsalam Rehmani. In this situation, the families and children of Arab mujahideen are facing the worst conditions. The Arabs can neither come to Pakistan nor can they go back to their country. Their families have appealed to the Pakistan government through religious scholars that they should be given asylum so that they could live their lives in peace. These religious scholars have appealed to Muslim relief organizations to make special arrangements for their resettlement on humanitarian basis. In Miran Shah and tribal areas, there is a lot of tension. Due to the bad treatment of Pakistani mujahideen, it is feared that Afghans and their families living in these areas may be harmed. At some places, one or two such incidents have started to occur. [Description of Source: Rawalpindi Jang in Urdu -- Largest circulation daily] Pakistan: Afghans reported spying for US on satellite phones SAP20011204000027 Islamabad The News (Internet Version-WWW) in English 04 Dec 01 [Report by Rahimullah Yusufzai: "Satellite phones both boon and bane in Afghanistan"] Peshawar -- There are so many satellite telephones now in use in Afghanistan that this war-battered country seems to have undergone a telecommunication revolution. And most Afghans now in possession of such expensive phones say these were a gift from the Americans. Anti-Taliban military commanders appear to be the greatest beneficiary of the US largesse. Those who do not possess a satellite phone are considered weak and ineffective. Some of the commanders have effectively made use of the phones by promptly informing the US authorities about Taliban and Arab hideouts so that they could be bombed. Others have misled the Americans and allegedly organised US bombing raids against their personal and political opponents to settle old scores. The Taliban recently caught an Afghan in Kandahar with a satellite phone and charged him with spying for the Americans. He was accused of pinpointing Taliban targets that were to be attacked by the US warplanes. True to their reputation and in keeping with the Fatwa [religious decree] by pro-Taliban Ulema [religious scholars], the man was hanged after being found guilty of spying for the US. The Taliban have reportedly apprehended two more men carrying satellite phones in Kandahar. There is no reason to suggest that their fate would be any different. Well-known mujahideen commander Abdul Haq, whose brother Haji Abdul Qadeer is now the governor of eastern Nangarhar province, was also caught in possession of a couple of satellite phones. The Taliban had accused him of spying for the US after capturing him along with eight of his men in Logar province and summarily executed him. Sections of the American media and certain former US government officials later reported that he had used the satellite phones to request CIA help to rescue him. Help did come in the form of US bombers and helicopters but it was too late and too little to save his life. Supporters of Taliban commander and minister Mulla Jalaluddin Haqqani have alleged that the bombings of his homes in Kabul, Gardez and Khost were carried out by the US warplanes after the Americans were tipped off by his opponents using satellite phones gifted to them by Washington. An Afghan who travelled to Peshawar from Khost said the people in his area were afraid of a former mujahideen commander and tribal elder Badshah Khan Zadran because they thought he would call in US aircraft by using his satellite phone whenever he wanted to punish those daring to oppose him. An Afghan intellectual, requesting anonymity, said the satellite phones were being grossly misused to settle old scores. He said the Americans had not hesitated to bomb areas when told that there were Taliban or Al-Qaeda's Arab members hiding there. He advised the Americans to check and cross-check all such reports before organising bombing sorties because Pashtun populations in eastern and southern Afghanistan had suffered heavily due to the bombardment. Such a policy, he warned, would only earn hatred for the US among the Pashtuns. Besides the anti-Taliban military commanders, international journalists are the second big group of people possessing satellite phones in Afghanistan. [Description of Source: Islamabad The News in English -- Independent daily, member of the Jang Publishing Group] Pakistani sources claim Taliban's top slot still safe, mixed with local population SAP20011212000020 Islamabad The News (Internet Version-WWW) in English 12 Dec 01 [Report by Kamran Khan: "Taliban human assets still well intact"] Karachi -- As a new Hamid Karzai-led interim government prepares to take power in Afghanistan for an initial period of six months, Mulla Omar and almost each of his close associates is known to have survived the two month long air and ground attacks by the United States forces, Pakistani officials responsible for monitoring development inside Afghanistan on daily basis have reported. At the same time, the Pakistani officials said, the non-Afghan Al-Qaeda movement headed by Osama Bin Laden is fast losing its men and leaders and the ongoing Tora Bora operation in eastern Afghanistan may soon herald the near complete elimination of al-Qaeda in Afghanistan. Pakistani officials feel that in the absence of any widespread killing or defection of hardcore Taliban, shrewd backroom negotiations by important Taliban commanders with the Pashtun [Pashtun] dominated anti-Taliban forces in the east, west and south of Afghanistan provided Mulla Omar a leverage to protect the human assets of the Taliban movement. Pakistani military security agencies have reckoned that the Al-Qaeda and Taliban explicitly followed separate strategies to meet the US military might. The Al-Qaeda opted for a 'last-man, last-bullet' strategy, while the Taliban leadership ordered strategic retreat all over Afghanistan. The divided strategy, Pakistani officials said, created a major gulf between the Al-Qaeda's Arab leaders and Taliban mullahs. "Unbelievably not one top cabinet minister of Mulla Omar was killed, arrested or defected to opposition forces during the two month long non-stop bombing," noted a senior Pakistani security official. Mulla Mohammad Khaksar, the deputy minister for interior affairs, remained the only important Taliban official to announce defection after September 11. Reports about the defection of Qari Ahmadullah, the minister for intelligence affairs, remained unconfirmed notwithstanding his earlier public confession of capturing the dissident Pushtun commander Abdul Haq and for bringing him to justice. "Whether the Americans like it or not the anti-Taliban Pushtun forces have gained ground with an implicit Taliban support all across the Afghan Pushtun belt," observed a senior Pakistani official who noted that it was unfair to suggest that a common Afghan hated the Taliban rule. Credible reports reaching Pakistan from Kandahar said that much before agreeing to surrender Kandahar to the forces of pro-Taliban former Mujahideen commander Mulla Naqibullah, the supreme Taliban leader Mulla Omar, his interior minister Mulla Abdul Razzak and minister of defence Mulla Ubaidullah Akhunzada along with scores of heavily armed followers were given safe passage to leave the town. Pakistani sources said that the in and around Kandahar province was who would now govern Kandahar along security of former Taliban governor complete safety of Taliban leaders and supporters the exclusive responsibility of Mulla Naqibullah with Gul Agha. The same deal also guaranteed of Kandahar Mulla Mohammad Hassan and his men. Earlier on in the conflict, Mulla Omar had directed two of his key cabinet ministers Abdul Wakil Mutawakil, the foreign minister, and Mulla Nuruddin Turabi, the justice minister, to go into hiding. Despite repeated stories in The New York Times about Mutawakil's defection the Taliban foreign minister remained loyal to Omar. Mulla Omar apparently followed the same strategy in each of the provinces where he quickly ordered his representatives to surrender power to local warlords in exchange for immunity to his supporters. For that reason alone the transition remained smooth in most provinces, particularly in the western province of Herat where the Taliban governor Maulvi Khair Mohammad Khairkhawa personally welcomed Ismail Khan, a former Tajik speaking Mujahid commander. Maulvi Walijan, governor of Jawzjan province, and Mulla Muhammad Shafiq, governor of Samangan province, also struck identical deals with Ismail Khan whose forces smoothly moved into these provinces without causing any collateral damage to the Taliban followers. In eastern Afghanistan, the key Taliban commanders such Maulana Jalaluddin Haqqani, the minister for border affairs, and Nangarhar province governor Mulla Abdul Kabir, also the head of eastern zone, reached a negotiated settlement with the key figures of the eastern Shura [Advisory Council] such as Haji Qadeer and his close associates. The deal won a complete immunity to all Taliban leaders and men in Nangarhar province. In western Afghanistan, like Kunduz, a big majority of the Taliban fighters were allowed by the anti-Taliban commanders to simply melt away into the local population before resorting to the target killing of non-Afghan al-Qaeda supporters. As a result of this strategy, important Taliban figures such as Jalaluddin Haqqani would continue to exercise considerable influence on the Nangarhar affairs in the months and years to come. Pakistani officials said that mosques and religious seminaries all across Afghanistan would continue to serve as the power base for the Taliban, whose supreme leaders still, apparently, enjoy the support of some 800 Afghan religious scholars who had brought Omar to power by naming him as the 'Ameerul Momineen' [leader of the faithful] of Afghanistan in 1994. "Without at least tacit support of these religious scholars, who belong to every ethnic minority of Afghanistan, the new government in Afghanistan would remain unstable," said a government source. "The role of these Afghan religious scholars may prove decisive for the future of Taliban movement in Afghanistan," he said. Pakistani officials privately acknowledged that despite the best efforts of government of Pakistan hundreds of Afghan Taliban and their leaders managed to reach here through various mountain passes in the last weeks. The Afghan Taliban have secured initial shelter in the tribal areas and with people who run religious madaris [Islamic seminaries], particularly in the NWFP [Northwest Frontier Province] and Balochistan provinces. The government's Afghan watchers now believe that the secret understanding reached between the new Pushtun leaders of Afghanistan such as Hamid Karzai, Gul Agha, Haji Qadeer and the Taliban leaders and followers would go a long way in cementing a Pushtun resistance to counter the hegemonistic political designs of the Northern Alliance leadership. Hamid Karzai, the new Afghan head of state, was surprised on Sunday over the recent visit of India by nominated interior minister of Afghanistan Yunus Qanooni and his anti-Pakistan statements in New Delhi. Karzai is yet to be informed about the proposed visit to India by Dr Abdullah Abdullah, the new Afghan foreign minister. [Description of Source: Islamabad The News in English -- Independent daily, member of the Jang Publishing Group] Pakistan Army Fails To Arrest Ex-Taliban Defense Minister in Raid, Son Detained SAP20011220000124 Islamabad Ausaf in Urdu 20 Dec 01 pp 17 [Report by Correspondent: "Raid on Home of Maulvi Jalalauddin Haaqani"] Mir Ali -- The residence of the former Minister of Defense and Border Affairs in the Taliban government, Maulvi Jalal-ud-Din Haqqani (in the Pakistani tribal agency of South Waziristan) has been raided by the army. His son has also been arrested. The raid was conducted to nab Maulvi Haqqani. the time. However, he was not at home at According to details, army personnel dispatched from Islamabad along with lady inspectors raided the house of Maulvi Haqqani at 11 o'clock on the night of Id-alFitr. They searched his house with the help of the lady inspectors. The troops arrested the son of Haqqani, Hafiz Sirajuddin and his former deputy, Moulvi Nizamuddin alias Tor. However, both them were released after a 12-hour detention. According to local people, some Americans also accompanied the Pakistani troops in white clothes. Talking to daily Ausaf from an unknown destination in Afghanistan, Maulvi Haqqani said that he did not intend to return to Pakistan at the moment. He said that he had been struggling for the betterment of Afghanistan and will continue to do so. Meanwhile, a KPI report from Miran Shah says that the family of Maulvi Jalaluddin Haqqani has been asked to vacate the official residence in Pakistan and also to leave the country. The report said Frontier Corps personnel raided the houses of Maulvi Haqqani but he was not at home. The personnel asked the family to vacate the house and was given till this evening to go back across the border. It quoted the son of Maulvi Haqqani, Badruddin as saying that talks were continuing with local elders of the Pakistani tribal town, where they the family is residing. When contacted local militia officers refused to divulge any details. [Description of Source: Islamabad Ausaf in Urdu -- Newspaper with strong anti-India views. Gives wide coverage to fundamentalist religious groups] Afghanistan: Further on US bombing of leadership convoy IAP20011221000065 Peshawar Afghan Islamic Press in Pashto 1710 GMT 21 Dec 01 Text of report by Pakistan-based Afghan Islamic Press news agency Peshawar, 21 December: American aircraft today and last night in Paktia [Province, south of Kabul] bombed a convoy of leadership and jihadi commanders of Khost which was on its way to Kabul to take part in the ceremonies marking the transfer of power. As a result of the bombing 65 people have been martyred. A spokesman for Paktia Council Mr, (?Said Yaqeen) told Afghan Islamic Agency from Gardez, the capital of Paktia Province, that last night a convoy of tribal leaders and jehadi commanders of Khost [South eastern Afghanistan] was moving from Khost to Gardez. The convoy continued its journey on another road 25 kilometres away from Gardez, near Sato Kandaw. This morning American aircraft bombed it several times. He said that 65 people, including some leaders and commanders, had been martyred as a result of this bombing. This convoy was making a scheduled trip from Gardez to Kabul to take part in the ceremonies marking the transfer of power in Kabul on 22 December. However, 25 dead bodies reached Khost this evening. According to Afghan Islamic Press Agency sources, 14 vehicles in the convoy were completely destroyed. According to one report commander (?Mohammad Ebrahim) brother of commander Mowlawi Jalaloddin Haqqani [former minister for tribal affairs under Rabbani and under Taleban regimes] has been martyred. Further reports about the names of the dead and wounded tribal leaders and commanders have been coming in. However, Afghan Islamic Press has no further details about this. Earlier today Afghan Islamic Agency reported that 15 people had been martyred. [Description of Source: Peshawar Afghan Islamic Press in Pashto -- Peshawar-based agency, staffed by Afghans; good contacts with Taliban leadership. Faxes reliable, hand-written news reports, describing itself as independent and self-financing] Pakistan daily reports 80 tribal elders dead in US bombings in Afghan provinces SAP20011222000034 Islamabad The News (Internet Version-WWW) in English 22 Dec 01 [Report by Behroz Khan: "80 tribal elders killed in US bombing"] PESHAWAR: Over 80 people are reported dead and scores of others were injured when US warplanes resumed bombing in two south-eastern provinces of Afghanistan on Friday in pursuit of terror suspect Osama bin Laden and Taliban fighters. "About 60 people died in the bombing in Khost bazaar on Friday morning as a result of bombing resumed by US planes after few weeks. One of my nephew, Timoor Shah is among the dead ones", said Haji Amin Kochay, brother of Haji Naeem Kochay. Eyewitnesses informed from Paktia that at least 20 persons were killed and dozens others were injured during air strikes in Sarkando area of the province, which they said, had fallen victims to the misinformation campaign unleashed by the anti-Taliban elements. Haji Amin said a tribal Jirga [grand assembly] was in session at Khost when US jets pounded the venue with several bombs adding that the bombing lasted for almost two hours. "This is criminal on the part of the informers, who misguided the Americans and caused the death of innocent civilians", Haji Amin said. He said these tribals had assembled in a bid to form a delegation to be sent to Kabul to assure support to Hamid Karzai-led new Afghan government, but the enemies of peace, he said, provided wrong information to the US forces and gave the impression as if the meeting was being held in support of the Taliban. Haji Amin said locals informed him from Khost that streets in the small dusty town were littered with blood and residents fled for safe haven, as the bombing prolonged and targeted residential areas. "No presence of Taliban can be proved in Khost and Paktia to justify the bombing. And after all, the victims of the bombing are civilians and not fighters from the Taliban movement or the al-Qaeda network of Osama bin Laden", Haji Amin said. The brother of Haji Amin, Haji Naeem Kochay was minister for Frontier in Taliban government. In Sarkando area of Paktia province, locals said the US warplanes dropped bombs on villages, which left at least 20 persons dead and a number of others injured. The bombing on Paktia and Khost, locals believe, could be in pursuit of Osama bin Laden and some local Taliban leaders, including Taliban leader, Maulavi Jalaluddin Haqqani, who had escaped an earlier assassination attempt, when US planes dropped bombs on his residence and the adjacent madrassa (religious school), which killed 16 persons and injured more than a dozens last month. Tribals from Paktia said that neither Osama bin Laden nor any top leader of his al-Qaeda organisation has showed up in the area in the recent past. Khost was targeted with cruise missiles in 1998 in pursuit of Osama bin Laden. AFP adds: An Afghan news agency reported meanwhile that 65 people were killed in US bombing. Pentagon spokeswoman Victoria Clarke said that the convoy hit by the warplanes was a military target and she was unaware of reports that the bombing could have been a mistake. "I don't know about this report, but we did attack a convoy," she said. "Definitely it was a military target." Defence Secretary Donald Rumsfeld said that many had died in the strike on the convoy. "It was a large convoy, and there were a lot of people killed and a lot of vehicles damaged, or destroyed," he told a Pentagon briefing. General Peter Pace, Vice Chairman, Joint Chiefs of Staff, said the convoy was attacked around Khost, southwest of Tora Bora, former stronghold of Osama bin Laden's al-Qaeda network. "We had some intelligence indicators that were cross-referenced and determined by Central Command that in fact what we had was a convoy of vehicles, about 10 to 12 that contained leadership," Pace said. The convoy was pummelled by AC-130 gunships, and fighter aircraft launched from US carriers, Pace said. A command and control compound from which the convoy had departed was also hit, Pace said. [Description of Source: Islamabad The News in English -- Independent daily, member of the Jang Publishing Group] Iran: 65 Afghan tribal elders reported killed in US bombing overnight IAP20011222000034 Tehran IRNA in English 0055 GMT 22 Dec 01 Islamabad, Dec 22, IRNA -- At least sixty-five Afghan tribal elders have been killed in a last night U.S planes attack on their convoy, moving towards capital Kabul for the inauguration of Afghanistan's new government. American fighter planes rained bombs on the vehicles on a road at Sato Kandaw, 25 kms south of Gardez, the capital of Paktia province, said eye witnesses, who crossed into the Pakistani border town of Miranshah. Paktia is on the Pakistan frontier and also borders eastern Nangarhar province, where US warplanes have carried out intense bombing raids over the past two weeks to force fighters of Osama bin Laden out of their mountain hideouts. Correspondents in Miranshah say that tribal chiefs and commanders were among the victims. However, the Pentagon officials have defended the attack on the convoy, saying that senior Taliban and Al-Qaida members were traveling in the vehicles. According to the report fourteen vehicles in the convoy were totally destroyed and the victims included Taliban commander Mohammadi Ibrahim, brother of the renowned Afghan commander Maulvi Jalaluddin Haqqani. TK/MMZ/RR End [Description of Source: Tehran IRNA -- official state-run news agency] Pakistan: Maulvi Jalaluddin Haqqani's School, Offices in North Waziristan Closed SAP20020107000044 Rawalpindi Jang in Urdu 03 Jan 02 pp 8 7 [Report by correspondent: "Maulivi Jalaluddin Haqqani's school, offices in North Waziristan closed"] Miran Shah -- The political administration has sealed the religious school and offices of Jalaluddin Haqqani, the supreme commander of the former Taliban government who had been living in North Waziristan for the last 30 years, on Wednesday [2 January] evening after the expiry of the deadline. The 2,000 students studying at the school were expelled. The political administration searched the school with the help of the Scouts, however there was no Taliban or al-Qa'ida member there. Moreover, US aircraft flew above the Pakistan-Afghanistan border adjoining North Waziristan on Wednesday [2 January]. Meanwhile, it has been learned that Maulvi Jalaluddin Haqqani is alive. After being injured in a US bombardment, he has recovered now and is presently in Afghanistan. [Description of Source: Rawalpindi Jang in Urdu -- Largest circulation daily] Afghanistan: Taliban minister Haqqani 'might have died' of wounds after US bombing IAP20011226000071 Peshawar Afghan Islamic Press in Pashto 1500 GMT 26 Dec 01 Peshawar, 26 December: It has been reported by very reliable information sources that Mowlawi Jalaloddin Haqqani [Taliban border affairs minister] was severely wounded in mid-December as a result of US aerial bombing. Reliable information sources told the Afghan Islamic Press at Miranshah [Pakistan south eastern border] this evening that Mowlawi Jalaloddin Haqqani was severely wounded as a result of the aerial bombardment by the United States on 16 December in the Zani Khel region, west of Khost Province. Five of his bodyguards were martyred. The sources also said that he had then been transferred to an unknown location. Mr Haqqani has not been seen since that date and it is possible that he might have died as a result of the injuries he sustained. In another development the people of the provinces of Paktia and Khost today told the Afghan Islamic Press that a large number of people were martyred in Paktia and Khost in the US bombing. However, it is difficult to say whether or not Mowlawi Jalaloddin Haqqani was among them. A resident of the Zadran region in Paktia Province told the Afghan Islamic Press that many dead have been buried in the Haqqani family graveyard and Mr Haqqani's relatives are visiting the grave yard with deep respect. It is for this reason that the rumors about his having been martyred and buried in this graveyard are becoming stronger. It has however been 100 percent proven to the Afghan Islamic Press that he was wounded. (It should be mentioned that the Afghan Islamic Press had filed a report on the bombardment in AIP report 612). Haqqani was a powerful commander in the time of the jihad [against the Russians] and was the minister of tribal and border affairs during the time of the Taliban. [Description of Source: Peshawar Afghan Islamic Press in Pashto -- Peshawar-based agency, staffed by Afghans; good contacts with Taliban leadership. Faxes reliable, hand-written news reports, describing itself as independent and self-financing] Pakistan: Tribal Elders Take Over School, Offices of Taliban Supreme Commander SAP20020105000120 Islamabad Ausaf in Urdu 05 Jan 02 pp 8 7 [NNI report: "Darpa Khel tribe takes control of Haqqani's seminary"] Miran Shah: Elders of the local Darpakhel tribe in the North Waziristan Agency of Pakistan have taken control of the seminary and offices of Taliban Supreme Commander Maulvi Jalaluddin Haqqani. Haqqani set up a school in the Pakistani area 20 years ago where thousands of students received religious education. To arrest Haqqani, the [Pakistan] Government recently tightened the noose around his relatives. All his relatives have now been expelled from their houses. Local administrators--Ghulam Khan and Khalid Mumtaz--raided the seminary and told the elders of the area that Haqqani had no authority over the school. Therefore, the elders took control of the seminary. Authorities have directed the elders that the premises should be used only for imparting religious education to students and if any member of the al-Qa'ida network was found there, action would be taken and even the seminary could be dismantled. [Description of Source: Islamabad Ausaf in Urdu -- Newspaper with strong anti-India views. Gives wide coverage to fundamentalist religious groups] Afghanistan: Pakistani tribe de-Talibanizes former Afghan official's religious school IAP20020105000014 Peshawar Afghan Islamic Press in Pashto 0650 GMT 05 Jan 02 Peshawar, 5 January: The [Peshawar] Pashto daily Wahdat ["Unity", publishing in Pashto, but most of the writers are Afghans who previously worked for the Hezb-e Eslami newspaper Shahadat] writes in its 5th January edition: [Headline] Darpakhel tribe captures and takes over control of the madrasa [religious school] and offices of Mowlawi Jalaloddin Haqqani [the former minister for tribal affairs under the Rabbani and Taleban regimes]. Only religious education will be given in the madrasa, tribal elders promised. [Article] Miranshah, Wahdat news: The Darpakhel tribe has captured and taken over control of former Taleban commander Mowlawi Jalaloddin Haqqani's, madrasa [religious school] and offices. This happened after the change in [Pakistan's] Afghan policy. Mowlawi Jalaloddin Haqqani, who has been running the madrasa for the past 20 years, has been dispossessed. The tribes have been told by the [Pakistani] political administration that Mowlawi Jalaloddin Haqqani has no right to run the madrasa, and that the elders of the Darpakhel tribe have captured and taken over control of Mowlawi Jalaloddin Haqqani's madrasa and offices. The tehsildar [area officer] of the [Pakistani] political administration has sworn to the tribal elders that only religious education will be given in the madrasa. If Al-Qa'idah or Taleban members are found in the madrasa, the administration will take severe action, and there is a possibility that the madrasa will be demolished. That was the news which was published in the daily "Wahdat". It should be recalled that Mowlawi Jalaloddin Haqqani is included in the [wanted] list issued by the [antiterrorist] allies, and America want to capture him. America bombed the areas in which he was thought to be present. It is also said that he was injured in the American bombing of 16 September [actually November] 2001. In its 5th January edition, another Urdu daily, Islamabad's Osaf ["Qualities"], quotes Javed Ibrahim Paracha, a member of the Pakistan Muslim League and of Defence of Afghanistan, and a deputy head of Afghanistan's Council of Sarhad [i.e. Pakistan's North-West Frontier Province - NWFP], as saying that, if oppression is not stopped against the Arab mojahedin, we will surround the prison in Kohat [a city in NWFP]. Islamabad: Javed Ibrahim Paracha, a member of Defence of Afghanistan and deputy head of Afghanistan's Council of Sarhad, said yesterday that, if oppression and cruelty are not stopped against the Arab mojahedin prisoners at Kohat prison, he will ask people to surround the prison. During his telephoned protest about oppression of the Arab prisoners, he said that "after Friday prayers at Badshahi mosque in Kohat, a written protest was approved, condemning the oppression and cruelty by the FBI against the Arab mojahedin and demanding an end to it. Referring to the Arab mojahedin, he said in the written protest that they had entered Pakistan with legal passports and visas, and that America and the FBI were oppressing them in Kohat prison without any proof or investigation. He said when they were being taken from Kohat prison to the airport, their feet were chained. He added that, if this oppression and cruelty are not stopped, we will surround the prison and will teach the American teams a harsh lesson. He added that the defence council [as given] would also summon a separate meeting. [Description of Source: Peshawar Afghan Islamic Press in Pashto -- Peshawar-based agency, staffed by Afghans; good contacts with Taliban leadership. Faxes reliable, hand-written news reports, describing itself as independent and self-financing] Afghanistan: US soldier killed while investigating US bombing at request of elders IAP20020105000029 Peshawar Afghan Islamic Press in Pashto 1113 GMT 05 Jan 02 Peshawar: According to reports reaching [us] from Khost Province, yesterday an American was attacked in (?Matah Chinah) west of Khost [Province in southeastern Afghanistan]. Travellers arriving in Miram Shah [Pakistani border area] told Afghan Islamic Press that late yesterday afternoon an attack took place in Matah Chinah, 6 km west of Khowst, as a result of which one American was killed and another American soldier and two Afghan guides were injured. The dead body of the American and the injured were taken away by helicopter. Matah Chinah was heavily bombed by US aircraft on 16-17 November; 34 students were killed in Jalaloddin Haqqani madrassa. According to reports, this group of 25 soldiers had come at the repeated demands of tribal leaders to see whether American aircraft had targeted military sites or sites in the city. They had not been there 24 hours when the US soldiers were attacked. Eyewitnesses also said that helicopters were flying over Khowst Province yesterday. It is noteworthy that there is no joint council in Khowst Province, and three tribal leaders -- Pasha Khan Zadran, who supports former Afghan king Mohammad Zaher Shah, Zaki Khan, who supports former Afghan President Borhanoddin Rabbani, and engineer Zakim Khan Zadran, who enjoys the support of some tribal leaders and jihadi commanders -- claim superiority. [Description of Source: Peshawar Afghan Islamic Press in Pashto -- Peshawar-based agency, staffed by Afghans; good contacts with Taliban leadership. Faxes reliable, hand-written news reports, describing itself as independent and self-financing] Ex-Mujahideen Leaders Join Forces To Struggle Against Interim Afghan Government SAP20020105000102 Rawalpindi Nawa-i-Waqt in Urdu 05 Jan 02 pp 1 7 [Report by Suhail Abdul Nasir: "Hekmatyar, Sayyaf, Haqqani agree on joint struggle"] Islamabad: The situation in Afghanistan has entered a new phase after the removal of the Taliban government and the induction of the interim administration. Former Mojahedin leaders, who struggled against the Soviet occupation of Afghanistan, are once again aligning themselves. According to the latest information, Gulbadin Hekmatyar, Prof Abdur Rab Rasool Sayyaf, and Jalaluddin Haqqani have agreed to wage a joint struggle against the foreign interference in Afghanistan and the formation of an Islamic government in the country. Gulbadin Hekmatyar is presently in Tehran but a number of his party leaders have returned to Afghanistan. Ittehad-i-Islami leader Abdur Rab Rasool Sayyaf was part of the Northern Alliance while fighting against the Taliban, but his group is not part of the interim government. According to sources, Sayyaf is presently in Kabul but he is virtually under the government custody because his contacts with other groups. Jalaluddin Haqqani was injured in the US bombing on Khost more than 25 days ago and there were reports that he had been killed. However, his family says that he is alive and busy in organizing Jihad activities. The sources said the head of the interim government, Hamid Karzai, is well aware of this situation and knows that his government might face serious threats from the southeastern belt, particularly the area from Kabul to Kandahar, in the coming months. Karzai, whose only base of support is the United States, wants a compromise with these emerging forces. For this very purpose, he has started to establish contacts with Jalaluddin Haqqani. The sources said that the convoy of people, bombed by the US planes while it was on its way to Kabul to participate in the transfer of power last month, also included one of Haqqani's brothers. They said that the bombing was made at the instigation of an influential commander of the eastern council, with the objective of foiling the link between the two leaders--[Haqqani and Karzai]. [Description of Source: Rawalpindi Nawa-i-Waqt in Urdu -- Pakistan's second largest circulation's daily, widely respected] Afghan tribal elders join US to target suspected al-Qa'ida center IAP20020107000002 Peshawar Afghan Islamic Press in Pashto 0654 GMT 07 Jan 02 Peshawar, 7 January: There are American ground forces in the Zawar [Kili, believed to be an Al-Qa'idah compound] area in [the area of] Khost [Paktia Province south of Kabul, bordering Pakistan], and aircraft are also bombing the area. News agencies in Miram Shah [Pakistani border town] told AIP this morning that last night and this morning US aircraft had bombed the Zawar area in [the area of] Khost many times. According to the news sources, last night and early this morning the Americans arrived in various areas of Zawar in four helicopters and started a mopping-up operation. US aircraft are bombing various areas. It is known that the location is dangerous for the US forces. According to well-informed sources, there were some fighters loyal to [Minister of Border Affairs in the Taleban government] Jalaloddin Haqqani in Zawar. Yesterday, after the [US] forces reached the area, they were eradicated from the area. It should be mentioned that Zawar is an important area to the USA; this area was attacked with cruise missiles in 1998 by the Americans, because they thought there was an Al-Qa'idah centre there. Paktia and Khost tribal elders are taking part in mopping-up operations with the US troops in Zawar. The area was bombed many times last week. According to latest reports, the moppingup operation is continuing. [Description of Source: Peshawar Afghan Islamic Press in Pashto -- Peshawar-based agency, staffed by Afghans; good contacts with Taliban leadership. Faxes reliable, hand-written news reports, describing itself as independent and self-financing] Afghan tribal elders to decide fate of boy US suspects of killing soldier IAP20020107000017 Peshawar Afghan Islamic Press in Pashto 0550 GMT 07 Jan 02 Peshawar: 7 January: The [Pakistani newspaper] Wahdat daily news in Pashto continues the story of a US commando who was killed [on 4 January]. According to Wahdat in Miram Shah [Pakistani border town], after US aircraft had bombed the area of Zawar [Kili, thought to be the site of an Al-Qa'idah compound] in [the area of] Khost [in Paktia Province, bordering Pakistan], US commandos reached the area of Zawar with tribal elders from Gardez [capital Paktia Province] in eight helicopters. The commandos saw the area which had been bombed the night before by the American aircraft. As a result of the bombing, sixteen people were killed and five wounded. Zawar was the site of the established bases of [Hezb-e Eslami leader Golboddin] Hekmatyar and Jalaloddin Haqqani [later Taleban minister for border affairs] during the jihad [against the Soviets]. It was clear that the US commandos wanted a fourteen-year-old boy who [they said] had killed an American and injured another during the attack by US forces They [US commandos] warned local people that if the murderer was not handed over, the village would be heavily bombed. A meeting will be held by the Gardez and (?Zudin) tribal elders and a decision will be taken. [Description of Source: Peshawar Afghan Islamic Press in Pashto -- Peshawar-based agency, staffed by Afghans; good contacts with Taliban leadership. Faxes reliable, hand-written news reports, describing itself as independent and self-financing] Afghanistan: Tribal leader confirms US forces arrest four in eastern province IAP20020121000129 Peshawar Afghan Islamic Press in Pashto 1430 GMT 21 Jan 02 Peshawar, 21 January: One of the major supporters of the American forces in Khost [Province], Zakim Khan, has said that those arrested in the Zini Khel village will be interrogated about [the whereabouts of] Jalaloddin Haqqani. Confirming reports on the arrest of a number of people in Zini Khel, commander Zakim Khan told the Afghan Islamic Press from Khost this evening that American commandos had arrested Serajoddin and three of his friends in order to obtain information about Jalaloddin Haqqani. He added that in the past Jalaloddin Haqqani used to visit Serajoddin's house, and last November he [Jalaloddin Haqqani] was wounded as a result of American bombing. Investigation is continuing from those arrested. He described as unfounded reports alleging that those arrested were also suspected of the killing of an American soldier. With regard to Haqqani, he said reports indicate that he is still alive. It should be said that some weeks ago the allied forces said that it was possible that Haqqani had been killed as result of American attacks. Zakim Khan is among the three influential commanders in Khost area, and he is regarded as a supporter of the American forces in the region. Zakim Khan told the Afghan Islamic Press that in Paktia and Khost [provinces] his supporters outnumber those of the others. He said that at present he is supplies 12 to 13 districts of Paktia. He added that he also has more supporters in Khost than anyone else. But he added that so far there is no single administration in Khost. It should be said that in Khost Prof Borhanoddin Rabbani's supporter, Zakim Khan, the former king's supporter, Badshah Khan Zadran, and another independent group, led by Engineer Delbarjan Armani, are claiming to be the majority in the province. This is the reason so far no single administration exists in the province. [Description of Source: Peshawar Afghan Islamic Press in Pashto -- Peshawar-based agency, staffed by Afghans; good contacts with Taliban leadership. Faxes reliable, hand-written news reports, describing itself as independent and self-financing] AIP: US Missile Attack 5 Feb Killed Three Afghan Civilians; Not Al-Qa'ida Members IAP20020207000019 Peshawar Afghan Islamic Press in Pashto 1011 GMT 07 Feb 02 Peshawar, 7 February: Three civilians have been martyred [killed] as a result of an American missile attack on Zhawar Kalai. Reports say that a missile hit Zhawar Kalai, Khost Province, at around 1400 or 1500 hours [local time] on 5 February 2002 as a result of which two young people were killed on the spot and a third died on the way to hospital. The Zhawar Kalai, which is situated 35 km southwest of Khost and 15 km from the Pakistani border, is a few kilometres from the centre of Zhawar which was the target of heavy attack by American aircraft in January. The centre of Zhawar, which was a base of mojahedin commander Mowlawi Jalaloddin Haqqani, is described by Americans as an Al-Qa'idah base. Speaking to Afghan Islamic Press on the latest incident, elders of Gorboz tribe today identified the dead men as Mir Ahmad, Jahangir Khan and Daraz Khan. They said the men aged between 20 and 30 were just wandering in the area. One elder said: "There are no Al-Qa'idah people in the area." The three martyrs were buried in Patlun Kalai near the Khost bazaar. American military sources had earlier said that a missile was fired and its was believed to be Al-Qa'idah leaders. However, eyewitness told the Afghan Islamic Press that they [those killed] were local people and not Al-Qa'idah members. [Description of Source: Peshawar Afghan Islamic Press in Pashto -- Peshawar-based agency, staffed by Afghans; had good contacts with Taliban leadership. Faxes reliable, hand-written news reports, describing itself as independent and selffinancing] UK Guardian: Al-Qa'ida Fighters Escaping to Gulf Through Iran Drug Route EUP20020213000144 London The Guardian (Internet Version-WWW) in English 13 Feb 02 [Article by Rory McCarthy: "Al-Qa'ida Fighters Escaping to Gulf Through Iran Drug Route"] Fighters loyal to the Taliban and al-Qa'ida have evaded US military operations in Afghanistan by crossing the border into Pakistan and escaping to freedom along the established drug smuggling route to Iran, a Guardian investigation reveals today. Detailed accounts from witnesses, al-Qa'ida sympathisers and sources close to the Taliban in Pakistan indicate that many Arab fighters loyal to Usama Bin Ladin crossed into the country through desolate mountain passes, avoiding well-armed military border patrols. Once in Pakistan's tribal regions they found support from an underground network of Islamic extremists. Some are still hiding in Pakistan, while others have already fled the country after spending thousands of dollars to buy their escape through Iran using the tribal drug trafficking mafia. The confirmation that well-trained al-Qa'ida figures have fled through Iran and are back in their homes in Gulf countries will ring alarm bells in Washington. The FBI yesterday released details of a man called Fawaz Yahya al-Rabeei who it said had entered Yemen from Afghanistan and was poised to carry out an imminent terrorist attack against US targets. The Iranian connection will also worsen already strained relations between Tehran and the Bush administration. Senior US figures have accused Iran of allowing alQa'ida fighters into the country. A hardline cleric interviewed by the Guardian admitted helping dozens of Arab men, women and children who crossed into Pakistan near Parachinar from the al-Qa'ida base at Tora Bora. Maulana Javed Ibrahim Paracha said the Arabs were "quietly going back to their homes". Hamid Mir, a Pakistani newspaper editor known to be close to the Taliban regime, said many Arab fighters were escaping from southern Afghanistan and from Pakistan's tribal belt through Iran and back to their countries. "The Arab al-Qa'ida are trying their best to leave the country and to reach the Gulf," he said. "The smuggling mafia have started a new business helping these people to leave." Several senior officials from the collapsed Taliban regime have also fled to Pakistan. A group of at least six Taliban deputy ministers and diplomats have formed a political party and say they hope to join the government in Kabul later this year. However, Islamabad's military regime insists there are no Taliban officials in Pakistan. Abdul Hakim Mujahid, the Taliban's representative in New York, told the Guardian it was easy for Taliban figures to leave Afghanistan secretly. "All the borders are possible to cross," he said. Many other more hardline Taliban officials are still living in Afghanistan, often under the protection of their local tribes, he said. Taliban fighters are believed to have gathered around Khost, in eastern Afghanistan. They include Jalaluddin Haqqani, the Taliban frontiers minister, who was once considered by Pakistan as a possible leader of a "moderate Taliban" faction but turned down the offer. He is now regarded by the Americans as a leading hardliner. [Description of Source: London The Guardian (Internet Version-WWW) in English -prominent center-left daily] Arab Afghans Sources Claim 'Dozens' of Al-Qa'ida Members Escaped Through Iran GMP20020215000074 London Al-Sharq al-Awsat in Arabic 14 Feb 02 p4 [Unattributed report: "Arab Afghans Sources: Dozens of Al-Qa'ida Members Have Arrived in Arab Countries Through Iran"] London, Tehran, Al-Sharq al-Awsat, news agencies-Arab Afghans sources have revealed that dozens of Usama Bin Ladin's Al-Qa'ida Organization members have succeeded in leaving Afghanistan and reaching Arab countries through Iran. The sources said in a telephone contact with Al-Sharq al-Awsat that dozens of Arab fundamentalist members of Al-Qa'ida moved under the protection of the drugs mafias that operate in the tribes-controlled border strip between Afghanistan and Pakistan. They added that these members crossed Helmand province into Iran and from there across the Gulf to their home countries by using forged passports. The sources noted that one Arab fighter paid around 3 million Pakistani rupees (about $33,000) in return for traveling to Bandar Abbas under the tribes' protection and securing a forged passport that allowed him to travel through the Gulf ports. They added that the drugs mafias operating in the border strip between Khowst--which is controlled by Jalaloddin Haqqani, the borders minister in the Taliban regime-and the Pakistani city of Queta and into Bandar Abbas Port deep inside Iran's territories that overlooks the Arab Gulf have switched to the profitable business of smuggling Al-Qa'ida's members. These mafias' leaders have reaped vast profits from this trade estimated in hundreds of thousands of dollars. The Arab Afghans sources said that six deputy ministers in the former Taliban government are now inside Pakistan's territories. Rahmatollah Hashemi, Mullah Omar's adviser for foreign affairs, is one of them. The sources went on to point out: The Pakistani authorities deny there are Taliban elements in their territories, apart from Alrahman Zahid, Taliban's deputy foreign minister, and Nour Mohammad Shakib, the president of the Supreme Court in Kabul. The Pakistani authorities detained both of them in Baluchistan province last month. But a group of Taliban ministers entered Pakistan and formed a party representing the moderate Pashtun elements. This group hopes to join the interim government in Afghanistan by the middle of this year and it includes Suhayl Shahin, the deputy of Abdol Salam Zaeef, the former Taliban ambassador in Islamabad. [Passage omitted citing agency and newspaper reports] [Description of Source: London Al-Sharq al-Awsat in Arabic -- Influential Saudi-owned London daily providing independent coverage of Arab and international issues; editorials reflect official Saudi views on foreign policy.] AFP: Former Taliban Commander Surrenders in Eastern Afghanistan SAP20020311000034 Hong Kong AFP in English 0833 GMT 11 Mar 02 ISLAMABAD, March 11 (AFP) -- A former Taliban commander and brother of the ousted regime's border affairs minister who is wanted by the United States has surrendered to the Afghan authorities, a report said Monday. Commander Mohammad Ibrahim, 47, accompanied by some 150 religious scholars and tribal elders from Khost, Paktia and Paktika provinces turned himself over to the authorities in the eastern city of Gardez on Sunday, the Afghan Islamic Press (AIP) said. But the Pakistan-based news agency said Ibrahim, whose elder brother Maulawi Jalaluddin Haqqani commanded considerable influence as one of the top resistance fighters during the 1979-89 Soviet occupation of Afghanistan, was still in Gardez and was "moving freely." US-led forces are battling al-Qaeda and Taliban fighters in the mountains south of Gardez, capital of Paktia province. Ibrahim was associated with the 1992-96 regime of former president Burhanuddin Rabbani and later served as Taliban commander in several eastern provinces. Haqqani, a religious scholar who served as minister for border affairs, is on the US list of wanted Taliban leaders. The Taliban regime was routed after the US and allied Afghan forces launched a military campaign over the Islamic militia's harbouring of Oasma bin Laden, suspected mastermind of the devastating terror attacks in the United States six months ago. But the militia's chief Mullah Mohammad Omar, his "guest" bin Laden and other senior Taliban officials have eluded arrest. [Description of Source: Description of Source: Hong Kong AFP in English -- Hong Kong service of the independent French press agency Agence France-Presse] Urdu daily: Report says Saifullah Mansoor alive, has moved to another location SAP20020317000064 Islamabad Ausaf in Urdu 15 Mar 02 pp 1 5 [Report by special correspondent: "Saifullah Mansoor had 300 graves dug before fighting"] Miran Shah - According to reports coming from Gardez, fighting between US forces and the Taliban in different areas of Piktia has ended and Commander Saifullah Mansoor has moved to another location along with his men. Sources from Piktia have denied reports that Saifullah Mansoor has been martyred. Sources said that before the fighting started, Saifullah Mansoor had 300 graves dug in the areas of Zarmast Shahi Kot [name as published] and the surrounding areas and requested the people of the area that if he and his men were martyred, they should be buried before the arrival of US forces. According to sources, Saifullah Mansoor had the bodies of more than 100 men buried in those graves and had the rest of the graves refilled with dirt before leaving the area. US soldiers are looking for the dead bodies of Taliban and alQa'ida martyrs in the area, but they have found nothing except 25 dead bodies. Sources say that Jalaluddin Haqqani is safe in Khost; however one of his brothers has announced his support for Hamid Karzai. It has been learned that the Taliban and al-Qa'ida would launch fresh attacks in April after contacting their men in other provinces of Afghanistan. On the other hand, Pakistani authorities have tightened security arrangements on the border, making illegal entry from Afghanistan to Pakistan more difficult. The Associated Press has said with reference to the Afghan commanders that Saifullah Mansoor has succeeded in escaping along with his men. Twenty persons have been arrested and 500 Canadian soldiers are searching for alQa'ida men in the area. [Description of Source: Islamabad Ausaf in Urdu -- Newspaper with strong anti-India views. Gives wide coverage to fundamentalist religious groups] Anti-US Afghan Commanders in Paktia, Paktika Enjoy Former President's Support SAP20020325000048 Islamabad Ausaf in Urdu 25 Mar 02 pp 1 6 [Report by Bakhtzada Yusafzai: "Burhanuddin Rabbani Extends Support to Alliance of Afghan Commander<br><br>Jalaluddin Haqqani, Commander Mansoor, Commander Saifullah, and Arsala Rahmani Waging Guerrilla War<br><br>Against US in Paktia and Paktika"] Peshawar -- It has been learned that an alliance of Afghan Commander Jalaluddin Haqqani, Commander Mansoor, Commander Saifullah, Commander Hakeem Mujahid, and Commander Arsala Rehmani, which is waging a guerrilla war against US forces in the Afghan border provinces of Paktia and Paktika, also enjoys the support of Prof Burhanuddin Rabbani, former president of Afghanistan and head of Jamiat-i-Islami Afghanistan. Usama Bin Ladin's adviser and associate, Iman Al-Zawahiri, was also present there until two days before the US attack on Shahi Kot. The Taliban and former jihadi commanders can fight against the secular system in their respective areas till the last moment. According to details, a war which has been going on in Afghanistan's border provinces of Paktia and Paktika for the last few weeks has acquired a new form. According to sources, the Taliban commanders present in Paktia and Paktika, who have been waging a guerrilla war in these provinces since the Afghan jihad era, have formed an alliance against the United States. In addition to this, Taliban Commander Saifullah also enjoys the backing of Former Afghan President Prof Burhanuddin Rabbani. According to the sources, Former Afghan President Prof Burhanuddin Rabbani strongly opposes the return of Former King Zahir Shah to Afghanistan and does not want the government of Zahir Shah's people to strengthen its position in Afghanistan. For this purpose, he sympathizes with Commander Saifullah and has promised to provide all kinds of assistance to him. According to the sources, these prominent commanders of the former Taliban government who have formed an alliance to fight the US forces not only have a conservative approach, but they are also not ready to tolerate effects of secularism in areas under their control. According to the sources, there are about 700 US special forces present in these areas, whereas 1,100 Northern Alliance soldiers and forces of pro-Zahir Shah and pro-Hamid Karzai Bacha Khan Zardaran are also fighting the Taliban and al-Qa'ida. In spite of that, the situation is in favor of anti-US and anti-Karzai forces. According to the sources, Jalaluddin Haqqani's brother Haji Ibrahim is an influential and powerful commander. According to the sources, the alliance of commanders of Paktia and Paktika was known as the Paktika force during the jihad against the Soviet Union and it had all the suppport of mujahideen in these provinces. According to the sources, Commander Jalaluddin Haqqani, the most important commander in the alliance, was the third biggest leader in the Taliban government. He was also in charge of the Taliban government's financial affairs and is very influential and powerful in his area. [Description of Source: Islamabad Ausaf in Urdu -- Newspaper with strong anti-India views. Gives wide coverage to fundamentalist religious groups] Pakistan: US Begins Operation in Pakistan Against al-Qa'ida Members SAP20020427000126 Islamabad Pakistan in Urdu 27 Apr 02 pp 17 [Report by Haji Mujtaba: "US Starts Operation on Pak Soil to Unearth al-Qa'ida Activists"] US forces have launched an operation against al-Qa'ida members in Miranshah area of North Waziristan. According to details, 10 US troops suddenly landed in the area in two helicopters. Among them was also the US commander who had imparted training to mujahideen commander Jalaluddin Haqqani against Soviet forces. The US troops were accompanied by 200 jawans [lowest rank soldiers] of Militia and Tochi Scouts [paramilitary troops] led by Major Mudassar; Assistant Political Agent [deputy administrator of a tribal area] Javed Marwat; Tehsildar [revenue officer at subdistrict level] Haji Muhammad Salim; Moharrars [police official responsible for registering cases] Khawaza Jan; Amanullah; and a large number of Khasadars [paramilitary troops]. They suddenly raided the former madrassa [religious school] Majmatul Uloom of Jalaluddin Haqqani in village Danday Darpakhel. The madrassa was empty and no al-Qa'ida member was found there, during the hour-long operation. It may be added that it was the first US forces operation in the tribal area and more such crackdowns are expected. [Description of Source: Islamabad Pakistan in Urdu -- Widely read daily generally supportive of the Pakistan Muslim League] US, Pakistani troops raid seminary in tribal area bordering Afghanistan SAP20020427000084 Islamabad The Nation (Lahore Edition) (Internet Version-WWW) in English 27 Apr 02 [Report by correspondent: "US, Pak troops raid madrassa in Waziristan"] Miran Shah -- The American forces along with Pak army personnel Friday started operation against alleged al-Qaeda members in North Waziristan Agency when they raided a Madrassa of deputy commander-in-chief of former Taliban government of Afghanistan in the area. Two US helicopters, carrying about ten US troops, landed at Dandi Darpa Khel area and began search of Majmal Uloom of Jalaluddin Haqqani to find alleged members of al-Qaeda. However, the madrassa was already vacated when the joint US-Pak team raided it. The American troops were reportedly led by a commander who had once given military training to Jalaluddin Haqqani against Russian forces. The US troops were accompanied by about 200 Tochi Scouts [paramilitary force] personnel headed by Major Mudassir. Assistant Political Agent of the Agency Javaid Marwat, Tehsiladar Political Muharar, Haji Mohammad Saleem, Muharar Khawaja Khan, Muharar Amanullah and a large number of Khasadar [paramilitary force] also escorted them. The searching operation continued for about one hour. US will not act alone in Pakistan: An AFP report from London says, top US commander General Tommy Franks said Friday the United States will not act alone in its bid to eliminate remaining pockets of al-Qaeda fighters in the largely lawless area of Pakistan bordering eastern Afghanistan. "What we are going to do is continue the cooperation. I think we have not seen a suggestion of unilateral operations being conducted in Pakistan by any nation that is a member of the coalition. "The secret is to continue to co-operate and surely the problems we find in Pakistan will be rooted out," said Franks, who is the commander of US forces in the region. Franks was speaking during a brief visit to Britain -- where he spoke with Defence Secretary Geoff Hoon -- on his way back from the Middle East. His assurances came after US defence officials said Thursday discussions were under way with the Pakistani government on arrangements that would allow teams with US military and intelligence operatives to respond quickly to time sensitive intelligence on alQaeda fighters in the border area. Many of the leaders of al-Qaeda and Taliban rulers are believed to be hiding in the rugged tribal northwest of Pakistan, able to travel between eastern Afghanistan and Pakistan through a mountainous border area that has been impossible to seal off. Direct action involving US teams in Pakistan would mark a new level of cooperation in what has been a close but secretive relationship between the US and Pakistani militaries since the start of the US-led campaign in Afghanistan. [Description of Source: Islamabad The Nation (Lahore Edition) in English -Independent daily, member of the Nawa-i-Waqt group] Pakistan tribesmen asked to kill raiding US troops to get al-Qa'ida reward money SAP20020428000052 Peshawar The Statesman (Internet Version-WWW) in English 28 Apr 02 [Report by Haroon Rashid: "Pak-American raid on seminary yields no arrest"] Peshawar -- Pakistani paramilitary forces joined hands with US forces to hunt for suspected Taliban leaders in tribal area of South Waziristan Agency, residents and journalists said Saturday. Local people said more than a hundred Tochi Scouts, Pakistani paramilitary troops, assisted by about 10 to 15 foreign soldiers, raided a seminary set up by a former minister in Afghanistan's ousted Taliban government, Maulvi Jalaluddin Haqqani. However, no arrests were made. "They came in helicopters and searched the madrassa for over one hour," said Mullah Qaziullah, local religious leader from Miranshah. This is the first such report of a joint US-Pakistani forces operation to come out of the tribal area. Despite repeated attempts, no official could be reached for comments. But Pakistan has in the past denied any joint operation or presence of US forces in the semi-autonomous tribal areas. The seminary lies near the Afghan border in Darpakhel village on the outskirts of Miranshah, capital of the South Waziristan Agency. US troops were searching for Maulvi Jalaluddin Haqqani, a former Taliban tribal affairs minister and also a famous guerrilla commander who fought the Soviets forces in the 1980s, the residents said. Journalists claimed the operation continued for more than an hour but failed to find any suspects. Rehmatullah Khan Roidakhel, a local journalist who visited the religious school on Saturday, told The Statesman by telephone the raiding forces had broken doors and windowpanes of the school. He quoted witnesses as seeing 10 to 15 foreign soldiers accompanying Pakistani troops arrive in several helicopters for search. "People were sure that the whites were Americans," he said, adding the troops broke the doors despite the school night watchman offering them keys. Tribesmen have already expressed their resentment over the presence of US forces in their area. A large gathering of tribesmen, armed with rockets and assault rifles, had asked people Friday to take the benefit of huge reward money being offered by Al-Qaida to kill or capture American soldiers. Many observers believe the government is keeping silent on the issue, because of the presidential referendum set for April 30. The seminary was set up by Maulvi Jalaluddin Haqqani, but was shut down after the September 11 events. However, a few days back on the request and assurance of local tribesmen it reopened. However, no one was present at the time of the raid. [Description of Source: Peshawar The Statesman in English -- Provides good coverage of developments in Afghanistan, activities of jihadi and religious groups] Pakistan: US Commandos Said Disgraced Religious Books During Miran Shah Search SAP20020501000162 Karachi Jasarat in Urdu 28 Apr 02 pp 8 7 [Sana news: Miran Shah: "Commandos trampled religious books during operation"] Miran Shah - During the recent US commando operation carried out in the Maulvi Jalaluddin Haqqani religious school in Miran Shah, American soldiers disgraced religious books and trampled them under foot while conducting their searching. However, after failing to get anything, they demolished the walls and doors of the religious school. There is severe reaction from the people of the area against the degrading of religious books. They have termed the US commando operation as showing religious and national disrespect. It should be noted that the US commandos enjoyed complete cooperation of the Pakistani forces during the operation. [Description of Source: Karachi Jasarat in Urdu -- Jamaat-i-Islami newspaper catering to the Islamic audience] Pakistan: Tribesmen warn to resist US commando operation in seminaries SAP20020508000083 Islamabad The Nation (Lahore Edition) (Internet Version-WWW) in English 08 May 02 [Report by Abdul Qadoos: "Tribesmen vow not to let US troops enter madaris"] Miran Shah (North Waziristan Agency) -- The tribesmen of North Waziristan Agency have vowed to resist the operation in the Madaris both by US commandos and Pakistan military saying that only officials of the political administration accompanied by the tribal elders will be allowed to enter these institutions. The decision was taken in the wake of the operation by Pakistan and US military for Taliban militia and al-Qaeda members reportedly present in a madrassa established by Maulvi Jalaluddin Haqqani, former commander-in-chief and minister for frontiers of the ousted Taliban government. However, no one was arrested in the raid. The incident infuriated the religious minded residents of the agency. The tribesmen are holding big public meetings in which youth come while wielding weapons and raising slogans like Allah Ho Akbar and death for Americans. In the Monday public meeting held at Spin Wam Tehsil of North Waziristan hundreds of people turned to the venue while dancing to tune of the drum. Interestingly, Taliban were against to such kind of music but on the other hand the religious minded tribesmen of North Waziristan appreciate it as their traditions. The public meeting was addressed by the elders of Madakhel, Torikhel, Kabulkhel and Hassankhel tribes, and announced the formation of a volunteer combatant force of 250 youth, which will provide security to religious seminaries in the agency as elders say that these institutions were not established by the ulema themselves adding that they were being established on the demands of the people which want to impart religious education to their children. Armed with AK-47 assault riffle Hafiz Kamal 30, who had also participated in jehad along with Taliban in battle for Mazar-i-Sharif said that Islam calls for jehad against infidels adding that it also stressed on elimination of both oppression and oppressor. He said that they will not tolerate the presence of any American on Pakistani soil in general and tribal belt in particular. Talking to The Nation, Abdrehman, a JUI activist in North Wazirisitan Agency, who is also running a big seminary at Spin Wam alleged that some elements at the helm of affairs pushing Pakistan towards anarchy. He said people had raised against the operations in madaris and want the expulsion of Americans from Pakistani territory. "There are only Pakistani Taliban and they had nothing to do with the Afghan war as we had supported Taliban only politically and morally. Those who entered Afghanistan to fight along Taliban verses US have made decision on their own," he remarked. The religious seminary, who is known both in Pakistan and Taliban ranks as Saddar Abdurehman due to his contribution in jehad advised the military rulers to stop blind support for US as she had never come up to our expectations and had always cheated us adding that she had cheated us at the he time of the fall of Dhaka and said that this time US was going to deprived us of our nuclear programme. He dispelled the impression that the raid had conducted by only Pakistani troops and added that the raid was conducted in the presence of 9 US commandos. He said that the madrassa was empty as now it was being run by Maulvi Hayatullah Darpakhel. Meanwhile, despite of the hue and cry of the tribesmen the combing of the tribal strip situated on Pak-Afghan border has entered to second week to search out the possible presence of suspected Al-Qeada activists. In this connection two religious seminaries had already searched in the North Waziristan Agency. [Description of Source: Islamabad The Nation (Lahore Edition) in English -Independent daily, member of the Nawa-i-Waqt group] Afghans deny weapons found by British forces belong to Al-Qa'ida IAP20020510000035 Peshawar Afghan Islamic Press in Pashto 1315 GMT 10 May 02 Peshawar, 10 May: The weapons found by the British soldiers in Paktia Province do not belong to the Taliban or Al-Qa'ida, but they are from the time of jihad against the Russians. Speaking to the Afghan Islamic Press from Gardez today, a representative of the Afghan Human Rights Office at the Waza District of Paktia Province, Taleb Jan, described as wrong the claim by the British forces that the weapons they have found belonged to Al-Qa'ida and Taliban. He said: "These weapons have been left at the Turikhel Mountains from the time of jihad. A famous commander of the time of jihad, Mowlawi Jalaloddin Haqqani, had a jihad centre here by the name of Asmayee Brigade" where a large amount of light and heavy weapons were stored." He added: "A television team had visited this centre some time ago and had seen every thing from the close". He said: "There were also weapons at the centre that the American forces had given to the mojahedin during the Gulf War. Those weapons were captured by the American forces from Iraqi forces. The anti-aircraft missiles among these weapons are noteworthy". Taleb Jan added: "The Taliban or Al-Qa'ida have no connection with these weapons whatsoever, and neither these weapons were hidden from anyone. The people of the area knew these weapons as a memorial of the time of jihad and the common people want these weapons to remain in the place". According to the Afghan Islamic Press sources, there were large amounts of weapons at this centre, which is located to the east of Gardez [the provincial capital of Paktia]. However, the British forces claim that the weapons belong to Al-Qa'ida and the Taliban. Reports also say that the elders and leaders of the area are very angry at the claim made by the British and they have told the local administration that the weapons should not be removed from the area and should be left as a good memorial of the jihad. [Description of Source: Peshawar Afghan Islamic Press in Pashto -- Peshawar-based agency, staffed by Afghans; used to have good contacts with Taliban leadership; following the fall of the Taliban is seeking a new role for itself as a news agency; describes itself as independent and self-financing] Pakistan: Troops Likely To Comb Waziristan Refugee Camps for al-Qa'ida Members SAP20020517000086 Lahore Daily Times in English 17 May 02 p A4 [Report by Iqbal Khattak: "Hunt for Al Qaeda; 4 Waziristan refugee camps to be combed; Pakistan wants troops deployed in area for 'other' assignments"] Peshawar -- Four refugee camps in North Waziristan Agency may be combed for Al Qaeda and Taliban members soon, official sources told Daily Times here on Thursday [16 May]. Tehsil and Ippi camps in Mir Ali, sub-division of the agency, and Machas and Tabai camps in Miranshah, agency headquarters, will be searched very soon, they said. "We will first look for any illegal refugees in these camps who will be deported to Afghanistan. "The search is also aimed at finding possible Al Qaeda and Taliban members in these camps because reports suggest some may have taken shelter there in the guise of refugees," the sources said. However, the sources did not say when the operation will be launched. The four camps house thousands of Afghan refugees since the Afghan war started in the early '80s. Sources in Miranshah said top political and army officials were assessing the situation in the conservative North and South Waziristan agencies before ordering the operation. "The authorities now fully understand what hurts the tribesmen. For the time being, raids on seminaries will be suspended after a failed attempt on April 26 at a madrassa [seminary], run by pro-Taliban commander Maulvi Jalaluddin Haqqani," they said. The federal government has given security measures in the hands of paramilitaries, minus the local tribal police, to assist the army and the political administration. "This development underlines Islamabad's seriousness to satisfy American concerns by finishing the agenda as soon as possible because of the lingering standoff on the border with India. "If war breaks out with India, Pakistan cannot afford to deploy thousands of troops along the Durand Line. They want the troops available for other assignments," the sources said, adding 45 more Pakistani commandos reached Miranshah late Wednesday evening as reinforcement. Meanwhile, an army officer visited the Mir Ali Tehsil Headquarters Hospital, asking its administrator to vacate the hospital's hostel for paramedical staff for possible stationing of troops in the area. "I do not know the purposes, they have been asked to vacate the double-storey hostel," a source said. But in areas like Shawal in Razmak sub-division, tribesmen are putting a stiff resistance to army deployment. Even the paramilitary forces were temporarily called back from the area on Thursday. The Shawal tribesmen have even disallowed polio vaccination teams to visit the area. [Description of Source: Lahore Daily Times in English -- Daily published by the Friday Times Group] Afghan Taleban commanders rebuilding their forces in southeast IAP20020522000084 Mashhad Voice of the Islamic Republic of Iran in Dari 1330 GMT 22 May 02 Afghan Taleban commanders rebuilding their forces in southeast Text of report by Iranian radio from Mashhad on 22ÃƒÂ‚Ã‚Â May Although the Taleban and Al-Qa'idah forces have been suppressed in Afghanistan from a military point of view, some reports say that certain remaining Taleban commanders have been making efforts to rebuild their forces in Afghanistan's southern and eastern provinces. Reports coming in from Afghanistan say that five of the so-called Taleban have been killed and 28 taken prisoner by British forces in the country in the past month. According to these reports, one of the prisoners, Sayfollah Mansur [name phonetic], was in a very serious state of health and has been sent to Zabol [southern Afghanistan] for treatment. Another report says that Mowlawi Kabir [name phonetic] is operating as a Taleban military commander in Khost [eastern Afghanistan], while Ebrahem Haqqani [name phonetic] and Sayfollah Mansur were in charge of Taleban military affairs in Paktia [eastern Afghanistan] before they were captured. The report adds that Jalaloddin Haqqani and Mowlawi Qodratollah Jamal [names phonetic], the minister of information and culture of the collapsed Taleban regime in Paktika, are in charge of the Taleban's military affairs in Paktika and Mola Baradar [name phonetic] is in charge of the Taleban's military commander in Zabol Province. It has been said that the major and important Taleban stronghold is in Zabol Province and Mola Baradar is making efforts to rebuild and activate the remaining Taleban forces in the two Provinces - Zabol and Urozgan [southern Afghanistan]. Meanwhile, Pakistanis have started a programme for purchasing weapons and ammunition in the Para Chinar [name phonetic] area and in three Afghan Provinces: Khost Paktia and Paktika [southeastern Afghanistan]. The same report says that Pakistani servicemen have been buying a [word indistinct] Kalashnikov [Russian made assault rifle] for 200 dollars, a machine gun for 300-400 dollars and an RPG-7 [grenade launcher] for 500 dollars. It has been said that, after purchasing the weapons, Pakistanis hand them over to the Americans and in turn, the Americans send them to Khost and then to Kabul as confiscated Taleban and Al-Qa'idah weapons. French Magazine Interviews Taliban 'Third-in-Command' EUP20020701000329 Paris Paris Match in French 01 Jul 02 pp 52-53 [Report by Michel Peyrard: "A Few Days Ago a Meeting of Top Clandestine Leaders Took Place in Great Secrecy in Peshawar"] The operations are codenamed "Anaconda," "Mountain Lion," "Condor," and "Harrier." Having been conducted since the spring by American troops and their allies, in the desert areas of southern Afghanistan, their undisclosed aim is to locate and neutralize Usama Bin Ladin and his al-Qa'ida lieutenants. Another objective of these repeated operations is to arrest or eliminate the principal Taliban officials who are believed to provide crucial logistical help to terrorists. "Mountain Lion" recently constituted the most highly developed Western attempt to hunt down these prey, entrenched in the semi-autonomous tribal area between Afghanistan and Pakistan. However, the record achieved by the 1,700 British marines deployed is as disastrous as that of their American predecessors. In order to save appearances, they filmed themselves destroying an underground ammunition store that in fact belonged to Ibrahim Omari, a veteran mujahid allied to the United States, before retreating before an invisible enemy -- mass dysentery, which, attacking their suffering intestines, forced them to beat an ignominious retreat before the mocking eyes of Washington and British journalists. If the hunt continued, it did so without making itself known, its planners having no doubts about the complex nature of the task in hand. In order to avoid embarrassment, all senior American officials, from George Bush to Donald Rumsfeld, via commander of military operations General Tommy Franks, are now refraining from naming Bin Ladin or Mullah Omar by name. However, they may have to resign themselves to doing so, since there have been several indications in recent weeks that America's public enemies are determined to regain the initiative. And, first and foremost, al-Qa'ida, whose spokesman said on Al Jazira on Sunday [23 June] that "the whole world and the mujahedin's friends will soon have the pleasure of seeing Bin Ladin on the television networks again." And also the Taliban, whose Afghan foreign minister, Dr Abdullah, like other leaders, keeps saying that they are regrouping in order to go onto the offensive. It was in Peshawar, Pakistan, in the shelter of inconspicuous houses in residential neighborhoods, or the in anonymous setting of Koranic schools, that the network has been organizing. According to the Taliban themselves, over 1,000 men, members of the Islamist militia or al-Qa'ida, have found refuge in Pakistan. Many of them are in the tribal areas, but it is undoubtedly this great polluted city of 1.5 million inhabitants that constitutes their rear base. Though they do not fear the agents of the ISI, Pakistan's secret services -- "we have always had special ties with them," one Talib said -- the soldier monks never abandon their customary prudence, which is their guarantee of survival. Every meeting is accompanied by a wealth of precautions. Mullah Hunfi is not the least cautious. Under the reign of the theology students, Hunfi was in charge of the Torkham border, the only official crossing point between Pakistan and Afghanistan. There, he was responsible, among other things, for receiving and guiding the few individuals whom Kabul authorized to visit. As it did for most Taliban in the eastern zone, history stopped on 13 November, the day when Jalalabad fell. "Mullah Omar had delivered a speech on the radio shortly before that," he recalled with emotion. "He asked us to stay in our positions, and to fight to the death. When we heard him, we were all in tears, because we knew that it was impossible, because of the very heavy bombardments that we had suffered for over a month. But it is also true that some of us left Jalalabad because they did not like Usama (Bin Ladin.) We did not approve of Mullah Omar's decision to continue to support him, but we were afraid to speak out for fear of the intelligence services." Though he said he knew nothing about the Saudi, Hunfi made no secret of the intense activity in which the Taliban have been involved in recent weeks, following months of cautious hibernation. "We intend to attempt a comeback. We are on the point of making some decisions." The soldier monks' strategy is simple. It is based on time, in the belief that the American forces and their allies cannot stay in the region indefinitely. They also expect promptly to eliminate the Karzai government's "collaborators." It is to this end that a meeting of the most senior Taliban leaders was held in Peshawar a few days ago. "For security reasons, it lasted only 25 minutes," Hunfi explained. "The Afghans were present, with Maulvi Abdul Kabir [name as published] (former governor of Jalalabad -- Paris Match editor's note,) as were the Pakistanis, with Maulana Fazlur Rehman [name as published] (head of Jamiat Ulema-e-Islami Jui [spelling as published], the main movement supporting the Taliban -- Paris Match editor's note) and Maulana Sami-Ul Haq [name as published] (the leader of a rival faction to Jui -Paris Match editor's note.) We discussed what actions to carry out in the coming months." Among those attending the secret meeting, the most important personage was undoubtedly Abdul Kabir. Former deputy prime minister, governor of Jalalabad and of the Eastern Region, he was officially third-in-command in the Taliban regime and, following Mullah Rabbani's death in spring 2001, was often regarded as the real second-in-command, after Mullah Omar. A highly respected person among the tribes of the Southeast, whose contraband and poppy farming activities he tolerated, or even encouraged, he did not hesitate to take part in person in the military operations to silence dissidents: among other things, he is accused of having ordered the massacre of several hundred people, Hazars of the Bamiyan area, in May 1998. But the Americans are interested in him because of his special relations with Bin Ladin. It was in his province of Nangarhar, and under his protection, that the Saudi stayed during most of the period of the strikes. It was also Abdul Kabir who, a week after the bombing raids began, proposed to the United States handing the al-Qa'ida leader over to a "neutral country," in exchange for an immediate halt to hostilities. His proposal was intended to sound out America's intentions, and observers are now agreed that it was approved by the person concerned. What convinces the Western intelligence services of the pressing need to hear what the Taliban's third-incommand has to say is his presence with Bin Ladin shortly before their departure for Tora Bora. Two reliable witnesses saw them, on the evening of 12 or 13 November, leaving Jalalabad hand-in-hand, according to the Muslim custom, which expresses spiritual closeness. Another account attests to the rapport between the two. Mollah Towa [name as published] was Abdul Kabir's head of security, in other words, his principal bodyguard. He said he set off for Tora Bora on that fateful 13 November, accompanied by the governor and two important al-Qa'ida members: one was Khair Mohammed [name as published], Bin Ladin's personal interpreter, and the other was Ahmed Said Al-Kadir [name as published], an Egyptian of Canadian nationality, who is one of the nine most wanted members of the terrorist organization. For months, several pieces of evidence have lent support to the theory that Abdul Kabir, whom former Taliban describe as "Usama's most resolute supporter" within the hierarchy, was in the Khost area, the soldier monks' final sanctuary. In this province, largely supportive of the Taliban, which has the twin merits of adjoining the tribal Pakistani area of Waziristan and of still being under the control of the warlords hostile to Kabul, the former deputy prime minister is apparently very busy: under the logistical guidance of Jalaluddin Haqqani [name as published], the Taliban's former commander-in-chief, whose capture the Americans have treated as a priority, Abdul Kabir has apparently been organizing in each village small cells of highly mobile fighters. In February, Abdullah Jan Tawhidi [name as published], deputy head of the Afghan interim government's secret services, said that his men had located the Taliban's third-in-command in a small neighboring village. "He was preaching in the mosque," he said. "I immediately notified the Americans." Shortly after that, 50 km southwest of Khost, a Predator drone fired a missile at a group of fugitives that may have included Abdul Kabir. However, his corpse was not among the three combatants that were killed. It was in this same region of Khost that we made contact with the Taliban's thirdin-command, following lengthy negotiations. He refused to meet with us in person, fearing that we might be followed. He suggested that a mutually trusted go-between record his answers to our questions, written down in advance. We subsequently had his voice identified by a reliable sources. Though the method was far from ideal, it has the merit of corroborating that which was hitherto mere supposition. It is indeed the first time that a senior Taliban official has spoken out since the end of the regime. The former deputy prime minister confirmed that he had taken refuge in this province in southwestern Afghanistan, with two tribes loyal to him -- the Hazar Buz and the Gur Buz. He leads a watchful existence there, making sure to change refuge every two or three days. He has not shaved off his beard, but he no longer appears with his turban, or only wears a yellow one, as worn by his hosts. His fugitive status is affecting his health, he said: he claims to be weakened. Like most of the Taliban with whom we met, who still bear the blame for a defeat without fighting, Abdul Kabir began by looking back over the circumstances of the retreat that he himself ordered. "The bombardments were very heavy, and civilians suffered as a result, allowing themselves to be massacred in vain. Afghanistan has experienced several wars, but that one that was waged on us last October and December was outrageous." However, he denied that the Taliban refused to fight at Tora Bora, leaving it to the Arabs to make a last stand. "Everyone here knows that we stayed until the last moment. It is not the Arabs that call us cowards; it is our enemies that are trying to demoralize us in this war!" Though he evaded all questions concerning Bin Ladin, the Taliban's third-ion-command reaffirmed his unfailing loyalty to Mullah Omar. "He is our emir, or, rather, the emir of all Muslims." Repeating a well known line of argument, Abdul Kabir preferred to set his struggle within the broader context of the events connected to 11 September. "What happened is part of a plan designed to discredit Muslim society and particularly the Taliban regime. We had our own problems, which we were on the point of overcoming by establishing peace in a durable fashion. All the ulemas (religious teachers -- Paris Match editor's note) have stated resolutely that we could not have been the instigators of all that happened in the United States. We have on several occasions condemned those events, which conflict with human rights. Just as we condemn, from the depths of our hearts, the Karachi attack, which killed 11 French citizens. We respect life -- that of Muslims and non-Muslims alike." He has no doubt about the Afghans' reaffirmed support for the cause. "Everyone has their own opinion, but what characterizes our people is their love of religion. It is for the sake of Islam that Afghans sacrificed their lives and are willing to do so again and again. Nobody here is unaware of the extent to which the end of our regime was a heavy loss for the Muslim world." Without denying the difficulty of his situation -- "We all have friends and enemies, but I must say that the pressure to which Almighty Allah is subjecting us is very great and that I personally never feel safe" -- Abdul Kabir said he knows no fear: "We have never feared anyone, either in the past, or now." This is why he rules out the possibility of surrender: "In order to avert a massacre, we preferred to withdraw rather than to fight. That was, and will be, our only surrender." Does this mean that the Taliban are willing to resume the fight? That, as some of them told us, they are envisaging conducting actions against foreign troops, on a larger scale than the rockets that are regularly fired on the allies in the Khost area? This time the former deputy prime minister confined himself to a laconic: "No comment." [Description of Source: Paris Paris Match in French -- right-of-center weekly magazine of French and world affairs, featuring photojournalism and society news] AIP: US forces find arms cache in eastern Afghanistan IAP20020703000058 Peshawar Afghan Islamic Press in Pashto 0400 GMT 03 Jul 02 Text of report by Pakistan-based Afghan Islamic Press news agency Peshawar, 3 July: US forces have seized a large amount of light and heavy weapons in an area south of Gardez. According to Afghan Islamic Press [AIP] sources from Gardez, the centre of Paktia Province, US forces - informed by their agents - dug out a large amount of arms in Sarana, 50 km south of Gardez, two days ago on 1 July. According to the same sources, the arms were dug out in the village of Sarana near the house of a prominent jehadi commander, Mowlawi Jalaloddin Haqqani. According to the sources, the arms included thousands of heavy machine guns, rifles and bullets. Moreover, some British-made Blowpipe antiaircraft missiles, which were given to the mojahedin at the time of the jehad against the Russians, were also seized. It has been said that the seized arms include American-made Stinger missiles. According to eye witnesses, the arms were being carried towards Gardez by at least six big trucks. The Blowpipe missiles were considered as ineffective during the time of the jehad, that was why the mojahedin had not used them. Mowlawi Jalaloddin Haqqani was the minister of border affairs during the rule of the Taleban and now he is on the US wanted list. [Description of Source: Peshawar Afghan Islamic Press in Pashto -- Peshawar-based agency, staffed by Afghans; used to have good contacts with Taliban leadership; following the fall of the Taliban is seeking a new role for itself as a news agency; describes itself as independent and self-financing] Pakistan: People of Kohat turn police, al-Qa'ida clash site into 'shrine' SAP20020708000055 Islamabad The News in English 08 Jul 02 pp 18 [Report by Rahimullah Yusufzai: "Slain al-Qaeda fighters revered as martyrs"] Peshawar -- The place where four suspected al-Qaeda fighters were killed last week outside Kohat is becoming a shrine for the faithful who believe the slain men were martyrs. Eyewitnesses said people driving on the Kohat-Bannu road often stop at Jarma village to pray at the place where the shootout between the al-Qaeda fighters and the police took place. Of particular interest to them is the spot where the blood of the fighters was spilled after they were hit by the shooting cops. Certain people encircled the dried blood with stones sometime after the incident and lighted candles in memory of the dead. A match-box was kept there for use by those wanting to light candles. Several flags were hoisted in a nearby tree as a mark of respect for the deceased. Subsequently, the site of the shootout in Jarma was named the Shuhada-i-Islam Chowk (Martyrs of Islam Square). Villagers alleged that law-enforcement personnel uprooted the signboard at night and took it away. But the new name is gradually catching on and the little-known Jarma village is becoming known. Jarma is the second place in the NWFP [North West Frontier Province] with a shrine for al-Qaeda fighters. Last January, a place near Arawali Fort in Kurram tribal agency bordering Afghanistan quickly turned into a shrine when several alQaeda men killed in a clash with Pakistani troops were buried there. The al-Qaeda fighters had been captured while trying to enter Pakistan from the Tora Bora mountains to escape the relentless US bombing. They were being shifted from the Parachinar to the Kohat jail when they overpowered and killed some of the guards and tried to flee. Tribesmen who considered bin Laden a hero of Islam and sympathized with the Taliban decorated the graves with flags and started praying there. It has reportedly become a much frequented place. In neighbouring Afghanistan, a madressa near Khost and a cemetery for Arabs in Kandahar have also become popular shrines. More than a dozen young Huffaz [those who memorize Koran by heart] of the Holy Quran were killed when US warplanes bombed the madressa in a bid to kill Taliban leader Mulla Jalaluddin Haqqani. Many Afghans pray at the spot where the innocent teenagers lost their lives. The cemetery in Kandahar is revered because some of the Arabs buried there were patients at the Mirwais Hospital in that city and were killed when US troops and their Afghan proxies attacked their barricaded ward. The Arabs, undergoing treatment at the hospital after being wounded in US aerial strikes, had refused to surrender. Authorities in Kandahar have now deployed police to prevent the faithful from praying at the cemetery. In Kohat, pro-bin Laden and anti-US protestors last week demanded possession of the bodies of the four al-Qaeda fighters so that they could be given a decent and proper burial. They held a protest meeting in the Kotwali Mosque, staged demonstration and kept vigil outside the Combined Military Hospital in Kohat to pressure the military authorities to hand over the bodies to them. The markets in Kohat were also closed to protest the shying of the al-Qaeda men. Speakers at the protest rally argued that the police should have nabbed the suspected al-Qaeda men instead of killing them. They were also critical of the Musharraf government for toeing the US line and sending troops to the tribal areas to capture al-Qaeda members at the behest of Washington. To defuse the situation, the authorities reportedly shifted the four bodies to Peshawar at night and quietly buried them at a cemetery on Shami Road. At least four organizers of the protest rallies in Kohat including former PML-N [Pakistan Muslim League - Nawaz Group] MNA [member of National Assembly], Javed Ibrahim Paracha, Dr Abdul Rab, Maulana Mursalin and Haji Abid Paracha were arrested and booked on several counts. The charges against them ranged from treason to terrorism. They were dispatched to the central prison, Dera, Ismail Khan, where living conditions are stated to be terrible. The use of strongarm tactics by the government may have calmed down the Kohat situation but there is little that can be done to contain the resentment against the US and its allies. There is a wide gap between the perception of the government and a section of the population with regard to al-Qaeda. The official media has been referring to the slain troops and cops as martyrs while a sizeable number of the public think otherwise. They believe the slain alQaeda men were martyrs. The two sides are unlikely to agree with each other anytime soon. [Description of Source: Islamabad The News in English -- Independent daily, member of the Jang Publishing Group] Al-Qa'ida Field Commander on Mulla Omar, Bin Ladin, Future Plans GMP20020710000134 Afghanistan -- FBIS Report in Arabic 10 Jul 02 ["Telephone" interview with Abu-al-Layth al-Libi, al-Qa'ida "field commander" in Afghanistan, by unidentified speakers -- date not given] The Islamic Jehad On Line website at http://www.jehad.net/ carries on 10 July a 30-minute recording of a telephone interview with "a brother field commander" called Abu-al-Layth al-Libi in Afghanistan. Date of interview is not given. The following is a full translation of the recording: [An unidentified speaker introducing Abu-al-Layth al-Libi] In the name of God, the merciful, the compassionate, praise be to Allah the Cherisher and Sustainer of the worlds. May the peace and blessings of God be upon the leader of the valiant and the imam of the mujahidin, Prophet Muhammad, may a thousand prayer and blessing be upon him. Following the suspension of contacts with the brother mujahidin in Afghanistan, there were many questions and great concern about their fate in the country. But, thank God, here is a glimmer raising hope and life in our hearts. Amid the fierce [western] misinformation campaign, there reappeared once again the mujahidin, who have accustomed us to hold our heads high in the battlefield. Here is an interview with one of the brother field commanders replying to many questions and relating on the Shahikot battle, about which the US media have misled the whole world. It was the biggest battle faced by the infidel forces on the land of Afghanistan. They clearly saw the power and might of the mujahidin, and therefore they revised their calculations and ran to make statements on television screens and in newspapers. God said: "It is He who got out the unbelievers among the people of the book from their homes at the first gathering of the forces. Little did ye think that they would get out, and they thought that their fortresses would defend them from Allah. But the wrath of Allah came to them from quarters from which they little expected (it), and cast terror into their hearts, so that they destroyed their dwellings by their own hands and the hands of the believers. Take warning then, O ye with eyes to see." [Al-Libi] In the name of God, and may be the peace and blessings of God be upon the noblest of mankind. O God, nothing is easy, but you have made it easy, just as you made pilgrimage. O God, facilitate our actions for your sake and reward us for them on the Day of Judgement, Amen, Amen, Amen. My dear brothers in Afghanistan, my dear brothers among the generous, the people of the good lands that produced the mujahidin and the defenders of justice, may the peace and blessings of God be upon you. Regarding your questions on the graces that God has bestowed upon us in the beloved struggler country of Afghanistan and the victories that He achieved through the hands of the mujahidin and that were witnessed by the whole world, we pray to God Almighty to increase His graces. The mujahidin made the whole world witness how US forces, the forces of the so-called biggest power on earth, were humbled and disgraced. I would like in my brief talk to underline several points, which, I think, are basic and of interest to all mujahidin outside the land of Afghanistan. The first basic point is that I would like to reassure the lovers of jihad and mujahidin everywhere that the symbols of jihad they know are all well and in good health. Their affairs are as God has wished them. All of them are preparing and equipping themselves and arranging their affairs. We pray to God to bless their actions, insure their safety, guide their steps and opinions, and make us soldiers under their leadership and flag. I would like to reassure everyone that the Amir of the Faithful, Mulla Mohammad Omar, is well and in good health. He has now almost taken control of all the groups, which were scattered. He is reorganizing his ranks. Praised be God, matters are at their best. We pray to God to bless his time so that it would be spent as God wishes. It is the same with the other symbols that you know, such as the great honorable brother, Shaykh Usama Bin Ladin, and we pray to God to preserve him and make him hold fast; Dr. Ayman al-Zawahiri, and Shaykh Sulayman Abu-al-Ghayth. Their affairs are fine and blessed. We pray to God Almighty to guide their steps. The other symbols that you know, the trainers and the powerful brothers with a long history in jihad, are all well and in good health. This is the first point, which is to reassure the beloved ones everywhere about their brother mujahidin. The second point is that the people of Afghanistan have not changed. Many of those who experienced the first phase -- the fall of the Amirate -- witnessed a big change among the people and population. People were afraid of the coalition forces, which came in powerfully. Many brothers left, thinking that the situation would never return as it was. But, praised be God and thanks to the efforts exerted by our brethren and the blood they shed for the sake of God, as demonstrated by the mujahidin's strong steadfastness and resolve, the people's attitude and nature changed. They became more certain that the mujahidin have the power to take the initiative once again. I would like to mention in particular the Shahikot battle. According to the reports received from our Taliban brethren, this battle completely reversed the situation. It encouraged the mujahidin who were scared and reassured the people who dreaded the Americans. Praise be to God alone. We the mujahidin in general are getting ready to begin the next phase in what is termed in military science the phase of guerilla warfare. We are trying to develop the fronts, where fighting was marked by skirmishes. We are now developing the fronts along all lines to make it a large-scale war -- the war of ambushes, assassinations, and operations that take place in the most unexpected places for the enemy. We are succeeding in that, thanks to God's graces and the cohesion, affiliation, solidarity of the mujahidin, both Arab and Afghan. What we see is full cohesion. We have succeeded in establishing bases behind the enemy and inside its collapsing fortresses. Thank God also we have succeeded in reaching the phase of destroying bases and ammunition dumps and carrying out combat operations and assassinations. We have managed to carry out successful operations, praise be God. We ask God Almighty to bless our new operations, guide our shooting, straighten our opinions, and consolidate our steadfastness. For He is Omnipotent. In this talk also, I ask the brothers to support the mujahidin with prayer. Truly, brothers, all we want is prayer and more prayer. Prayer will fulfill the aim and benefit the mujahidin first and foremost. Other things would follow. Thanks to our good brethren's earnest prayers, situations that looked gloomy and disastrous in our eyes became relief, support, and victory, God be praised. I call upon all brethren to beseech God Almighty through prayer and to never forget their brother mujahidin. Here are some good tidings. Just before your contact, my brothers contacted me from inside and told me about the operations they carried out today and not yesterday or the day before. They shot down a helicopter. They also entered a US barrack and fought the Americans. But, we still do not know the results of this battle. I also bring you the good tidings that in a day or two you will hear about a new epic. I pray to God Almighty to accept the deeds of the mujahidin. I say that we have only succeeded in these operations thanks to jihad and the solidarity of Muslims everywhere. Today's jihad is a world jihad. It is an international jihad. Just as they face us with their power and might and say that they are waging a Crusade, we with our weakness, poverty, and resoluteness say that it is an Islamic jihad by all Muslim fronts and classes. We do not rule out anyone. We call upon God to bless their efforts, make their offers beneficial, and direct their hits. We pray to God for success for your actions and ours. For He is our Lord. I hope that once you have prepared your questions, you would contact us once again. May the peace and blessings of God be upon you. [Question not given] [Al-Libi] Of course, having been greatly hurt by the Pakistani Government, let down by Pakistani intelligence, and powerfully hit in the fighting, Taliban got scattered. But, once it absorbed the shock, the Amir of the Faithful succeeded with God's graces in appointing a number of reliable brethren to reorganize matters for the coming phase. They keep us continuously informed. Among the main things they decided to do and pursued in their policies was to gather all the righteous and true mujahidin, including those they ignored in the days of the first Taliban state. They said, we learned a lesson from ignoring many mujahidin, including such leading figures as Shaykh Jalaluddin Haqqani and others who were known to the old jihad arena in the days of the parties. Now, praised be God, their reorganization is good and their affairs are improving day after day. We pray to God to guide their steps. The recent operations in Kandahar and other states were organized by the Taliban, may God bless them. The Amir of the Faithful threatened several people, including Qul Agha. He threatened him that if he continued with his policy of persecuting the mujahidin and hurting their families he would kill him. Qul Agha fled from the whole region. We do not know where he is now. Some say he left for the UAE and others say he left for Saudi Arabia. Only God knows where he is. As to the situation in Afghanistan, the people yarn for the old days of Taliban and the state of Taliban. This is due to the violations that are taking place in the north. These are not violations of theft, but violations of sanctities. It is not correct, as mentioned in the false reports several days ago, that a big group of Qulbuddin Hikmatyar followers were arrested. True, many of these Pushtun leaders belonged to Hikmatyar's organization, but they came to complain to Karzai that the northerners, Fahim and his henchmen, were violating the sanctities of the Pushtun. Fahim's friends in Kabul lied and covered up the case -- hence the assassination attempt in Jalalabad. You must have heard about that. The situation in general is moving in favor of the Taliban. Perhaps, you have heard that in the news. All analysts, except for those of the CNN and other suspicious networks, say that the situation in Afghanistan is critical and deteriorating. Thank God, as far as the Taliban are concerned, things are proceeding well and their affairs are fine. I would like to reassure the brethren that we are in direct contact with the Amir of the Faithful, Mulla Mohammad Omar. We put our demands to him, and he entrusts us with other demands. His affairs are at their best. [Question not given] [Al-Libi] First, I would like to point out that we have spoken with the brethren in the Taliban Government about the symbols of jihad, including Qulbuddin Hikmatyar. We said that the man has shown good will and adopted a good stand in the last days of the Taliban state. They said, we have learned a lesson from our previous policies and we must cooperate with these leaders and pursue a policy that is in harmony with the policies of the other parties, but under one basic condition that this would take place according to the shri'a. We were told by the brethren in Taliban that there they are now in direct contact with Hikmatyar. To be honest, Hikmatyar is not an easy or simple man. He still has many followers due to his past record and history. His party was once the first in Afghanistan. Taliban would do well to deal with and coordinate with him. But, if he went against the legitimate government of Taliban or tried to pursue policies that are not acceptable under the shari'a, his situation would be the same as in the past. This is what the Taliban themselves said. We pray to God that Taliban and Hikmatyar have benefited from the previous phase and that Hikmatyar has become convinced that Islam is the solution. Taliban also knows that it has no other choice but to unify efforts and ranks, as the cause is bigger than everything else. I would also like to add that Hikmatyar has experts that are needed by the Afghan arena. We know that the experience and expertise that Taliban has in field of military science is less than what Hikmatyar has. [Question not given] [Al-Libi] Regarding the Shahikot battle, we are in direct contact with the Islamic Amirate, the Amirate of the State of Taliban. We have written to them on all the facts and all that we witnessed in detail. The commander of the battle promised us more detail in the next couple of days. But, in general, I can tell you that I recently sat with Sayful Rahman Mansur. Of course, it was a broad front with scattered centers. So you could not count the targets. But, I asked Sayful Rahman Mansur, who sat in the rear and was in contact with all centers and also spoke to one of the space channels: What is the total number of dead, as reported to you? He said verbatim: From 400 to 600 US soldiers. Of course, we are only fighting the Americans. They did not have anyone else with them. Before the confrontation with the Americans, we seized nine big trucks carrying northerners. But, Sayful Rahman freed them. We pray to God to accept his effort. Since that day we have not seen any Afghan renegades. So only Americans were killed. As to what I saw with my own eyes -- that is, the ones that we fought and inflicted God's judgment on -- I can vouch that the American dead were 150-200. This is almost an accurate figure. We heard from sources that we consider reliable that General Fahim says in his private meetings that the number of US dead in Shahikot reached 800. [Question not given] [Al-Libi] Yes, brothers, the mujahidin outside the land of the mujahidin must believe what the mujahidin say, as well as their policies. The Taliban brethren in Afghanistan, especially those with Sayful Rahman Mansur, say that Sayful Rahman Mansur is still alive. Since the brethren say this, it is either one of two things: He is still alive, and we praise God for that. For he is handicapped and therefore God has exempted him from Jihad. Still, he fought and maintained a great stand. One of his great stands was that during the battle, the governor of Darbil told him: Go down and fight under our protection and you will return with your group honored and respected. He said: I will not do so unless all fighters came down with me, especially the Uzbeks, as the Arabs can manage on their own. There was a large number of Uzbeks reaching up to 103. They said: We cannot protect you. But he said: I will not go down until all mujahidin came down with me honored and respected. This man, O brothers, was exempted by God from Jihad, as he could not use his hands. He could not even eat or hold anything with them. Still, he made this sacrifice. The last time I was with him, his men told him to leave the battleground. You are crazy, they told him. But, he said, yes I am crazy with God. When Sayful Rahman tried to take part in one of the battles, I told him: Fear God and don't bother. He refused and insisted on taking part in the battle. I must at least reassure myself about the front lines, he said. In my last words to him before separating, I said: If matters were in my hand I would have stopped you and imprisoned you in the rear lines. He looked at me askance and said: You look at things with an eye on interests and another on corruption. I looked at him and saw in his eyes the love of martyrdom and I told him: You also look with an eye on paradise and another on hell. He then patted me on the shoulder and said: We shall meet in paradise, God willing. We then separated. I repeat and say, we pray to God that our shaykh is among the living, because, by God, he was a great symbol and a brave man, who dug his grave with his own hands and said to Muhammad Tahir Jan, secretary of the Islamic Movement in Pakistan, when he heard that the Afghans might abandon him: O Muhammad Tahir, by God if only one of them remained in Shahikot, I would have been the second. Had anyone of you, no matter who he was, remained in the battle, I would have been the second man protecting him. I swear that none of you would have been killed, as long as I was ready to sacrifice my life for his sake. We ask God to protect him. [Question not given] [Al-Libi] This is the website we are using. The Amir of the Faithful has ordered us to use it. It is the Islamic Amirate website, which is under the direct supervision of the Amirate. You know the brothers who are in charge of this website and the efforts they are exerting. May God accept their actions. The Amir of the Faithful asked us to use this website, which is Islamic Amirate website. There is another website run by reliable brothers called Al-Neda website. We wish them all good. When I came here, the brothers told me that this website is also a good one and financed by brothers that you know. It is a good website and we hope that God would accept its actions. We primarily and essentially use the Amirate website. But, when we were told about Al-Neda, we will not spare any effort or withhold anything that we can offer to this website. We pray to God to accept everyone's actions. [Question not given] [Al-Libi] This matter calls for a long discussion. But, it is no secret that the states that sought to strike at and split up the Taliban Government were vicious Iran, hypocrite Pakistan, Tadjikistan and Uzbekistan. When these states and regions were preparing for war against Afghanistan and Taliban, they had different aims. The Americans came in and then the Russians and the Europeans. None of them agreed on one aim. Even the Americans and the British did not have a single common aim. All this has now come out in the open in their disputes on attracting and enlisting as many officials and commandants as possible. Every one wants them on his side and everyone is paying money to get these officials. Conflicting policies have led to a big quarrel, especially between General Fahim and the Pushtun commandants. You must have heard about the conflicts and the hundreds of dead. Thank God, this is due to their reckless policies and the vicious things they do to people and women. Incidentally, Kabul now has brothels and more video shops than bakeries. To us Taliban the evils introduced by the infidels serve the cause of the mujahidin. It reminds people that Taliban was a fair government that came to achieve justice, safety, and security for the people. Matters are extremely critical. Were it not for the sake of secrecy, I would have told you many things. Many of the commandants under Karzai and Fahim are now trying to negotiate with the mujahidin so as to penetrate their lines. God be praised, you will hear very good tidings about a split up in the ranks of the infidels and renegades. Afghanistan: Political dissident extends operations to Paktia Province IAP20020724000093 Mashhad Voice of the Islamic Republic of Iran in Dari 1330 GMT 22 Jul 02 An Afghan dissident, Pacha Khan Zadran, who had been operating against the central government of Afghanistan in Khost and Paktia Provinces, has extended his activities to Paktika Province. In accordance with a report by a correspondent of [the Iranian] Voice and Vision from Kabul, he has settled in the city of Khost [the capital of the eastern Khost Province] by the help of Mowlawi Jalaluddin Haqqani and Mowlawi Abdol Latif Mansur [both names phonetic], two political dissidents of the central government of Afghanistan. According to informed sources, he has threatened the new government not to enter Khost. Reports indicate that security situation is very tense in Khost, Paktia and Paktika Provinces. The possibility of clashes between the forces of the Islamic transitional government of Afghanistan and Pacha Khan Zadran is raising every minute. Almost everybody who moves around Khost is armed. Being anxious about the eruption of further clashes, people in Paktia, Paktika and Khost Provinces are looking forward to fleeing. In accordance with the reports, the security officials and the Islamic transitional government of Afghanistan's Ministry of Defence have not taken any measures to resist the Pacha Khan Zadran's threats. The Afghan newspapers have described Pakistan's Inter-Services Intelligence, ISI, agency as a supporter and guide to Pacha Khan. Afghan press has also reported that he had held talks with high-ranking officers of the agency in the northern Waziristan of Pakistan. Afghan forces continue military operations against Taliban in eastern province IAP20020715000136 Kabul Radio Afghanistan in Dari 1500 GMT 15 Jul 02 Mopping up operations by forces of the Ministry of National Defence are continuing in Katawaz, Zadran and Gard Tsery regions of Paktia Province. The military correspondent of the Bakhtar Information Agency, quoting a highranking military official of the Ministry of National Defence, reports: In these operations, which have been organized by forces of Army Corps No 3, extensive areas have been cleared. (?Two) Kalashnikov rifles, 106 boxes of ammunition for light and heavy weapons, artillery and tanks shells, and BM-21 units have seized, and 12 of the enemy soldiers have been captured. The personnel of the Army Corps No 3, in cooperation with the people, are searching for the remnants of the Al-Qa'idah and the Taleban, and the operations are continuing. The forces of the Ministry of National Defence had earlier conducted similar operations in Zadran under the command of General Atiqollah and General Gol Haidar which were completed successfully. During these operations, a number of soldiers of the Al-Qa'idah and the Taleban, including eight men which belonged to Jalaloddin Haqqani, were captured and a large quantities of ammunition were seized. [Description of Source: Kabul Radio Afghanistan in Dari -- ] Afghan forces continue operations against rebels in east IAP20021013000051 Kabul Bakhtar News Agency in Dari 1328 GMT 13 Oct 02 [Report by Afghan news agency Bakhtar 1328 gmt 13 October 2002, in Dari] Kabul, 13 October: Defence Ministry forces in cooperation with the international coalition forces conducted vast clearance operations following the recent events in Khost Province. Gen Gol Hayder, the operations commander of the south, verifying the reports in this respect, told the military correspondent of Bakhtar that the situation in the southern provinces is totally peaceful and the government security forces have thorough control of it. Some opportunist people in the rural areas of those provinces were trying to disturb the peaceful lives of people. The disturbance is now checked with the latest operations. A close source to the governor of Khost said that forces involved in the operations are looking for Malem Jan, a local commander, who previously was one of the commanders of [Taleban Minister] Jalaloddin Haqqani and later on he joined [ousted Paktia governor] Pacha Khan Zadran, who rose up against the government. There is no information about the whereabouts of Malem Jan, but his militants have been disarmed. It is said that 700 soldiers and six helicopters are involved in the operations. Since Pacha Khan Zadran was ousted from the governorship of Khost [Paktia], he has launched many failed attacks on the different areas of Khost and Paktia provinces to secure his personal interests. According to another report from the southeast of the country, a huge depot of arms has been discovered by the American forces and the depot of ammunition belongs to Pacha Khan Zadran and contains rockets, mines, heavy machine guns and other ammunition. The arms were loaded into 35 trucks and will be transferred to the military base of the Americans. [Description of Source: Kabul Bakhtar News Agency in Dari -- Afghanistan's only news agency; headed by Mohammad Yusuf Rawanyar since 27 February 2002; formerly directed by Karzai-appointed Minister of Information and Culture Abdul Aziz Mansur from November 2001to February 2002; under Taleban was headed by Abdul Hanan Hemat] Afghanistan: US soldiers search areas close to border for Taliban commander IAP20021201000068 Peshawar Afghan Islamic Press in Pashto 1352 GMT 01 Dec 02 Peshawar, 1 December: American soldiers searched areas close to Miranshah today. Informed sources in the Pakistani border town of Miranshah said that American soldiers, alongside Pakistani soldiers, searched the Dandadarpakhel region close to the border with Afghanistan early this morning. The sources say that the search began to arrest Mowlawi Jalaloddin Haqqani, a wellknown former commander, but reports say that they [US soldiers] did not find Haqqani there. Haqqani, who was the minister of border affairs in the government of Taleban, is now in hiding. The American forces are trying to capture him alive. The American forces have searched the Pakistani and Afghan border areas in the search for him on many occasions. [Description of Source: Peshawar Afghan Islamic Press in Pashto -- Peshawar-based agency, staffed by Afghans; used to have good contacts with Taliban leadership; following the fall of the Taliban is seeking a new role for itself as a news agency; describes itself as independent and self-financing] Afghanistan: Missiles hit US base fired from truck near Khowst airport IAP20021201000075 Peshawar Afghan Islamic Press in Pashto 1629 GMT 01 Dec 02 Peshawar, 1 December: Heavy explosions were heard from a pickup truck close to the Khost airport this morning. Informed sources in Khost told the Afghan Islamic Press that heavy explosions were heard this morning from a pickup truck parked on a road to the west of the Khost airport. The sources say it seems the pick up was parked on the road during the night. Explosions started in the truck in the morning and a number of missiles were fried from the truck towards the airport. An eyewitness told the Afghan Islamic Press from Khost: "I saw the burnt out vehicle and I also saw smoke coming out of the airport as a result of the missile hit." There are no details, but after the explosions American and Afghan forces further strengthened security measures on all roads leading to airport and vehicles were searched in many areas. It has been said that these explosions are the first of their kind taking place in areas close to a base of American soldiers in Khost. In another development, American and Pakistani soldiers, accompanied by women soldiers, searched two madrasas [religious schools] and a number of areas in the Dandadarpakhel region, in Miranshah of Pakistan in search of a well-known commander Mowlawi Jalaloddin Haqqani. Although there are no reports concerning the fate of Haqqani, but it seems that two Afghans have been arrested. There no further details. [Description of Source: Peshawar Afghan Islamic Press in Pashto -- Peshawar-based agency, staffed by Afghans; used to have good contacts with Taliban leadership; following the fall of the Taliban is seeking a new role for itself as a news agency; describes itself as independent and self-financing] Afghan commander: Security improving but warlords undermine peace IAP20030204000115 Tehran Voice of the Islamic Republic of Iran Provincial Network in Pashto 0030 GMT 01 Feb 03 Security in the eastern Paktia Province is improving by the day but armed warlords continue to undermine peace in the region, a regional commander has said. Speaking in an interview with Iranian radio, Gen Atiqollah Ludin said that a former Taleban minister, Jalaloddin Haqqani, former Taleban commander Saifurrahman Mansur and other networks had resumed their activities in the area. He also said that some suspects who were thought to have been transferring weapons to Kabul had been detained. The following is an excerpt from the interview by the external service of Iranian radio on 1ÃƒÂ‚Ã‚Â February. [Presenter] Esteemed listeners, we have conducted an interview with the commander of Paktia Province's Military Corps No 3, Gen Atiqollah Ludin, regarding the current situation in southeastern Afghanistan, to which we would like to draw your attention. [Interviewer] Gen Ludin, as a high-ranking military official, how do you assess the security situation in Paktia Province? [Ludin] In the name of God, the Compassionate, the Merciful. The situation in Paktia Province, praise be to God, has improved over the past few days. The situation is getting better as days pass. The local inhabitants of the region have also started carrying out their [normal] work. [Interviewer] What is the cause of the attacks on military checkpoints on the outskirts of Khost Province? [Ludin] As I have said in my earlier interviews, this is not a matter of concern for us or for the central government. Some people are armed in different regions, and we have enemies who want to undermine peace and security in our province. The US forces are carrying out their operations according to their plans. Therefore, our brothers [opposition] are facing problems [due to the US military operations]. [Interviewer] As you said, some people are armed; is it possible that locals may also have had a hand in the attacks against the government and US forces' operations? [Ludin] [words indistinct] So far, since the formation of the transitional government, during these 14 months [since the Taleban defeat], we have not disarmed people. The people are armed. Most of these armed people are those commanders who act as warlords. They [local commanders] are not supported by any foreign country and want to earn by illegal means, and they are causing trouble. [Interviewer] Gen Ludin, this kind of commanders whose profits are in danger - is it possible for them to unite with the Taleban, Al-Qa'idah or [Golboddin] Hekmatyar [head of the Hezb-e Eslami party] against the government? [Ludin] During these 24 or 25 years of war, local commanders have used the power of the weapon and the gun. Their personal benefits are in danger. Well there are people who will want to unite and carry out destructive activities against the government. [Interviewer] What measures have you taken to prevent them? [Ludin] We have put measures in place and are ready to run our security operation in Paktika, Khost, Paktia and Logar Provinces. There are people who want to hamper ways the country's path of development, but there is no cause for worry. [Interviewer] Gen Ludin, it has been said that recently in Paktia, government and US forces have jointly led an operation and collected some weapons. Do you have any information on this issue? [Ludin] There were no US forces. They were local [Afghan] officers from our own military corps. They collected some heavy weapons and artillery. It has been a long time since we have started this campaign. [Interviewer] It is also said that some people who used to transfer weapons and bombs related to the Taleban, Al-Qa'idah and Hekmatyar to Kabul have been arrested in Logar Province. [Passage omitted: indistinct] [Interviewer] Did these detainees belong to the Taleban or Hekmatyar? [Ludin] These people are still under interrogation. We need to confirm what groups and people they are related to and have connections with. God willing, we will know soon. [Interviewer] If we focus on the activities which you have pointed out, we see that they have increased. In Kandahar, as you may have heard, in Spin Boldak, the Taleban fought for 48 hours with US and government forces. As a military officer, how do you analyse this matter, as it occurred after 10 months [of no major Taleban resistance] ? [Ludin] Over these two decades of war, for instance, a boy who used to be five [when it started] is now 30 years old and has grown up in a warring country. He did not receive any education, nor there was any scheme or programme in Afghanistan which could facilitate his education. We are facing such problems and these kinds of problems will exist for some time. The idea that they [opposition forces] will be able to succeed and will take over any military checkpoints or divisions is not a matter of concern [because it is unlikely]. But disruption still exists in the region. [Interviewer] If there is no support, then how can they carry out such operations and cause disruption? [Ludin] [words indistinct] It is possible. Maybe some one is standing behind them and helping them to carry out their further operations in Afghanistan. We do not want to create differences between our brothers. We take every step carefully and want to solve our problems on our own soil. [Interviewer] Can you tell us who their supporters are? [Ludin] As you may know the latest events [words indistinct]; we have detained 17 people. [Interviewer] How do you assess the people's support for them? [Gen Ludin] It is possible. [words indistinct] [Passage omitted due to poor reception] [Interviewer] We have received a report about Jalaloddin Haqqani [former Taleban minister and military commander] resuming his activities. Is it true? [Ludin] It is obvious that Jalaloddin Haqqani and Saifurrahman Mansur [former Taleban commander] have resumed their activities. There are also other networks which have resumed their activities. These networks oppose the presence of the US and other peacekeeping forces in the region. They create obstacles and trouble for us. Nowadays the government is trying to move towards a democratic future. It wants to resolve the problems faced by the country in the past 24, 25 years. Everything will be fine and normal. God willing, peace will be established soon. [Passage omitted due to poor reception] [Interviewer] What are the views of your foreign assistants upon the issue? [Ludin] We are working with the framework of our government and in compliance with our military corps. We have no contacts with foreigners and do not feel the responsibility to tell them everything. Security forces claim 20 opposition fighters killed in southeastern Afghanistan IAP20030410000044 Mashhad Voice of the Islamic Republic of Iran External Service in Dari 0900 GMT 10 Apr 03 Security forces in southeastern Afghan Paktika Province said on Wednesday evening [9 April] that 20 people loyal to the Taleban and Al-Qa'idah terrorist network have been killed in the province. Fighting between the government forces and Taleban remnants began in a Paktika town on Tuesday [8 April] of this current week and continued on Wednesday for the second day. According to the security forces, the fighting began after Taleban remnants had carried out military operations on the outskirts of the border town of Barmal. Amanollah, one of the deputies of Jalaloddin Haqqani, a commander of the failed Taleban, and a number of his people were killed in the last two days' fighting. Security forces also reported the deaths of four soldiers from the Transitional Islamic State of Afghanistan. [Description of Source: [Description of Source: Voice of the Islamic Republic of Iran External Service]] Al-Jazirah Reports Detention of Haqqani Brother, Attack on Coalition Troops GMP20030510000127 Doha Al-Jazirah Satellite Channel Television in Arabic 1300 GMT 10 May 03 [Announcer-read report ] Security sources have told the Al-Jazirah correspondent in Kabul that the security forces affiliated with the Afghan Ministry of Interior apprehended (Ibrahim) Haqqani, brother of Jalaloddin Haqqani, filed commander and former minister in the Taliban government, in the Afghan capital. The sources added that (Ibrahim) was using a false name. In a separate development, a contingent of the US-led coalition forces came under a violent attack in eastern Afghanistan early Saturday [10 May], causing several casualties in the ranks of the US troops. The size of these casualties has not thus far been disclosed. The [Pakistan-based] Afghan Islamic Press, which carried the report, said that the attack took place in an area near the city of Khost in eastern Afghanistan, and that the attackers used light weapons and rockets. [Description of Source: Doha Al-Jazirah Satellite Channel Television in Arabic -Independent Television station financed by the Qatari Government] Arrested Brother of Afghan Taliban Minister Reportedly Sent to Guantanamo IAP20030531000064 Peshawar Shahadat in Pashto 0001 GMT 31 May 03 Kabul, special report: Haji Mohammad Ebrahim, brother of the former famous resistance commander and minister of borders in the Taliban government, has been sent to the prison of Guantanamo from Kabul. Haji Ebrahim was himself a brave commander of the Mojahedin and he was living in Kabul for at last a year. Although Haji Ebrahim had his own house in Kabul he was living in a house given to him by [Afghan Defence Minister] Gen [Mohammad Qasem] Fahim. Haji Ebrahim was living in Kabul as a guest of state on the basis of an agreement. But some time back he was arrested by American soldiers and was taken to the Bagram air base. The sources say that Haji Ebrahim had no personal record or dossier but he was arrested for the purposes of investigation into his brother Jalaloddin Haqqani, and now he has been sent to Guantanamo. [Description of Source: Peshawar Shahadat in Pashto -- ] US Forces Search Residence of Taliban Official in Southeastern Afghanistan IAP20030626000071 Tehran Voice of the Islamic Republic of Iran External Service in Pashto 0030 GMT 26 Jun 03 US forces have searched the residence of a former Taliban official in southeastern Afghanistan. Our correspondent has reported from Khost that US forces searched the residence of Mowlawi Jalaloddin Haqqani in the (?Esmail Khel) area. Our correspondent says that the US forces destroyed Haqqani's residence in his absence, detained one of his bodyguards and took him with them. Taliban leader Mullah Omar recently appointed Mowlawi Haqqani as person in charge of anti-American operations in southeastern Afghanistan. [Description of Source: Voice of the Islamic Republic of Iran External Service] Taliban Commander To Set Up Bases in South, Afghan Official Says IAP20030806000118 Mashhad Voice of the Islamic Republic of Iran External Service in Dari 1330 GMT 06 Aug 03 A US military base situated in the southeast of Afghanistan was hit by three rockets this morning [6 August]. A US military spokesman in Afghanistan, Mr Rodney Davis, confirmed this at a news briefing today and added: Unidentified armed people fired three rockets at a US military base in the Orgun area of Paktika Province today, Wednesday. He did not give any details about possible material or human losses in the attack. Mr Rodney Davis also said that a non-military vehicle had hit explosives which had been planted on road in Paktia Province. He said that the incident had not caused any human casualties. It is worth mentioning that unidentified armed men have recently changed their military tactics in the east and southeast of Afghanistan and have resorted to remote-controlled bombs. Meanwhile, the US and Afghan government forces started a joint widescale operation in the south of Afghanistan at 1700 hours [local time, 1230 GMT] yesterday and the operation is still going on. The operation is under way in Paktia Province, including in Zadran and Mandozai Districts [of Kandahar Province] and [words indistinct] areas. In an exclusive interview with us, the deputy commander of Paktia Province's Military Corps No 3, Gen Mohammad Esmail Zazai, said that 10 suspicious people had been arrested and sent to Bagram air base during an operation which had been mostly carried out in former bases of Mowlawi Jalaloddin Haqqani [the Taliban minister of border and tribal affairs]. He also reported that a huge number of different weapons had been seized during the operation. He added that unidentified armed men had put up no resistance to the government forces and had fled the battleground. The deputy commander of Paktia Province's Military Corps Jalaloddin Haqqani along with some his men was planning to military bases in the Zadran area. He reiterated that they were spreading anti-government propaganda and were calling against the government. No 3 said that Mowlawi set up a number of [Haqqani and his people] on people to rise up [Description of Source: Voice of the Islamic Republic of Iran External Service] Afghan Agency Reports Taliban Forces Assaulting Drivers in Paktika IAP20030911000101 Peshawar Afghan Islamic Press in Pashto 1306 GMT 11 Sep 03 On Khost-Gardez motorway, the Taliban [forces] have assaulted several vehicle owners who had musical equipment and broken their tape recorders. The spokesman of Pacha Khan Zadran in Paktika, Ghami Khan [Mohammad Yar] told the Afghan Islamic Press today that Taliban sealed the Gardai Serai road near the region of Asmani Ghond on Khost-Gardez motorway the night of last Tuesday and Wednesday [910 September] and stopped the vehicles. He said that the Taliban were searching vehicles and snatching tape recorders from them. Ghami Khan added that the Taliban assaulted those drivers who had tape recorders and told them if they found any such musical instruments with them in the future, they would be severely punished. He told AIP that on Wednesday he himself saw these broken tape recorders in that region. The spokesman of Zadran said that these Taliban [forces] were supporters of Mowlawi Jalaloddin Haqqani. During the Afghan jihad against Russia, Mowlawi Jalaloddin Haqqani was a well-known commander of the southern region who later, during the regime of the Taliban, was appointed as a minister for borders and tribal affairs. But now he is the most sought-after rival commander for the US [forces] in the southern region. [Description of Source: Peshawar Afghan Islamic Press in Pashto -- Peshawar-based agency, staffed by Afghans; used to have good contacts with Taliban leadership; following the fall of the Taliban is seeking a new role for itself as a news agency; describes itself as independent and self-financing] Coalition Forces Seize 10 Taliban Suspects in Southeast Afghanistan IAP20040117000026 Peshawar Afghan Islamic Press in Pashto 1000 GMT 17 Jan 04 Peshawar, 17 January: The mopping-up operation that was launched by the coalition forces in the area of Zadran in Paktia Province [southeastern Afghanistan] a few days ago ended last night [16 January]. Well-informed sources told Afghan Islamic Press [AIP] from Zadran area, Paktia Province, today [17 January] the massive mopping-up operation that was launched by the coalition forces and Afghan troops in the area four days ago ended last night. Ghamay Khan Mohammadyar, a spokesman for Pacha Khan Zadran [dissident commander in southern Afghanistan], told Afghan Islamic Press [AIP]: "The mopping-up operation that was launched to the west of Khost-Gardez main road by the coalition forces has been completed. The Mezi tribe is based in this area and this area is connected with Mowlawi Jalaloddin Haqqani [prominent Taliban commander]. He said: "The coalition forces were forced to launch the operation because the Taliban usually carry out attacks on the Khost-Gardez main road, as they launched attacks a few days ago in this area." Ghamay Khan Mohammadyar also told AIP: "At least 10 suspects working for the Taliban have also been captured in the operation." There have been no reports of fighting in the area during the operation. [Description of Source: Peshawar Afghan Islamic Press in Pashto -- Peshawar-based agency, staffed by Afghans; used to have good contacts with Taliban leadership; following the fall of the Taliban is seeking a new role for itself as a news agency; describes itself as independent and self-financing] UK-based Islamist Says Al-Qa'ida Dissidents Returned to it To Confront US GMP20040227000051 London Al-Hayah in Arabic 27 Feb 04 p8 [Report by Muhammad Salah in Cairo: "'Al-Qa'ida' Dissidents Return to it To Confront United States"] Hani al-Siba'i, director of the London-based "Al-Maqrizi Historic Studies Center", has expressed his fears that the Pakistani authorities would extradite Egyptian Islamist Khalid al-Zawahiri to the Egyptian authorities and pointed out that Islamabad had extradited to Cairo in the past years several Egyptian Islamists who were detained in Pakistani cities. Speaking by telephone to Al-Hayah in Cairo yesterday, Al-Siba'i said that AlZawahiri was arrested last week with four other Egyptians whose names are not known yet during a campaign in the border area with Afghanistan that resulted in the arrest of 25 persons. He denied that Khalid Al-Zawahiri was related to Ayman al-Zawahiri, the "Jihad" group's leader and second man in "Al-Qa'ida" organization, adding that he had received information that US intelligence agents interrogated Al-Zawahiri and confirmed that he was not the son of the "Jihad" group's leader who had only one son, Muhammad, who was killed during the US bombardment that followed the invasion of Afghanistan. Al-Siba'i said he was expecting a surge in "Al-Qa'ida" organization's activities in the coming stage after the developments in the US war on the Islamic movements caused dissidents from Bin Ladin and Al-Zawahiri to return to action with it again. He added that many Arab Islamists broke away from "Al-Qa'ida" during the famous "Tora Bora" battle but returned to action under the organization after the "Taliban" Movement regained its strength in Afghanistan and appointed Jalaloddin Haqqani as Mullah Omar's deputy and after "Al-Qa'ida" opened a new front against the Americans in Iraq. He explained that these dissidents, who included Egyptians, Libyans, and Saudis, opposed Bin Ladin's approval of Al-Zawahiri's plan to regroup all the young men in the "Tora Bora" Mountains after the US invasion of Afghanistan. Those opposing the plan warned that it would destroy the Arab presence in Afghanistan. Among those who broke away during the "Tora Bora" battle were Abu-Hafs alMuritani and a group he leads, Abu-al-Layth al-Libi and several members of the "Libyan Islamic Fighting Group", in addition to Egyptians who believed that the 11 September attacks broke a pledge that Al-Zawahiri made to Mullah Omar not to launch attacks on US interests without informing the Taliban leader first in his capacity as the commander of the faithful. They demanded from Bin Ladin and Al-Zawahiri the removal of Sayf-al-Adl as commander of the military operations that caused heavy losses for "Al-Qa'ida" and those allied to the organization. The disappearance of Sayf-al-Adl -- who is said to be detained in Iran -- the opening of a new front against the Americans in Iraq, and the US war on the Islamists in the world apparently helped overcome all the disagreements. [Description of Source: London Al-Hayah in Arabic -- Influential Saudi-owned London daily providing independent coverage of Arab and international issues; commentaries occasionally critical of US policy] Fighting Continues in Khost Province Between Afghan, Taliban Forces IAP20040802000047 Peshawar Afghan Islamic Press in Pashto 0713 GMT 02 Aug 04 Peshawar, 2 August: Bombing and clashes have been going on in the Zhawra area of Khost Province since early this morning. Informed sources from Khost reported that clashes broke out between Afghan government forces and the Taliban fighters this morning in the Zhawra area, 35 km from southwest of Khost. A resident of Khost told Afghan Islamic Press [AIP] that US bombers were constantly bombing the battlefield. The sources said that clashes began when the Taliban launched full-scale attacks on government military checkpoints this morning. A resident of Khost told AIP that there was no information on the casualties in the clashes but the body of a young man, whose names is Faysal, was brought from the battleground in the Tani area. Informed sources from the Zhawra area reported that clashes were going on in the Pakistani border town of Miran Shah but nobody knows what is happening there. The Zhawra area, which is close to the border with Pakistan, used to be the center of a popular commander, Mowlawi Jalaloddin Haqqani. Mowlawi Haqqani went into hiding after the fall of the Taliban and US troops are looking for him. [Description of Source: Peshawar Afghan Islamic Press in Pashto -- Peshawar-based agency, staffed by Afghans; used to have good contacts with Taliban leadership; following the fall of the Taliban is seeking a new role for itself as a news agency; describes itself as independent and self-financing] Afghan Opposition Leader Says Meetings Held To Unite Opposition Factions GMP20040914000084 London Al-Hayah in Arabic 14 Sep 04 p8 [Report by Ahmad Muwaffaq Zaydan in Quetta, Pakistan: "'Jaish-i Muslimin' Leader to 'Al-Hayah': Intensive Meetings To Unite Afghan Opposition Factions"] Akbar Agha, leader of Afghanistan's Jaish-i Muslimin organization, revealed to "Al-Hayah" yesterday that intensive meetings have been going on for weeks to coordinate between all the Afghan factions fighting the American forces and the Afghan forces loyal to them. In statements he made near the border with Pakistan, he said he personally held intensive meetings with representatives of Hezb-e Eslami Leader Golboddin Hekmatyar, "Taliban's" military commander Mullah Dadallah, Afghan commander Jalaloddin Haqqani, and others to coordinate stands and set up a joint military shura council to command the military action inside Afghanistan. Agha added that he is expecting the Afghan provinces to be distributed among the groups participating in the new shura council so as to coordinate the actions and avoid conflict of interests and activities between the forces opposed to the US presence. The Jaish-i Muslimin leader was one of the prominent commanders under the "Taliban" but then established this group. He stressed that he remains loyal to Taliban's leader Mullah Mohammad Omar and said he is surprised that all the operations taking place in Afghanistan are being attributed to the "Taliban" and stressed that these operations are the work of several Afghan commanders and groups, some of which are known and others unknown. He denied that there is any contact between "Taliban" and the Americans to negotiate with Karzai and pledged to continue the fight until the American forces are expelled. [Description of Source: London Al-Hayah in Arabic -- Influential Saudi-owned London daily providing independent coverage of Arab and international issues; commentaries occasionally critical of US policy] Afghanistan: Al-Qai'da, Taliban Reportedly Appoint New Leaders in Various Provinces IAP20050519011057 Kabul Arman-e Melli in Pashto 19 May 05 [Unattributed report: "The Taliban and Al-Qa'ida appoint new officials in Afghanistan"] According to informed sources, the Taliban and Al-Qa'ida have appointed new leaders in a number of Afghan provinces. These appointments have been made because Al-Qa'ida and the Taliban suspect that their former leaders might reach an agreement with the government. It is reported that Serajoddin Haqqani, the son of Mawlawi Jalaloddin Haqqani, has been appointed as the leader in the southeastern provinces of Paktika, Paktia, and Khowst. Malem Mohammad Zaman, has been appointed as his deputy. A senior Taliban member added that Mawlawi Saiforrahman, a known Taliban commander, is alive and conducting operations against the US forces in the provinces of Logar and Paktia. He also said that there were Arab mojahedin [holy warriors] in the provinces of Khowst, Paktika, and Paktia and they are led by Abolhais Aljaziri. Abu Akhlas is commanding more than 100 mojahedin in the [eastern] provinces of Konar and Nurestan. [Description of Source: Kabul Arman-e Melli in Pashto -- Four-page independent daily with broad coverage of domestic political issues, including interviews with political figures. Also carries international, science health issues, and readers' letters, some of which are critical of the government] Tenth Part of Serialized Book on Al-Zarqawi, Al-Qa'ida Published GMP20050601712009 London Al-Quds al-Arabi in Arabic 24 May 05 p17 [Part 10 of serialized book by Fu'ad Husayn, Jordanian writer and journalist: "AlZarqawi...the Second Generation of Al-Qaida"] Tightening the Noose on Bin Ladin Shaykh Usama did not abide by the travel ban that was imposed on him after he delivered a lecture in which he warned against the covetous ambitions of Saddam Husayn. He went on with giving lectures and holding a large number of meetings with scholars and pro-da'wah activists. The authorities did not tolerate that. They summoned him more than once and sent him strong-worded warnings to curb his activity and intimidate him. A detachment of the National Guard stormed his farm on the outskirts of Jeddah and carried out an unexpected search operation. Shaykh Usama was not there when the farm was stormed. The National Guard arrested some laborers at the farm, who were later released. The guards wrote down minutes and videotaped the farm, the storage areas, and other quarters. When Shaykh Usama learned about the incident, he wrote a letter of protest to [Crown] Prince Abdallah [Bin-Abd-al-Aziz]. He was surprised when he received a reply from Prince Abdallah denying any knowledge of the incident and promising to punish those responsible. The Saudi Government's crackdown on Usama Bin Ladin and the overall circumstances in the country prompted Shaykh Usama to think seriously about leaving Saudi Arabia. However, this was not possible under the travel ban and the government's close watch on his movements. Shaykh Usama, however, could not tolerate the presence of US forces in the Arabian Peninsula. He felt that he was contradicting himself when he initiated jihad against atheists in Afghanistan for occupying a Muslim country while infidels were right at home in the Arabian Peninsula, a more sacred place. Shaykh Usama was bitterly frustrated during Operation Desert Storm. He felt that he could never be honest with himself if he stayed in Saudi Arabia. His departure, however, was not easy since he was a well-known person and his home was under surveillance around the clock. Shaykh Usama, therefore, planned for a normal way to leave. One of his brothers was a close friend of Deputy Interior Minister Prince Ahmad BinAbd-al-Aziz. Shaykh Usama told this brother that he had many financial obligations in Pakistan and elsewhere. He explained to him that he owed people some funds and some people owed him money that he should get. He told him that an agent would not be able to solve these problems since his relationships there were built on personal trust. His brother was convinced and promised to clarify the issue to Prince Ahmad. [Interior Minister] Prince Nayif [Bin-Abd-al-Aziz] was about to take a holiday then. Shaykh Usama's brother waited until Prince Nayif went on the holiday and spoke to Prince Ahmad. He was able to convince him to give Shaykh Usama back his passport and allow him to travel. Prince Ahmad agreed and gave Usama Bin Ladin permission for one trip. He ordered the security services to watch him. Therefore, Shaykh Usama was able to leave the country normally without running away or hiding. The first thing that Shaykh Usama did when he arrived in Pakistan was to send an apology letter to his brother in which he told him that he would not return to Saudi Arabia. He admitted that his brother might be embarrassed before Prince Nayif but he apologized and said that it was worth the dear price. While he was in Afghanistan, Saudi intelligence under Prince Turki [al-Faysal] worked together with the Pakistani intelligence to kill or kidnap Shaykh Usama. However, all attempts failed since sympathizers within the Pakistani security services and other Pakistani departments used to leak information to him promptly to enable him to take precautions. Bin Ladin stayed in Afghanistan for several months. He continued to exert efforts to solve the dispute there but he reached a stalemate. He felt that his presence in Afghanistan was pointless particularly that there were so many adversaries who would try to abduct or assassinate him. After he examined the situation with a number of his close aides, he decided to look for a place other than Afghanistan where he could promote Islam. In Sudan Shaykh Usama thought of Sudan not only because it could be a new foundation for a fresh plan but because he heard so much about the enthusiasm of Islamists there in support of Islam and Muslims and their endeavors to implement an Islamic project. Shaykh Usama thought that he could give something to this country by means of employing his business relations in the kingdom [Saudi Arabia] and other Gulf countries. Sudan, he believed, would be a safe haven for him. At the end of 1991, Shaykh Usama flew to Sudan secretly on a private plane. He took a number of aides with him. Other people joined him via different routes. In Sudan, the government welcomed him, but at this stage he was not in need of financial support since he was in control of his assets. He was capable of transferring some of his assets and equipment from the kingdom to Sudan. Shaykh Usama did not participate in any military act in Sudan but he strongly contributed to building roads, farms, and other projects. Most famous of these projects was the Al-Tahaddi [Challenge] Road linking Khartoum to Port Sudan. Although he left the kingdom in the aforementioned way and although there were attempts by Saudi Government services to kidnap or kill him in Afghanistan, Usama Bin Ladin did not announce his hostility to the regime. Rather, he kept it all to himself since he wanted to stay in touch with pro-da'wah activists, businessmen, and some influential people in the kingdom. This was actually an effective policy. Shaykh Usama succeeded in convincing a large number of his contacts to support Sudan and embark on investments in the African country. During that time, he received offers and assurances to return to his country but he did not welcome the idea at all. Toward the end of 1992, interest in Usama Bin Ladin grew when a decision was made to freeze his assets. The issue became a priority on the agenda of US intelligence and a major topic of discussion between US and Saudi authorities. Pressure mounted on Shaykh Usama to return to his country. The authorities tried to embarrass him by exercising pressure on his family to blackmail him but to no avail. When the Saudi Government gave up hope of bringing him bring back to the country, King Fahd issued an order to withdraw his citizenship as of 1994. In the aftermath of the Somalia events and the Riyadh bombing, his presence in Sudan became very embarrassing for the Sudanese Government. The United States and Arab countries exercised severe pressure on the Sudanese Government to expel or extradite him. Sudan endured the pressure but it became obvious that it was not prepared to stand it for a long time. Therefore, it began to press Arab Afghans to leave Sudan. Shaykh Usama was aware of the pressure on Sudan since the Sudanese Government used to inform him of the situation. It told him straightforwardly that he should think about leaving Sudan in view of the escalating US and Saudi pressure. On 3 August 1995, he wrote a letter to King Fahd urging him to carry out genuine reforms. When Shaykh Usama felt that the Sudanese could not stand his presence any more and was embarrassed to tell him frankly to leave, he began to arrange for his departure from Sudan. He secured a location in Jalalabad and prepared to leave Sudan in utmost secrecy. He arranged for a private plane to transport him with a number of his supporters to Afghanistan where two shaykhs -- Yunis Khalis and [Jalaluddin] Haqqani -- welcomed him. Following his arrival, he sent a letter to Afghan factions telling them that he stood by his word to stay away from their disputes. This was before the Taliban took control of Jalalabad and Kabul. Soon after his arrival in Afghanistan, dramatic events occurred once again including the Al-Khubar explosion, the Taliban's takeover of Jalalabad, an attempt to kidnap him, and anti-US jihad statements that he issued in November 1996. Al-Khubar Explosion In June 1996, a huge explosion rocked the city of Al-Khubar claiming the lives of 20 US forces and wounding hundreds of others. Soon afterward, the Al-Khubar bombing took place and Shaykh Usama issued his first statement, "Declaration of Jihad To Expel Atheists From the Arabian Peninsula." At that time, the Saudi ambassador in Islamabad tried to exercise pressure on Yunis Khalis and Haqqani to extradite Shaykh Usama. The ambassador made certain offers to gain their support. Yunis Khalis, however, replied: "We will protect a goat or any other animal if it comes to us to take shelter. How then when it comes to someone who sacrifices his soul and wealth in the cause of God and jihad in Afghanistan?" Soon afterward, the Taliban launched an incursion in the area where Shaykh Usama was residing. Although Shaykh Usama learned about the Taliban from Yunis Khalis and Haqqani, who both joined the Taliban Army, he was not sure about his situation after the Taliban took control of the region. He did not wait long until Taliban leader Mullah Omar sent a delegation to meet with him and assure him that he was their predecessors' guest and their guest too. Mullah Omar pledged to protect Bin Ladin but he begged him to stop his media activity after his interviews with CNN and the British Channel Four television station. Another incident occurred that prompted Shaykh Usama to move to Kandahar. He learned that an attempt to abduct him was aborted. Tribal mercenaries on the Pakistan-Afghan border were paid to carry out a lightning attack on his area to kidnap or kill him. Pakistan and other countries masterminded the operation. Shaykh Usama moved immediately to Kandahar where he thought it would be a safer place for him under the Taliban. In Afghanistan When Shaykh Usama was in Jalalabad, the Taliban entered Kabul almost without fighting. Consequently, the Taliban became the major power in Afghanistan despite little recognition of their government. Shaykh Usama, meanwhile, was planning to move to Kandahar and escape the abduction attempt that we mentioned before. The attempt facilitated the move of Shaykh Usama to Kandahar via Kabul. He took a car to Kabul and then flew to Kandahar by plane, where he met with Amir of Taliban Mullah Omar for the first time. The two men never met before although they had exchanged several letters. During that meeting, Mullah Omar discussed the grave challenges facing the Taliban after they entered Kabul particularly from [Abd-al-Rashid] Dustum's forces. He told Shaykh Usama that it would be preferable to tone down his media campaign. He told him that it was a mere request, and not an order or an obligation. Shaykh Usama replied that he had decided to soften or freeze his media activity for some time even before the mullah asked him to do so. Mullah Omar was pleased to hear that. In the meantime, the Saudi Government recognized the Taliban Government in an attempt to embarrass Taliban to cooperate with it. The Saudi Government took one further step when it invited all the members of the Taliban Government, including Mullah Omar, to perform the pilgrimage or the umrah [minor pilgrimage]. It offered to receive them as official guests. In fact, one of the key officials in the Taliban Government -- Prime Minister Mohammad Rabbani -- visited the kingdom to perform the pilgrimage. However, the generosity of the Saudi Government did not change his position or the position of his government vis-a-vis Shaykh Usama. The Taliban turned down diplomatically requests of several delegations that the Saudi Government sent including diplomats, businessmen, relatives of Shaykh Usama, and intelligence officials. Another development took place that bolstered Shaykh Usama's popularity with the Taliban. Shaykh Usama changed his previous neutral position regarding intra-factional disputes in Afghanistan. He decided to support the Taliban against Dustum and issued orders to his men to fight alongside the Taliban. When [Ahmed] Shah Massoud became a rival party in the war, Shaykh Usama asked scholars accompanying him to issue a fatwa saying that fighting Massoud was a lawful jihad. Shaykh Usama's decision played an important role in favor of Taliban since the latter were not all set for war. Their previous victories took place almost without fighting due to the fact that people supported them and field commanders conceded defeat to them. Meanwhile, the forces of Dustum and Massoud allied after they convinced their followers that the war was ethnic and not religious. Their solidarity increased when Dustum counted on Uzbeks and Massoud on Tajiks. Both Massoud and Dustum convinced their followers that the Taliban were Pashtuns who wanted to rule them. Furthermore, the Western world did not feel the threat of the Taliban until after the fall of Kabul and the Taliban's protection of Shaykh Usama. All these factors won Massoud and Dustum enormous support from Russia, the United States, Turkey, Iran, and other parties. The Taliban nearly collapsed when they confronted these organized and backed forces. Twice, at least, the brigades affiliated with Shaykh Usama defended Kabul and the Taliban never forgot Shaykh Usama's favor. The other factor that raised Shaykh Usama's stakes with the Taliban was the help that his men offered to the Taliban in various fields including planning, administration, and development of the new state. Despite the modest experience of Shaykh Usama's men, the Taliban viewed them as a team of professionals. The United States and its allies did not give up hope on capturing Shaykh Usama. When it became clear that the Taliban would not extradite him, the United States, Pakistan, and Saudi Arabia began to think of a plan to abduct Shaykh Usama by means of an operation from the Pakistani territories by elite commandos. Training for the operation began toward the end of spring 1997. The top secret operation was scheduled for the beginning of summer. However, since Pakistan was a party, it was impossible to keep the secret in view of the fact that Pakistani military intelligence sympathized with Shaykh Usama to a great extent. Shaykh Usama and other Arab parties learned about the news and began to leak it to the press. The US plan was revealed and eventually cancelled. The United States did not admit the story at first but later did and decided to cancel the idea for fear of casualties among US forces. Toward the end of 1997 and in the beginning of 1998, Shaykh Usama decided to revive his activity. First, he began with Taliban and Pakistani scholars. He succeeded in obtaining fatwas from about 40 Afghan and Pakistani scholars in support of his statement to expel infidel forces from the Arabian Peninsula. The Global Islamic Front The establishment of the global Islamic front coincided with the gathering of a number of leaders of Islamic groups -- particularly the Egyptian Islamic Group and the Egyptian Islamic Jihad -- in Afghanistan. A large number of delegations from Pakistan and Kashmir visited Shaykh Usama. Ayman al-Zawahiri, meanwhile, convinced him to expand the war with the United States everywhere. Thus, the war against the United States began to mean killing every American and every Israeli of fighting age everywhere and at anytime. Shaykh Usama was convinced when two justifications for the idea were provided, a legal and a political justification. The legal justification was that the Americans were occupying the country of the Two Mosques and therefore every American was viewed as a supporter of the occupation of the Arabian Peninsula. Consequently, it was legitimate to kill the Americans everywhere and all the time since the Americans and the Israelis were fighting Muslims and shedding the blood of Muslim civilians everywhere and all the time. The political justification was that the United States lay in wait for Muslims and Islamic groups and, as a result, became the first enemy of Islam. Since the United States had no rival power, it was important that Muslims realize they were its enemy. The issue, therefore, became an Islamic priority everywhere in the Islamic world. The belief was translated into action when a statement by the global Islamic front was issued in February 1998 that called for killing the Americans and Israelis everywhere and anytime. The statement was signed by Shaykh Usama Bin Ladin, Dr Ayman al-Zawahiri on behalf of the Egyptian Jihad Group, Rifa'i Taha on behalf of the Egyptian Islamic Group, a leader of a Kashmir faction, and a renowned Pakistani Islamic leader. The press published the statement, which was a major transition for Shaykh Usama on different levels: First: He embarked on a global project rather than focusing on US forces in the Arabian Peninsula. Second: He expanded the circle of bloodletting and abandoned the caution that he used to exercise regarding the legal Islamic position. Third: For the first time, Shaykh Usama became a party in a semi-Islamic alliance of jihadist groups after he used to work with his group alone and to refuse open alliances. He agreed to the idea of cooperation and coordination with other alliances. Mullah Omar was not happy with these activities. He viewed them as a violation of the moral commitment between him and Shaykh Usama. Mullah Omar sent a letter to Shaykh Usama to inquire about the situation. Shaykh Usama replied that the circumstances had changed and there was no need for the media hush-up. Shaykh Usama used the card of scholars to support his position since the Taliban never refuted the opinion of scholars despite their respect for mullah Omar. Mullah Omar was angry but he contained his anger and tried to persuade Shaykh Usama to keep quiet. Shaykh Usama, however, aggravated the situation when he called a press conference in May 1998. He arranged secretly for the press conference in the Khost suburbs in an area near the border with Pakistan. A limited number of journalists were invited to attend the press conference. A few days prior to the conference, Shaykh Usama was interviewed by the American ABC network. During both the conference and the interview, Shaykh Usama hinted that acts against the Americans would take place soon but he did not identify where. Mullah Omar raised objections once again and requested an explanation from Shaykh Usama, who had no means to convince him other than the scholars. Shaykh Usama said that he would agree to the legal opinion of scholars. However, Mullah Omar refused the idea, not in disdain of scholars but to prevent every deviant from taking advantage of them. Tension escalated between the two men. However, Mullah Omar could not prevent Shaykh Usama from his media activity and decided to tolerate the situation. The Nairobi and Dar es Salaam Operations When Shaykh Usama Bin Ladin threatened to launch a strike within weeks, the Americans were in a state of alert for fear of attacks. They took security measures in the Arab region, the Gulf, and -- to some extent -- the Horn of Africa. While the Americans were in full alert, the strike took place at an unexpected location -- at their embassies in Kenya and Tanzania where two vans laden with explosives were detonated on 18 July 1998. Although official US spokesmen exercised caution in blaming certain parties, the media, politicians, and anonymous official sources made a flood of comments and analyzed the repercussions of the events. We examined their analysis and came up with the following remarks: First: Islamic movements -- or what the West called Islamic fundamentalism -- were the prime suspects. All other parties including Iran, Iraq, and Libya, were simply ruled out. Many parties referred to Shaykh Usama Bin Ladin and the Egyptian Jihad Group, particularly Shaykh Usama's threats in the ABC interview, in which he said he would deal a strike within weeks, and a statement by the Al-Jihad Group that was published in an Arabic newspaper two days before the explosions. A connection was made between Shaykh Usama and the Egyptian Al-Jihad group via a statement by the "Global Islamic Front to Fight Jews and Crusaders" that the two sides signed. Second: The bombings reopened the file of the Al-Khubar explosion. Those responsible for the latter were not announced by then. For the first time, the US press quoted US officials as saying that the United States believed that Shaykh Usama was responsible for both the Al-Khubar and Riyadh explosions. Earlier, US sources sounded skeptical about the Saudi story of the involvement of Shiites and Iran. They pointed out the likelihood of domestic opposition that was responsible for the Al-Khubar explosion. Third: Comments by the press and academic circles linked the two incidents to the US presence in the region in general and in Saudi Arabia in particular. Moreover, they linked the two explosions to US policy vis-a-vis Israel and Iraq, US support for governments in the region, and the governments' cooperation with the United States to arrest wanted Islamic terrorists. The latter became particularly embarrassing for Arab regimes that cooperated with the anti-Islam US policy. The regimes felt that these jihadists were able to harm their American masters. In other words, the jihadists had far more logistic capabilities than these regimes and this was extremely embarrassing for them. Although there was evidence that certain Islamic groups were responsible for the explosions, the well-known parties did not claim their responsibility. There was one official statement made by the so-called "Islamic Army for the Liberation of Holy Sites." The statement by the previously unknown group was directly linked to the suspected groups. The statement attacked US policy and called for the departure of US forces from the Arabian Peninsula. It called for the release of Shaykh Omar Abd-alRahman. The statement gave the identity of the party that issued it when it demanded the release of shaykhs detained in Saudi Arabian jails at that point in time, including Shaykhs Salman [al-Awdah] and Safar [al-Hawali]. The groups that carried out these acts must have known that the message could be conveyed without claiming responsibility openly. The intelligence agencies of the United States and Arab regimes realized who was behind the explosions. As for the masses, they did not need to know the party. The demands in the statement were enough for them. By declining to claim responsibility for the incidents in public, these groups got rid of any negative repercussions of the incident. One more conclusion that should be mentioned suspected of masterminding the two incidents and human power to carry out such acts. They element of surprise when they coordinated to substantial damage. was the fact that the Islamic parties proved they had the logistic, technical, proved that they could employ the carry out the explosions and inflict Shaykh Usama did not speak in public but he was quoted as denying responsibility for the explosions. Apparently, however, the United States made another conclusion in the first week after the explosion. It maintained that Shaykh Usama was fully responsible for both explosions whether he admitted it or not. Consequently, the United States launched their attacks on Sudan and Afghanistan. Scores of cruise missiles rained down on Sudan and Afghanistan that targeted two specific locations in both countries. Was it a smart US retaliation? Without feeling it, the United States was carrying out parts of the program of jihadist groups. The US assault aggravated hostility against the United States in the Islamic world. This was exactly what jihadist groups wanted. These groups succeeded in provoking the United States to carry out its offensive to achieve their goal -rallying Islamic public opinion against the United States and proving that these groups were the superpower's adversary. Subsequently, they justified a long-term conflict with the United States regardless of whether their policy was right or wrong. The way the United States announced the strikes in the media and on official levels was just what these groups were dying to achieve. These groups in general and Shaykh Usama Bin Ladin in particular appeared as a real opponent to the United States and a power that forced Washington to act arbitrarily. Shaykh Usama was not only the man some US and Western channels argued should be taken into consideration. He also became a nightmare for the United States, as the US President and other officials admitted. Millions of people around the world witnessed how the US President, the defense secretary, and the chairman of the joint chiefs of staff focused on Shaykh Usama Bin Ladin in their speeches and answers to the press to justify the strikes. Such a reaction gave momentum to individuals affiliated with the jihadist tenets, particularly Shaykh Usama's supporters. It boosted their spirits and made them feel as if they were a superpower against the United States. The hasty strikes appeared as proof that these groups had confused the United States. As for Arab and Islamic public opinion, the story was fresh in memory. People lacked heroism and sacrifices. They were waiting for someone to retaliate for US terrorism against Muslims in Palestine, Iraq, the Arabian Peninsula, Africa, Turkey, and elsewhere. The scene of US officials admitting their confusion and fear of Shaykh Usama Bin Ladin quenched this thirst for revenge and bolstered the popularity of Shaykh Usama. Unlike Arab rulers who alleged that they were opposed to the United States, the shaykh was not accused of treason. The history of this new symbol was completely different from the history of those rulers. No one doubted his credibility when he announced that he would face the United States. These ramifications became significant after the strike. Public admiration and support for Shaykh Usama in many Arab countries was not a security embarrassment anymore. In Pakistan and the Islamic Far East, people not only admired him but they also viewed him as a commander and savior of the Islamic nation from the hegemony of the United States. Rallies were held in public there with people carrying his picture everywhere. Another loser in this mess were the Arab governments that lived under US protection. These governments looked small between two superpowers -- the United States and Bin Ladin. They were so embarrassed. They could not support US strikes or else they would prove they were traitors and they could not condemn them or else they would indirectly recognize Shaykh Usama. Such feelings were obvious in the Saudi media when the television, radio, and local press in the kingdom reported the strikes briefly without any reference to Shaykh Usama. [Description of Source: London Al-Quds al-Arabi in Arabic -- London-based independent Arab nationalist daily with an anti-US and anti-Saudi editorial line; generally proPalestinian, tends to be sympathetic to Bin Ladin] Croatian Daily Interviews Jund al-Sham Commander on Jihad in Iraq, Al-Zarqawi EUP20050601050006 Zagreb Vecernji List in Croatian 01 Jun 05 pp 14-15 [Report by Hassan Haidar Diab on "exclusive" interview with Jund al-Sham commander Usama Abu Janah at undisclosed location in Iraq; date not given: "We Must Destroy the Vatican"; for assistance with multimedia elements, contact FBIS at 1-800-205-8615 or [email protected]] The gruesome images of murders, abductions, and decapitations arriving from Iraq have unfortunately become a routine matter. The men whom we often see on our TV screens wearing intimidating black hoods with slits cut out for the eyes and weapons aimed at hostages are mostly war veterans from Afghanistan, B-H [Bosnia-Herzegovina], and Chechnya who resettled in Iraq after the end of the war or the fall of the Taliban regime. The best known of them, the notorious Ahmad Nazzal al-Khalaylah, also known as Abu Mus'ab al-Zarqawi, the leader of Al-Qa'ida in Iraq, was one of Usama Bin Ladin's closest associates during the war in Afghanistan. Army of Damascus At the time, al-Zarqawi was the commander of the Al-Mujahidin Brigade, which liberated the city of Khost. Currently waging war in Iraq under the command of Abu Mus'ab al-Zarqawi are members of the Egyptian Jihad, Al-Jama'at al-Islamiyah, the Algerian FIS [Islamic Salvation Movement] and GIA [Armed Islamic Group], and the organization Asbat alAnsar, which is known today as Jund al-Sham (Army of Damascus). All of those groups are responsible for much of the bloodshed in the world and have close ties with Al-Qa'ida, and knowledgeable sources claim that they are financed directly by Bin Ladin. The commander in chief of the Jund al-Sham group, Usama Abu Janah [name as published], whose name is on the list of the most wanted terrorists in the world, is a former fighter in Afghanistan, Bosnia, and Chechnya who is today waging war in Iraq with his group. In an exclusive interview with Vecernji List, he revealed to us the details of his ideology, the reasons why they are abducting and murdering foreigners, Iraqi soldiers and policemen, and even Iraqi civilians, and he also discussed the Vatican as Satan's refuge and Al-Qa'ida's role in the war in Bosnia-Herzegovina, and confirmed to us that al-Zarqawi was wounded during fighting with US troops in the province of Al-Anbar. Verifications After many contacts, verifications, and negotiations, we managed to reach Usama, under the condition that we not reveal our meeting place and how we reached him. The journey to the meeting was extremely arduous because Usama's mistrust of us meant that we had to change cars and drivers on the way to our destination, and we did not even know where we were going. Usama, accompanied by many of his armed men, met us in a small house with darkened windows, and at the very beginning of the interview he let us know that he does not approve of the fact that we live in a European country and pay taxes to crusaders and nonbelievers. Right next to him was an old man with a long white beard who showed approval of Usama's criticism of us. Usama introduced him as Abu Yusuf Sharqiya [name as published], his religious teacher and a former commander of the Jund al-Sham group. Just one look at the 38-year-old Usama, with his long, reddish-brown beard, is enough to see that he is a young but extremely tough man. This heated atmosphere during the meeting became even more tense when we asked about the abductions and brutal murders of foreigners in Iraq, to which Usama had this arrogant response: "In Islam, Allah says that we must have compassion for prisoners, but also that we must treat our enemies the same way that they treat us. Islam's greatest enemies are the Americans, the Italians, the British, and all the other countries that are fighting against Islam and supporting the Jews. Your country (Croatia) could also become our target if it gets involved in the conflict in Iraq or fights against Islam. We regard the Vatican as Satan's main refuge, and it must be destroyed as soon as possible, because Islam cannot rule the world as long as the Vatican exists. Those countries would never have launched their war against us without the Vatican's blessing-- the war against Allah's religion. The Americans and their allies attacked Iraq and are murdering Iraqi children and women there. Just as they have killed children and women in Palestine, Bosnia, Kashmir, Chechnya, the Philippines, and Afghanistan. While they are using highly modern technology and airplanes to destroy us, we are using other available means, including the murder of hostages." Al-Zarqawi Wounded "Al-Zarqawi has said that we will not allow what happened to Bosnia, where 200,000 Muslims and a large number of mujahidin were killed, to befall us. In the end, the Americans came and took control of Bosnia." Usama mentions Abu Mus'ab al-Zarqawi very often and with obvious admiration, and so we asked him whether he is personally acquainted with him, what sort of relationship they have, and whether there is any truth to the rumors that he was wounded. "Yes, al-Zarqawi was wounded in the province of Al-Anbar in fighting with the Americans and their mercenaries in the ranks of the Iraqi army. He is well on his way to recovery and continues to direct all of our actions against the enemy. We are in contact every day, because we coordinate our joint actions. Allah gave him life in order to fight against the enemies of Islam and enforce Islamic laws in Iraq. "I first met al-Zarqawi at the Zaid bin Harith mosque in the city of Peshawar in Pakistan. I was also at his home in Jordan. He made a terrific impression on me. He is a great believer, and everything that he does is exclusively for Islam. We entered the city of Kabul together, after the Russians pulled out, and with us were the greatest Afghan mujahidin, Jalaloddin Haqqani and Gulbuddin Hekmatyar, who are today the most wanted people on the US blacklist, next to al-Zarqawi." At the very end of the interview, we asked Usama Abu Janah what the connection is between Islam and the murder of Iraqi civilians, soldiers, and policemen. "They are slaves to the Americans, not to Allah, and as such they are our mortal enemies. We have a fatwa from Bin Ladin to kill anyone who cooperates with the occupiers and crusaders, and even to kill their children," Usama responded curtly. [Box, p 14] Responsibility: Blacklisted Alongside Al-Qa'ida The group Asbat al-Ansar (Jund al-Sham) founded by Abdullah Shreidi [name as published], who was killed in 2003 in the Ein al-Helweh Palestinian camp in southern Lebanon, is responsible for the attacks on the Russian Embassy in Beirut in 2001 and on the offices of the United Nations and foreign missions in Damascus in 2003, and in a videotape broadcast on the Arab television network Al-Jazirah a member of that group also took responsibility for the assassination of former Lebanese Prime Minister Rafiq al-Hariri. The group, which now has a large number of fighters in Iraq under the command of Abu Mus'ab al-Zarqawi, has been on the US blacklist since 11 September, right behind Al-Qa'ida. [Box, p 15] Mujahidin in Bosnia: I Will Never Forgive the Croats "I fought in Bosnia too. After the liberation of Kabul in 1992, we all set out in an organized fashion for Bosnia via Saudi Arabia, in order to help our Muslim brothers. I spent two days in your country (Croatia). I fought all through Bosnia, mostly against Croats. We will never forgive them for the cowardly murders of Abu Haris Libi and Shaykh Anwar Shaban [names as published], who were killed at an HVO [Croat Defense Council] checkpoint near Zepce. A lot of prominent members of AlQa'ida died in Bosnia. Al-Moataz [name as published], the former commander for the defense of the city of Jalalabad, died in combat near Zavidovici, and our brother Adnan Pezo [name as published] (the former director of the Islamic Youth organization) was also wounded there. "Others who died near Zavidovici were Adu Abdallah Libi [name as published], also known as the Mountain Lion, the best fighter against the Russians, and many others of our brothers from around the world who came to defend Islam. The Muslims in Bosnia disappointed us. We gave them a lot, in blood and in money. We set roots there in the hope and belief that one day Bosnia would enforce Muslim laws and become Allah's state. It is sad to see our brothers who stayed there being arrested and extradited to the Americans. Despite our disappointment, we know that one day Islam will rule over Bosnia." [Box, p 15] Rules: Exchange of Money for Nonbelievers "The rules are clear: If we capture a nonbeliever, we begin by treating him as a prisoner, and then we demand a prisoner exchange or money. That happened when our leader Abu Mus'ab al-Zarqawi captured some Americans. A large number of prisoners were released from the Abu Ghurayb prison in exchange. We ask ourselves whether there is a fatwa (Muslim obligation) to kill prisoners. The Prophet Muhammad himself issued an order for the massacre of 750 prisoners. That command was carried out by his son-in-law, Imam Ali. The Prophet Muhammad killed 750 Jews with his own hands in war. That means that the Prophet Muhammad issued a fatwa for the murder of prisoners, and that is not considered a sin. Abu Mus'ab al-Zarqawi does not murder because he likes it, but rather in order to defend Islam against the enemy, which only understands the language of force. The Americans and crusaders do not understand the meaning of reconciliation and the offering of a hand. They understand only force, and we are following their example." [Box, p 15] Goals: We Are Fighting to Create an Islamic World What are the group's goals in Iraq? "To found an Islamic state, and then to also enforce Islamic laws. In many Islamic countries life does not go on under Allah's command, and that even holds true of Saudi Arabia and Sudan. The only true Islamic country was Afghanistan when it was led by Amir Mullah Mohammad Omar. I pray to Allah that Afghanistan will be an Islamic country again as soon as possible. Allah demands that we fight for Islam and implement Islam. Islam will rule the world." Caught off-guard by Usama's interpretation of Islam, we asked him whether alZarqawi shares his views. "Not only he does; Bin Ladin and Basayev in Chechnya do too. We are working together to create an Islamic world, and in order for us to succeed we must first destroy the Vatican, Satan's nest, so that everyone becomes slaves to Allah." [Description of Source: Zagreb Vecernji List in Croatian -- tabloid, best-selling daily] Pakistan Ex-ISI Officer Claims To Have Trained Taliban, Mullah Omar, Met Usama SAP20050714000010 Karachi Ummat in Urdu 08 Jul 05 p 3 [For assistance with multimedia elements, contact FBIS at 1-800-205-8615 or [email protected] Interview with Col Sultan Amir by Wajeeh Ahmad Siddiqui; date and place not given: "Mullah Omar Received Training From Me: Col Sultan Amir Alias Col Imam"] Col [ret] Sultan Amir Tarar, known as Col Imam among the Afghan mujahidin is a prominent figure of the Afghan Jihad against the former Soviet Union. He remains associated with the Special Services Group [SSG] and Inter Services Intelligence [ISI] of Pakistan Army. He also served as consul general of Pakistan in Herat [province] during the Taliban period. Introducing himself, Col Imam said: "I hail from Chakwal, Punjab. Born in a small village, I am Rajput and Tarar by caste. After studying in local educational institutions, I joined Pakistan Army and was commissioned in 1965. Later, I was posted to an infantry unit. God had blessed me with an exemplary physique. Therefore, I was inducted into the SSG. I performed better there, and was sent to the United States for different courses. Then I joined the paratrooper wing. On my return from the United States, I was appointed commandant of the jumps school of the SSG. General Pervez Musharraf was very senior to us and we had an opportunity to work with him. Musharraf was senior captain and we were junior captains. We fought together during the 1971 war. No one could compete with him in official work. He used to guide his juniors. He was a balanced officer. He was extremely strict during parades but showed frankness like friends in private meetings in the mess. During my service with the SSG, I was introduced to the Afghan mujahidin in 1974 or 1975 through General Naseerullah Babar [former interior minister]. Later, others were assigned to this program, and I returned to the army and was appointed unit commander. Later, I was recalled to the ISI and was appointed to take charge of training. At that time, the program had been assigned to the ISI. I was not working in this program single-handed; 200 officers were assisting me in imparting training. My chiefs included General Akhtar Abdur Rahman and General Hameed Gul. Under their supervision, we carried on with the program along the pattern set by my predecessors. As I remained mujahidin had trained by me as well, they associated with it for most of the time, I earned fame, but the also demonstrated performance. It is an honor for me that the mujahidin also performed well against the Soviet Union, and now during peacetime are producing well administratively. Q: You are a known figure of the Afghan Jihad. You imparted training to Afghan mujahidin and remained Pakistan consul general in Herat during the Taliban period. How do you see today's Afghanistan in the light of your past experience? A: Communism penetrated in Afghanistan during Zahir Shah's period. All of his successors had also established good relations with the Soviet Union. Officers of the Afghan Army and civil bureaucracy were sent to the Soviet Union for training. The officials of Soviet Communist Party had brainwashed these officers and they were impressed by communism. In this way, the influence of communism started growing in Afghanistan. It spread extremely fast in the cities including Kabul, Mazar-e Sharif and Herat. In reaction, Afghan Muslims launched an Islamic movement in the rural areas. This movement gained momentum in the period of Sardar Daud [former president]. Besides other groups, Zamanan-e Musliman of Maulvi Younus Khalis, who had much influence in Nangrahar and Paktia provinces had joined this movement. Jalaluddin Haqqani was also a member of this group at that time. These people safeguarded Islam against communism in their respective areas and struggled against the foreign ideology imposed on them. When communist officers of the Afghan Army saw that the struggle was gaining momentum, all of a sudden they toppled the government of Sardar Daud and the Communist party captured power. In this way, Nur Mohammad Tarakai became the head of Afghanistan. He did not succeed and Hafeezullah Amin replaced him. Even then the Soviet Union was not satisfied and manipulated in Amin's murder and installed Babrak Karmal. Karmal did not prove himself to be useful and Dr Najibullah was installed. Unfortunately, he also could not prove himself as well. When the Soviets murdered Hafizullah Amin, they thought that the Afghans were not capable of taking over the affairs of their country. Therefore, the Soviets arrived on the conclusion that Afghan affairs will not run smoothly unless they invade the country. They believed that Soviet troops would take control of the major cities and the problem would be solved within a few months, but as the Soviet Army landed, stiff resistance began in Afghanistan. The Afghan people started migrating, and various small groups launched a movement against Communism. The [resistance] movement began to step up but these groups lacked resources. Assistance was also not coming from abroad. Therefore, these people sold their personal assets and after buying weapons from the tribal areas of Pakistan, they started fighting. In December 1979, the resistance further intensified and the freedom movement continued to grow. The facilities Pakistan had extended to the mujahidin included shelter for Afghan refugees and medical treatment for the injured. Pakistan did not create any hurdle in the purchase of rations and fuel by Afghans. Pakistan bore the brunt till 1981. In late 1981, US President Ronald Reagan came to power and he decided to provide aid to the Afghans. The former US officials were confused whether or not these people would be able to fight the Soviet Union. Even the United States was discouraging Pakistan from annoying the Soviet Union and helping the Afghans. Instead, Pakistan was advised to convince the mujahidin and restrict their movements to within its territory so that they cannot cross back into Afghanistan as they were totally defenseless. They neither had weapons nor wealth to fight the Soviet Union. However, it was the good luck of the Afghan mujahidin that a military general was in power in Pakistan. He decided that Pakistan would not only check the Soviet Union but also force it to pull back. In the first three years of jihad in Afghanistan, the United States had seen that the Afghans were offering stiff resistance. So it decided to help them. Besides providing assistance, arrangements were made to give them guerrilla training. First, this training was imparted on an extremely small scale but this was gradually upgraded. As the United States increased aid, arms started to pour in from all over the world. These weapons were purchased from the funds the United States was providing, and whatever weapons could be better used in the guerrilla war were provided to the Afghans. More or less 95,000 mujahidin were trained in almost 10 years. Q: When did you join the training program? A: I joined the program a long time ago. It was during the period of Sardar Daud. Golboddin Hekmatyar and Ahmad Shah Masud came here [Pakistan] with a program of resistance against the communists. A few students also accompanied them. I joined this program for a brief period in late 1974 and early 1975. Afterwards, I gave it up because Zulfikar Ali Bhutto's dismissal from power [5 July 1977] led to the dismantling of this program. I discharged my professional responsibilities in another wing of the army. This mujahidin training program continued for some time during the Bhutto regime. This job was done secretly on an extremely small scale. Later, the program was re-launched during Gen Ziaul Haq's period in 1980. I was called back in 1983 and appointed to take charge of training. I worked in this position till retirement. Training the Afghans was extremely easy because they were already well versed with weapons. These were short-term training courses. The mujahidin were made familiar with the use of weapons and assigned a limited target so that they do not face problems. They were provided training according to the target assigned. In their assignments, they were to hit the target within a stipulated time. On their return from the mission, they were once again provided with specific weapons. In this way, thousands of teams continued to move throughout Afghanistan. That was why we remained busy almost round the clock. It was due to this training that the Soviet Army found it extremely difficult to stay in Afghanistan. They remained confined only to the big cities. The mujahidin had blocked all their routes. Therefore, the Soviet Union had no option but to use air routes. If the Soviets used land routes, they would be accompanied by tanks, armed personnel carriers and aircraft. I believe the Soviet troops were extremely professional. They were extremely brave. However, when they faced stiff resistance in Afghanistan, they dealt with the Afghan people and the mujahidin with extreme brutality. About 1.5 million Afghans including a large number of mujahidin were martyred in 10 years, but even then there was no let up in resistance; rather it continued to intensify. At last Soviet Union was compelled to decide to withdraw from Afghanistan. Afghan leaders and we, who were working as their advisers, committed one mistake throughout this struggle. We had provided military training to them, and as a result they had become extremely skillful and expert, but they could not be given political training. There were two reasons. Firstly, no one had even imagined that the Soviet Union would decide to pull back within 10 years. The Soviet decision was extremely surprising for all of us. We had never expected that Soviet Union to make this decision. Even when the Soviet Union announced its withdrawal, we were confused whether the report was correct or a fabrication. The Soviets were certainly facing difficulties but we never expected that they would pack up so quickly. We believed that they would stay in Afghanistan for five to seven more years. That was why a political group could not be formed and political training could not be imparted to the resistance leadership. Secondly, there was not a one but seven Afghan groups and they lacked ideological harmony. The Afghan nation is well known for its lack of harmony. This is the reason they never sat down together and formed a political setup that could immediately take over the country. When the Soviet Army departed, the Afghan nation had to face numerous problems in forming their own government and running politics. Q: Will you like to name prominent Afghan leaders and mujahidin who remained in touch with you during this training program? A: I was lucky enough to have been in touch with almost every renowned leader. They were extremely brave and great people. I still highly respect them from the core of my heart. I had developed extremely deep and close relations with all the seven leaders. I was in touch with all prominent commanders and all of them would contact me from time to time and we would arrange training for their mujahidin. They included extremely prominent people. For instance, when the incumbent Governor Herat Province Mohammad Ismail Khan revolted against the Afghan Army, he was a senior captain. In 1978, he joined the mujahidin. General Alauddin Khan would visit Pakistan almost every year and bring his mujahidin for training. There was another extremely prominent Afghan commander Mullah Naseem Akhundzada. However, he was not in the headlines because he carried out his activities on the fronts where the media teams had no access. He was commander of Alizar tribe of Helmand Province and had an extremely large number of soldiers under his command. He commanded almost 20,000 to 25,000 mujahidin. Many commanders of Kandahar Province became prominent and this included Mullah Malang whose real name was Maulvi Mohammad Saleh; Commander Abdur Razzaq and Mullah Yar Mohammad, who later became members of Mullah Omar's advisory council; Mullah Faizullah Akhundzada; Mullah Naqeebullah who later changed his name to Mullah Gul Akhund; and an extremely prominent commander of Hekmatyar Group, Sarkatab Ata Mohammad. There were countless number of commanders and I was in touch with almost all of them. They were in the thousands. Q: You have said that you imparted training to Afghan nationals, but the Soviet Union said that Pakistani and foreign mujahidin particularly Arabs were also trained. Was that training imparted under your supervision or was there some separate arrangement made for that? A: This story has some truth. When the jihad began and gained momentum, a large number of mujahidin were required. At that time more than 4 million refugees had come to Pakistan. This was the largest influx of refugees in the world history. These refugees had brought their scholars with them. They established their seminaries in refugee camps in Dera Ismail Khan, Zhob, Loralai and the mountains of Quetta. They established seminaries wherever there were refugee camps. Therefore, these seminaries served as mujahidin recruitment centers. When students of these seminaries were able to pick up a gun, they would join the mujahidin. As far as the question of the training of Pakistani mujahidin in these seminaries was concerned, I provided training to those who were selected by prominent mujahidin from inside Afghanistan. I had nothing to do with these seminaries. As the scope of training expanded, we assigned the basic training to mujahidin and began the training in superior and bigger weapons. The mujahidin had established basic training centers for their respective parties inside Afghanistan. Whenever seminaries were closed for vacation, the Afghan students returned to Afghanistan and the Pakistani students also accompanied them. These Muslim students had developed the spirit of jihad. Their language [Pashto] was commonly spoken. Therefore, there was no cultural restrictions on their movement neither from their home nor from our side. The CIA and the Americans were aware of this fact, and they had no objections. These people received basic training at the camps of mujahidin and then joined them in jihad. On their return, they rejoined the classes to get an education. As far as foreign mujahidin are concerned, they used to come from outside the country, got the basic training and joined the mujahidin directly. They were in contact with different leaders. For instance, the Arab mujahidin would contact Prof Abdur Rab Rasool Sayyaf. Similarly, those who belonged to Islamic groups like Jamaat-e Islami Bangladesh, Jamaat-e Islami India or the Islamic organizations of Far East, joined Hekmatyar. There were also some people, who had direct access to prominent commanders including Jalaluddin Haqqani. They were imparting the same training in the seminaries and training centers. The mujahidin themselves had made elaborate arrangements for training. For instance, Sayyaf had established a big training center in Ali Khalil area of Paktia Province. A large number of Arabs, who were later labeled as Al-Qa'ida for propaganda purpose, visited Sayyaf's training center. Q: What kind of Arab mujahidin came for jihad? A: There were three kinds of people. Fifty percent of them had developed the spirit of jihad. Some Arab governments had prohibited them but these people came there even without permission from their governments. However, some of them possessed valid documents while others had fake ones. Some others, who had no documents were apprehended but even then they managed to reach the battlefront. In my opinion, 25 percent of the people were fed up with their governments for certain reasons and it was extremely difficult for them to stay in their own countries. They received shelter and being Muslims they had established relationships and decided to take part in jihad. They decided not to return home. The third kind of people were adventurers. You can name them tourists. Their beliefs were neither strong nor were their jihadi spirits high. They joined the mujahidin just for adventure. When they saw a conducive environment for their adventure, they extended their stay. However, the biggest number of people had come here for jihad with the true Islamic spirit. Q: Which was the group that invited Usama Bin Ladin and Ayman al-Zawahiri? A: This has an extremely long background. When jihad began against the Soviet Union and the United States began to support it, the entire Muslim world became extremely happy and started supporting the jihad. Muslim scholars also supported the jihad and thronged from different areas to witness it. Every capable and educated person helped the mujahidin. Those with funds supported their host groups individually. When the people started coming from the Arab world, the need was felt to organize them. A Jordanian Arab scholar, Abdullah Azam, was a teacher at the International Islamic University, Islamabad. He also joined the mujahidin. He was a great scholar. He formed a group of mujahidin and maintained a record of their particulars. He collected funds from the Arab world. The title of his organization was Islamic International Fund. I am not aware of its Arabic nomenclature. It was almost an underground group. I was in touch with different types of like-minded people who spent funds on training and other requirements for the Arab mujahidin. Surprisingly, neither the ISI nor the CIA were concerned about them till 1999. Abdullah Azam was martyred in a bomb blast in Peshawar along with his two sons. At that time, he was doing an extremely important job. Two to three hundred Arabs contributed to the jihad against the Soviet Union but if other foreign mujahidin are added, the number exceeded 4,000. When the Soviets departed, the number declined steadily. After Azam's martyrdom, the question arose as to who should fill the gap. Usama Bin Ladin, who had come four years ago, was a civilian and he had nothing to do with the militant training. However, he possessed considerable resources. Besides the resources of his family and friends, he himself possessed considerable wealth with which he used to help the mujahidin. At that time, no one had raised any objection to his assistance to the mujahidin. The Arab people requested him to take over the place of Abdullah Azam. He did not have the experience of Abdullah Azam. He had come with the spirit of jihad to extend just non-military assistance specifically in the field of engineering. He accepted to become head of the organization. He met the mujahidin from other countries to learn about their personal as well as training requirements. You can name it International Islamic Front. The organization was labeled Al-Qa'ida after some time. In my opinion, the number of members of this group would be higher in other countries rather than in Afghanistan. The group does not have big structure inside Afghanistan. Q: When did the second term of the training program end? A: I joined the program in 1983. When Mr Sibghatullah Mujaddadi took over as president in Kabul in April 1992, our training program ended. Later in August 1994, I went to Herat and opened the Pakistani consulate there. Under a program, the military officers are also deputed to the Foreign Office. I remained there till the diplomatic relations were broken in the aftermath of 9/11. The training program had already been dismantled because it was linked to the withdrawal of the Soviet troops. The Americans ended the program in February 1989. The Soviets began packing up from there. Later, the Communist troops started to provide stiffer resistance against the mujahidin than Soviet troops. It created a lot of problems because the US had almost stopped its assistance [to mujahidin] due to the problems it was creating. Now, the mujahidin were fighting against their own people. This situation created more problems. The ongoing training course was going to end shortly. When mujahidin reached Kabul in April 1992, this training ended as well. Q: Who patronized the Taliban? It is said that Gen Naseerullah Babar had organized the Taliban movement or otherwise, the United States had planned it. What do you know in this regards? A: As I told you, the mujahidin were not provided political training. Therefore, no political infrastructure could be set up. Its reason was that the Soviet Union had decided to pack up and leave Afghanistan in haste and the mujahidin were not mentally prepared for that. The Pakistani advisers had also not made preparations in this regard. The Americans did not expect this as well. It was also an unexpected development for the mujahidin leadership. Another big reason was intra-mujahidin differences. On the other hand, the United States had stopped providing assistance. The mujahidin groups had been relying on assistance. They used to get weapons and fight in the war. Besides, they were also being provided with food. When all this stopped, senior people started pressuring the juniors in order to realize their own importance. This created a civil war-like situation in Afghanistan. Warlords mushroomed everywhere and those who were more powerful gained control over their respective areas. They gained the support of other people and started to fight those who had not joined them. This happened throughout Afghanistan but the mujahidin did not like it. In this situation, the mujahidin particularly those who were called Taliban, consulted each other that the supreme cause for which they have offered sacrifices was not being served and that the leaders were busy in infighting. They decided to launch a struggle to end this civil war-like situation. The situation had deteriorated in Kandahar. The Taliban launched their struggle from Kandahar. They declared that they would root-out all the evils of society like looting and plunder and the sale of weapons. The Afghan people appreciated and helped them. Wherever the Taliban went, the people cooperated with them. They captured Kandahar and gradually expanded their control to other areas. The people were extremely happy with them. In this way, the Taliban emerged. Those at the helm of affairs at that time including Afghan President Burhanuddin Rabbani helped them. They provided funds to the Taliban and asked their mujahidin to cooperate with them. Dr Abdullah also came to the help of Taliban. Rabbani ordered high level commanders in Kandahar like Mullah Naqeebullah to help the Taliban in terms of weapons and funds. Small mujahidin groups of other parties also cooperated with them. Hekmatyar resisted the Taliban but his own people were also good Muslims and good jihadis. They were not fighting the Taliban from the core of hearts. Therefore, the Taliban continued to make advances and reached Kabul. When they reached Chaharsiab, Hekmatyar left the area. He did not want to fight. He was facing the army of Rabbani's Commander Ahmad Shah Masud. The Taliban asked Masud to give up power because he was not performing well. Exactly seven months later, Rabbani stopped assisting the Taliban and started propagating that the Taliban enjoyed Pakistan's support and they had come at Pakistan's behest. Rabbani was thinking that the Taliban were fighting against Hekmatyar only. On the other hand, the United States also psychologically helped the Taliban. The Under Secretary of State for Central Asia Miss Raphael used to visit Pakistan fortnightly and made good remarks about the Taliban. They were described as good people. The Americans wanted the Taliban to uproot the warlords and as they had no political setup of their own, they would not be able to become a big political force and would be buried politically. According to the Americans, these boys and youth [Taliban] would not be able to do any big job but at least they would eliminate anti-United States and anti-Rabbani forces like Golboddin Hekmatyar. Naturally, the United States was also helping them. However, the war started in Kabul, the Taliban ousted Rabbani troops and stabilized themselves in the capital. Then they devised their own strategy. This caused concern for the United States and it felt that the Taliban were more hardcore than their predecessors. So the United States stopped its assistance and became active against them. It imposed sanctions on the Taliban to weaken them. The United States did not appreciate whatever good job they had done. Instead, it continued to put pressure on them. So far as Pakistan is concerned, the reality is that Pakistan was not aware of who these Taliban were. I knew them as low ranking mujahidin. They had received training from me. I knew them personally. The government was confused over where these mujahidin came from and what group they belonged to. I told them that these people belonged to all the parties. These are the Taliban. They had never been in power in the past. They have been at the forefront in the jihad in Afghanistan during the last 1,000 years [as published], but they had never demanded any sharing of power. Therefore, they had never emerged into the limelight. For the first time, they took over the government and the people came to know that Taliban were also a force. This community, whether they are Pakistanis or Afghans, is held in high esteem in Pashtoon [Pashto-speaking] areas. When somebody asks questions about them, they are described as Taliban Mullahs [clergy]. They are not expected to lie or be involved in wrong deeds. So they enjoyed a respectable position in society, but at the same time, they were also not expected to capture power. Therefore, when the Taliban captured the government for the first time, the people were surprised. However, the people cooperated with them because they had an extremely neat and clean past. They were considered as extremely good people. The Pakistan Government had not given them any training. These were already trained. They had taken part in militant activities against the Soviet Union. They were self-reliant in weapons because they had snatched and stockpiled the weapons to the extent that they had no place to dump them. A big arms depot called Qasr-e Jadeed was set up in Kandahar during the period of Sardar Daud. After it was over-dumped, almost four times more weapons were lying in the open outside. All these tanks, vehicles, aircraft and other equipment were Soviet-made. Taliban unscrewed their tanks and then reassembled them to use against the enemy. Pakistan also never extended them any assistance in terms of weapons. That was why, their stock of weapons gradually started to become exhausted during the war. They were not able to repair the vehicles or weapons once they became faulty. As regards Naseerullah Babar's contribution, it was a coincidence. He wanted to inspect a trade route to link Pakistan to Central Asia. He chose the route from Quetta to Kandahar and Herat which leads up to Central Asia. I was also aware of this route. Therefore, he summoned me and asked to accompany him as a guide. I took his delegation to Afghanistan and arranged meetings with the people in Kandahar and other provinces. We made many stopovers on the way and held meetings with the Afghans. At that time, Taliban were not on the scene. Babar held no meeting with any Taliban group. Babar and Taliban were totally different from each other. The Pakistan People's Party [PPP] had no concern with the Taliban. Babar was the interior minister in the PPP government. He traveled across the Afghan territory and the people felt that Gen Babar had a role in organizing the Taliban. How can anyone be trained in only one week? The Taliban were already trained. However, Babar had a role in bringing the Taliban leaders to one platform. Q: Why was the United States intention in using the Taliban and on what issue or stage did differences emerge between them? A: I think the Americans were extremely worried about the warlords. When the Taliban appeared on the scene with their good reputation, the Americans thought that these youth would comply with its orders if they came to power. When the United States saw that they were more committed to their own policy and cause and they were dreaming of establishing their own rule, the US changed its policy. Q: The Taliban had made the caliphate era as a role model to rule the country. Is it possible in this contemporary age as today the problems and resources are totally different? A: This is a debatable issue whether or not the footsteps of the Sahaba [companions of the Prophet] can be followed today. However, the Taliban did a good job in some areas that no one could in Afghanistan during the last 3,000 years. They had disarmed the Afghan nation. They asked the people to lay down weapons and the people voluntarily deposited their weapons in the Islamic spirit. This was a major achievement. Opium is cultivated in Afghanistan in huge quantities. It was a big source of income for the Afghan people. They cannot earn a livelihood by cultivating any other crop. After coming to power, the Taliban waited for foreign assistance for one or two years so that they would be able to eliminate poppy cultivation because it was extremely difficult to stop this without assistance. At last under a religious decree, they brought the poppy cultivation to nil. Thirdly, they neither had an army nor the police but even then they established peace in the country. If contemporary philosophers claim that the system of caliphate cannot be enforced today or it creates problems, he should see that the Taliban had received no foreign assistance, the state exchequer was empty and the country had no army or police but still the Taliban had established peace. I am an eyewitness to all this. I feel that the people trusted them. Whenever they issued an order, the people cooperated with them. That is why criminals had no room in Afghanistan. They did not usurp the rights of the people. They themselves lived a simple life. They did not snatch anything from others, rather they delivered things to them. They provided protection to women. Women were extremely insecure in the society. Particularly in Kandahar and Herat, the conditions had worsen for women. They were not able to get out of their homes. The Taliban provided protection to them. For once a lady could travel alone without any fear. This thing cannot be guaranteed in developed countries of the 21st century, but the Taliban made it possible. Therefore, it was proved that the caliphate can be successful even in the 21st century. Six incidents of rape are reported in the United States every minute, but no such incident took place during the Taliban period. If a report came that someone has committed murder or robbery, he was convicted the same day. It means they provided justice to the people on the spot. The body of the accused of murder or robbery was hanged from a tree or at a crossing in order to create public fear of crime. As a result, complete peace returned to Afghanistan. The Taliban captured several provinces without sending in a single soldier. However, only four persons, that is the governor, deputy governor, police chief and secretary were deputed. These four persons gathered the people and told that Mullah Omar had sent them to rule the area. Then they established the government with the help of the local people. So the Taliban enjoyed the confidence of the people. The people did not consider the Taliban to be dishonest. When the country was hit by famine and the animals started dying, Mullah Omar sent his teams and ordered the people to hand over all their cattle to these teams so that they could be taken to the provinces where grass was abundant. As the famine ended and you have resources, your cattle would be handed back. I was surprised to see that all the people handing their cattle over to these teams on just on a small piece of paper. Nobody protested against the order or hid his cattle. If all this had happened in our country, the people would have slaughtered their cattle and distributed the meat in their locality. Our people would never have handed the cattle over to the police. This is a matter of confidence and trust. Our people have no confidence in our system of government. They do not trust the police. The Taliban enjoyed the confidence of the people. That was why narcotics were eradicated and weapons recovered. Women and children were protected. They did all this without the help of the army and police. All this happened because of faith and the system which you call the caliphate or system of Koran and Sunnah [traditions of the Prophet]. This is also workable today provided there is somebody to run it. Q: You would have met Mullah Omar, Bin Ladin and Al-Zawahiri. How did you find them? What was their behavior and mental approach? A: In my first meeting with Usama in 1986, I found him to be an extremely serene person. He is basically a civil engineer. He was interested in only one thing, that is how many roads, shelters and tunnels should be constructed to facilitate the mujahidin in Afghanistan so that they could defend themselves against the Soviet shelling. I have never seen him planning any negative activity. The mujahidin came under pressure in Jalalabad and faced difficulties in capturing it. They told Usama about it. He brought his group over there. This was my second meeting with him when I saw him and the Arab mujahidin. They stayed there in Afghanistan from 1989 to 1999. He was a respectable figure, who had come to Afghanistan in the spirit of jihad, and was helping Afghan brethren. At that time, I did not feel that a time would come when he would be treated like a terrorist and a man who wanted to upset global peace. When a let-up came in the fighting, he moved to Sudan with his close associates. Afterwards, I had no opportunity to meet him. When he returned to Afghanistan, I was in Herat. He was staying as the guest of Borhanoddin Rabbani in Jalalabad. I have never met AlZawahiri. My first meeting with Mullah Omar was held in 1985 when he came for training as a common mujahid. I never thought that this mujahid would one day become 'chief of the faithfuls' [amirul momineen] Mullah Omar. I knew his commander Mullah Faizullah Akhund and had developed a good friendship with him. I did not even recognize Mullah Omar. When our meeting was held in 1994, he himself told me that he had received training from me. He had received the training in a Pakistani area. After 1994, we often met each other. I was visiting Kandahar and meeting Mullah Omar there. He is an extremely simple man like other common Afghans. He was determined to do something for his country. He was worried about how to prevent the country falling into the hands of the warlords and the armed units disrupting the peace. Mullah Omar was successful to a great extent in this task. He had gained control over 95 percent of Afghanistan. In his personal life, Mullah Omar was an extremely simple man. He spent just a little on himself. I have always seen him in a single dress. Probably he would change his dress on Friday to wash it. I always met Mullah Omar at lunch time. He used to take only one dish, that is potato and soup. I have never seen him having any more dishes. His style of eating suggested that he had been hungry since morning. Perhaps, he would take meat in the evening, but I never met him in the evening. He was not talkative but was a good listener. He never involved himself in debates. If some special guest visited him and he had given some advice to him, he would respond in only one sentence that "I [Mullah Omar] have listened to you. I have learned some new things which I did not know before. God willing, when I will do that, I will keep your advice in mind." Our delegations visited him and held lengthy discussions but Mullah Omar just listened to them. His attitude toward our people was extremely affectionate, but he would never change his orders. He would strictly implement his orders. During the jihad against the Soviet Union, he was a low-ranked mujahid. I mean he was not a senior jihadi but his character earned him the highest position. The Taliban accorded him great respect. The common Afghans also held him in high esteem. Most of the pictures of Mullah Omar are imaginary. He is about six feet two inches tall. He is a smart man. His physique is extremely good. He has a light slender body. He lost his right eye during the jihad against the Soviet Union and was treated in Pakistan. He has a long thick beard. He always covered his head with turban. He never posed as if he was an important person. He used to make the people realize that he was not a scholar but a common and simple Afghan, who has been assigned a responsibility and he was making every possible effort to shoulder it. He used to consult the religious scholars in government affairs therefore, he was an extremely successful ruler. Q: How far were you involved in the important decisions the Taliban were compelled to take after 9/11? A: We held meetings after that. I came to Kandahar and frequently met with Mullah Omar. He was working extremely secretly. He was well aware of his fate. He knew even before 9/11 that the United States would launch an operation against him. He was mentally prepared for that. The members of his advisory council were also ready to face the catastrophe. They never seemed worried. They hoped that if the United States attacked them or conducted an operation, the Muslim community would at least register its protest. When the decision was taken to attack Afghanistan, I was present. Mullah Omar was highly shocked that the Muslim community did not express even concern over the decision. However, his behavior was normal. He was not embarrassed but busy in preparations. I was also accompanying a delegation of scholars. I held a meeting with him but saw no negative change in him. He appeared quite calm. Q: You have worked with the CIA as well. Has the CIA not learned a lesson from war [between mujahidin and Soviet forces] that Afghanistan cannot be captured? A: I worked with the CIA in the first 10 years of the Afghan Jihad. At that time, they were helping us in the war against Soviet Union. I was surprised that they [CIA] were such good people that they would immediately provide us various necessities including equipment, weapons, photo maps, wireless sets and other items according to the requirements of any plan. It often happened that they would arrange for the things we required within no time. They extended forthright cooperation to us beyond our expectations. I feel that they provided 30 to 40 percent more assistance to the Afghans than was actually needed. This assistance included weapons and other items. When Geneva Accord was signed [April 1988] and the Soviets decided to withdraw, the entire CIA team was replaced with new people. We were surprised to see that the new people were ill-mannered and non-cooperative. They never listened to us. We saw that the policy had changed altogether after the Geneva Accord. Good people were withdrawn and replaced with those who were ill-mannered and looked like police personnel of some Third World country. We were disappointed and felt that the motive was to discourage those who had defeated the Soviet Union. When the Afghans were fighting the Soviet Union, the United States supported them. I had close association with the CIA in this regard. At that time, I noted that the Americans were surprised at how this nation was fighting a superpower like the Soviet Union. Senior US officials came to see them and were surprised how such accurate hits were possible from Stinger missiles and how it performed so well. The Afghan mujahidin were giving better results in the use of the Stinger than the experiments the Americans had carried out. The record of the Afghans in fighting was excellent. The CIA officials did not believe in the Taliban claims; therefore, they came to see the performance in person. We took them to a safe place near the Pakistani border. One Afghan mujahid stood on the hilltop and saw an aircraft. He took out a Stinger to target the aircraft. The other aircraft saw him and attacked him. Another team of mujahidin targeted the other plane as well. The Americans were surprised at the bravery of the Afghan fighters. In spite of the fact that the enemy enjoyed full control of the airspace, the Taliban targeted their aircraft and shot both of them. Then they remarked: "The Stinger is a good weapon but when it is on Afghan shoulder, it is excellent". When the CIA officials found these people to be so valiant and imbibed with the religious spirit that they were ready to sacrifice even their lives, they became concerned. They decided not to allow them to organize themselves. Therefore, they manipulated the Geneva Accord. This accord was totally against the objectives of jihad and jihadi groups. The jihadi groups were not taken into confidence on it. The people who had forced the Soviet forces to retreat were ignored. Pakistan and the communist regime of Kabul were forced to sign the accord. This accord was designed to sabotage the Afghan jihad. The mujahidin were ordered to form their own government and Washington assured them that it would recognize their government. Obviously, the mujahidin were not ready for that. They hastily formed a government in exile and surprised the Americans. The Americans had never thought that these people could unite and agree to to be lead by one person. The president and prime minister were chosen and a cabinet was formed. The United States prohibited Pakistan from recognizing this regime. This decision shocked the mujahidin. They had formed the government on Pakistani territory at Pakistan's behest but the same Pakistan was not giving it recognition because the United States had forbidden this. We wasted our own services at US behest. Now the Afghans do not trust us like they did in the past. Previously, they realized that we had helped them a lot but now they have started saying that you helped us at US behest and when the United States ordered, you stopped helping us. Then pressure was put on the Afghan mujahidin to form a broad-based government involving the communists as well. Pakistan made this demand at US behest which worsened the situation. The United States wanted to eliminate the Islamic revolutionary spirit among the Afghan mujahidin. This is the basic reason of this whole episode that those who had fought in the name of religion should not reorganize themselves. I felt that the United States wanted to create a situation to once again recapture Afghanistan. Almost every superpower has desired a presence in Afghanistan. History has always repeated itself in this country. Alexander The Great, Chinese Hun nation, the Iranian monarch Dara, Hindus and Sikhs have all captured Afghanistan, but were ousted. The British Empire thrice invaded Afghanistan but met with an extremely bad fate. Once their entire army could not return and in another they faced a humiliating defeat. The Soviet Union also invaded Afghanistan with its world's biggest army but it also met a tragic fate. Every superpower had a desire to control this trade route and capture the world's most precious resources including oil and gas. The United States has not invaded Afghanistan out of fun, but out of compulsion. It intends to govern the entire world by gaining control over all resources. Whereas, it is compulsion of the Afghans that they have never permitted aliens to stay peacefully in their territory. History is evidence of that. It has to be seen how long the United States will stay here. The problem with the United States is that it has captured Afghanistan but is now finding it difficult to remain because the Afghans are not permitting it to do so. The agents of the US are also not happy with the US. They have developed a hatred against the United States and abuse Washington. Another problem is that it would be a most difficult job for the Americans to withdraw from Afghanistan. I feel that if the United States withdraws, that we would greatly suffer because we have handed over all our facilities to the Americans. If the United States withdraws, we would have no friend in our neighborhood because our friendship with the United States has annoyed all our neighbors. Not only the Afghan and the Iranian Governments but the Chinese Government as well is suspicious of us. India is already our enemy. Irrespective of how much flexibility we show, it [Afghanistan] would not cease hating us. Our interest in Afghanistan is for a patriotic Afghan Government to be formed in Kabul which should understand the compulsion and problems of Pakistan. Then, we would be able to escape. [Description of Source: Karachi Ummat in Urdu -- Sensationalist, pro-Usama bin Laden Urdu daily. Harshly critical of the US and of India. Circulation of 20,000.] AFP: More on Pakistani Forces Find Unmanned 'Drone' Aircraft in Al-Qa'ida Raid JPP20050913000166 Hong Kong AFP in English 1317 GMT 13 Sep 05 [By Zahid Noor] PESHAWAR, Pakistan, Sept 13 (AFP) - Pakistani forces recovered an unmanned drone aircraft and a major weapons cache in a raid on a suspected Al-Qaeda hideout in the tribal areas near Afghanistan, a top commander said Tuesday. Militants used the Chinese-made vehicle to spy on security forces in the rugged area, where Pakistani soldiers have been battling Islamic militants for more than a year, Lieutenant General Safdar Hussain told reporters. The find, believed to be the first of its kind in Pakistan, came on the same day as President Pervez Musharraf unveiled plans to build a fence along part of the border with Afghanistan to curb the movement of militants. Twenty-one people were arrested in Monday's raid on a compound and religious school near Miranshah, capital of the North Waziristan tribal zone, added Hussain. The buildings are owned by relatives of a former Taliban minister. "The terrorists used the RPV (remotely-piloted vehicle) to check the position of security forces and attack them," the general said, adding that the drone was capable of carrying weapons. A military officer from the army's Signal Corps said the vehicle had a sophisticated, wide-angle camera to take pictures of targets on the ground, while Hussain said they had seized a CD which pinpointed Pakistani troops. Security forces also found a "suicide jacket" and Jordanian, Afghan and Pakistani passports along with Al-Qaeda training material from the compound, Hussain said. Additionally they uncovered a cache of weapons including 17 machine guns, 29 rockets, 51 grenades, eight improvised bombs and 10 landmines, he added. Pakistan's network of Islamic schools, or madrassas, came under international scrutiny because one of the July 7 London suicide bombers attended one. "This madrassa (religious school) was an Al-Qaeda and Taliban stronghold and operational centre which we have secured now," General Hussain said. The commander whose relatives own the building, Jalaluddin Haqqani, was a former anti-Soviet fighter who later served as the Taliban's minister for frontier regions. He is still on the run. Some of the detained suspects were "important" and there were also a number of foreigners, Hussain said, without disclosing their nationalities. "The busting of this stronghold has broken the back of Al-Qaeda in the tribal area," he added. Last week key US ally Pakistan said it was sending 9,500 more troops to the border before the Afghan elections, bringing the total to 80,000. Around 250 Pakistani soldiers and many more alleged militants died last year in a crackdown on insurgents who fled to the area from Afghanistan in late 2001 and early 2002, after US-led forces toppled the Taliban regime. However Kabul says the militants have used new bases on the Pakistan side of the border to launch a campaign of violence in the run-up to Afghan parliamentary polls on September 18. [Description of Source: Hong Kong AFP in English -- Hong Kong service of the independent French press agency Agence France-Presse] Pakistan: Additional 5,000 Troops Deployed Along Pakistan, Afghanistan Border SAP20050914000043 Islamabad The News (Internet Version-WWW) in English 14 Sep 05 [Report by Behroz Khan: "5,000 more troops sent to Pak-Afghan border; Toy-like plane being used for spying by militants; political Moharer held; MNA, religious leader accused of ties with suspects"] PESHAWAR: Corps Commander Peshawar Lt-Gen Safdar Hussain on Tuesday [13 September] ordered deployment of 5,000 additional troops along the Pak-Afghan border to ensure holding of peaceful parliamentary elections in Afghanistan. "I am sending about 5,000 more troops to the tribal area to seal the Pak-Afghan border. This will be in addition to the existing 75,000 troops deployed along the border," said the commander while briefing newsmen here on the seizure of weapons and ammunition and arrest of local and foreign nationals during raids and search operations in North Waziristan Agency. Lt-Gen Safdar said 21 suspected terrorists have been arrested in Miranshah and Mir Ali areas of North Waziristan since September 10, adding that the search operations were continuing and all the terrorists and miscreants would be taken to task. A tiny toy-like small plane equal to the size of a large kite was also on display, which the commander said was being used for spying purposes by the terrorists to locate Army deployment in the region. The Army officers helping the corps commander regarding the sophisticated communication system even claimed that the plane could carry missiles to hit targets. "There are some important persons among the arrested suspects," he said but did not elaborate. The corps commander did not agree with a questioner suggesting that Pakistan would erect a fence along the 2,500-kilometre long and porous Pak-Afghan border saying it was mainly the concern of Afghanistan. "Infiltration is the concern of Afghanistan and not ours. We have deployed our troops along the border and would ensure peace and security on our part," he said. He said a political Moharer was among the arrested suspects and investigations were being held to fix the responsibility in case he is involved in helping the militants and terrorists in any way. The general said two important people — Maulana Nek Zaman MNA [Member of National Assembly] and Maulana Sadiq Noor from North Waziristan Agency — were among the suspects, who have been accused of having close links with terrorists. "We will proceed against them in accordance with law if they are found involved in helping terrorists," Gen Safdar said and added that a close relative of Maulana Nek Zaman has been arrested in connection with terrorist acts. A huge quantity of weapons and ammunition recovered from hideouts and houses during the search operation was also put on display, which included the latest communication system, jacket of a suicide bomber, mortar shells and different kinds of weapons including heavy and light machineguns. "Abdullah Mahsud has opened an office in Makeen area of South Waziristan to recruit fighters for creating law and order problem in the region. These offices are not for Jihad but creating disturbances," replied the commander when his attention was drawn towards reports that different militant groups have opened offices in Wana, headquarters of South Waziristan and other parts of the troubled agency. He said Abdullah Mahsud was enjoying the company of unwanted elements and criminals adding that his troops were hunting him and only time was the factor to take this criminal to task. He again hailed Baitullah Mahsud, another tribal commander from the agency who signed a peace agreement with the government saying, "Baitullah Mahsud is a soldier of peace". Gen Safdar said a handout recovered from the arrested suspects revealed that Maulana Sadiq Noor was asking for help and donations from the tribesmen for Jihad and said the arrested persons gave the information that they belonged to Noor's group. He also said that Abdullah Mahsud and his deputy, Sanaullah, were paying money to poor people for planting Improvised Explosive Devices (IEDs), adding that the money to Mahsud's groups was making its way through Afghanistan. "Zakhim Khan Mahsud and Sadiq Noor are paying up Rs 10,000 to people in reward for planting one IED," he said. The general said that huge quantity of weapons and ammunition was recovered from the a Madrassa owned by former Taliban minister, Commander Jalaluddin Haqqani in Dandi Darpakhel area of North Waziristan and said that the base of al-Qaeda and other terrorists has been completely destroyed. He said it was a big achievement of the army, made possible with the active support of the local religious elders, tribal chieftains and the administration. AFP adds: A military officer from the Army's Signal Corps while giving details of the Chinese-made drone held seized from tribal militants said the vehicle had a sophisticated, wide-angle camera to take pictures of targets on the ground. Security forces also found Jordanian, Afghan and Pakistani passports along with alQaeda training material including audio and video CDs about the anti-Soviet jihad in Afghanistan, motivational songs in Arabic and a number of maps, mostly in Russian. The weapons cache included 17 machineguns, 29 rockets, 51 grenades, eight improvised bombs and 10 landmines. [Description of Source: Islamabad The News in English -- Widely read, influential English daily, member of the Jang publishing group. Neutral editorial policy, good coverage of domestic and international issues. Circulation estimated at 55,000.] AFP: Pakistan Recovers Truckloads of Arms From 'Biggest' Al-Qa'ida Base: General JPP20050915000071 Hong Kong AFP in English 0722 GMT 15 Sep 05 ["Pakistan Busts Tribal Region's Biggest Al-Qaeda Base" -- AFP headline] PESHAWAR, Pakistan, Sept 15 (AFP) - Pakistan has busted the biggest Al-Qaeda [AlQa'ida] base in the tribal zone of North Waziristan and recovered 15 truckloads of arms and ammunition in a swoop that will cut violence in neighbouring Afghanistan before key elections, a general said Thursday. The militant den was in a madrassa, or Islamic school, and a nearby compound owned by the son of a former minister of the hardline Taliban regime that ruled Afghanistan until late 2001, Lieutenant General Safdar Hussain told reporters. He said the owner, Sirajuddin Haqqani, whom he described as a senior Al-Qaeda insurgent, managed to escape from a nearby hideout which was also raided. "The raid on the Haqqani madrassa and compound is still going on but we can say we have busted the biggest Al-Qaeda terrorist den in North Waziristan," Hussain, who commands troops in northwestern Pakistan, told reporters in the city of Peshawar. The general first gave details about the raid, during which 21 militants were arrested, on Tuesday but this was first time he revealed the scale of the suspected hideout. "We have recovered 15 truckloads of ammunition and weapons from there and arms and ammunition are still being recovered," he said. He said 11 of those arrested were foreigners. The operation would help to reduce bloodshed blamed on Taliban militants in the run up to Afghanistan's parliamentary elections on Sunday, the general said. Militants are suspected of crossing from Pakistan into Afghanistan to launch attacks. "Naturally it will reduce violence in Afghanistan," he said. "We also busted a communications centre which was used to coordinate operations in Afghanistan." Hussain said the border between the countries had been completely sealed and 763 guard posts had been established to prevent militants moving from Pakistan to Afghanistan. On the day of the elections, Pakistan would conduct "extensive air surveillance with helicopters", he said. However Afghanistan had only set up 120 posts on the border, he said. "They need to do more to stop infiltration," he said. Pakistan pushed tens of thousands of troops into the tribal regions early last year to crack down on Al-Qaeda and Taliban militants who fled there after the hardline Islamic Taliban regime was ousted by US-led forces in 2001. Last week Pakistan said it was sending 9,500 more troops to the border before Afghanistan's elections, bringing the total to 80,000. Hussain said Pakistani forces had killed 353 militants in the tribal areas since March 2004, including 175 foreigners such as Uzbeks, Tajiks, Turkmens, Chechens and a few Arabs. Nearly 270 Pakistani troops have also died and more than 670 have been wounded, some losing limbs. Haqqani's father, Jalaluddin Haqqani, was a former anti-Soviet fighter who later served as the Taliban's minister for frontier regions. He has not been found since the Taliban fled. Hussain said an official who tipped off Sirajuddin Haqqani and allowed him to escape had been arrested. [Description of Source: Hong Kong AFP in English -- Hong Kong service of the independent French press agency Agence France-Presse] AFP: Rockets Fired at Pakistan Army Camp Near Afghanistan Border JPP20050919054001 Hong Kong AFP in English 0646 GMT 19 Sep 05 MIRANSHAH, Pakistan, Sept 19 (AFP) - Two rockets have been fired at a Pakistan army camp near the Afghanistan border in the same area where troops last week raided a suspected Al-Qaeda [Al-Qa'ida] compound, an official said Monday. The rockets, fired from over the border Sunday, caused no casualties because they landed in a plant nursery near the camp in North Waziristan province, the administration official said. "Two rockets landed and exploded in a nursery close to the army camp Sunday night but caused no casualties," the official, in the border town of Miranshah, told AFP on condition of anonymity. Troops returned fire towards the border, he said. It was not immediately clear who fired the missiles. Similar attacks have been blamed on militants suspected of links with Taliban and Al-Qaeda remnants who sneaked into the area in late 2001 after the US-led invasion on Afghanistan. Pakistan strengthened its deployment of troops in the border region by thousands of soldiers before elections in Afghanistan on Sunday, to prevent militants crossing over to disrupt the vote. Just kilometres away from the rocket attack, troops continued to surround a compound that they raided last week, busting what the military called the biggest AlQaeda base in North Waziristan and recovering huge caches of weapons. The compound, which includes a residence and a madrassa, was said to be owned by Sirajuddin Haqqani, a senior Al-Qaeda insurgent. His father, Jalaluddin Haqqani, was a minister in the Taliban government before it fell in the US-led campaign. Sirajuddin Haqqani fled before the raid, apparently after being tipped off. [Description of Source: Hong Kong AFP in English -- Hong Kong service of the independent French press agency Agence France-Presse] Nephew of famous Afghan Taleban commander arrested in Pakistan SAP20051001950003 AVT KhyberTV in Pashto 1600 GMT 29 Sep 05 Nephew of famous Afghan Taleban commander arrested in Pakistan Pakistan's AVT Khyber TV news report in Pashto 1600 gmt 29 Sep 05 [Processed by IC] The nephew of the former Taleban commander Mawlawi Jalaloddin Haqqani has been arrested during a military operation against foreign terrorists in Miranshah city of north Wazirestan. One soldier was killed and six others were injured in this operation. The Pakistani army launched a military operation, using helicopters and artillery, in Khattai village of Hamzori region this morning [29 September]. During this operation, Ahmad, the son of Khalilorrahman and nephew of the former Afghan minister of border affairs and important Taleban commander, Jalaloddin Haqqani, was arrested after a short clash with suspected militants. Ahmad was on the most-wanted list issued by the Pakistani government. Military operations are still under way in the region. (Endall) Pakistan: Forty Militants, 5 Army men Killed in Fresh Clashes in Waziristan SAP20050930027001 Lahore Daily Times (Internet Version-WWW) in English 30 Sep 05 [Report by Iqbal Khattak: "40 militants killed in North Waziristan; Military uses Cobra helicopters to attack militants; Army loses five soldiers in operation; Haqqani?s nephew arrested"] PESHAWAR: As many as forty militants and five soldiers were reportedly killed in fresh clashes between security forces and miscreants in Khatey Kali area, 60 kilometres west of North Waziristan Agency's headquarters Miranshah on Thursday [ 29 September]. The firing between the two sides continued till the evening as security forces cordoned off the entire area and suspected militants trapped in the mountainous region were trying hard to break the siege. Maj Gen Shaukat Sultan, the Inter-Services Public Relations director general, told Daily Times that security forces had cordoned off the Khatey Kali area after suspected militants attacked paramilitary personnel and soldiers. He said they had arrested former Taliban commander Maulvi Jalaluddin Haqqani's nephew Ahmed on terrorism charges. He added that Ahmed was involved in terrorism activities and his arrest was a major breakthrough. Two weeks ago, security forces raided Haqqani's madrassa in Miranshah and seized a huge cache of weapons, including a drone and arrested more than a dozen suspected militants. In Thursday's operation, the military used Cobra helicopters to pound militants. Gen Shaukat said he had no reports of casualties on either side but tribal sources put the number of casualties at around 40 on the militants' side. "There are casualties on both sides. But what we have heard, which is not confirmed by the security agencies, is that 40 militants and around five soldiers were killed in the daylong exchange of fire," residents in Miranshah told Daily Times by phone. They said that bodies were lying on the ground and neither side could retrieve them due to heavy fire. A jirga (tribal court), however, was negotiating temporary ceasefire to let both sides retrieve the bodies. Gen Shaukat acknowledged that the jirga was meeting. "We prefer the militants surrender peacefully and also to ensure that women and children are allowed to leave the cordoned area. We take extra care of non-combatants," the military spokesman said. However, he stopped short of confirming that the jirga was negotiating the ceasefire to help both sides retrieve the bodies. "The cordon of the area is still on and the operation continues," he said. It is the first time that the militants engaged the security forces in North Waziristan as most of the recent operations met no significant resistance. Meanwhile, a revenue officer's bodyguard was killed and six army personnel were injured during a fire exchange between soldiers and militants in the Hamzoni area of North Waziristan, NNI reported. According to details, the assailants opened fire on army personnel when they tried to surround the Jaton Khati village. Mir Jush was killed during the army helicopters' bombing on the village. [Description of Source: Lahore Daily Times in English -- Independent, moderate daily, run by veteran journalist Najam Sethi, published by the Friday Times group. Catering to the middle class, with an estimated circulation of 2000.] AFP: Two More Killed in Pakistan Tribal Area Offensive JPP20050930054008 Hong Kong AFP in English 1053 GMT 30 Sep 05 MIRANSHAH, Pakistan, Sept 30 (AFP) - A soldier and a policeman died in fresh clashes between suspected militants and Pakistani forces backed by gunship helicopters in a tribal region on the Afghan border, officials said Friday. Pakistani troops have been battling Al-Qaeda-linked [Al-Qa'ida] rebels in the lawless area since late 2003. Around 250 soldiers and hundreds of insurgents have died during that time. Gunbattles erupted Thursday after tribesmen opened fire on a military convoy travelling towards Khatey Killay, an area near Miranshah, the main town in rugged North Waziristan, killing the soldier, residents and officials said. The troops had been heading towards a madrassa, or religious school run by the nephew of Jalaluddin Haqqani, a fugitive commander from Afghanistan's ousted Taliban regime, where insurgents were suspected to be hiding. A tribal policeman was also shot dead on Thursday by militants during the operation to surround the madrassa, a security official said, speaking on condition of anonymity. The Taliban commander's nephew was later arrested, the security official said. Pakistani military helicopters pounded more suspected rebel hideouts in nearby hills early Friday as the firefights continued overnight, officials said. Earlier this month Pakistan said it had raided the largest Al-Qaeda hideout in North Waziristan and recovered a huge hoard of weapons from another religious school compound owned by a Taliban sympathiser. Pakistan has pushed thousands of troops into the tribal areas to hunt Al-Qaeda and Taliban militants who crossed the border after Afghanistan's hardline Taliban Islamic regime fell in late 2001. [Description of Source: Hong Kong AFP in English -- Hong Kong service of the independent French press agency Agence France-Presse] Pakistani TV program on Tribesmen Resisting Army Operation in North Waziristan FEA20051123013672 - OSC Feature - 0948 GMT 23 Nov 05 Karachi Geo TV in Urdu at 1700 GMT on 22 November carries regularly scheduled "Capital Talk" program hosted by noted Pakistani journalist Hamid Mir. Program is based on Hamid Mir's visit to North Waziristan where Pakistan security forces have launched a major operation to locate foreign terrorists and their local supporters. Mir says: "following the US missile attacks on Usama Bin Ladin's camps in Afghanistan's Khowst province in 1998, injured Al-Qa'ida fighters were brought to North Waziristan, which, thus, became the center of attention of international media. After 9/11, the efforts began to get rid of local and foreign militants from North Waziristan." Mir says some time ago Pakistan's Army launched a "very big operation aimed at preventing illegal movement across the Pakistan-Afghan border and to vacate the area of foreign militants." Mir says " however, a few weeks ago suddenly the local resistance intensified against the Pakistan Army." Mir says to know the situation in North Waziristan he tried to enter Shawa subdistrict with the entry pass obtained from the local political agent, but security forces at the Shawa check post asked him to go back. Mir says after persuasions, security forces agreed to provide him security and let him go to Mir Ali town. Mir says, however, local authorities stopped him at the outskirts of Mir Ali forcing him to obtain "private security" at a nearby village. Mir says he saw "rocket attack" at a camp of Pakistan's Frontier Constabulary and the exchange of fire. Video shows Mir ducking behind a vehicle as exchange of gunfire is heard in background. Mir says he came to know that the tension has risen in the area following the killing of a local youth by security forces. Mir says he was surprised to see that the tribesmen preparing for a new attack against security forces at the village. Mir says two tribal youths were killed by security forces at Isha check post located between Mir Ali and Miranshah. Video shows Mir besides the dead bodies of tribal youths. Mir says the local people claimed that both were innocent. Mir interviews Zaheerul Islam Shah, political agent of North Waziristan, who describes the youths killed at Isha post as "terrorists." Shah says they were carrying a "very important letter" and "eight hand grenades." Shah says when they were stopped at the check post, they shot at security forces and they were killed in retaliatory firing. Shah says the letter they were carrying talked of delivery of "missiles and explosives" to a particular person to "accomplish the mission tonight." Shah says both were "Al-Qaida terrorists" out on a mission. Shah says the "resistance and defiance" by tribal elements followed the security forces attack on Maulana Saddeq Noor's headquarters who was supervising the militancy in the area. Shah says other than "local resistance", the are also faces "cross-border terrorism" and many signals have been intercepted in this regard. Video shows Islamic seminary in Miranshah, which was set up by former Taliban Commander Jalaluddin Haqqani. Mir says the security forces have carried out "six operations" against the seminary in last 2 years, including a major operation very recently, after which it was claimed that "15 truck-load of weapons" were recovered from the seminary. Mir adds that the local people, however, claim that the seminary has been closed long time ago. Mir interviews Maj. Gen Akram Sahi who says the Army had information of the presence of Serajuddin Haqqani and his associates at the seminary and they were involved in "terrorist activities." Sahi says "arms and ammunition in tons" were recovered from the seminary and the arrested persons are now being interrogated to establish their links. Mir says many Afghan and Pakistani passports as well as pictures of many Afghan commanders were recovered from the seminary. Mir says he then entered a mountainous area of Khati Kila in Ahmekhel near Miranshah where a major Army operation was continuing. Mir says four Army personnel, including major Taj Mohammad, were recently killed in the area. Mir says helicopter gunships are being used in the operation. Mir shows unexploded shells fired from gunships and says these shells are scattered everywhere in the area. Mir interviews a local resident Yasin who says fighting is continuing for last 3 days and army helicopters are also being used. Mir says the operation continues to arrest Saddeq Noor. Mir says he returned to Miranshah as intense exchange of fire continued at Khati Kila. Mir says North Waziristan Political Agent Zaheerul Islam Shah summoned a jirga [tribal assembly of elders] of Asmanzai tribe to control the situation. Mir says in address to the jirga, tribal elder Maulana Abdurrehman opposed the military operation and said the local tribe should not be considered as "illiterate and uncivilized" and they retain the right to approach "international court of justice" against the military operation. Mir says another tribal elder Maulana Dindar said that the operation should be only against "foreigners." Mir says the jirga was also addressed by Naik Zaman, member of the National Assembly, who has already been described as "terrorist" by the security forces. Zaman says the jirga has demanded that all operations should be conducted by the administration of political agent and there should b no direct military action. Zaman says he is a "patriotic" Pakistani citizen and he is ready to make any sacrifice for Pakistan and all allegations against him are "fabricated and unfounded." Mir interviews Senator Matin Shah representing the region who says that proper investigation should be carried out to find out whether a "conspiracy" is being hatched to create instability in the region. When Mir asks if he thinks India is involved in the incidents in North Waziristan, without being specific, Matin Shah says "everybody is involved." Matin shah says the army should exercise restrain and take action only against foreigners. Another tribal elder Malik Shehzad Khan Wazir says the army should respect local tribal traditions and all actions should be taken after taking the political agent into confidence. Wazir says: "we have repeatedly denied and still deny that there are no elements in our region, who are continuing their activities prejudicial to the government's policies." Mir says in spite of the local leaders denial of presence of foreigners in North Waziristan, the security forces say they have recovered large amount of arms and ammunition from the region. Mir says some people believe that "agents from Afghanistan" are also involved in acts of terrorism in Nort Waziristan. Mir says a CD is readily available in Miranshah, which shows beheading of an alleged "Afghan agent". Mir says although the CD is said to have been distributed by Al-Zarqawi group, but persons shown in the CD are all local Pushto-speaking. Mir says the CD shows the admission by an Afghan spy (Saadullah Khan) that he entered North Waziristan to blow up religious schools in Miranshah for which he was promised 2 million Afghanis in Kabul. Mir says (Saadullah Khan) clearly stated in the CD that "those who imparted him the terrorist training were the Americans." Mir says he also visited Kurram agency, another tribal area neighboring Noth Waziristan, to inquire why it enjoys complete peace in contrast to violence in North Waziristan. Mir says security was very tight in Kurram agency and he found no sympathy among local population for foreign militants. Mir interview local resident Nisar Ali who says people in Kurram agency are against Al-Qa'ida. Mir says, however, Former National Assembly Member Javed Ibrahim Piracha has different view of Al-Qa'ida fighters. Piracha says people come to pay respect at the graves of Arab fighters who died in fight with security forces after fleeing Tora Bora bombing. Piracha says he respects Usma Bin Ladin and Mollah Omar. Mir interviews Kurram Agency Political Agent Tariq Hayat Khan who claims that his region is completely free from Al-Qa'ida influence. Hayat Khan says no foreigner can hide in "class composition and social structure" of Kurram Agency. Mir says another factor contributing to instability in North Waziristan is lack of educational facilities. Mir says he visited Miranshah government degree college to find only few students in attendance. Mir interviews teachers and students who agree that the promotion of education is answer to North Waziristan problem. Mir concludes by saying the situation in North Waziristan continues to deteriorate and it is becoming a "no-go" area for common citizens. Mir says dialogue with local tribal population could lead to the solution of the problem. [Description of Source: Karachi Geo TV in Urdu -- 24-hour satellite TV channel owned by Pakistan's Jang group of publishers, broadcast from Dubayy] [This item was originally filed as SAP20051122013002] AFP Told: Two Dozen Taliban, Islamic Militants Surrender in Afghanistan JPP20060105063007 Hong Kong AFP in English 1007 GMT 05 Jan 06 GARDEZ, Afghanistan, Jan 5 (AFP) - Two dozen Taliban and Islamic fighters Thursday surrendered to the Afghan government under a US-backed amnesty scheme and renounced violence, officials said. They gave themselves up in the eastern city of Gardez, capital of Paktia province, government official Habibullah Mangal told AFP. The militants, four from the ousted Taliban regime and the rest from the Hezb-eIslami extremist faction led by wanted warlord Gulbuddin Hekmatyar and another antigovernment commander Jalaluddin Haqqani, had been living in exile in Pakistan. Paktia governor Hakim Taniwal welcomed the surrender and said it would help reduce the level of violence perpetrated by Taliban militants and their allies since the ouster of the Taliban regime more than four years ago. "It is a very important step, those who were in opposition with the government now have given up and have vowed to take part in the reconstruction of Afghanistan. This will weaken the opposition," Taniwal said. Mawlawi Abdul Hodod, representing the former militants, said they would now take part in rebuilding the war-shattered country. "We will take part in the reconstruction of the new Afghanistan, we will also help to bring more and more people from exile," Hodod said. Afghan President Hamid Karzai has offered amnesty to members of the Taliban movement and other Islamic militias "whose hands are not stained with innocent people's blood". More than 600 have taken up the offer, including former Taliban foreign minister Wakil Ahmad Muttawakil and the Taliban's ambassador to Pakistan, Abdul Salam Zaeef. An anti-government insurgency being carried out by the Taliban and other Islamic insurgents, including some with links to Al-Qaeda, has claimed more than 1,600 lives in the past one year, with most of the dead militants killed by Afghan and foreign security forces. [Description of Source: Hong Kong AFP in English -- Hong Kong service of the independent French press agency Agence France-Presse] AFP: Pakistani Troops Destroys Islamic School Suspected of Hideout for Militants JPP20060315063011 Hong Kong AFP in English 0945 GMT 15 Mar 06 MIRANSHAH, Pakistan, March 15, 2006 (AFP) - Pakistani troops using explosives Wednesday destroyed an Islamic school suspected of being a hideout for militants in a tribal region bordering Afghanistan, officials said. The Khalifa Madrassa in the restive North Waziristan district was seized by troops and blown up, becoming the third religious seminary to be demolished in the area in the past fortnight. The action followed fierce clashes between Pakistani paramilitary soldiers and Taliban-supporing tribesmen that have left around 170 militants and five troops dead. "The Khalifa Madrassa was destroyed by security forces today as part of a campaign to deprive militants of any hideout," a local official told AFP in Miranshah, the main town in North Waziristan. The school was unoccupied at the time, officials said. The madrassa was set up by Khalifa, an Islamic cleric from Afghanistan who died several years ago but who was an associate of former Taliban commander Jalaluddin Haqqani, local officials said. Haqqani is now on a US list of most wanted militants. Last week troops and helicopter gunships destroyed seminaries run by two local clerics, Sadiq Noor and Abdul Khaleq, who were wanted for leading the unrest against the army's operations in the tribal region. On Monday Pakistani authorities ordered thousands of Afghans living in the tribal areas to go back to their native country. Hundreds of Taliban and Al-Qaeda fighters have sneaked across the mountainous border from Afghanistan in the past four years, finding support from conservative Pakistani tribesmen. Pakistan, a key ally in the US-led "war on terror" launched military operations in the tribal areas in October 2003 and deployed more than 80,000 troops along the border. Kabul and Afghanistan have recently traded barbs over who is responsible for cracking down on militants who operate on both sides of the frontier. [Description of Source: Hong Kong AFP in English -- Hong Kong service of the independent French press agency Agence France-Presse] Pakistan: Taliban Said Ready for Spring Attacks as Iraq-Trained Fighters Return SAP20060320033001 Hong Kong Asia Times Online WWW-Text in English 20 Mar 06 [Corrected version: correcting attachments; Report by Syed Saleem Shahzad from the "South Asia" section: "Taliban's Iraq-style spring is sprung"; for assistance with multimedia elements, contact OSC at 1-800-205-8615 or [email protected]] KARACHI - As another spring approaches in Afghanistan, another Taliban-led offensive is planned. But this year, the Taliban believe, unlike in the previous offensives in the five years since they were booted out of power in Kabul, they are better organized than ever before. A key to the Taliban's revival has been the links it has forged with the resistance in Iraq, which has provided hundreds of Taliban with hands-on training in that country, as well as logistical and tactical support. One such support device is a compact disc released by the Jaishul Islam al-Iraq (Islamic Army of Iraq) that shows how urban guerrilla warfare is being conducted in Iraq and how this can be adapted to the resistance in Afghanistan. The CD, a copy of which has been obtained by Asia Times Online, is widely circulated among the rank and file of the Taliban. The Jaishul Islam al-Iraq is an indigenous group commanded by many former top Iraqi generals and independent Islamists, and the CD therefore shows the very refined quality of their attacks. The group fully coordinates its activities with other groups, such as Ansarul Sunna, and it also has good ties with al-Qaeda. The CD contains 10 separate clips, each one showing a significant aspect of Jaishul's strategy. These include: · The structure of the group's intelligence; · Infiltration of the rank and file of enemy forces; · Exhaustive knowledge of the target; · Precise identification of the "material" to be used against specified targets; · The importance of dedicated foot soldiers. One of the clips shows two vehicles seconds before one of them, laden with explosives, rams into a US armored vehicle. The other truck, which has been monitoring the progress of the target, can be seen frantically reversing from the scene. Another clip shows guerrillas taking up positions near a spot used by a US helicopter carrying soldiers. As the chopper takes off, it is hit by a missile and crashes. Several soldiers can be seen burned in the wreckage, while one who survives can be seen pleading, in English, for his life. The response is a hail of bullets that kill him. Other footage shows an attack on the US base of Tal Afar. The resistance, with the help of collaborators within the Iraqi forces, has planted explosives in the camp, which can be seen going off. In one picture, US soldiers watch the first explosion. In the next second, their building is blown up. As a background to the images, Koranic verses are recited, as well as resistance songs in Arabic, such as "We will defend our land with full vigor." The spring is sprung Asia Times Online has learned that as many as 500 fighters who trained in Iraq are now in Afghanistan or Pakistan, while many others are expected to return soon. The Taliban's connection with Iraq began before the US-led attack there in 2003 when Taliban leader Mullah Omar sent some of his men to stay with the Ansarul Islam, a Kurdish Islamic group in northern Iraq, to train and fight alongside Kurdish guerrillas against Saddam Hussein's forces. After the US invasion, many of these men went to other parts of the country to fight alongside various groups opposed to the US forces. In 2003, one of the Taliban commanders who had been sent to Iraq, Mullah Mehmood Allah Haq Yar, returned to Afghanistan, where he rejected the traditional style of guerrilla warfare in operation since the anti-Soviet resistance of the 1980s - heavy reliance on AK-47s and rocket-propelled grenades. The first thing he taught the Taliban was the formation of groups that could fight independently and which would be task-orientated to specific missions. Many of these small groups were sent regularly to Iraq between 2004 and 2005, where they spent months with the Jaishul Islam al-Iraq, the Ansarul Sunna and other Islamic groups. In return, these men passed on their new-found expertise to comrades in Pakistan's tribal areas on the border with Afghanistan, notably North and South Waziristan, the former being a veritable Taliban stronghold, the latter heading that way. And significantly, a la Iraq, they have organized scores of suicide squads, a relatively new phenomenon in Afghanistan. Taking on Pakistan In the first phase of their spring offensive, the Taliban aim to contain the Pakistani army by engaging it throughout the tribal belt. This will allow the Taliban freely to cross the leaky border with Afghanistan, or better, strike a deal with the army to leave the Taliban alone. According to contacts who spoke to Asia Times Online, a blueprint for such attacks in the tribal areas has already been approved by the Taliban's command council. Within Afghanistan, heavyweights Kashmir Khan of the Hizb-i-Islami Afghanistan, Mullah Dadullah, Mullah Akhtar Usmani and Sirajul Haq Haqqani, son of former Taliban minister and commander Jalaluddin Haqqani, are already in the field to influence local tribes to support the Taliban movement. Shabname, or "night messages", contained in pamphlets are being distributed asking people to revolt against foreign forces, which, the pamphlets say, are made up of people from countries where caricatures of the Prophet Mohammed have been published and his personality ridiculed. Independent analysts believe that the Taliban, even with training, will be unlikely to achieve anything like the level of warfare being waged by the Iraqi resistance, which has a strong element of hardened professional soldiers. Nevertheless, the Afghan resistance will be sufficiently competent and equipped and big enough to remain a serious threat to US and allied troops, and even force a rethink on their part. [Description of Source: Hong Kong Asia Times Online WWW-Text in English -- A Hong Kong-based Internet-only publication which claims to report on and examine geopolitical, political, economic, and business issues in English "from an Asian perspective"; root URL on filing date: http://www.atimes.com] UK Reports Suggests Pakistan Army Losing Fight Against Islamist Militants EUP20060504015006 London The Guardian (Internet Version-WWW) in English 04 May 06 [Report by Declan Walsh in Kundi Ghar: "New Frontline in the War on Terror. Experts Fear Pakistan Is Losing Fight Against an Islamist Militant Revolt in Its Tribal Belt"] As hideouts go, the Shawal Valley in northern Pakistan is a militant's dream. Lonely goat trails wind through a rocky 25-mile corridor that nudges the Afghan border. Its fiercely conservative tribesmen and forbidding high-walled compounds have sheltered Taliban fighters and probably Al-Qa'ida fugitives. Last weekend Brigadier Imtiaz Wyne, a Pakistani army commander, stood on the top of one of its highest peaks and declared his 5,000 troops had tamed the wild valley almost. "This border is sealed," he said, pointing to a line of observation posts along the border. But the cornered militants were fighting back, he admitted. His soldiers had suffered five major attacks in the previous month; on one occasion a captured soldier was gruesomely mutilated before being executed. "They are a mix - foreigners, locals, Afghan Taliban, criminals," said the officer. "It's difficult to say who is the leader, but ultimately it is Al-Qa'ida." A vicious mini-war has erupted between the Pakistani army and the "Pakistani Taliban" in North Waziristan, a turbulent tribal area that has moved to the front line of the Pakistani and US "war on terror". Every day sees fresh violence between the army and militants - a loose coalition of radical clerics, tribal leaders and Al-Qa'ida fighters. The biggest upset occurred in early March, when 1,500 self-styled Taliban assaulted a military base in the main town, Miran Shah. The ensuing four-day battle involved artillery and helicopters gunships and left 145 militants dead, 25 of them foreigners, according to the army figures. The fight is also ideological. Taliban clerics have imposed strict social such as a ban on music or films, and started to dispense summary justice. Pakistan's military ruler, General Pervez Musharraf, told the Guardian he concerned "Talibanisation" was spilling into the settled areas. "There is extremist mindset - attacks on barbers, no television or songs," he said. edicts, Last week was an A Pakistani intelligence officer, speaking on condition of anonymity, said the revolt was led by eight tribal and cleric leaders. Some have direct links to the Afghan Taliban. "We have apprehended people on their way to attack US positions in Afghanistan," he said. Army generals, who have deployed 45,000 regular and paramilitary troops to quell the revolt, insist they have the upper hand. "I am hurt when anyone says there is no writ of government, because my forces are everywhere," area commander Maj Gen Akram Sahi said. His forces had killed 324 "miscreants", arrested 142 and blown up a madrasa (religious school) used to train jihadi fighters, he said. The death toll may include some civilian deaths, western diplomats believe. Gen Sahi, who admitted that radical Islamic forces were supplanting traditional tribal rule in Waziristan, sought to discredit the revolt's leaders. After searching a house used by cleric Abdul Khaliq his troops found "the most dirty films", he said. "How can they talk of being Taliban?" Measuring Militancy Gauging the militants' strength is difficult. Foreign journalists are banned from the tribal areas, most local correspondents have fled, and it was not possible to interview any residents during a recent media trip. Analysts and local media believe, however, that the Taliban are gaining ground. A diplomat with access to western intelligence, speaking on condition of anonymity, said the army was "floundering" in its efforts to wrest control of the turbulent area. "Military equipment, training, and communications are inadequate given the task at hand," he said, estimating the number of Taliban fighters at more than 5,000. The militants have tightened their grip using Iraq-style scare tactics. More than 150 pro-government figures have been killed in the past year, at least a dozen of whom were decapitated, according to Pakistani intelligence. They are also supported by Al-Qa'ida fugitives who have found refuge in their homes. Haji Khalil, an elder in Miran Shah, told the Daily Times newspaper that "hundreds" of foreign militants - Uzbek, Chechen and Arabs - were living in the tribal areas. "Nobody can differentiate between them and the locals because they wear local dress and speak Pushto fluently," he said. The revolt is probably being funded from the Middle East, the diplomat said. Donors are recruited using videos showing Taliban attacks on American forces in Afghanistan or gory beheadings of alleged US collaborators. Afghan Links The military says it has lost 50 soldiers in the last year and more than 400 since it started operations in South Waziristan in 2004. Even so, many Afghan officials question whether the army - and in particular its Inter-Services Intelligence agency (ISI) - is truly committed to stamping out the Taliban. "The ISI is not interested in a prosperous and peaceful Afghanistan. They want to see a weak Afghanistan," said Governor Merajudin Pathan by phone from Khost, the closest Afghan province. Waziristan has a rich history of militancy. During the 1980s struggle against the Soviet occupation of Afghanistan it was a base for mujahideen fighters. The US and Saudi Arabia funded their fight; Pakistani intelligence organised it. That support has returned to haunt the US. One of the main jihadi leaders to receive CIA weapons was Jalaluddin Haqqani, a cleric who ran a network of Wahabbi madrasas spanning Waziristan and Khost. He became a Taliban minister and helped Usama Bin Ladin establish a presence in Afghanistan. Now Haqqani's son, Siraj, is believed to be a leading figure in the Taliban revolt. The presence of Al-Qa'ida bases in South Waziristan sparked military strikes in 2004. But the Al-Qa'ida hunt has failed biggest catch of all. An intelligence source said Bin Ladin the tribal belt, although not in Waziristan. "For now, it's dangerous," he said. the first Pakistani to come close to the was probably hiding in probably just too [Description of Source: London The Guardian (Internet Version-WWW) in English -prominent center-left daily] Taliban Asks Foreign, Local Militants Not To Fight Pakistan Army in Tribal Areas SAP20060708033001 Lahore Daily Times (Internet Version-WWW) in English 08 Jul 06 [Daily Times staff report: "Amarat-e-Islami will not fight Pakistani soldiers"] [Text disseminated as received without OSC editorial intervention] MIRANSHAH: Amarat-e-Islami has declared that its mujahideen, whether they are ansaar or mohajir, will not fight Pakistani soldiers because this war would benefit America and its allies fighting the mujahideen in Afghanistan. Pamphlets written in Pushto and distributed on Thursday night in Miranshah read: "Amarat-e-Islami has declared that Wazir and Mehsud tribes of South Waziristan and the mujahideen of North Waziristan will remain loyal to Jalaluddin Haqqani, mujahideen commander and a former Taliban minister". The pamphlet stated that the mujahideen in South and North Waziristan should form a committee to collect funds and assign clerics and honest tribesmen to use the funds for the mujahideens' welfare. It added that all commanders should consult each other before doing or deciding anything, follow the Holy Quran and Sunnah of the Holy Prophet (PBUH), and urge others to do the same. The pamphlets were signed by Bakhat Jan, a commander of Jalaluddin Haqqani, and Usmani. [Description of Source: Lahore Daily Times (Internet Version-WWW) in English -Internet version of the independent, moderate daily, run by veteran journalist Najam Sethi and published by the Friday Times group. Strong critic of radical and jihadi elements. Provides extensive coverage of activities of jihadi/militant groups. Caters to the educated middle class, with an estimated hardcopy circulation of 20,000; root URL as of filing date: http://www.dailytimes.com.pk] UK Source Says Three Taliban Leaders Behind Deaths of UK Soldiers in Afghanistan EUP20060709031001 London The Observer (Internet Version-WWW) in English 09 Jul 06 [Report by Jason Burke: "Hunt for the Taliban Trio Intent on Destruction"] The trio are known as 'the junta'. They live in the shadows of southern Afghanistan, masters of bands of determined fighters who want to destroy any outside military presence. And that means destroying the British army in Afghanistan. Coalition intelligence officers in the country held an emergency meeting last week to co-ordinate the hunt for the three, who are believed to be behind much of the current upsurge in fighting. As fears in London grew over the spiralling violence in southern Afghanistan, British, American and French officers discussed how to track down, capture and kill the Taliban leaders. They are: Jalaluddin Haqqani, a veteran tribal leader and guerrilla fighter; Mullah Mohammed Omar, the reclusive one-eyed cleric who led the Taliban regime when in power; and the lesser-known Mullah Mohammed Dadullah Akhund, an ultra-violent and media-savvy commander who is emerging as the number-one enemy of coalition and Afghan government forces. The Observer has learnt that an air strike in the Musa Qala district of Helmand province, where around 4,000 British troops are deployed, was aimed at Mullah Dadullah. American defence officials have claimed that the strike killed 35 Taliban, including 'senior figures'. But Dadullah appears to have escaped again. US and British military officials are keen to downplay any focus on individual leaders: 'This is about tackling the roots of a complex and dynamic insurgency, not just taking out individuals,' said one US source in Kabul. Yet few doubt that killing or capturing any of the three leading figures in the Taliban would seriously weaken the militants. The atmosphere in the leafy compound of the British-run headquarters of the International Security Assistance Force in Kabul was tense last week. Though ISAF, and thus NATO, which runs it, has yet to assume overall control of military operations in Afghanistan from the Americans, a transfer which should occur in three weeks, the staff officers splitting their time between open-air coffee shop and meetings and briefings are increasingly concerned by the task that faces them. Estimates of the size of the Taliban forces range from 1,000 active fighters - the number given by Major General Chris Brown to The Observer - to 5,000, the number given by American officials. Coalition bulletins have claimed a total of more than 900 Taliban killed since the beginning of the year. The truth is that no solid figures exist. Afghan officials in the southern provinces of Kandahar and Helmand, where the insurgents are most active, speak of 'a broad range of actors who are united on an ad hoc basis to carry out individual operations'. Coalition reports now refer to the enemy as 'anti-coalition militants' or 'ACM', rather than 'Al-Qa'ida/Taliban' or 'AQT' as before. 'It's a semantic change but important evidence of our evolving appreciation of the varied nature of the foe,' said one coalition officer. However, the very complexity of the enemy - which includes religious militants, tribal militias, drug traffickers and bandits - has paradoxically reinforced an emphasis on identifying, tracking and killing leaders. 'At least that gives us something to shoot at,' said one senior soldier. Intelligence reports and interviews in Kabul and Kandahar reveal that the new 'Taliban triumvirate' was put in place in the spring when Mullah Omar, who founded the original Taliban in 1994, appointed Haqqani to the command of the eastern sector of the insurgency, along the border with Pakistan, and gave Dadullah control of the militants battling the British in Helmand province. All three men share similar backgrounds, though Haqqani is by far the oldest and most famous locally. All fought the Soviets before taking part in the campaigns of the mid-Nineties that saw the Taliban impose a rigorous rule on the anarchy that was Afghanistan at the time. 'They are good men, good Muslims and good mujahedin who have proved themselves,' said one Taliban supporter in the bazaar in Lashkar Gah, a few hundred yards from the British base there. Both Dadullah and Omar received a low-level religious education and have lost legs to mines. All three are from Pashtun ethnic tribes that straddle the Afghan-Pakistani frontier, all hate America and all have powerful backing in the conservative religious networks that exist in Pakistan. Haqqani, a respected Islamic scholar, has additional lines of financing that reach back to oil-rich fundamentalists in the Gulf. According to several sources, one of Haqqani's wives is a Kuwaiti aristocrat and members of the Saudi Arabian royal family are thought to have contributed to the construction of several large religious schools under his control. It is from these schools that Haqqani, a senior commander for the Taliban during the war of 2001 who is held in high esteem in his native dusty hills around the eastern Afghan city of Khost, has organised the dispatch of hundreds of young students to fight coalition forces during the summer break in their studies. Dadullah, for his part, has relied on contacts in the Pakistani city of Quetta and the frontier town of Chaman for fighters, many of whom are paid a salary, to bolster his largely local forces in Helmand. Though the Pakistani government denies any support for the Taliban from within its territory, it is clear that much of the population along the frontier is deeply sympathetic to the religious militant movement. Scores of people gathered recently in the small Pakistani village of Mahmoudabad, a mile from the Afghan border, for the funeral of Abdul Baqi, 24, a local man who was killed fighting coalition forces near Kandahar. Baqi, a student in a madrasah or religious school, joined the Taliban this year and was killed during an attack by American jets on a Taliban stronghold in Panjawi district, just to the west of Kandahar. 'We are proud of him,' Abdul Qadir, his older brother, told reporters. Much of the limelight has been seized by Mullah Dadullah. After being declared dead by coalition forces, the 40-year-old fighter surfaced last month in a video broadcast by al-Jazirah in which he was seen firing an automatic weapon and dispatching orders to suicide bombers. Dadullah is known as ruthless even among the Taliban. Some video images show fighters decapitating six Afghans they accuse of spying. Though Dadullah is believed to be behind much of the resistance in Helmand, where six British troops have been killed, a classified American intelligence briefing on narcotics reveals that the fierce resistance to the attempt by troops to establish a presence in the hills in the north of the province owes as much to a powerful desire to protect drugs industry profits as it does to religious fervour. The report details the close links between drug traffickers and Taliban leaders and alleges high-level corruption in the Afghan government. It also reveals the existence of mobile heroin laboratories in Pakistan which process large quantities of Afghan opium. The drug is then smuggled to Iran, Turkey and finally to Europe along routes that pass through the valleys where British troops are currently fighting. The British military still hope that reconstruction may win over 'hearts and minds' despite the fierce fighting. Brigadier Ed Butler, the commander of British forces in Afghanistan, has reportedly requested engineers to aid building projects. Yet the overall reconstruction context is not promising. Two years ago, The Observer travelled to the village of Sangesar, the birthplace of the Taliban and at that time still under government control - or at least governmentfriendly warlords. When asked what they wanted, local people replied: 'Security and a well.' Last week Engineer Asadullah, the head of the Ministry for Rural Development (DRD) in Kandahar province, said that Sangesar district now has dozens of wells - 32 were completed last year. Yet Sangesar, like so many other districts locally, is now strongly Taliban. 'You could say it's too little too late,' said Asadullah bitterly. 'Most of the money that was pledged from the West for reconstruction has not been spent on projects but has gone on experts and rents in Kabul,' Asadullah said. Observers say the British government is over-estimating the impact even a successful mission would have. 'The UK element is part of a broader military strategy that is part of a national political strategy that itself is heavily influenced by a regional situation,' said one Western diplomat in Kabul. 'Even if it works 100 per cent, it will not be the answer without a huge effort elsewhere.' The result may be that Haqqani, Omar and Dadullah - 'the bad, the ugly and the uglier', as one intelligence officer put it - are likely to be at large for some time yet, along with as many Taliban as they can put in the field. [Description of Source: London The Observer (Internet Version-WWW) in English -Sunday edition of The Guardian, the prominent center-left daily] Asia Times: 'In Search of the Taliban's Missing Link ' CPP20060918720003 Hong Kong Asia Times Online WWW-Text in English 1023 GMT 15 Sep 06 [Report by Syed Saleem Shahzad : "In Search Of The Taliban's Missing Link "; headline as provided by source] KARACHI - Despite spending many millions of dollars, US intelligence, five years after the ouster of the Taliban from Kabul, remains in the dark over the command structure of the Taliban. The Taliban have a tight high command from where - and this is the mystery - precise orders, such as targets, are relayed to the fighters in the field. Cracking this code is key to putting a brake on the insurgency that gathers strength by the day. When the Taliban's spring offensive began in June, the US-led coalition's intelligence identified the people in the Taliban's command council and their usual modus operandi and location in the guerrilla war. All coalition tactics were based on this information, such as search operations, troop postings, logistics and arms allocations. The primary aim was to net Taliban leader Mullah Omar and close aides, such as Maualana Jalaluddin Haqqani, Mullah Dadullah and Mullah Gul Mohammed Jangvi. Months later, these men have not even come close to being captured. That leaves the questions unanswered: How (and from where) do they manage to relay their instructions into the battlefield? Asia Times Online has learned that this year alone, international intelligence operations in Afghanistan have spent millions of dollars trying to find out, even as fighting in the past month has been the heaviest ever. Significantly, the Taliban are now drawing increasing support from the Afghan population. These additional numbers have allowed them for the first time to conduct their own large-scale search operations against NATO (North Atlantic Treaty Organization) troops in the south. As a result, NATO this week requested additional troops, with no success. The alliance, which took command of military operations in southern Afghanistan on July 31, had wanted 2,000 extra soldiers to reinforce the 19,000-strong International Security Assistance Force. Throwing more troops into a conventional battle (artillery and air strikes especially) might not be the best way to go as long as there remains a basic lack of understanding of where the enemy's command center is and how the mujahideen receive orders. What is known is that among the rank and file of the mujahideen there is a strong system of communication, with instructions flowing freely and quickly. And despite claims by coalition forces to the contrary, the Taliban are not obsessed with taking control of provinces or districts. They abandoned that tactic at the end of July, and a lull in fighting followed. Since then, the new policy has been that the local population join in the fight against NATO, especially hunting down its convoys. What is worth noting is that what is happening in Afghanistan has happened before, against the British many years ago and against the Soviets more recently. This latest battle against a foreign invader is being fought as a classic Afghan war, although the sequence of events is somewhat different. In the past, resistance leaders migrated to neighboring states early in the campaign. This time it is happening much later. Previously, command councils were formed at the end, and the mass mutiny started earlier. This time it is the other way around. Of one thing the Taliban are convinced, blindly some might say: Afghan tradition dictates that foreign forces will be resisted to the last. Further, the Taliban believe that by the end of the spring offensive, Mullah Omar will again declare himself head of the Islamic Emirate of Taliban for a final battle against the foreigners. Syed Saleem Shahzad is Asia Times Online's Pakistan Bureau Chief. He can be reached at [email protected]. [Description of Source: Hong Kong Asia Times Online WWW-Text in English - - Hong Kong-based online newspaper with a Bangkok branch office focusing on political and economic issues from an "Asian perspective," with over 50 contributors in 17 Asian countries, the United States, and Europe. Successor of the Hong Kong/Bangkok based print daily Asia Times that closed in 1997, it claims an average of 100,000 daily site visitors as of Feb 2006, with 65% of the audience based in North America, and 22% in the Asia-Pacific region. Root URL on filing date: http://www.atimes.com] Pakistan: 'Taliban Armed Force' Patrols Areas; Talibanization Spreads in NWFP SAP20060930033003 Islamabad The News (Internet Version-WWW) in English 30 Sep 06 [Report by Behroz Khan: "Settled NWFP areas also under threat of Talibanisation"] [Text disseminated as received without OSC editorial intervention] DERA ISMAIL KHAN: The one after the other peace agreements with militants in south and north Waziristan agencies have not only strengthened religious groups in the tribal region, but sent a strong message to the adjacent settled districts of the NWFP to be the next to witness a visible parallel administration supervised and controlled from this troubled belt along the Pak-Afghan border. Interviews with tribesmen belonging to both agencies based in DI Khan revealed that lifestyle of the people in DI Khan, Tank, Lakki Marwat and Bannu is undergoing a rapid change, as the writ of religious groups reigns supreme. "People live in fear in the tribal as well as settled areas," was a brief comment of a lawyer in DI Khan, as he had to abandon his native south Waziristan and make this multicultural city situated on the bank of Indus river as his permanent abode. The lawyer had to pull his 16-year-old son back from a training camp in Wana run by militant groups on the pretext that his college has reopened after the two and a half months summer vacation. "I did not know that my son will land in a training camp while visiting his village in summer," the lawyer said, whose name is not being disclosed for security reason. It is a fact that every family from the Mehsud tribe has volunteered to send one person to the armed force operating under Amir of the Mujahideen, Commander Baitullah Mehsud. However, locals said the Afghan Mujahideen leader, Commander Jalaluddin Haqqani, who is the Amir of all the Afghan and Pakistani fighters, has appointed Haji Muhammad Omar as the overall in charge of the Mujahideen in South Waziristan agency. But the role and respect of Baitullah Mehsud has not been eclipsed by the appointment of Haji Omar and the fighters, mainly active on the Afghan side of the border at the moment, affiliate themselves with Mehsud. The administration of South Waziristan is run through a Shoora of elders, which is responsible for peace and security and awarding punishment to sinners under the Shariah laws. "Apart from seizing civil liberties and encouraging the youth for "Jihad", the Taliban rule in South Waziristan has provided a sense of security to the people," said another lawyer at the DI Khan district courts. Muhammad Hashim, who is also from South Waziristan said the people in DI Khan, Tank and Bannu have mentally accepted the fact that the Taliban-style of governance was their fate. About 98 per cent of the people in South Waziristan have grown beards, the youth dress like the Taliban of Afghanistan and the trend is now taking its roots in the settled districts. Only Taliban CDs and cassettes are allowed to play in the tribal region and shopkeepers doing business in CDs and other electronics in Tank and DI Khan have either closed down businesses or switching to something else due to warnings issued by local Taliban to them. Meanwhile, the arguments of President Gen Pervez Musharraf during his trip to the United States regarding the peace agreement have not been received positively by religious and militant groups, party to the deal. Interaction with tribesmen from North Waziristan in DI Khan and telephonic contacts with representatives of the religious groups in Miranshah, headquarters of North Waziristan agency, suggest that the clerics, militants known as 'Mujahideen' and the students of religious seminaries, identifying themselves as the Taliban, have expressed reservations over the arguments of President Musharraf that the agreement reached with them on September 5 was not with militants but the Utmanzai tribe. Government representatives, Taliban, Mujahideen, clerics and the tribal elders on behalf of the Utmanzai tribe, including Wazir and Dawar tribes, have singed the peace agreement. The impression among the militants and clerics is that as if the government has backed out of the pact by dissociating itself from the real party to the conflict, those who fought the security forces and are now in control of the affairs of the agency. The Taliban armed force has started patrolling the roads and streets in Miranshah and Mirali areas wherein they stop and search vehicles and people during night to ensure foolproof security in the agency, a source from Mirali told The News. Locals in Miranshah said that no peace deal would bring results minus Taliban and the impression at the moment among them is that they (militants) have been de-recognised by the government. Contacts with the representatives of the militants bore no fruit, as they are reluctant to speak about the validity or otherwise of the agreement, but one of their spokesman asking anonymity said that such statements at the highest level were indicative of the fact that Mujahideen and the Taliban are no longer under obligation to honour the peace deal because the government only own the Utmanzai tribe while it has signed the agreement with the Taliban, Ulema and Mujahideen. [Description of Source: Islamabad The News (Internet Version-WWW) in English -Internet version of the widely read, influential English daily, member of the Jang publishing group. Neutral editorial policy, good coverage of domestic and international issues. Hardcopy circulation estimated at 55,000; root URL as of filing date: http://www.thenews.com.pk] Asia Times: 'Taliban Lay Plans for Islamic Intifada ' CPP20061006720004 Hong Kong Asia Times Online WWW-Text in English 1044 GMT 05 Oct 06 [Report by Syed Saleem Shahzad : "Taliban Lay Plans For Islamic Intifada "; headline as provided by source] THE PASHTUN HEARTLAND, Pakistan and Afghanistan - With the snows approaching, the Taliban's spring offensive has fallen short of its primary objective of reviving the Islamic Emirates of Afghanistan, as the country was known under Taliban rule from 1996-2001. BOTh foreign forces and the Taliban will bunker down until next spring, although the Taliban are expected to continue with suicide missions and some hit-and-run guerrilla activities. The Taliban will take refuge in the mountains that cross the AfghanistanPakistan border, where they will have plenty of time to plan the next stage of their struggle: a countrywide "Islamic Intifada of Afghanistan" calling on all former mujahideen to join the movement to boot out foreign forces from Afghanistan. The intifada will be both national and international. On the one hand it aims to organize a national uprising, and on the other it will attempt to make Afghanistan the hub of the worldwide Islamic resistance movement, as it was previously under the Taliban when Osama bin Laden and his training camps were guests of the country. The ideologue of the intifada is bin Laden's deputy, Dr Ayman al-Zawahiri, who has assembled a special team to implement the idea. Key to this mission is Mullah Mehmood Allah Haq Yar. Asia Times Online was early to pinpoint Haq Yar as an important player (see Osama adds weight to Afghan resistance , September 11, 2004). Oriented primarily towards Arabs, especially Zawahiri, Haq Yar speaks English, Arabic, Urdu and Pashtu with great fluency. He was sent by Taliban leader Mullah Omar to northern Iraq to train with Ansarul Islam fighters before the US-led invasion of Afghanistan. He returned to Afghanistan in 2004 and was inducted into a special council of commanders formed by Mullah Omar and assigned the task of shepherding all foreign fighters and high-value targets from Pakistani territory into Afghanistan. He is an expert in urban guerrilla warfare, a skill he has shared with the Taliban in Afghanistan. His new task might be more challenging: to gather local warlords from north to south under one umbrella and secure international support from regional players. A major first step toward creating an intifada in Afghanistan was the establishment of the Islamic State of North Waziristan in the Pakistani tribal area this year. This brought all fragmented sections of the Taliban under one command, and was the launching pad for the Taliban's spring offensive. Subsequently, there has been agreement between a number of top warlords in northern Afghanistan and the Taliban to make the intifada a success next year. Credit for this development goes mainly to Haq Yar. Haq Yar was recently almost cornered in Helmand province in Afghanistan by British forces. Before that, he spoke to Asia Times Online at an undisclosed location in the Pashtun heartland straddling Pakistan and Afghanistan. Asia Times Online: When are the Taliban expected to announce the revival of the Islamic Emirates of Afghanistan? Haq Yar: Well, the whole Islamic world is waiting for the revival of the Islamic Emirates of Afghanistan, but it will take some time. But sure, it will ultimately happen, and this is what the Taliban's struggle is all about. ATol: Can you define the level of Taliban-led resistance in Afghanistan? Haq Yar: It has already passed the initial phases and now has entered into a tactical and decisive phase. It can be measured from the hue and cry raised by the US and its allies. Daily attacks on NATO (North Atlantic Treaty Organization) forces are now routine and suicide attacks are rampant. ATol: To date, the Taliban have been very active in southwestern Afghanistan, but traditionally success comes when a resistance reaches eastern areas, especially the strategically important Jalalabad. When will this happen? Haq Yar: Well, I do not agree that the Taliban movement is restricted to southwest Afghanistan. We have now established a network under which we are allied with many big a nd small mujahideen organizations, and in that way we are fighting foreign forces throughout Afghanistan. In a recent development, the deputy chief of the Taliban movement, Maulana Jalaluddin Haqqani, is now positioned in the eastern zone, including Jalalabad, from where he is guiding attacks on coalition forces. This eastern zone is also part of the Taliban's stronghold. ATol: What is the role of bin Laden and Zawahiri? Haq Yar: We are allies and part and parcel of every strategy. Wherever mujahideen are resisting the forces of evil, Arab mujahideen, al-Qaeda and leaders Osama bin Laden and Dr Zawahiri have a key role. In Afghanistan they also have a significant role to support the Taliban movement. ATol: Is the present Taliban-led resistance against the US and its allies a local resistance or is it international? That is, are resistance movements in other parts of the world led from Afghanistan? Haq Yar: Initially it was a local movement, but now it is linked with resistance movements in Iraq and other places. We are certainly in coordination with all resistance movements of the Muslim world. ATol: What is the Taliban strategy with groups like Hezb-i-Islami Afghanistan led by Gulbuddin Hekmatyar and the Hezb-i-Islami Afghanistan (Khalis)? Haq Yar: The Hezb-i-Islami of Hekmatyar and the Taliban are fighting under a coordinated strategy and support each other. The leadership of the Khalis group is now in the hands of his son, who is coordinating everything with Maulana Jalaluddin Haqqani. ATol: What is the Taliban's weaponry? Is it old Russian arms or they have acquired new ones - and if so, where are they getting them? Haq Yar: The Taliban have all the latest weaponry required for a guerrilla warfare. Where does it come from? Well, Afghanistan is known as a place where weapons are stockpiled. And forces that provided arms a few decades ago - the same weapons are now being used against them. ATol: The Taliban contacted commanders in northern Afghanistan. What was the result? Haq Yar: About one and a half years ago these contacts were initiated. Various groups from the north contacted us. We discussed the matter with (Taliban leader) Mullah Mohammed Omar Akhund and then, with his consent, I was assigned to negotiate matters with the Northern Alliance. The first meeting was held in northern Afghanistan, where I represented the Taliban. Many individuals from various groups of the Northern Alliance attended the meeting and they all condemned the foreign presence in the country, but insisted that the Taliban should take the lead, and then they would follow suit. Another meeting was held after that in which various individuals come up with some conditions, and there was no conclusion. There was no collective meeting, but there are contacts. ATol: What is the role of the tribal chiefs? Haq Yar: The tribal chiefs have always been supportive of the Taliban and still are. How could they not be? The US bombed and killed thousand of their people and the puppet (President Hamid) Karzai government is silent. All Afghans are sick and tired of US tyrannies and daily bombardment, whether they are commoners or chiefs, and that is why they are all with the Taliban. Actually, we have also worked on organizing that support. On the instructions of Mullah Mohammed Omar Akhund, I met with tribal chiefs last year and prepared the grounds for this year's battle (spring offensive), and all tribal chiefs assured me of their support. And now there is support - it is there for everybody to see. ATol: It is said that the Taliban are now fueled by drug money. Is this correct, and if not, how do they manage their financial matters? Haq Yar: It is shameful to say that the Taliban, who eliminated poppies from Afghanistan, are dependent on the drug trade to make money. This is wrong. As far as money is concerned, we do not need much. Whatever is required, we manage it through our own limited resources. ATol: Are you satisfied with the media's role? Haq Yar: Not at all. They do not publish our point of view. They never tried to talk to the genuine Taliban. Rather, they go after not genuine people who are basically plants and rejected by the Taliban leadership. Syed Saleem Shahzad is Asia Times Online's Pakistan Bureau Chief. He can be reached at [email protected]. [Description of Source: Hong Kong Asia Times Online WWW-Text in English - - Hong Kong-based online newspaper with a Bangkok branch office focusing on political and economic issues from an "Asian perspective," with over 50 contributors in 17 Asian countries, the United States, and Europe. Successor of the Hong Kong/Bangkok based print daily Asia Times that closed in 1997, it claims an average of 100,000 daily site visitors as of Feb 2006, with 65% of the audience based in North America, and 22% in the Asia-Pacific region. Root URL on filing date: http://www.atimes.com] Pakistan: Taliban Runs 2d Office After Govt's Peace Deal With 'Wanted' Militants SAP20061014033002 Karachi Dawn (Internet Version-WWW) in English 14 Oct 06 [Report by Ismail Khan: "Why the Waziristan deal is a hard sell"] [Text disseminated as received without OSC editorial intervention] PESHAWAR, Oct 13: New facts have emerged about this year's September 5 deal between the government and militants in North Waziristan that may explain the unease felt by international players involved in the conflict in Afghanistan. Although the agreement secured the public endorsement of US President George W. Bush, western and Afghan officials are privately critical of the deal. Sources say there are a number of factors fuelling suspicion. Firstly, the deal was signed with militants and not with tribal elders, as is being officially claimed. The signatories are the two principal parties to the conflict: (a) the administrator of North Waziristan as the government representative, and (b) militants and clerics who until September 5 were on the wanted list. Among them are Hafiz Gul Bahadar, Maulana Sadiq Noor, Azad Khan, Maulvi Saifullah, Maulvi Ahmad Shah Jehan, Azmat Ali, Hafiz Amir Hamza and Mir Sharaf. The first two in the list are top militant clerics and the remaining six were nominated by them to co-sign the agreement, sources say, adding that they were all pardoned by the government subsequent to the deal. The agreement identifies them as 'fareeq-e-doum' (second party). As the names indicate, no tribal elder from the Utmanzai tribe was among the signatories, as claimed by the government. The 45-member inter-tribal jirga handpicked and nominated by Governor Ali Muhammad Jan Aurakzai countersigned the document as the interlocutors. Period. As such the argument that the peace agreement is against the Taliban, and not with the Taliban, just does not hold water. One expert asks: "How could the militants in North Waziristan, who owe their allegiance to Mullah Omar and his commander Jalaluddin Haqqani, who is responsible for southern Afghanistan, sign a deal against their brothers in arms?" Secondly, the deal stipulates that foreign militants living in North Waziristan would either leave or live peacefully. But no mechanism has been put in place to oversee and verify either their conduct or the departure of those who violate the agreement. Over a month after the signing of the deal, there is no progress on this front. Contrary to the government's assertion, troops deployed in and around Miramshah, except those manning the borders, have been removed from check-posts and relocated to their camps. All weapons seized from militants have been returned and their men released. There force teeth point have been more kidnappings, robberies and murders since then as the Khasadar -- a ragtag, untrained tribal force left to man the posts -- has neither the nor the wherewithal to rein in the militants or control crime, area residents out. Eyewitnesses say there are now not one but two Taliban offices in Miramshah to maintain law and order, control crime and address public complaints, a serious violation of the agreement by the Taliban who had undertaken not to form a parallel administration in the tribal region. There is growing evidence that militants the September 5 agreement. Recently they vehicle the latter had snatched, telling suspects themselves. Nothing is known as Khasadars merely looked on. are now more assertive than they were before wrested custody of suspects, along with a the Khasadars that they would deal with the to what happened afterwards as the hapless The agreement says that there will be no cross-border infiltration but Nato military officials stationed in Afghanistan have been quoted as saying there is a 3oo per cent increase in militant activity in the border regions. The death of a local militant commander, Maulvi Mir Kalam, and his men in an operation across the border and the capture of 10 of their comrades by security forces is a case in point. The deal also stipulated there would be no targeted killings but recent reports indicate that alleged spies have been assassinated by militants in the region. In essence, there are two main verifiable clauses in the agreement: one, that the militants would not attack government forces and installations and, two, that the government, for its part, would not undertake any ground or air offensive. That the two sides have stuck to their word on at least these two points explains the relative peace in an otherwise volatile tribal region. Equally crucial and perhaps central to this whole agreement were the two other clauses, the presence of foreign militants and cross-border infiltration. It is unclear what additional steps the government has taken to stop militants' movement across the border since the truce. But if the death of Mir Kalam and the reported arrest and subsequent release of three 'mujahideen' in the Kurram tribal region -- at the request of militants in North Waziristan -- are any indication, the government will find it hard to defend its position that the truce is directed against the Taliban and not in their favour. Indeed, peace is the desired goal. But one look at the agreement and the situation on the ground and it is glaringly evident that the government has chosen the path of pacification by appearing to capitulate to the militants than take corrective measures to ensure lasting peace. Peace is vital but not at the expense of abdicating state authority, as appears to have happened in Waziristan's case. Therefore, when President Musharraf said at a recent gathering that "there is no guarantee that it [the agreement] will succeed", it was pretty clear why. Given the complexity of the situation, and to be fair to the president, it should be mentioned that Gen Musharraf also said that if anybody had a better idea of how to deal with the situation, he would be a patient listener. But he is not the only player in the region, however critical his role in the war on terror may be. On cross-border infiltration, Kabul is being joined in its complaints by the International Security Assistance Force (ISAF). With a growing Taliban insurgency and mounting casualties being taken by the 37-nation Nato-led ISAF, Pakistan is coming under a lot of pressure to do more. Islamabad may be asking Nato and Kabul to replicate the peace pact with the Taliban in Afghanistan but it will be difficult to push this argument along -- as Pakistan has sought to -- by citing considerations of Pushtun nationalism and a possible sense of deprivation. Half of the Afghan parliament is Pushtun, and except for foreign minister Rangin Dadfar Spanta and interior minister Zarar Maqbal, Pushtuns hold all the powerful positions in the cabinet. President Hamid Karzai is, of course, also a Pushtun. They are also fairly well represented in the Afghan National Army and the Afghan National Police, so to suggest that Pushtuns face alienation in Afghanistan would be a misrepresentation of the ground realities in that country. The days of the Tajik-led Northern Alliance's dominance are over. Indeed, Pakistan would do well to avoid using the ethnic card. It is a double-edged weapon that can cut both ways, considering the growing sense of deprivation amongst the smaller provinces at home. It would also be unfair to liken the Taliban's resistance to a Pushtun uprising. This view betrays a lack of understanding of contemporary Pushtun society. Ethnic Pushtuns they are, but the Taliban have never espoused any nationalist ideology. Theirs is not a nationalist struggle; their resistance is fired by a desire to wage 'jihad and defeat the infidels'. [Description of Source: Karachi Dawn (Internet Version-WWW) in English -- Internet version of Pakistan's first and most widely read English-language daily promoting progressive views. Generally critical of military rule; root URL as of filing date: http://www.dawn.com] London Daily Reports on 'Book' by Al-Qa'ida 'Theorist' Abu-al-Walid al-Misri - V GMP20061028837003 London Al-Sharq al-Awsat (Internet Version-WWW) in Arabic 28 Oct 06 [Part V of a report by Muhammad al-Shafi'i, datelined London, on a book entiled "Chatter on the Roof of the World" by Abu-al-Walid al-Misri, whose original name is said to be Mustafa Hamid, and is also known (in London) as Hashim al-Makki, and is described as the "theorist" of the Afghan Arabs: "Chatter on the Roof of the World. The Theorist of the Afghan Arabs: 'The Muslim Brotherhood Caused us Much Hardship and Pain Throughout Our Work in Afghanistan.' Abu-al-Walid al-Misri: 'Pakistani Intelligence Kept the Mujahidin's Military Efficacy Low'."] In the fifth installment in the serialization of the book "Chatter on the Roof of the World" by its author Abu-al-Walid al-Misri, the theorist of the "Afghan Arabs" and the in-law of Sayf al-Adl, Al-Qa'ida's military commander, Al-Masri talks about the spoils of war they saw in the wake of the first operation in which the Arabs participated against the Communist forces. He says: It was the first time we see the spoils of war. We were astonished and our feelings were indescribable. We used to hear about the spoils of war in history books on the conquests and the Muslims' flourishing days. Abu-al-Walid al-Misri is one of the oldest Arab fighters in Afghanistan. He signed the book "Chatter on the Roof of the World" which was found by the US forces in his real name, Mustafa Hamid. Abu-al-Walid is known among Islamists in London by the name of Hashim al-Makki. Al-Sharq al-Awsat had published several articles by him after the fall of Taliban in which he criticized [Usama] Bin Ladin and his "strategic" view of the exacerbation of the conflict with the United States, and which led to the "Afghan Arabs" losing the Taliban state in which they had lived in safety and security. Abu-al-Walid says in his new book: "We later discovered that the rivalry over showing off and leadership is yet another serious trait in the Afghan personality. It took me several years to discover that personality -- on my part at any rate -- until I became aware to a certain extent of its basic components. However, after the victory [over the Soviet forces] and the mujahidin gaining control over the country I was surprised to find that there were traits of which I was not aware until that late hour." With regard to character and temperament there were many similarities -- in our view -- between the Afghans and the ancient Arabs, and the most prominent difference between the Afghans and the new Arabs is their rejection of humiliation, their love of religion, and their quick acceptance of the option of death if their freedom is threatened or their Islam is in danger. On the following day, our Afghan escort, Muti'allah, accompanied us to the site of the latest battle. When we reached a relatively wide valley in the midst of which was a stream we saw three armored vehicles that were burned down. Muti'allah went ahead of us carefully and asked us to watch out for mines. I felt cold sweat dripping from my body. I wanted to ask him how we watch out for the mines, when he answered me in action before I spoke. He was leaping with agility like a deer over the rocks and stone elevations. The other mujahidin did the same, and we -- I and my two friends --imitated them with some success and a great deal of fear. The mines they used were locally made and contained several sticks of dynamite with an electric detonator and a small battery. The key to the circuit were two cardboard pieces that get folded when one steps on them and the charge blows up. It was a dangerous and imprecise device, and a dog or goat passing over it could detonate the mine. In any case, a number of armored vehicles had been blown up, and that was enough to demoralize the attacking forces which surrendered a short time after the mujahidin opened fire at them. It was the first time in which we came across the mines problem which has become one of the problems of the Afghan war and which -- according to UN estimates -- will remain for a 1,000 years. Estimates of the number of mines that were left beneath the ground after the war vary: there are 10 million mines by some estimates, and 100 million by others. Abu-al-Walid says if there is a description other than infidelity that can be given to the communist regime of [Nur Muhammad] Taraki [president of Afghanistan from April 1978 to October 1979] it is foolishness. Foolishness was the distinguishing feature of the behavior of Taraki and his communist party Khalq in all spheres of his domestic policy or military policy. They became arrogant and over-confident and used force in excess, turning the people against them. Moreover, they were openly hostile to Islam. Militarily, they embarked on reckless adventures that lost them large sections of the army, and the regime almost fell had it not been for the Soviet intervention. One of the indications of such foolishness was the "heavy" military campaigns that were launched deep inside mountainous areas. Taraki's military commanders -- together with a group of Soviet fools -- launched large campaigns with infantry forces backed by tanks, heavy artillery, and aircraft against the mujahidin forces in the rugged mountains. The results were tragic and were brought about by the mujahidin who had faith and determination and who fought fiercely. Those foolish campaigns led to supplying the mujahidin with a vast military wealth of weapons and hardware. At the time, Taraki had 5,000 Soviet military experts who worked in the various Afghan army commands up to the detachment [fasilah] level. They took part in directing and commanding most of the campaigns against the mujahidin. From the beginning of the war to its end -- except for brief periods -- it was clear that the Soviets believed in a military ideology that relied wholly or to a very high degree on massiveness: massive equipment and massive numbers of soldiers and equipment used. Haqqani: The Beginning of a Long Friendship The Afghan war proved that the decisive weapon in war is the soldier who has faith, not massive numbers or technology. The communist regime lost the war on the morale level when the people did not respond positively to communist slogans, but decided to confront them with arms whatever the outcome. The Soviet forces throughout the war did not demonstrate a high morale or real belief in the aim of the war, namely to defend a friendly communist regime from foreign interference. Communism had died in the souls of Soviet soldiers before they came to Afghanistan, and then it died before their eyes in Afghanistan despite the outstanding efforts of their state to keep it alive. That is why when those soldiers returned to their country frustrated and defeated, communism in the Soviet collapsed. The Red Army -- the mainstay of the state and the protector of the regime -- realized that it is protecting a long-dead body. We left Muti'allah's center in the Zerok region of Oruzgan and we headed -- in accordance with our host's itinerary -- toward the mawlawi [a religious title] Jalaluddin Haqqani center in (Sirana). They said to us he is a religious scholar and a brave and famous military commander and that he is the second man in the Yunus Khalis' Hizb Islami. We were forced to go round a long distance in the mountains that were covered with pine trees to get from Zerok to (Sirana) to bypass Nakka where the Taraki government still maintained a strong garrison. Several kilometers before we got to (Sirana), they asked us to stay until Haqqani, who is outside (Sirana) and who is engaged in a battle with the communist forces, is notified. We waited for a whole day until we received permission to proceed to meet with Haqqani who received us with 20 of his men in the midst of a woody area in a valley between two mountains. They did not open fire as in the Muti'allah camp. Moreover, Haqqani ordered his men to remain near the trees, away from the sunlight. It was clear that the situation was tense and they ere expecting aerial bombardment of their area following the previous days' battles which -- we had learned -- they won deservedly. The mujahdin gathered around us with their old weapons and they gradually grew in numbers. Haqqani asked me to address them. That was quite embarrassing. I did not consider myself equal to those men, and I was not an orator. The men sat on the ground, with their rifles in their hands, waiting for us to address them. I delivered a short speech and I recall saying: "The banner of jihad that was raised in Badr [seventh century A.D. battle between early Muslims and Meccan infidels] has reached you. It is a big trust and a great honor for you, and the nation of Islam has its eyes on you as you raise this long-awaited banner. Indeed, the world has its eyes on the result of this battle that is taking place in Afghanistan between Islam and communism..." I recall that I ended my speech with the Koranic verse: "You who believe. If you help God He will help you and make you stand firm." Jalaluddin Haqqani elaborated on my speech and then he invited us to climb to a house at the top of a nearby hill to complete our discussion. Haqqani explained to us the situation in Afghanistan and in their region -- Paktia province -- in detail. He also explained to us the situation among the jihadist organizations and the mujahidin's needs. The mujahid Haqqani, with whom I forged a deep friendship that survives to this day, told us that the fighting of the past two days resulted in a great victory. He invited us to see the traces of the battle on the main road not a long distance away. I still remember our visit to the location of the battle on the road between the cities of Gardiz and Khowst not far from Gardiz, the capital of the province, but separated from it by the high (Sati Kando) mountains. It was a winding road between the mountain peaks. The convey that had been heading toward Khowst fell into a cruel ambush whose devastating effects were clearly seen, with more than 20 trucks completely destroyed and the bodies of their drivers and their assistants were charred, and white bones were protruding from them, in addition to more than 10 armored vehicles that were burned down. There were the bodies of soldiers who had fallen behind their firing positions, while some were burned inside their armored vehicles or on the main road. There was a body of a soldier, or an officer, who had crawled to the side of the road and leant his back on a rock and died beneath it. The body had disintegrated and become as black as coal, while the bones of his skull were laid bare, his two hands were on his belly, and his jawbones were open in a desperate cry for help. In the midst of that tragic tableau I found a big book, and its glossy pages were covered with blood. It was an anthology of poems in Russian and was illustrated with amateurish romantic drawings of officers and soldiers with beautiful girls. There were also [drawings of] many flowers, trees, bottles of wine, and birds. I assumed that the entire anthology was about officers and soldiers who went to the battlefronts and left behind them their kinfolk, lovers, and the joys of life. The blood that stained the pages added a tragic conclusion to the life of a human being who lost his life in a strange land. He was killed as he was firing at innocent people while he was reading poems about love and the pain of parting, like Nero who set Rome on fire while he was singing poems. The Russian soldier had fallen, and we did not know where his body was in the midst of the charred assembly. He lost his life senselessly and about 11 years after his death communism fell and the Soviet state fell in the same mountains in Afghanistan. The momentum of events increased after the battle on the road. Morale rose in an unexpected manner. Delegations of mujahidin from neighboring provinces arrived, especially from Ghazni, asking for assistance and especially for anti-armor weapons (RPG) [Ruchnoy Protivotankovy Granatomyot]. The Government forces in Gardiz began to grumble about their commanders. Suddenly, 11 middle-ranking officers who had fled from service arrived and said they were preparing a big surrender operation together with their soldiers, and the plan almost succeeded but the government intelligence service (Khad) discovered the matter and the officers were compelled to escape quickly before they were arrested and executed. We sat down with the officers who belonged to different services of the armed forces. They painted to us a picture of the situation within the army and among the ranks of the Kabul regime. The picture suggested that the regime was corroding with extraordinary speed. That picture was correct to a great extent, and in December of the same year [ 1979] the Soviets were forced to bring in the Red Army to control the country and prevent the collapse of communism in a neighboring country, especially as the alternative will be Islam. The blows that were dealt to the government forces -such as the ambush on the Gardiz-Khowst highway -- had exacerbated the situation among the officers. They became divided into ordinary officers and others who belonged to the ruling Khalq Party and who were supported by Soviet advisors who were the real decision makers inside the army. The foolhardy raids which the Soviets and their followers among the Khalq officers had decided to launch ended tragically in mountainous terrain that was very favorable for the destruction of armies by men driven by unusual religious zeal. Yet despite that, there was a tangible need for the mujahdin to get training. The training the mujahidn had received at the time did not exceed training in the firing of old rifles and some light weapons which they had recently captured. They needed to be taught in the use of everything else by the soldiers and officers who had joined them. The RPG Surprise The mujahidin's story with the anti-tank RPG rocket launcher was amusing. They had no knowledge of the existence of that weapon in the first place. In one of their ambushes along the same road, the Gardiz-Khowst road, they attacked a convoy of infantrymen transported by trucks, behind which there were a number of armored vehicles and artillery pieces. The convoy was dispersed and most of the infantrymen escaped, while the armored vehicles and tanks continued to fire their heavy machineguns. The situation froze there and the mujahidin were unable to collect the booty or evacuate the wounded or dead. They saw a soldier carrying that strange weapon and asked him about it, and he told them it was an anti-tank [weapon]. And it became known to them as "anti-tank" until they learned its original name. They asked him to open fire at one of the tanks but he was afraid to go forward, and merely explained its use to one of the mujahidin who took the weapon, went forward, and fired the first anti-armor salvo in his military life, and indeed in the history of the entire province. The tank's turret was blown off. That was not the first surprise. The greater surprise was that all the crews of the tanks and armored vehicles jumped out of them with their hands in the air. It transpired that their fear of the RPGs was greater than the mujahidin's fear of the tanks. From that day this strange weapon entered the records of the mujahidin's military service. The fact is they excelled in using it throughout the war, and they even used it against aircraft and helicopters. It frightened aircraft flying at low altitudes. We discovered at a late stage -- after the end of the war -- that the mujahidin used to refuse to use the RPG's telescope when aiming. At first we thought they did not have it. The fact is the telescope greatly enhances the weapon's value and potential in the battles and its great ability to hit the target. Some Afghans used to laugh when they saw an Arab use the telescope, and when we asked them why they laughed they said the telescope is only for those with poor eyesight. After enquiring and researching we learned years later that the Pakistani intelligence service which trained the Afghans in the use of artillery had refused to train them in the use of artillery telescopes. Therefore the mujahidin's artillery in most cases was to agitate and scare off, although there were limited exceptions toward the end of the war. The tactics of using artillery were extremely backward and almost nonexistent except for the technical advice which Pakistani officers gave to the Afghan artillery men, advice that was more harmful than useful. It aimed to increase the mujahidin's reliance on the ammunition supplies that came from Pakistan and on the harmful advice of the men of the Pakistani intelligence service who were anxious to keep the mujahidin's military efficacy at a low level that does not develop in order to maintain US-Pakistani interests in steering the political aspect of the conflict in a manner compatible with the -- precisely regulated -- limits of rivalry between the United States and the Soviet Union. Training was one of the aspects of the mujahidin's military problem throughout the war. It was also closely linked to the political aspect of the entire cause. In the following years of the war, when the Arabs appeared on the scene, we will see aspects of that problem among them as well. These days I often remember the delegation that came from Ghazni province that was led by the young mawlawi who was oozing strength and determination. I met him as soon as he had arrived at the (Sirana) center and he was still panting as a result of climbing the mountain. He asked me in classical Arabic: "Are you Arab?" I learned from him that they live in open rural areas and suffer a great deal because of the tanks, and that he came to asks for assistance from mawlawi Jalaluddin, for he had learned that they had an "anti-tank" and they wanted at least one such weapon. When I asked him about the problem of the aircraft he said they do not care much for them, for they -- the jets -- come, drop their bombs, and go, while the tank is used by the army to get inside the homes and violate sanctities and shed blood without their having a means to ward off the tanks. When I asked him in surprise why they did not fear the aircraft his explanation was even stranger. He was sitting on the top of the house with his elderly mother, and suddenly the aircraft arrived and began to drop their bombs over the village. When he wanted to run down for protection from the bombing, his old mother admonished him and said: "You are a mawlawi who has learned God's Book and you fear an unbeliever?" He felt ashamed and remorseful and stayed with her until the bombardment ended, and then he went down to help with providing relief to the wounded and moving the martyrs' bodies. The story about the mother was strange to me, but similar stands by both men and women were real. It was one of the hidden aspects of the Afghan legend. When I asked the mawlawi about his jihadist program and its purpose, his answer which still echoes in my ear was: "We will fight the communists until we conquer Bukhara and Samarqand [in Soviet Uzbekistan]." I stared at his face in astonishment. How did that mountain man remember those names that lie in forgotten Islamic history? How dare he? His words penetrated deep inside me and I felt as though it was a prophecy that will be inevitably fulfilled, although it was beyond imagination. How true was the prediction of that young mawlawi as I now see in front of me mujahidin from Tajikistan and Uzbekistan training and fighting to defeat the remaining communism in their countries. The young mawlawi then surprised me with a question whose seriousness I realized only several years later. He said to me: What is your confession? It was another surprise, for it was the first time I was asked such a question. Until that moment I did not specifically know what my confession was, and indeed it was of no importance to me. I remembered that the Shafi'i [one of the four schools of thought in Sunni Islam] school of thought prevails in Egypt, and I concluded that I must be a Shafi'i as well. I told the man that I am a Shafi'i. However, he continued his question: What do you know about Muhammad Bin-Abd-al-Wahhab [founder of Wahhabi movement]? Coincidentally I had brought with me a book that was a collection of Bin-Abd-al-Wahhab's works. I liked it very much especially as what I used to hear about him was very hostile to him and his movement. However, when I began to read his books I liked his style and method. Very naively I began to enumerate Bin-Abdal-Wahhab's positive aspects to the young mawlawi. Several years later I realized why I never saw that mawlawi again. It was my first and last conversation with him. When the Gulf role in Afghanistan grew, I heard in 1986 from some salafis that the greatest threat to the future of Afghanistan is the Afghan Shiites and not the Soviet occupation. As much as I was astonished by that argument that was put forward by a young Muslim who was prominent in the seminars and conferences in the east and west, as much as I failed to convince him of the importance of deferring that threat and tackling it until after the Soviet withdrawal. However, he looked at me doubtfully. In his view, every Muslim with a sound faith does not hesitate to support his argument completely. In the same year, I met another person from the same school. He was from North Africa. He had relinquished the jihad in Afghanistan and began to urge others to do the same. Of course, he urged me as well to do so, and when I asked him the reason he said that the Hanafi [one of four Sunni schools of thought] school of thought contains at least 10 matters in which it -- deliberately and with predetermination -contravenes the Prophet Muhammad's tradition. I apologized that I am not a scholar to judge Abi-Hanifah's "deviations" and I will believe without argument that AbiHanifah deliberately contravenes the Prophet's traditions in 10 matters, but I am certain -- as far as I know -- that Babrak Karmal, the president of the communist regime in Kabul [from 1979 to 1986], does not agree with Islamic canon law or the Prophet's tradition on a single matter, so which is more fit to rule Afghanistan: the law of Abi-Hanifah or the law of [Karl] Marx? Of course, he did not like what I said and I did not see him after that except once after the Russian withdrawal. In his view the Muslim camp was confined to a few persons, and he was at their head of course. I did not see that clearly except in stages. At the present time I believe there is complete clarity, now that the experience has been completed and all -- or most -- of what was hidden, or vague, or incomprehensible to us has emerged clearly. All the mistakes and advantages existed on our side, the Arabs, even in a simple group such as the three of us. Most of the traits and main features of the subsequent Arab presence existed in us, such as poor qualification on the religious, political, and military levels to embark on such a great confrontation between Islam -- which is represented by unqualified and zealous individuals, and behind them there was a lost, bewildered, and enslaved nation [ummah] whose sanctities were violated [sentence incomplete]. We had great, ambiguous, and undefined dreams, and we did not know how to achieve them in real life. Those dreams reflected the extent of our ignorance of the reality of the world, and indeed of our own reality. Perhaps such ignorance was one of the reasons for the boldness of our moves. It is the courage of ignorance that astonished many people and brought us a great deal of problems, accusations, and doubts and led us to clash with many others. What surprised us more than anything else was that the first clash and the most painful clash for us was brought about by that Muslim side which we tried to hang on to in the same way a drowning man hangs on to a straw in stormy waters. I am referring to the Muslim Brotherhood whose followers caused us much hardship and pain throughout our work for the Afghan cause. Then some of its "blessings" pursued us when we tried these days to move on to work on the Tajikistan cause. The Afghan "experience" has revived within us many hopes. It made clear to us and enlightened us about many practical ways and provided us with a measure of perspicacity and experience. But it also debunked many other hopes and dreams, the first of which was the Muslim Brotherhood, and the latest of which were those naïve hopes about the state that was about to emerge in Afghanistan that rules on the basis of the line of the Prophet Muhammad as practiced by the orthodox caliphs. There are also other dreams especially with regard to bringing together "the nation of Islam" behind a cause or a leadership. Although we still believe that striving toward such a unity is a religious duty yet our present belief is that it remains impossible until God has mercy on us, because experience has proved to us that such unity is above the ability of all mankind -- "Even if you had given away everything in the Earth you would not have brought their hearts together, but God has brought them together" [Koranic verse]. It is a purely divine miracle, although striving toward it is a religious necessity as we have said, notwithstanding our certainty that we are unable to achieve that task. That is similar to fighting against modern mighty armies that enjoy superiority in everything except in faith. That is what we saw and sensed with our six senses in Afghanistan. It is an impossible task when measured by human standards, but it was achieved before our eyes in Afghanistan. In short, I did not notice in that experience that we have the true Muslim who represents religion and who can stand up to human beings who are unbelievers and heavily armed with the prerequisites of material strength. Our moral and ethical forces have not been harnessed, for we are still soiled to a dangerous level by the pre-Islamic [jahili] values and ethics and we are defeated within ourselves -- however loudly our claims to the contrary may be -- in the face of the West's atheistic civilization. It is easy for us to deviate or to be bought or to be exploited in serving their [West's] will and plans, wittingly or unwittingly. Our movements in Afghanistan and then in Bosnia were merely examples of that tyrannical control from a far or a close distance of the best Islamic action in modern times, namely jihadist action. Jihadist action emerged and grew in Afghanistan but it did not evolve a leadership, or a method of action, or organizational instruments, or a clear and well-integrated thought that covers the fields of action that are required militarily and politically under clear and disciplined canon law concepts. All that has not happened in Afghanistan, and so far it has not happened anywhere else as far as I know, not in Bosnia, Tajikistan, Egypt, or even Algeria, despite the great progress in jihadist work in that country until the time of writing these lines. Afghanistan has proved that what is of consequence is the final results of jihadist action and not the degree of military progress of such action at any particular stage. We have learned from Afghanistan that however loud, ear-piercing, and earth-shaking the jihadist shouting may be it does not under any circumstances mean that we have sound jihadist action or a sincere Islamic leadership. Often the intensity of the shouting contradicts the degree of sincerity. * To be completed. [Description of Source: London Al-Sharq al-Awsat (Internet Version-WWW) in Arabic -Influential Saudi-owned London daily providing independent coverage of Arab and international issues; editorials reflect official Saudi views on foreign policy. URL: http://www.asharqalawsat.com/] Asia Times: Taliban Preparing for this Year's Spring Offensive CPP20061211715003 Hong Kong Asia Times Online WWW-Text in English 1116 GMT 08 Dec 06 [Asia Times: "Time Out from a Siege"] By Syed Saleem Shahzad KARACHI - In the years following their ouster in 2001, the Taliban waged a lowintensity war against foreign forces in Afghanistan, characterized by uncoordinated, sporadic attacks in which the Taliban suffered large losses. During this period, this correspondent met many Taliban commanders, including some who were members of Taliban leader Mullah Omar's shura (command council). Although they were the core of the Taliban movement, they were mostly young lads educated in madrassas (seminaries) and they displayed a singular lack of vision. Most of these meetings took place on the Durand Line near the Pakistan-Afghanistan border, and invariably the young men appeared extremely nervous, even with fear in their eyes. These were the men on whom the resistance depended. Yet remarkably, after years of meritocracy, this year's spring offensive was a stunning success, extending Taliban control over vast swaths of the south and southwest and inflicting heavy casualties on foreign forces. There is no doubt that increasing public disenchantment with the administration of President Hamid Karzai in Kabul helped the Taliban win popular support, but it does not explain their dramatic military success. One might argue that the youthful Taliban leaders have matured into intelligent and savvy commanders. Not so. They remain about as blinkered and shortsighted as they have ever been. What did happen was that around April, military operations were handed over to legendary mujahideen commander Maulana Jalaluddin Haqqani, a non-Taliban veteran of the campaign against the Soviets in the 1980s (see Taliban's new commander ready for a fight/A). In the mid-1990s, after the bloody civil war that followed the Soviets' withdrawal, Haqqani had surrendered to the Taliban when they reached Khost province. In preparation for this year's spring offensive, Haqqani quickly replaced the highly dedicated but militarily naive Taliban field commanders with his team of battlehardened mujahideen. His motto was, "Where there is no vision, there is no hope." Haqqani made an agreement with Mullah Omar under which once his men brought victory to a front, they would depart for a new one, leaving the Taliban behind to administer as they saw fit under their brand of Islam. This arrangement can best be described as a marriage of convenience. On the one hand, it would be wrong to assume that the Taliban are the most popular movement in southwestern Afghanistan. Rather, they are seen as the best alternative to corrupt and inefficient local administrations. On the other hand, the mujahideen certainly don't see themselves as subservient to the young Taliban. What they have in common is a hatred of the occupying forces. Thus the Taliban movement acts as a unifying force for all anti-American forces in the country, while at the same time bringing discipline and order into local affairs. Face to face with a fighter While in Musa Qala, a Taliban stronghold in the north of Helmand province in the southwest of Afghanistan, this correspondent made satellite-telephone contact with a commander in the Nawzad district of the province. He is laying siege to a North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) and Afghan National Army (ANA) base in the area, although at the time a week-long ceasefire was in operation. I was told that it was unsafe to make my own way to meet the commander, so transport would be sent to fetch me from the hotel where I was staying. Several anxious hours passed with no sign of my pickup. Finally, as lunch approached, a tall, sharp-eyed, well-built man walked into the hotel lobby and sat by a pillar and ordered green tea. He seemed oblivious to his surroundings. I sat next to him and ordered lunch, which I ate in silence. But when I tried to pay, the stranger grabbed my wrist and pushed away my hand, barking. "He is our guest. I will pay the money." He then handed over a Rs1,000 (Pakistan) note (US$16), which the wai ter pocketed without comment. "I am Abdul Sattar and will take you to Nawzad," the man said, at last breaking into a smile. We set off in a high-powered double-cab vehicle across deserted, trackless plains that stretched into the horizon. We passed through Gila-i-Tangi, a beautiful hill town, and continued until we arrived at a settlement of mud houses. Two youngsters were waiting for us and took us to a one-roomed house set on a large plot with trees, flowers and vegetables. My heart skipped as we entered the room: about a dozen youths were standing, all of them holding AK-47s. Ammunition was stacked against the walls, as well as more AKs, machine-guns, rocket-propelled grenades and rockets. A light-skinned man with piercing eyes and a strong-looking body came forward and hugged me. "Welcome to the base of the mujahideen in Nawzad. I am Abdul Khaliq Akhund." Akhund had once been associated with Ahmad Shah Masoud, the legendary "Lion of the Panjshir" and leader of the Northern Alliance that resisted the Taliban throughout their five-year rule. Masoud was assassinated by al-Qaeda shortly before September 11, 2001, apparently as a gift from Osama bin Laden to the Taliban for allowing alQaeda to operate in Afghanistan. However, Akhund, who fought mostly in the Kandahar area against the Soviets, pledged allegiance with Mullah Omar once the Taliban emerged as a power. Akhund, by all reports an excellent military strategist, is best at home on the battlefield. He was field commander for Mazar-i-Sharif and other northern provinces during Taliban rule. When they fell, he went to Helmand. "This is a tribal society. I am a respected member and also respected as a mujahid," Akhund said. "I continue to live in this Nawzad district. When the Americans conducted military operations, I was informed by my tribespeople and I used to leave the area. When the operations ended, I went back to my place." By now it was dusk and we all said our evening prayers before dinner was served. This consisted of bread baked at least three days before, which made it hard to chew and tasteless - it helped to dip the bread into a bowl of watery curry. Each person also received a small portion of dried meat. Akhund split his and threw a piece at me. "You are a guest. Eat well." "You never attack people of your tribe who join the government?" I asked Akhund. "No. They are our strength. Why should we? I share the same opinion for former Taliban who have joined the Karzai administration or who were elected in the last parliamentary elections. They are not in the government with real will or conviction. That have changed loyalties out of compulsion," the war veteran-turned-Talib explained. This is an unusual attitude, as the Taliban generally condemn anyone who stands in elections. "Do you think a person like Mullah Abdus Salaam Rocketi would join the Karzai administration with conviction?" Akhund asked as he took a sip of water. Rocketi was a close aide of Mullah Omar in charge of southwest Afghanistan's military operations when the US attacked in 2001. He surrendered and after a brief detention was released. In the 2005 parliamentary polls he was elected from Zabul province. "Everything was done under duress. Rocketi was against the Pakistani establishment and he knew that if he tried to go to Pakistan they would settle a score against him. He was such a prominent person that he could not hide in Afghanistan, so finally he surrendered. I know him inside out, he would never be comfortable sitting with the Americans or their stooges," Akhund said. "The same is true of those Afghan national heroes who fought against the Soviets and who are now part of the Kabul administration ... for instance, Toran Ismail Khan [from Herat province ]. I know him, he is a sincere fellow. I know he is very uncomfortable sitting in Kabul as a federal minister [for energy and water]. I know he is desperate to be a part of the Afghan national resistance to kick out t he foreign forces, but at the same time it is also a fact that the Taliban mistreated him in the past and he is not ready to trust them yet. That's why he is sitting in the Afghan government," said Akhund. Akhund is convinced that sooner rather than later relations between former Northern Alliance commanders and the Taliban will be fixed, despite all the past bitterness. "Of course, Ahmad Shah Masoud was fighting the Taliban and, had he been captured, he would have faced dire consequences. But it is also a fact that what happened to him [assassination] was not the Taliban's policy ... just like what happened in the US [September 11] was not the Taliban's policy," said Akhund. "I believe that nowadays all distinctions between Shi'ite and Sunni, Pashtun and Tajik, have been forgotten and the Afghan nation is ready to take on foreign forces with a new zeal. Now it is winter and it is difficult to mobilize men, either on the plains or the mountains. But once the spring and summer of 2007 come, the Karzai administration, along with its foreign allies, will be sacked from Kabul," said Akhund confidently. In recent months Akhund has led the Taliban to successes in the Baghran district, and he played a major role in defeating British troops in Musa Qala recently. Now he has brokered a ceasefire with NATO troops in Nawzad. "You will see, they will soon withdraw from Nawzad as well. Nevertheless, the battle will not be over, we will just take it to the next front until they leave Afghanistan altogether," Akhund said. By now it was late at night and time for the final prayers of the day, after which everyone prepared to sleep. It was freezing cold, but Akhund covered himself from top to toe in his shawl and forcibly handed me a blanket - the only one in the room. The next morning after prayers, as I did my ablutions at a small running watercourse outside the house, I heard the voices of women and children in another building. "There are women and children at the war front?" I asked Akhund at breakfast, which as the previous night consisted of stale bread and tea. "Yes, we decided to besiege the ANA and NATO base only because this village was around it. The villagers have voluntarily provided us with a few houses to establish bases and for dumps for our arms. The rest of the population lives normally, just as they always have. This is how today's Afghan national resistance is being formed," said Akhund as he said farewell to rally his men to take up positions. Syed Saleem Shahzad is Asia Times Online's Pakistan Bureau Chief. He can be reached at [email protected]. [Description of Source: Hong Kong Asia Times Online WWW-Text in English - - Hong Kong-based online newspaper with a Bangkok branch office focusing on political and economic issues from an "Asian perspective," with over 50 contributors in 17 Asian countries, the United States, and Europe. Successor of the Hong Kong/Bangkok based print daily Asia Times that closed in 1997, it claims an average of 100,000 daily site visitors as of Feb 2006, with 65% of the audience based in North America, and 22% in the Asia-Pacific region. Root URL on filing date: http://www.atimes.com] Pakistan: Report--Govt Not Likely To Resort to Military Option in N. Waziristan SAP20061223037001 Karachi Dawn (Internet Version-WWW) in English 23 Dec 06 [Report by Ismail Khan: "Time to revisit Waziristan deal?"] [Text disseminated as received without OSC editorial intervention] PESHAWAR, Dec 22: Is it time to revisit the North Waziristan deal? Indications are that the government is contemplating to at least make a re-assessment of the September 5 agreement that drew international criticism and brought new pressure from the US and the Nato to dismantle 'safe heavens' for the Taliban and Al Qaeda in its tribal borderlands. Governor NWFP Lt-Gen (retd) Ali Mohammed Jan Aurakzai, the sole architect of the agreement, has convened a meeting of the 45-member inter-tribal grand jirga at the Governor House on Saturday to take stock of the post-September 5 scenario in the restive tribal region. The Saturday meeting will not only take stock of the situation in North Waziristan but also assess its implementation in the backdrop of criticism that Pakistan has capitulated to the militants and that the agreement has done nothing to stem crossborder infiltration and deal with the presence of foreign militants.Director US National Intelligence John Negro Ponte said Pakistan would have to reckon with the situation sooner or later while the State Department acknowledged that the situation along the Pak-Afghan border was 'a mess'. The two statements coming one after the other in the last week or so from key figures of the US establishment were a clear departure from the more cautious wait-and-see approach of the Bush administration. The statements have come amid concerns in the US and the Nato that an emboldened Taliban would use the winter break in fighting to make more recruitment, train, arm and reorganise in time for the so-called spring offensive early next year. Pakistan, on its part, has been steadfast in sticking to its argument that the North Waziristan agreement offered the only approach to resolve the issue through negotiations as coercive tactics have failed to achieve its objectives. But Lt-Gen Aurakzai's latest initiative to reconvene the inter-tribal jirga and discuss the situation betrays a sense of urgency as well as unease to cope with mounting pressure from the principal backers of the war on terrorism. The inter-tribal jirga is expected to be told to revisit Miramshah, regional headquarters of the volatile North Waziristan, and discuss the situation with the main interlocutors, in this case the militants, and the 15-member oversight committee that was formed to liaise between the government and militants. Government officials who defend the agreement acknowledge that while it did not offer a perfect solution to what is a very complex issue, it did offer a window of opportunity to deal with a very difficult situation. The agreement has been successful in that both militants and government ceased hostilities against each other and there is now a semblance of peace in the restive tribal region. But if reports are anything to go by, it failed to address three main issues: the setting up of parallel administration, cross-border infiltration and presence of foreign militants. Some circles now privately acknowledge that the failure to implement the agreement on those critical issues lie in the government failure in the post-September 5 scenario to open up direct channels of communication with militants calling the shots and broaden the base of the agreement to include tribal figures, as well as the ineffectiveness of the oversight committee to ensure its implementation. It is a fact that while the agreement was signed with the militants, it did not include tribal elders which would have made it more effective in terms of the implementation of its clauses. It also did not let the oversight committee work more than just liaise between the two parties to the agreement to oversee and ensure its implementation. There are additional problems that the government would need to address before it sends the tribal jirga to Miramshah. Hafiz Gul Bahadar, the key militant leader and principle interlocutor in the agreement, is precariously poised in the absence of full backing from former mujahideen and Taliban commander, Jalaluddin Haqqani. This is reflected in his inability to extend the term of the agreement and influence to neighbouring Mirali sub-district in North Waziristan, an area security officials acknowledge is infested with foreign militants. Mr Bahadar, though well-meaning, is also delicately poised to take on foreign militants both in Miramshah and Mirali, owing to his own limited influence and full support from the senior Taliban leadership. And this is despite the fact that there is growing local unease and discomfort with foreign militants, particularly those of the central Asian origin due to growing kidnappings, robberies and target killings. The government, on its part, has also demonstrated a certain sense of paralysis and numbness to seize the opportunity and exploit differences amongst militant commanders on dealing with the issue of foreign militants in South and North Waziristan. Dithering and reluctance to take quick crucial decisions on the part of the administration contributed to the present state of affairs in the tribal region. The decision to post good and competent officers on Friday to make use of their imagination and exploit the situation should have been made earlier.Given the state of affairs and mounting pressure on Pakistan to deal with cross-border infiltration and foreign militants, the government appears to be caught between the rock and the hard place. The choices are stark and options very limited. However, there are no indications that the government is in a mood to resort to the military option to handle the situation at hand. Even in terms of political solution, it has very limited room to manoeuvre, apart from the option to rely on the intertribal jirga to press the interlocutors to live up to their promises and make them agree to broaden its base to include tribal elders and grant more authority to the oversight committee to ensure the implementation of the September 5 agreement. Reopening the North Waziristan Agreement, for whatever it is, and renegotiating it would be a dangerous move that would further complicate matters. Instead the government now needs to build on it and press home the point to the tribal elders and militants that time is running out and better act now than regret later. [Description of Source: Karachi Dawn (Internet Version-WWW) in English -- Internet version of Pakistan's first and most widely read English-language daily promoting progressive views. Generally critical of military rule; root URL as of filing date: http://www.dawn.com] Pakistan: Taliban Confirms Death of Mullah Usmani in Airstrike SAP20061227027001 Islamabad The News (Internet Version-WWW) in English 27 Dec 06 [Report by Rahimullah Yusufzai: "Taliban confirm Usmani's death in Afghan air strike"] [Text disseminated as received without OSC editorial intervention] PESHAWAR: Taliban officials are now confirming that one of their top military commanders Mulla Akhtar Mohammad Usmani was among those killed in an airstrike in the southwestern Helmand province on December 19. Requesting anonymity, an important Taliban military commander said it was true that Usmani was in the vehicle that was hit during an airstrike by US-led coalition forces in Helmand. "He was martyred along with other Taliban fighters. Gradually, the news of his death is spreading among the Taliban," he told The News from an undisclosed location. Other Taliban members had also started to concede Usmani's death. One of them said the Taliban could in due course of time officially confirm that Usmani was dead. Earlier, the Taliban had denied the claim by the spokesman of the US-led coalition forces that Usmani was killed in the airstrike. Instead, they were claiming that a local Taliban commander Maulvi Abdul Zahir and his two companions were killed in the attack. Colonel Tom Collins, the US military spokesman, had claimed that forensic analysis and intelligence information had enabled the coalition forces to verify that Usmani was killed in the precision strike on his vehicle. He said visual proof could not be provided as Usmani's body was obliterated in the attack. He admitted that no DNA test was carried out to confirm the information about Usmani's killing. During Taliban rule, Usmani served as the chief of the Taliban-led Afghan army. He also served as corps commander of Kandahar and was one of the most trusted military commanders of Taliban movement founder Mulla Mohammad Omar. Along with Mulla Dadullah, he was one of the two leading Taliban military commanders fighting against foreign forces and Afghan National Army. His death is a big loss for the Taliban. Following the ouster of Taliban from power in December 2001, Usmani is the second member of their "Rahbari Shura" (supreme council) to have been killed in US-led military operations in Afghanistan. Earlier, Abdur Razzaq Nafiz was killed during fighting in Zabul province. The remaining eight members of the shura are Mulla Ubaidullah, Mulla Biradar, Jalaluddin Haqqani, Saifur Rahman Mansoor, Mulla Dadullah, Mulla Akhtar Mohammad Mansoor, Mulla Mohammad Rasul and Hafiz Abdul Majeed. [Description of Source: Islamabad The News (Internet Version-WWW) in English -Internet version of the widely read, influential English daily, member of the Jang publishing group. Neutral editorial policy, good coverage of domestic and international issues. Hardcopy circulation estimated at 55,000; root URL as of filing date: http://www.thenews.com.pk] Pakistan: Geo TV Discussion on US Charge of Tribal Areas Supporting Taliban SAP20061229412001 Karachi Geo News TV in Urdu 1800 GMT 28 Dec 06 [Discussion between Afghan Affairs Correspondent Sami Yusufzai on phone line in Peshawar and senior Pakistani journalist Kamran Khan in studio in Karachi on US Assistant Secretary of State Ricjard Boucher's charge that Pakistani tribal areas have become "command and control system" for Taliban--live; taken from regularly scheduled "Today With Kamran Khan" program, words within double slant lines are in English] [Kamran Khan] The US administration has now formally stated that it has information that the Taliban are using Pakistan's tribal areas not only as a sanctuary, but they have also established their //command and control system// in these areas and from there they are sending arms [to Afghanistan]. This charge had so far not been formally made in such a //specific// manner at the highest level in the United States. Although the Afghan government and the US media have been claiming this, but US Assistant Secretary of State Richard Boucher, while addressing a press conference in Canada, spoke //specifically// in this connection and said that the Pakistan's tribal areas have, in fact, been proved to be the sanctuary for the Taliban's //control and command// system. Boucher, however, stated that Pakistan is cooperating with the United States in this matter and Pakistan and the United States are jointly trying to solve this issue and not only Pakistan and the United States, but Afghanistan is also trying to solve the issue. Boucher said that the United States has apprised Pakistan about its concern and Pakistan shares this concern with the United States. At the same time, Pakistan has announced that it would mine and fence the border along Afghanistan adjacent to the tribal areas. Mining and fencing would be done in //selected// areas. The Afghan government has not liked the Pakistani step and has opposed it. A UN official, who is posted in Kabul, has also said that the United Nations will have reservations on the Pakistani step as the human right organizations consider this process as not the right approach. Whether Pakistan's tribal areas have really become the Taliban's //command and control center// and their sanctuaries or not? Whether this charge is true or not? We will ask this from Afghan Affairs Correspondent Sami Yusufzai, who is with us on telephone line from Peshawar. Sami, now the charge has been formally made by the US Assistant Secretary of State and you also have been viewing the //issues// individually. How far would it be true to say that the Taliban's //command and control system// has been set up in the Pakistan's tribal areas and that the Taliban are not operating from Afghanistan, but from these tribal areas? What would you say about the validity of these charges? [Yusufzai] Yes Kamran, I was earlier in Kabul for 2 to 3 weeks and it appeared that the Afghan //intelligence// and the US //intelligence// had jointly set up //centers// near Khost, Paktia, Kandahar and near the border areas and they were fully engrossed in compiling reports about the Taliban's presence in the areas inside Pakistan. They had set up small //cells// after which they found evidence that the Taliban leaders are present in Waziristan and Quetta and in some areas and villages near Chaman and that the Taliban are regrouping at smaller level and preparing (?plans) in these areas. I myself met with the //intelligence// people and they themselves showed me a video about [Taliban commander] Jalaluddin Haqqani's religious seminary called (Munbail Uloom) in Miram Shah [in Pakistan]. This seminary was closed down after the collapse of Taliban 5 years ago, but I myself saw in the video shown by the //intelligence// people that the seminary, which is close to Miram Shah in Data Khel, has now reopened and the Taliban, who from their dresses appeared to be from Kandahar and Helmand in southern Afghanistan, were arriving there. Earlier, the international community did not back and support Karzai regarding his allegations against Pakistan, but it now appears that Karzai has been successful to //convince// to some extent the United States, the United Kingdom and other very important countries about his allegations. [Khan] Sami, the claim that the Taliban are living here in Pakistan's tribal areas and in Baluchitan areas, including Quetta, had not been //disputed//, but to say that arms are being sent from these areas and that the Taliban regroup and take vow in these areas and plan from there and that they return there after carrying out attacks [in Afghanistan] and that the //control and command// system is also in these areas are allegations of very serious nature. [Yusufzai] Yes, it is right to say like that if these people are going to Afghanistan. [Sentence as heard] In reality the Taliban are present in some areas of Pakistan and it is very easy for them to stay there because three millions Afghans are living in Pakistan. Islamabad, however, says that it has no knowledge and it is very difficult for it to identify these elements as three million Afghans are living in Pakistan. The issue, however, is not that the Afghan government and others are saying that there is no doubt that the Taliban are present in Pakistani areas, but the issue is that of the Afghan government's serious allegation that there are some agencies in Pakistan, which are //sponsoring// the Taliban. I think that when President Musharraf in an interview had said that it is possible that some former ISI [Inter Service Intelligence]] personnel may be involved [in helping the Taliban], it provided ammunition to the Afghan government to back its charge that some [Pakistani] agencies have the knowledge that the Taliban are regrouping in some areas of Pakistan and when the Taliban //commanders// come to Pakistan from Afghanistan in winter, some of their //commanders// and //leaders// in Pakistan also come back with them. [Khan] Reports have also been received at the same time that the US forces in an attack killed an important Taliban Commander Mullah Akhtar Usmani. Mullah Akhtar Usmani was an important Taliban commander. These reports are few days old. Has it been finally confirmed that Mullah Akhtar Usmani was killed by the US forces? [Yusufzai] Yes, it has now been confirmed by the Taliban in Helmand province and my //personal// sources in Taliban have also confirmed that Usmani was killed in Helmand. Some spies were shadowing him and the car in which he was traveling was directly targeted. Mullah Akhtar Usmani was a very important leader and almost all financial resources of the Taliban were with him. So, I think that this is the biggest setback the Taliban have suffered since its last //collapse// [ 5 years ago]. The Taliban's very important commander has been killed. [Khan] Thank you very much. Sami Yusufzai was talking to us. US Assistant Secretary of State Richard Boucher has formally stated at a press conference that the United States believes that the //command and control system// of the Taliban has been established in Pakistan's tribal areas and arms are being sent to the Taliban [in Afghanistan] from there and they regroup and plan from Pakistan's tribal areas for carrying out attacks in Afghanistan. The United States had so far not formally made such a serious charge. [Description of Source: Karachi Geo News TV in Urdu -- 24-hour satellite news TV channel owned by Pakistan's Jang publishing group, broadcast from Dubayy. Known for providing quick and detailed reports of events. Programs include some Indian shows and dramas which the group claims are aimed at promoting people-to-people contact and friendly relations with India.] Pakistan: Kidnapped PAEC Employees Freed, Kidnappers Claim To Be Taliban SAP20070116081004 Karachi Dawn (Internet Version-WWW) in English 16 Jan 07 [Report by Abdul Sami Paracha: "Six kidnapped employees of PAEC freed: Shootout leaves four dead"] [Text disseminated as received without OSC editorial intervention] KOHAT, Jan 15: Six employees of the Pakistan Atomic Energy Commission (PAEC), who had been kidnapped by armed men on Sunday night from their camp office near a uranium mining field in Karak district, were freed by police early on Monday morning after an encounter in which three kidnappers and a constable were killed. Three vehicles taken away by the kidnappers were also found and a pick-up belonging to the kidnappers was seized. Official sources told Dawn that only half an hour after the men had been kidnapped, at around 9:30am, a police team managed to find the place, near Gurguri, where the kidnappers had been hiding. Police ordered the kidnappers who numbered 13 to surrender, but they opened fire. Police retaliated and the exchange of fire continued till about 2am, resulting in the death of police constable Naimatullah. Two of the three kidnappers killed in the exchange of fire were Abdus Sattar (of North Waziristan) and Inayatullah (of Buland Khel in Thall tehsil). Two kidnappers, Yaqoob Khan (of North Waziristan) and Sher Zaman (of Buland Khel in Thall tehsil), were injured. Other members of the gang managed to escape. An injured kidnapper told interrogators that their local Taliban chief, Amir Ahmed Gul, had told them that they were going to attack a foreigners' camp in Thall. He said they did not know that the chief would use them for kidnapping people. He said they were taking the kidnapped people and the vehicles to the seminary of Maulana Jalaluddin Haqqani near the cattle market in North Waziristan. However, the interrogators said that the kidnappers were posing themselves as Taliban to misguide them. The Teri and Banda Daud Shah police have registered a case under sections 302/324/353 of PPC and 5 Explosives Act 411/148/149/13 AO and 7 Anti-Terrorist Act. They have been also charged under section 17/3 of Haraba and 156. Police seized five handgrenades, three Klashnikovs, four cellphones and Rs 1,430 cash from the kidnappers. [Description of Source: Karachi Dawn (Internet Version-WWW) in English -- Internet version of Pakistan's first and most widely read English-language daily promoting progressive views. Generally critical of military rule; root URL as of filing date: http://www.dawn.com] Al-Qa'ida Trains Jihadists in Waziristan EUP20070118029004 Paris Liberation (Internet Version-WWW) in French 18 Jan 07 [Report by Philippe Grangereau and Khawar Mehdi: "Al-Qa'ida Trains Jihadists in Eastern Pakistan"] Washington -- The Al-Qa'ida organization, which was ousted from its Afghan sanctuary following the United States' overthrow of the Taliban at the end of 2001, has established a new operational stronghold in Pakistan, in the tribal area of Waziristan. According to our information, the terrorist organization again has special training camps there for foreign Islamist combatants, where, among others, candidates for suicide attacks in Afghanistan and Europe are trained. "Stick" -- Two of these camps are led by an Iraqi and an Uzbek, Liberation was told by several well informed sources resident in Waziristan. One of Al-Qa'ida's training camps is apparently commanded by Abu Kasha [name as published], an Iraqi who goes by the name of "Arab Malang" ("Arab dervish.") "He tries to project the image of himself of as a mystic," one source explained, "and generally goes about with a hiking stick, with no visible weapons, accompanied by just a few men." Like most of the hundreds of other Arab combatants in Waziristan, he fled Afghanistan in 2001, probably with Usama Bin Ladin. It seems that he recently had Algerian, Somali, and Saudi would-be jihadists brought to Mir Ali, the village in North Waziristan where he is based, via Iran and Afghanistan. A "working division" has apparently been established. The Arab combatants apparently focus on attacks targeting Afghanistan, in coordination with Afghan and Pakistani Taliban. Another group of combatants from Central Asia, mainly Uzbekistan, are apparently tasked with launching offensives on Pakistani Army garrisons in Waziristan. This group, affiliated with Al-Qa'ida, is apparently led by Najimuddin Uzbek [name as published]. According to our sources, the Afghan and Pakistani Taliban insurgents, who are allied to Bin Ladin's organization, now exercise "almost total control" over Waziristan. It is from this area bordering Afghanistan that most of the attacks targeting the Afghan Government and coalition forces are launched. General Eikenberry, who commands the US troops in Afghanistan, said Tuesday that the number of suicide attacks increased from 27 in 2005 to 139 last year. At the same time, the US military recorded 4,542 armed attacks in 2006, as against 1,558 the previous year. Fist on the table -- The United States, officially Pakistan's ally, has long refrained from saying anything about Pakistan's and the Pakistani secret services' suspected tolerance of Taliban acting from their territory. For Islamabad, the Taliban movement is a way of defending its interests in Afghanistan, where is sworn enemy, India, enjoys growing influence. However, protecting the Taliban is tantamount to tolerating its Al-Qa'ida allies. Washington, whose patience is exhausted, has banged its fist on the table. On 11 January US intelligence coordinator John Negroponte said that Pakistan hosts the terrorist network's worldwide headquarters. "Al-Qa'ida has strong connections and operational relations that extend, from its leaders' sanctuary in Pakistan to its branches throughout the Near East, in North Africa, and Europe," he said. Al-Qa'ida is still the "terrorist organization that presents the greatest threat to the United States. We have killed or captured many senior operational members of Al-Qa'ida. But the core is resistant." Swelling -- According to the sources contacted by Liberation, Bin Ladin's organization exercises major influence in Waziristan, thanks to its alliance with the local Taliban commander, Jalaluddin Haqqani [name as published]. For its funding it used, at least until 2004, the regular Pakistani banking network, which has branches in Waziristan (the United Bank, Allied Bank, and Muslim Commercial Bank.) In 2003 and 2004, according to the head of one of these banks, accounts that had until then been credited with just a few hundred rupees, suddenly swelled. These "very major" amounts came mainly from two sources -- the Pakistani city of Karachi and the Arab emirate of Bahrain. The network apparently now uses Islamist charitable organizations spread throughout Pakistan. Tuesday US Secretary of Defense Robert Gates, visiting Afghanistan, said that Pakistan is an "ally in the war on terror." But he added that there is a "problem," because the "Al-Qa'ida networks operate from Pakistan." [Description of Source: Paris Liberation (Internet Version-WWW) in French -- left-ofcenter daily newspaper] Asia Times: 'Winter of Taliban's Content' CPP20070125715020 Hong Kong Asia Times Online WWW-Text in English 1116 GMT 24 Jan 07 [Report by Syed Saleem Shahzad: "The Winter of the Taliban's Content"; headline as provided by source] KABUL - Like two snowmen trapped immobile in winter's grip, NATO-led forces and the Taliban-led insurgency eye each other icily, watching and waiting for the thaw that will allow them to renew what both believe could be the decisive battle for control of Afghanistan. As soon as the snow starts to melt within a few months, Afghanistan will be locked in a titanic battle that will initially be centered along the key artery running across the south of the country from Herat in the west, through Kandahar and on to the capital Kabul in the east. This will become the highway to hell, or, if the Taliban win, the highway to the paradise on Earth that they promise for the country. With the onset of winter last year, both sides had time to reconsider their positions, especially in view of the Taliban's most successful spring offensive since being ousted in 2001. About 4,000 people died last year, a fourfold increase over the previous year. In southwestern Afghanistan, the Taliban emerged powerful and confident, both on the political and military fronts, clearly no longer the timid rats hiding in mountain holes from where they would come out randomly and try to bite their enemies. All the same, the Taliban failed to force the withdrawal of any of the 31,000 North Atlantic Treaty Organization troops in the country, something the alliance calls "a failure". The Taliban response is that last year was just a "warm-up". This year will be for real, they say. Where they stand Through the eyes of the US and NATO, the accepted view of the Taliban, given their initial performance in the field, was of a bunch of poorly organized troops whose only hope was to increase the number of their recruits, who in turn would become cannon fodder. This all changed last year in the southwest when the Taliban, after being rejected by the masses, were asked down from the mountains to join in with the population. This provided the Taliban with essential grassroots support and logistics. At this point, the Taliban abandoned their one-dimensional guerrilla tactics and developed a two-pronged strategy. On the one hand, militants would seize the main access points around Kandahar - the former Taliban spiritual headquarters in the province of the same name - and on the other, Taliban leaders would foment a popular armed uprising aimed at joining with the militants in the capture of Kandahar. This is what happened in the mid-1990s when the Taliban emerged and seized power in the chaos following the withdrawal of Soviet troops in 1989: once the southwest was secured, eastern Afghanistan followed, and the two regions combined for the final assault on Kabul. NATO commanders are now taking this possibility seriously, so much so that they see a foreign hand behind the planning - Pakistan or, more specifically, retired Pakistani army personnel. One example, which was handed over to Islamabad by NATO, involved a prominent retired officer and former Pakistani diplomat who met with top Taliban commander Mullah Akhtar Osmani in Helmand province, only 10 days before Osmani was killed last month in a NATO air strike. In a protest note, it was claimed that Pakistani intelligence services were using retired officers to support the Taliban. Be that as it might, the brains behind the Taliban's war is a veteran Afghan mujahideen commander against the Soviets, Maulana Jalaluddin Haqqani. He organized the Taliban to keep NATO forces engaged across Afghanistan through guerrilla raids, the use of improvised explosive devices and suicide attacks, while at the same time steadily beefing up the Taliban's presence in carefully picked corridors for use in the battle for Kandahar. Too quick off the mark From September through November last year, the Tagab Valley northeast of Kabul fell into the hands of the Hezb-e-Islami Afghanistan (HIA) led by Gulbuddin Hekmatyar, the mercurial mujahid with political ambitions who for now is fighting alongside the Taliban against NATO forces. To the south of Kabul, the Musay Valley became a focal point for fighters loyal to the Taliban and the HIA. On the grand chessboard of Afghanistan, these were tactical moves aimed as backup for a mass mobilization of Taliban troops. Meanwhile, the Taliban increased their presence along the corridors from Kandahar to Herat and Kandahar to Kabul. Altogether, thousands of men were ready to flood into Kandahar and Kabul. All they were waiting for was reinforcements in northern Afghanistan. In October, Commander Gholam Hossain of Bamyan, a Shi'ite, had traveled to Baghran in Helmand province and, along with another Shi'ite commander from northern Afghanistan, had promised that as soon as the Taliban launched their mass attack, they would join forces and provide as much logistical support as possible from the north. But leading Taliban commanders wavered, believing they needed more men. They wanted to wait until March. With the date uncertain, men began to drift from key pockets, and the moment was lost. NATO takes heart "Everything turned out to be Taliban rhetoric as they failed to seize Kandahar and Kabul, despite their tall claims," NATO spokesman Mark Laity told Asia Times Online at the International Security Assistance Force (ISAF) headquarters in Kabul. "It is a fact that the Taliban cannot fight any decisive battle against NATO. They just cannot stand against the military strength of NATO forces. At the end of 2006, the Taliban tried to capture some strategic points and tried to carry out a conventional sort of warfare against NATO forces, but when NATO carried out operations, they could not withstand," Laity said. "NATO carried out operations in southwest Afghanistan, such as Baaz Tsuka (in the Zari and Panjwai districts, south of Kandahar on either side of the Arghandab River), and there were cleanup operations of insurgent hideouts around Kabul. After such operations, the Taliban are no longer a threat to carry out any conventional armed strategy," Laity said. He added that after Baaz Tsuka, the Taliban were forced to leave their positions near Kandahar. "They refused to fight with NATO and withdrew from the Panjwai and Zari districts and in some cases they even left their ammunition behind," Laity said. Standing by a map on the wall, Laity pointed to the Musay Valley. "That valley had become a hub for insurgents from where they used to send suicide attackers to Kabul. We carried out massive operations and arrested a number of Taliban commanders and diehards. Now the valley is clear. The Tagab Valley in the northeast was also in the hands of insurgents. We carried out another massive operation to clean up and now the valley is clear of insurgents," Laity said. Laity listed other NATO successes and told Asia Times Online of plans for the involvement of the Afghan National Army and the Afghan National Police. The point is, though, that Afghanistan is not as simple as one operation such as Baaz Tsuka. There is always another side to the story. For instance, the Taliban don't see their withdrawal from the Zari and Panjwai districts as a reversal. They say they only pulled out after striking an agreement under which control of the area was handed over to tribal elders sympathetic to the Taliban. This is similar to the deal struck in the Musa Qala district of Helmand province last September - NATO and the Taliban pulled back after power was handed to pro-Taliban tribals (see Rough justice and blooming poppies, Asia Times Online, December 7, 2006). Such agreements are now common throughout southwestern Afghanistan, and clearly benefit the Taliban more than they do NATO, despite the NATO interpretation. "This [Zari and Panjway] is a success of the Afghan people, who at the end of the day got peace through this agreement, and establishing peace is the actual purpose of NATO forces in Afghanistan," Brigadier-General Richard Nugee, a NATO spokesman at ISAF headquarters in Kabul, told Asia Tim es Online. "W e spoke to the tribal elders and told them the merits of cooperating with NATO forces, which would promote a lot of reconstruction work in the area, including health facilities, roads and schools, and the demerits of cooperating with the Taliban, which would only bring devastation to the area and the Taliban would always lose whenever they fought. "As a result, the Taliban elders were compliant and struck the peace agreement. Now we will support the Afghan National Army, the Afghan National Police and the Afghan National Auxiliary Police to move into the area and establish the writ of the Afghan government," Nugee said. "Now the Taliban don't have much room for their strategy and asymmetrical attacks are the only way for them. These attacks do not harm NATO forces much. Eighty percent of the victims of these attacks are Afghans, and that is why various polls show that Taliban popularity has gone down to less than 10% in Afghanistan," Nugee said. Not so fast ... But just as the Taliban see their withdrawal from the Zari and Panjway districts as benefiting their long-term plans, they are not too concerned about the touted NATO success in the Tagab Valley northeast of Kabul, where they say the resistance is far from eliminated. The valley is in Kapisa province, which is predominantly ethnic Tajik, and connects with the harsh terrain of Kunar province, which lies opposite Pakistan's Bajaur tribal agency. During their 10-year occupation of Afghanistan, the Soviets never controlled this area. Obviously, the Taliban could not withstand the NATO bombardment of the area, so they simply melted into the forests of Nooristan province, the mountains of Kunar province and the plains of Bajaur. They are now waiting, as they were last year, for the green light from southwestern Afghanistan, at which point they will emerge from their hiding places to join the planned mass rebellion. This could be any time after March, once the weather warms up. NATO is all too aware that time is short, and also that after five years, many of which saw US forces raining bombs on Afghanistan, hard military aggression is not an option - it simply increases support for the Taliban. NATO accepts that "Taliban" is a "generic name" for the insurgency, which includes most segments of Afghan society in the southwest of the country. Rather than bombs, a political solution is needed. For instance, the British in Helmand call their mission a "security task" under which they aim to provide security to the people, rather than chase the "enemy" from its hideouts. All the same, they do clear pockets of Taliban along routes around Kandahar. NATO has also redefined the Taliban into two categories - "reconciliatory" and "irreconciliatory". According to its information, southwestern Afghanistan comprises 80% reconciliatory Taliban with whom it has already started negotiations. A new governor in Helmand province, an expert in tribal affairs, will attempt to invoke tribal traditions for rapprochement with the Taliban. At the same time, money and resources are being pumped in for infrastructure and reconstruction projects to help win hearts and minds. This battle might already have been lost. The Taliban want all foreign forces out of the country, and they will fight to the last to achieve this once battle resumes over the next few months. Syed Saleem Shahzad is Asia Times Online's Pakistan Bureau Chief. He can be reached at [email protected]. [Description of Source: Hong Kong Asia Times Online WWW-Text in English - - Hong Kong-based online newspaper with a Bangkok branch office focusing on political and economic issues from an "Asian perspective," with over 50 contributors in 17 Asian countries, the United States, and Europe. Successor of the Hong Kong/Bangkok based print daily Asia Times that closed in 1997, it claims an average of 100,000 daily site visitors as of Feb 2006, with 65% of the audience based in North America, and 22% in the Asia-Pacific region. Root URL on filing date: http://www.atimes.com] Four Al-Qa'idah fighters killed in eastern Afghan province - agency IAP20070206950041 Kabul Pajhwok Afghan News (Internet Version-WWW) in English 1040 GMT 06 Feb 07 Four Al-Qa'idah fighters killed in eastern Afghan province - agency Text of report in English by Afghan independent Pajhwok news agency website Miranshah, 6 February: A purported statement from an Al-Qa'idah operative revealed on Tuesday [6 February] that four members of the terrorist network have been killed in fighting against NATO and Afghan troops in southeastern Afghanistan. The statement issued and signed by Abu Yahya al-Libi, a known Al-Qa'idah operative, said the four, three of them named as Shaykh Zubayr al-Libi, a Sudanese national, Salah al-Din Afghan and Hamza al-Ghaznawi. [sentence as received] It said they had been killed in battles with NATO and Afghan troops in Barmal District of the southeastern Paktika Province. Some other members of the network who were wounded in the Barmal clashes have been shifted to secure places for treatment, the statement added. Abu Yahya al-Libi, one of the four Al-Qa'idah top operatives who escaped from the highly-fortified US detention centre of Bagram last July, is believed to be leading the network's fighters in the southeast now. A Libyan national, he is described as a militant preacher and recruiter, who has released several statements since his escape. A commander of Mawlawi Jalaloddin Haqqani of the Taleban, close ally of Al-Qa'idah, confirmed the death of the four members of the terrorist network in recent fighting. Speaking on condition of anonymity, he said, one Pakistani fighter, named as Yusof also died in the fighting. He added there were currently 250 Arab fighters battling against NATO and Afghan forces in the southeast. [Description of Source: Kabul Pajhwok Afghan News (Internet Version-WWW) in English - Pajhwok Afghan News, established in April 2004, provides daily news and features in Pashto, Dari, English and Urdu. Self-described as "independent," it often reports on security matters and the Taliban activities. It claims to be staffed, managed, and led entirely by Afghans. According to the site, it receives financial support from USAID's Office of Transition Initiatives (OTI) and the International Organization for Migration (IOM).] Former Taleban official arrested in Afghanistan IAP20070214950084 Kabul Pajhwok Afghan News (Internet Version-WWW) in English 1354 GMT 14 Feb 07 Former Taleban official arrested in Afghanistan Text of report in English by Afghan independent Pajhwok news agency website Khost, 14 February: Six suspected Taleban militants, including a former official of the ousted Taleban regime, have been arrested during separate operations by the NATO and Afghan forces in the southeastern provinces of Khost and Paktia. Salim Karwan, the spokesman for the provincial governor in Khost, told Pajhwok Afghan News that NATO and Afghan forces captured Mullah Daud Turabi, a senior official of the Vice and Virtue Department during the Taleban regime, in a pre-dawn raid in Gorbaz District of Khost. After the overthrow of the Taleban government as a result of the US-led invasion of Afghanistan in 2001, Turabi took charge of the Taleban fighters in Khost and Paktia Provinces, said the spokesman, who added that the detainee was one of the senior commanders of the Taleban in the region. The deputy chief of the Intelligence Department, Amir Jan, said that Turabi was operating under the command of Jalaluddin Haqqani in the area and was a frequent visitor to Miranshah, the headquarters of Pakistan's North Waziristan Agency. In the neighbouring Pakita Province, security officials said they had arrested five people for their alleged links with Taleban militants. The suspects were captured during a raid in Zormat District of the province, said the provincial police chief Abdol Rahman Sarjang. Weapons and some documents had also been recovered from the five detainees, said Sarjang, who added they were being investigated to get a clue to their other colleagues. [Description of Source: Kabul Pajhwok Afghan News (Internet Version-WWW) in English - Pajhwok Afghan News, established in April 2004, provides daily news and features in Pashto, Dari, English and Urdu. Self-described as "independent," it often reports on security matters and the Taliban activities. It claims to be staffed, managed, and led entirely by Afghans. According to the site, it receives financial support from USAID's Office of Transition Initiatives (OTI) and the International Organization for Migration (IOM).] Asia Times: 'Pakistan Makes Deal With Taliban' CPP20070301715034 Hong Kong Asia Times Online WWW-Text in English 1026 GMT 28 Feb 07 [Report by Syed Saleem Shahzad: "Pakistan Makes a Deal With the Taliban"; headline as provided by source] KARACHI - The Pakistani establishment has made a deal with the Taliban through a leading Taliban commander that will extend Islamabad's influence into southwestern Afghanistan and significantly strengthen the resistance in its push to capture Kabul. One-legged Mullah Dadullah will be Pakistan's strongman in a corridor running from the Afghan provinces of Zabul, Urzgan, Kandahar and Helmand across the border into Pakistan's Balochistan province, according to both Taliban and al-Qaeda contacts Asia Times Online spoke to. Using Pakistani territory and with Islamabad's support, the Taliban will be able safely to move men, weapons and supplies into southwestern Afghanistan. The deal with Mullah Dadullah will serve Pakistan's interests in re-establishing a strong foothold in Afghanistan (the government in Kabul leans much more toward India), and it has resulted in a cooling of the Taliban's relations with al-Qaeda. Despite their most successful spring offensive last year since being ousted in 2001, the Taliban realize they need the assistance of a state actor if they are to achieve "total victory". Al-Qaeda will have nothing to do with the Islamabad government, though, so the Taliban had to go it alone. The move also comes as the US is putting growing pressure on Pakistan to do more about the Taliban and al-Qaeda ahead of a much-anticipated spring offensive in Afghanistan. US Vice President Dick Cheney paid an unexpected visit to Pakistan on Monday to meet with President General Pervez Musharraf. The White House refused to say what message Cheney gave Musharraf, but it did not deny reports that it included a tough warning that US aid to Pakistan could be in jeopardy. A parting of the ways The Taliban saw that after five years working with al-Qaeda, the resistance appeared to have reached a stage where it could not go much further. Certainly it has grown in strength, and last year's spring offensive was a classic example of guerrilla warfare with the help of indigenous support. The application of improvised explosive devices and techniques of urban warfare, which the Taliban learned from the Iraqi resistance, did make a difference and inflicted major casualties against coalition troops. However, the Taliban were unable to achieve important goals, such as the fall of Kandahar and laying siege to Kabul from the southern Musayab Valley on the one side to the Tagab Valley on the northern side. Taliban commanders planning this year's spring uprising acknowledged that as an independent organization or militia, they could not fight a sustained battle against state resources. They believed they could mobilize the masses, but this would likely bring a rain of death from the skies and the massacre of Taliban sympathizers. Their answer was to find their own state resources, and inevitably they looked toward their former patron, Pakistan. Al-Qaeda does not fit into any plans involving Pakistan, but mutual respect between the al-Qaeda leadership and the Taliban still exists. All the same, there is tension over their ideological differences, and al-Qaeda sources believe it is just a matter of time before the sides part physically as well. Pakistan only too happy to help Ever since signing on for the US-led "war on terror" after the September 11, 2001, attacks on the US, Pakistan has been coerced by Washington to distance itself from the Taliban. The Taliban were, after all, enemy No 1 for harboring Osama bin Laden and al-Qaeda's training camps. So when the opportunity arose, Islamabad was quick to tap up Mullah Dadullah. This was the perfect way in which Pakistan could revive its contacts in the Taliban and give the spring uprising some real muscle, so the argument went among the strategic planners in Rawalpindi - in fact, so much muscle that forces led by the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) would be forced into a position to talk peace and who better than Pakistan to step in as peacemaker and bail out its Western allies? The next logical step would be the establishment of a pro-Islamabad government in Kabul - delivering a kick in the strategic teeth of India at the same time. After all, Pakistan invested a lot in Afghanistan after the Soviet occupation in the 1980s yet it received little in return. Whether it was former Afghan premier Gulbuddin Hekmatyar or Taliban leader Mullah Omar, they refused to be totally Pakistan's men. A man for all seasons Mullah Dadullah, 41, comes from southwestern Afghanistan, so he is "original Taliban", and has a record of being a natural leader in times of crisis. Mullah Dadullah made a name for himself during the Soviet occupation, during which he lost a leg. And with victories against the Northern Alliance after the Taliban took over Kabul in 1996, he pushed the alliance into the tail end of Afghanistan. This made him Pakistan's darling from Day 1. He was Mullah Omar's emissary in the two Waziristan tribal areas before the spring offensive of last year. Here he brokered a major deal between the Pakistani armed forces and the Pakistani Taliban. Pakistan had lost more than 800 soldiers in operations against the Pakistani Taliban and al-Qaeda and it needed a face-saving way to extricate itself from the mess. Mullah Dadullah's peace deal provided this, and the army made an "honorable" withdrawal from the volatile semi-independent region. Whenever the ceasefire was violated, Mullah Dadullah would settle things down. The 2006 spring offensive was veteran mujahideen fighter Jalaluddin Haqqani's show. Nevertheless, the main areas of success were not Haqqani's traditional areas of influence, such as southeastern Afghanistan's Khost, Paktia and Paktika. The Taliban secured major victories in their heartland of the southwest, Helmand, Zabul, Urzgan and Kandahar. And their leader was Mullah Dadullah, whose men seized control of more than 12 districts - and held on to them. Pakistani strategic circles are convinced that as a proven military commander, Mullah Dadullah will be able to work wonders this spring and finally give the Taliban the edge over the Kabul administration and its NATO allies. This, ultimately, is Pakistan's objective - to revive its role in Kabul - and Islamabad is optimistic that Dadullah's considerable diplomatic skills will enable him to negotiate a power-sharing formula for pro-Pakistan Afghan warlords. Even if Mullah Omar disagrees about any major compromise, Islamabad believes that Dadullah would by then have made such a name for himself in the battle against NATO that Omar would have little option but to accept whatever terms were agreed on. A new string in the Taliban bow A notable addition to what can only be described as a limited Taliban arsenal this year is surface-to-air missiles, notably the SAM-7, which was the first generation of Soviet man-portable SAMs. The Taliban acquired these missiles in 2005, but they had little idea about how to use them effectively. Arab al-Qaeda members conducted extensive training programs and brought the Taliban up to speed. Nevertheless, the SAM-7s, while useful against helicopters, were no use against the fighter and bomber aircraft that were doing so much damage. What the Taliban desperately needed were sensors for their missiles. These detect aircraft emissions designed to misdirect the missiles. And it so happened that Pakistan had such devices, having acquired them from the Americans, though indirectly. The Pakistanis retrieved them from unexploded cruise missiles fired into Afghanistan in 1998, targeting bin Laden. They copied and adapted them to fit other missiles, including the SAMs. Now that the Taliban and Pakistan have a deal, these missiles will be made available to the Taliban. Much like the Stingers that changed the dynamics of the Afghan resistance against the Soviets, the SAMs could help turn things Mullah Dadullah's, the Taliban's and Pakistan's way. Syed Saleem Shahzad is Asia T imes Online's Pakistan Bureau Chief. He can be reached at [email protected]. [Description of Source: Hong Kong Asia Times Online WWW-Text in English - - Hong Kong-based online newspaper with a Bangkok branch office focusing on political and economic issues from an "Asian perspective," with over 50 contributors in 17 Asian countries, the United States, and Europe. Successor of the Hong Kong/Bangkok based print daily Asia Times that closed in 1997, it claims an average of 100,000 daily site visitors as of Feb 2006, with 65% of the audience based in North America, and 22% in the Asia-Pacific region. Root URL on filing date: http://www.atimes.com] Pakistan: Taliban Said 'Reluctantly Admitting' Arrest of Top Leader Akhond SAP20070304033017 Islamabad The News (Internet Version-WWW) in English 04 Mar 07 [Report by Rahimullah Yusufzai: "Taliban concede capture of Obaidullah, at last"] [Text disseminated as received without OSC editorial intervention] DUBAI: Though the Taliban initially denied the arrest of their former defence minister Mulla Obaidullah Akhund in Quetta, one of their important military commanders and a few other officials are now reluctantly admitting that the news of his capture appears to be true. Requesting anonymity, the Taliban military commander told 'The News' that he was now 80 per cent convinced that Mulla Obaidullah has indeed been arrested. Speaking from an unknown location, he said he was earlier unable and unwilling to believe that one of their top military leaders has been netted. "One indication that the reports of his arrest are true is the fact that most of our military commanders and spokesmen have turned off their satellite phones. This has happened in the past also whenever someone important among the Taliban was captured," he explained. This Taliban commander has proved reliable in the past. He had confirmed the death of top Taliban military commander Mulla Akhtar Mohammad Usmani in a US and Nato airstrike in Helmand province in December last year at a time when Taliban spokesmen were vehemently denying the claim by Western forces about the target killing of one of the most wanted men in Afghanistan. Subsequently, the Taliban reluctantly confirmed Usmani's death. Talking to 'The News', certain low-ranking Taliban officials said they are gradually coming around to believe the news about Mulla Obaidullah's arrest. "There is gloom in our ranks. Our Taliban comrades everywhere are sad. It would take some time to overcome the shock of the arrest," a Taliban official remarked. The Taliban members said switching off of phones by their senior military commanders and spokesmen always brought bad news. They said this is a sign that something has gone wrong for the Taliban and before long their apprehensions turn out to be true. One other reason for switching off phones is o evade arrest. Taliban know that their captured colleagues would be investigated and even tortured by those taking them into custody to glean information about the whereabouts of important Taliban leaders and military commanders. After such high-profile arrests, important Taliban figures also try to change their satellite and other phones and change their place of hiding. This has helped them to avoid capture. Taliban spokesman Qari Mohammad Yousaf Ahmadi earlier claimed Mulla Obaidullah hasn't been arrested. He insisted their former defence minister was in Afghanistan and leading Taliban fighters in battles against the US-led foreign occupying forces. It was also suggested by certain Taliban quarters that another man named Obaidullah rather than Mulla Obaidullah was arrested in Quetta. A few reporters were also told that a videotape of Mulla Obaidullah would be made available to prove that he was still a free man. But it wasn't said when the tape would become available. In the past, the Taliban were not able to deliver on their promise to provide tapes of some of their major military operations. The largely resourceless Taliban have also been unable on certain occasions to provide timely footage of kidnapped foreigners. Taliban sources said Mulla Obaidullah's arrest appears to have been made on the basis of information that had come from US military authorities in Kandahar. They said Pakistani authorities acted on this information and organised a raid to capture Mulla Obaidullah. However, Pakistani security officials have been telling reporters that the raid to net Mulla Obaidullah was carried out by members of law-enforcing forces and intelligence agencies. They gave no hint that the US military and secret services provided intelligence or other inputs that led to Mulla Obaidullah's arrest. The Pakistan government hasn't officially and publicly confirmed the arrest of Mulla Obaidullah and certain other Taliban figures. Two Pakistani security officials without disclosing their identity have, however, confirmed the arrests. Interestingly, the security and police officers in Quetta have been saying they were unaware of the arrests. It seems the raid was carried out by military intelligence agencies without taking the law-enforcing agencies in Balochistan into confidence. Interior Minister Aftab Sherpao earlier told 'The News' that five people had been arrested in Quetta. When asked if among them was a top Taliban leader, he said those arrested appeared to be fairly important. When specifically asked about Mulla Obaidullah's arrest, Sherpao said he could not confirm this piece of information. "We are still carrying out investigations. We cannot say anything about the identity of the arrested men," he added. Meanwhile, Taliban sources opined that Mulla Obaidullah's arrest came after the earlier capture of another of their commander and former governor of Zabul province, Amir Khan Haqqani, and one low-ranked fighter named Sarhadi. They claimed the five men including Mulla Obaidullah were apparently arrested in two different raids in Quetta with a gap of a few days. They also said Mulla Obaidullah was kept separately from the other captured Taliban members after his arrest. There were also reports that a brother of slain Taliban military commander, Akhtar Mohammad Usmani, was also among those arrested in Quetta. Name of one Abdul Bari was also mentioned as one of the captured Taliban figures. Earlier, there were rumours that senior Taliban commanders and former minister Mulla Jalaluddin Haqqani too has been captured in the Quetta raids. But it turned out later that Mulla Amir Khan Haqqani instead of Jalaluddin Haqqani had been arrested. There are hundreds of Haqqanis among the Taliban because anyone having studied at the Darul Uloom Haqqania, one of the largest madris in Pakistan, at Akora Khattak in Nowshera district in the NWFP writes Haqqani with his name. In that sense, Mulla Obaidullah's capture would be a huge setback for the Taliban and could disrupt their military operations for sometime, particularly at this stage when the Taliban are preparing for their Spring Offensive in Afghanistan. But the Taliban like al-Qaeda has in the past adapted quickly to such adverse situations and named replacements to captured or killed Taliban operatives. [Description of Source: Islamabad The News (Internet Version-WWW) in English -Internet version of the widely read, influential English daily, member of the Jang publishing group. Neutral editorial policy, good coverage of domestic and international issues. Hardcopy circulation estimated at 55,000; root URL as of filing date: http://www.thenews.com.pk] Pakistan: 27 Uzbek Militants Said Captured by Tribal Commander During Clashes SAP20070321081001 Karachi Dawn (Internet Version-WWW) in English 21 Mar 07 [Report by Ismail Khan & Alamgir Bhittani: "42 Uzbeks among 58 dead: Fierce clashes in S Waziristan"] [Text disseminated as received without OSC editorial intervention] PESHAWAR, March 20: Forty-two Uzbeks militants and 16 tribespeople were killed in two days of fierce clashes in the volatile South Waziristan tribal region, government and security officials told Dawn. They said another 27 Uzbek militants had been captured by tribal militant commander Maulvi Nazir. There was no independent confirmation of the death toll on both sides but information gathered from three different government security sources corroborate reports emerging from the restive region that the tribespeople who had once whole-heartedly welcomed foreign militants were now on a hunting spree for them. Officials said announcements were made from mosques on loudspeakers in some villages in Wana, regional headquarters of South Waziristan, exhorting local tribespeople to stand up and wage a "jihad" against Uzbeks. One official said Tojikhel, a sub-clan of the dominant Ahmadzai Wazir tribe in Wana tribal region, had asked its people to hunt down Uzbeks wherever they were found. The exact number of militants from the central Asian republic associated with the Islamic Movement of Uzbekistan led by Tahir Yaldashev in Wana is not known but intelligence estimates vary from eight hundred to little over one thousand. A security official said Mr Yaldashev had gone into hiding and had not been seen since the first flare between local tribespeople and Uzbek militants early this month that had left at least 17 Uzbeks dead. Officials said among the 16 tribespeople killed in two days of fighting were four students whose bus was caught in a cross-fire on Monday. The sources said 12 seriously wounded tribespeople - two women, two girls and eight students - were evacuated by helicopter from Wana for proper medical treatment. The number of wounded has been put at more than a hundred with most being treated at a local hospital in Wana. A senior security official told Dawn that militant commander Maulavi Nazir had given Uzbeks until Wednesday morning "to surrender, leave or prepare for action." The government, it appears, has chosen to take a back seat and allow tribal dynamics to play out to deal with the situation, fearing that any intervention to side with tribespeople or militants supporting the action against foreign militants could discredit the whole campaign. "Let the tribespeople deal with the situation. That's the best way to deal with the problem. There is a groundswell of support for action against Uzbeks and any attempt by the government to intervene in support of the tribal action would actually discredit it. There is tribal sensitivity involved here," the official said. The latest flare-up, the second this month, occurred after the killing of an Al Qaeda-linked Arab identified as Saiful Adil last week. His body was found abandoned in the outskirts of Wana. Maulavi Nazir, a top pro-Taliban militant commander in Wana region, suspected Uzbeks for their involvement in the murder. The security official said a foreign militant and his tribal escort carrying blood money to the widow of Saiful Adil were also attacked on their way which added fuel to the fire. Maulvai Nazir had strained relations with Uzbek militants due to their alleged involvement in local crimes, decided to take them on, banking largely on popular support for his action, government and security officials said. The officials said militant commanders were now clearly divided over the issue with some supporting the Uzbeks. At least three of those supporting the Uzbeks had signed peace agreement with the government in November, 2004, including Maulavi Abbas, and were siding with foreign militants, the officials said. The sources said Siraj Haqqani, the son of a veteran Afghan mujahid and Taliban leader, Jalaluddin Haqqani, and his aide, Bakhta Jan, had reached Wana to intervene and persuade the combatants to stop fighting and settle the issue through dialogue. But one official said the afternoon talks between senior Taliban figures and Maulavi Nazir and his tribal supporters had failed and another round was expected sometimes late Tuesday evening. Hand-picked, Nazir owes his own position to the Haqqanis, who wield tremendous influence and power over militant commanders in the restive North and South Waziristan tribal regions. Officials said the fighting was mostly concentrated in Zha Ghundai, Azam Warsak and Kaloosha areas of Wana region. "There is sporadic gunfire", one official said. One report indicated that militants from banned jihadist outfits, who had also taken sanctuary in Wana, had also joined the tribespeople and blocked the Wana-Azam-Warsak road and checking vehicles for Uzbek militants. "What essentially was a fight between a pro-government tribal elder and Uzbek militants has now turned into a larger fight, bringing in the likes of Maulavi Nazir. We were waiting for this to happen with bated breathes and thank God it has happened. Those who were too weak but wanted to take on the Uzbeks now feel emboldened. We were anticipating this for a long time and now it unfolding before our eyes", commented a government official. [Description of Source: Karachi Dawn (Internet Version-WWW) in English -- Internet version of Pakistan's first and most widely read English-language daily promoting progressive views. Generally critical of military rule; root URL as of filing date: http://www.dawn.com] AFP: Pakistani Taliban Commanders Negotiating Ceasefire JPP20070322969046 Hong Kong AFP in English 0821 GMT 22 Mar 07 WANA, Pakistan, March 22, 2007 (AFP) - Pakistani Taliban commanders tried Thursday to negotiate a ceasefire between tribesmen and foreign Al-Qaeda militants after fierce battles left 114 people dead, officials said. Intermittent heavy weapons fire continued Thursday in the rugged South Waziristan tribal area bordering Afghanistan, after a brief truce the previous night to allow the tribesmen and their Uzbek opponents to bury the dead. The Pakistani government says the clashes, which broke out on Monday, show that its efforts to get Taliban-sympathising tribesmen to expel foreign extremists are working. However intelligence officials said that the "jirga" or tribal council overseeing the negotiations included Baitullah Mahsud, a Taliban chief wanted in connection with a string of suicide bombings in Pakistan earlier this year. Another member of the "jirga" or tribal council running the talks is Sirajuddin Haqqani, son of former minister in Afghanistan's 1996-2001 Taliban regime, Jalaluddin Haqqani. "Top Taliban commanders have assembled in Wana to negotiate a ceasefire between Uzbeks and local Taliban backed by the government," a local security source told AFP. "There is still a tense stand-off between the rival factions with occasional firing. Local tribesmen were adamant that first foreign militants should surrender and only after that they would agree to a ceasefire." The fighting started Monday after ex-Taliban commander Mullah Nazir, whom the government says has come over to its side, ordered followers of Uzbek militant Tahir Yuldashev to disarm. Officials said Yuldashev, who leads a group called the Islamic Movement of Uzbekistan, was formerly a close confidant of Osama bin Laden. He has been sentenced to death in absentia for bombings in the Uzbek capital, Tashkent. Yuldashev and his men were among thousands of militants who fled the US-led invasion of Afghanistan in late 2001 and sought shelter with ethnic Pashtun tribesmen in Pakistan's lawless tribal belt along the border. A local intelligence official said Nazir, the tribal leader, had "refused to meet the jirga." The tribesmen also raided a private jail used by the Uzbek militants and found a large cache of arms including 188 Kalashnikov rifles, 175 rocket propelled grenades, 1,800 hand grenades and thousands of bullets, officials said. Interior Minister Aftab Sherpao said late Wednesday that 84 Uzbek militants and 30 local tribesmen, including nine civilians, had been killed. Another 83 Uzbeks were captured by the tribal forces, he said. Local officials said Thursday they had no further information on the toll. Sherpao said the battles showed the "success of the policy the government pursued in the region for the betterment of tribal people" and to persuade them to drive out foreign militants. Local sources say the government has covertly armed, financed and helped the tribesmen and helped former "jihadi" fighters linked to insurgencies in Indian Kashmir and Afghanistan infiltrate the area. Residents said Pakistani troops had also fired some shells at militant positions on Wednesday. The government and army say they are not giving military, logistical or financial support to the tribesmen but add that they back their actions. [Description of Source: Hong Kong AFP in English -- Hong Kong service of the independent French press agency Agence France-Presse] AFP: Taliban Commanders Try To Negotiate for Ending Battle With Pakistani Tribesmen JPP20070322058013 Hong Kong AFP in English 1212 GMT 22 Mar 07 [By S.H. Khan] WANA, Pakistan, March 22, 2007 (AFP) - Taliban commanders tried Thursday to negotiate an end to four days of battles between Pakistani tribesmen and foreign Al-Qa'ida militants that have left at least 120 dead, officials said. Army helicopter gunships hovered over the rugged South Waziristan tribal area bordering Afghanistan but did not intervene, as the tribes and their Uzbek opponents exchanged sporadic heavy weapons fire, witnesses said. Four Uzbeks and two local supporters were killed Thursday when tribesmen fired at their pickup truck in a village near the regional capital Wana, tribal sources told AFP. They were buried together in a grave. The Pakistani government, which is under pressure from the United States to clamp down on militancy, says the clashes show its efforts to get Taliban-sympathising tribesmen to expel foreign extremists are working. However intelligence officials said that the "jirga" or tribal council overseeing the negotiations includes figures wanted by the government, notably Baitullah Mahsud, a Pakistani Taliban chief blamed for a string of suicide bombings in Pakistan. Another member of the council is Sirajuddin Haqqani, son of Jalaluddin Haqqani, a former minister in Afghanistan's 1996-2001 Taliban regime, they said. Officials said they were unable to confirm local media reports that Mullah Dadullah, a top Afghan Taliban commander behind the recent kidnapping of an Italian journalists, was also involved. "Top Taliban commanders have assembled in Wana to negotiate a ceasefire between Uzbeks and local Taliban backed by the government," a local security source told AFP, adding that the tribesmen wanted the foreigners to surrender first. "There is still a tense stand-off between the rival factions with occasional firing." BOTh sides agreed to a brief ceasefire late Wednesday to bury their dead. The fighting started Monday after ex-Taliban commander Mullah Nazir, whom the government says has defected to its side, ordered followers of Uzbek militant Tahir Yuldashev to disarm. An intelligence official said Nazir had "refused to meet the jirga." Officials said Yuldashev, who leads a group called the Islamic Movement of Uzbekistan, was formerly a close confidant of Osama bin Laden. Yuldashev and his men were among thousands of militants who fled the US-led invasion of Afghanistan in late 2001 and sought shelter with ethnic Pashtun tribesmen in Pakistan's lawless tribal belt along the border. The tribesmen also raided a private jail used by the Uzbeks and found 188 Kalashnikov rifles, 175 rocket propelled grenades, 1,800 hand grenades and thousands of bullets, officials said. Interior Minister Aftab Sherpao said the official toll given late Wednesday remained steady at 84 Uzbek militants and 30 local tribesmen, including nine civilians, had been killed. Another 83 Uzbeks were captured, he said. Sherpao said the battles showed the "success of the policy the government pursued in the region for the betterment of tribal people". Local sources say the government has covertly armed, financed and helped the tribesmen and helped former "jihadi" fighters linked to insurgencies in Indian Kashmir and Afghanistan infiltrate the area. The government denies this. [Description of Source: Hong Kong AFP in English -- Hong Kong service of the independent French press agency Agence France-Presse] Pakistan: Report--'Senior Taliban' Took Part in Waziristan Ceasefire Negotiations SAP20070323027002 Lahore Daily Times (Internet Version-WWW) in English 23 Mar 07 [Report by Iqbal Khattak: "Ceasefire brokered in Waziristan; Senior Taliban commanders part of ceasefire negotiations"] [Text disseminated as received without OSC editorial intervention] PESHAWAR: A Jamiat Ulema-e-Islam (Fazlur Rehman)-dominated tribal jirga on Thursday brokered a temporary ceasefire between foreign militants and Wazir tribes in South Waziristan, who have been fighting since Monday. "Both sides have agreed to the jirga demand for a ceasefire," said Niaz Muhammad Qureshi, JUI-F information secretary for South Waziristan. "We are glad that the two sides conceded to the tribal elders and clerics' plea for silencing their guns in order to solve their issues through peaceful means," he added. Interior Minister Aftab Ahmed Khan Sherpao said that the toll in four days of fighting likely crossed 135 on Thursday. The dead include some 100 foreigners, 25 fighters of local tribes. Senior militant leaders like Baitullah Mehsud, Sirajuddin Haqqani, son of senior Taliban commander Jalaluddin Haqqani, and an unnamed Taliban commander from across the Afghan border reached undisclosed locations in South Waziristan to take part in the ceasefire negotiations. "They are all monitoring the situation and discussing with key local militant commanders how things can be cooled down," said tribal sources. Tribal sources said that Maulvi Nazir, commander of pro-Taliban tribal militants in Wazir areas, at one point was unwilling to negotiate a ceasefire with foreign militants and their local harbourers. "The jirga members convinced him after hourslong parleys," said sources in Dera Ismail Khan city, 200 miles south of Peshawar. Security officials in Tank city said that pro-Maulvi Nazir militants on Thursday ambushed two vehicles carrying 12 Uzbek militants, killing six of them in Zarmilan, 35 kilometres south of Wana. "Other foreign militants fled in the second vehicle while local militants lost two comrades in the ambush," the security officials spoke on condition of anonymity. Otherwise, the clashes on the fourth day of the conflict were less intense, a military spokesman said. "The clashes continued but their intensity was low," Maj-Gen Waheed Arshad told Daily Times by phone from Rawalpindi. Wana residents reaching Dera Ismail Khan city said that both sides were manning check-points in Azam Warsak and Kaloosha. "Both sides search you when you pass through areas they control area," Nazar Muhammad, a general merchant in Wana, told Daily Times by phone from Dera Ismail Khan. Maulvi Nazir was quoted as saying that the foreign militants would be provided shelter as refugees only after they "disarmed" themselves. "There can be no other arrangement as far as the foreigners' stay in (South) Waziristan is concerned," he told a group of elders who visited him near Wana on Wednesday. [Description of Source: Lahore Daily Times (Internet Version-WWW) in English -Internet version of the independent, moderate daily, run by veteran journalist Najam Sethi and published by the Friday Times group. Strong critic of radical and jihadi elements. Provides extensive coverage of activities of jihadi/militant groups. Caters to the educated middle class, with an estimated hardcopy circulation of 20,000; root URL as of filing date: http://www.dailytimes.com.pk] Pakistan: 'Jirga' Fails To Broker Peace Between Foreigners, Locals in Waziristan SAP20070324081001 Karachi Dawn (Internet Version-WWW) in English 24 Mar 07 [Report by Dawn correspondent: "130 foreigners killed in clashes: governor"] [Text disseminated as received without OSC editorial intervention] PESHAWAR, March 23: NWFP Governor Ali Mohammad Jan Aurakzai has said about 130 foreigners have been killed in the four-day gunbattle between local tribesmen and foreign militants in the restive South Waziristan Agency. Talking to journalists after conferring presidential awards on nine people at a ceremony held at the Governor House here on Friday, Mr Aurakzai said tribesmen had also captured 62 foreigners. About 30 local people had been killed in the clashes in the Azam Warsak area of South Waziristan since Monday. Asked if the government would seek custody of the captured foreigners from tribesmen, Mr Aurakzai said: "I don't think so because the situation is very critical." He said that according to government estimates the number of foreigners in South Waziristan was about 200, but it seemed that 400 to 500 foreigners were still living in the area. He said there were some indications that Islamic Movement of Uzbekistan leader Tahir Yaldeshiv was in the volatile region. He said tribesmen had now realised that the presence of foreigners was a major obstacle to their progress. "That's why they (tribesmen) took up arms against them," he added. Earlier, Governor Aurakzai conferred presidential awards on nine people on the occasion of Pakistan Day. Chief Minister Akram Khan Durrani also attended the ceremony. Those who received the awards were Dr Nasim Ashraf, Mohammad Ghalib Nishter, Javed Saifullah Khan, Ghulam Mohammad Qasir, Prof Raj Wali Khan Khattak, Ghulam Nabi, Aleem Roz Khan, Khawaja Khan and Mohammad Gulab Khan. TANK: A tribal jirga on Friday failed to broker a peace deal between combatant foreigners and local militants to end the four-day fighting in the restive South Waziristan Agency, well-placed sources said. The sources said talks collapsed when local militant commander Maulvi Nazir linked permanent truce with the surrender of foreign militants residing in the region bordering Afghanistan. They said Maulvi Nazir had tabled two conditions for a ceasefire - surrender of the foreigners and a guarantee by them that in future they would demonstrate good conduct. But foreigners and their local collaborators turned down both the conditions, they said. MNA from tribal area Maulvi Mirajuddin, influential tribal cleric Maulna Ainullah, Bakhta Jan, militant commander Baitullah Mehsud and Sirajuddin Haqqani, son of the prominent Afghan commander Maulvi Jalaluddin Haqqani, were negotiating to broker a ceasefire. [Description of Source: Karachi Dawn (Internet Version-WWW) in English -- Internet version of Pakistan's first and most widely read English-language daily promoting progressive views. Generally critical of military rule; root URL as of filing date: http://www.dawn.com] Pakistan: 'Ceasefire' Holding Between Locals, Foreign Militants in Waziristan SAP20070324021001 Islamabad The News (Internet Version-WWW) in English 24 Mar 07 [Corrected version: correcting quotation marks in subject line; report by Rahimullah Yusufzai: "Jirga-brokered truce holds in Sourth Waziristan; Combatants give authority to Jirga to end their conflict; Orakzai says 160 killed in fighting"] PESHAWAR: The ceasefire between tribal fighters and foreign militants backed by their local supporters in Wana area was holding Friday even though emotions were still running high and the situation remained uncertain. Government officials and members of the peace Jirgas [tribal councils] that mediated the ceasefire Thursday evening concurred that there was no fighting during the night and on Friday. They said both sides were abiding by the ceasefire and refraining from any provocative act that could trigger fresh fighting. Contrary to claims by government officials earlier that no formal ceasefire agreement had been reached, some of the Jirga members insisted that both sides agreed to stop fighting and give the peace mission a chance to work out a durable solution of their disputes. Maulana Merajuddin Qureshi, a pro-MMA MNA [pro-Muttahida Majlis-e Amal member of National assembly] from South Waziristan and leading member of the JUI-F [Jamiat Ulema-e Islam--Fazlur Rahman group] delegation that was sent to Wana to broker ceasefire, told The News on his return to Tank Friday evening that both sides had given "Wak' (authority) to the Jirga to help end their conflict. "Jirga members are maintaining regular contact with the combatants. Nobody should expect quick results in view of the enormity of the task but we intend to keep this issue on our list of high priority," he said. Apart from peace Jirgas that came from South Waziristan and North Waziristan, Afghan Taliban also played a role in mediating the ceasefire. Prominent among them was Sirajuddin Haqqani, eldest son of former Afghan mujahideen and Taliban military commander Maulvi Jalaluddin Haqqani. Tribal sources said his word carried weight and the combatants agreed to the ceasefire largely due to his efforts. They said all the fighters, whether the Uzbekistani militants or their tribal foes and friends, were unanimous in giving authority to the Afghan Taliban for putting an end to the conflict. Maulana Merajuddin Qureshi also conceded that Afghan Taliban were in touch with the two sides and were keen to put an end to the fratricidal fighting in the Wana area. However, he conceded that it won't be easy satisfying the local tribesmen under their commander Maulvi Nazeer who wanted all the Uzbekistani militants to leave their area. He reminded that these tribesmen prior to the ceasefire were demanding that the Uzbeks should shift out of the Wana area. "They were asking the Uzbeks to surrender or face death. After the ceasefire, they are now willing to wait for the verdict of the peace Jirga," he explained. He added that not only South Waziristan but also North Waziristan was becoming inhospitable for the Uzbekistani militants due to their overbearing nature and long presence in these tribal regions. Intriguingly, the Jirga members described the death toll as far less than that claimed by civil and military officials and duly reported by the media. One of the Jirga members, requesting anonymity, said the tribesmen supporting the Uzbek militants conceded the loss of only three of their fighters and those fighting the Uzbeks admitted losing five of their men. He said the Uzbeks lost four men only. If true, the total casualties in four days of fighting were a mere 12. It was unbelievably low compared to the claims by government officials that more than 150 fighters had died in the reportedly fierce clashes beginning last Monday. The Governor of NWFP, Lt-Gen (retd) Ali Mohammad Jan Orakzai, said Friday that 160 people were killed in the fighting. It may be added that there never was any independent confirmation of the reported deaths during the fighting in Azam Warsak and its surrounding villages. The figures came from one source and that was the government. The number of hostages taken by the two sides during the course of the fighting also figured during the peace talks. A Jirga member said it emerged that the hostages were far less in number than those reported in the media. He said the next step after the ceasefire would be to arrange for a prisoners' swap so that the hostages could return to their homes. According to Jirga members and tribal sources in Wana, the mediators met Maulvi Nazeer and his men separately before proceeding to Azam Warsak and Kaloosha for meeting Noor Islam and the tribesmen backing Uzbek militants. Usman Jan, a deputy to Islamic Movement of Uzbekistan (IMU) leader Qari Tahir Yuldashev, was reportedly also present during the meeting in Kaloosha village. The whereabouts of Qari Tahir, head of the Uzbekistani militants operating in Waziristan, were not known. He had sent Usman Jan to represent him in the talks and to give assurance that he wanted peace with the local tribes and was ready to abide by the decisions of the peace Jirga. [Description of Source: Islamabad The News (Internet Version-WWW) in English -Internet version of the widely read, influential English daily, member of the Jang publishing group. Neutral editorial policy, good coverage of domestic and international issues. Hardcopy circulation estimated at 55,000; root URL as of filing date: http://www.thenews.com.pk] Pakistan Tribal Leader Says Ready To Shelter UBL, Omar If They Keep Local Ways SAP20070421005003 Islamabad The News (Internet Version-WWW) in English 21 Apr 07 [Report by Javed Afridi, Mushtaq Yusufazi: "Tribal leader willing to give shelter to Osama, Denies any knowledge of Al-Qa'ida leaders' whereabouts"] [Text disseminated as received without OSC editorial intervention] WANA: Leader of the tribal Taliban combating Uzbek militants and their local supporters in the restive South Wazirstan agency, Mulla Nazir Ahmad on Friday said he was willing to give refuge to any foreigner, including Osama bin Laden in the tribal territory, if he pledged to abide by the local tribal customs and traditions. Mulla Nazir, 32, in his first ever appearance before the media, told journalists from Peshawar, Tank and DI Khan that Pashtun traditions guaranteed such incentive, where people like Osama or Mulla Omar were no exception. He, however, denied links with any of the two or having knowledge about their whereabouts. "I invited you to see for yourself, the changed environment here after the expulsion of foreign militants, who had made the area volatile for its own people. Let the world know that Wana is now free from foreign militants," he told the journalists. He asked the officials from various government departments, who had left the area due to the turbulence, to return and play their role in the development of the agency. He also urged the government to initiate development work in the area that lost most of the basic infrastructure, especially electricity and telephone installations. He also urged mobile phone companies to start their service in the area. Regarding recent clashes with the Uzbeks, Nazir said they (Uzbeks) were guest-turned outlaws, who went around killing and robbing tribesmen besides imposing their selfstyled Shariah upon them. He said around 150 to 200 Uzbeks were killed or injured including Mufti Abu Bakar, one of their prominent commander. The clashes, he said, also claimed 25 of his men. Nazir confessed to a limited assistance from the Pakistani armed forces in their fight against the foreign militants that included medical cover and securing the posts vacated by the Uzbeks, but denied their participation in active combat, as claimed by the local tribesmen, who were thankful to the Pakistan armed forces. "We got the freedom yet again. This time, from the Central Asians," Rasool Khan, an elderly tribesman at Azam Warsak, which was referred to as Uzbekistan until the operation began, told The News. The journalists were shown a private jail of the Uzbeks in the area, which they said was used as a torture cell against their opponents. Mulla Nazir said that a peace committee has been established under him, comprising four other members Commander Mita Khan, Haji Abdul Hanan, Haji Malang and Haji Haleem Ullah, who would ensure expulsion of hostile foreigners and supporters from Wana. "The committee would side with the oppressed and fight against the oppressor," he said. He added the committee would take no action beyond Wana subdivision that includes the areas of the agency headquarters, Zarmilana, Angoor Adda and Shakai. He claimed that the operation has rid the area of all the foreign elements, which, he said were either killed or made to flee. "They might have gone to Mir Ali (North Waziristan) or Afghanistan," he predicated. Responding to a question, he said the Afghan Taliban attempted to negotiate between them and sent a delegation headed by Maulana Sirajuddin Haqqani, son of a prominent Taliban commander Maulvi Jalaluddin Haqqani. "Haqqani proposed a solution in accordance with Shariah, which Tahir Yaldashev (Uzbek supreme leader) refused," he claimed, adding they too refused to settle for less. The tribal leader said he did take part in Afghan war alongside the al-Qaeda-backed Taliban in Afghanistan before the US invasion in 2001 and claimed to have duel nationality of both Pakistan and Afghanistan. "I still pay frequent visits to Afghanistan as I have home in Birmal town of Paktika province and own property in Kandahar. I played there was as an Afghan citizen," he explained. [Description of Source: Islamabad The News (Internet Version-WWW) in English -Internet version of the widely read, influential English daily, member of the Jang publishing group. Neutral editorial policy, good coverage of domestic and international issues. Hardcopy circulation estimated at 55,000; root URL as of filing date: http://www.thenews.com.pk] Asia Times: 'How Pakistan Settled An Al-Qaeda Score ' CPP20070501721001 Hong Kong Asia Times Online WWW-Text in English 1035 GMT 30 Apr 07 [Report by Syed Saleem Shahzad : "How Pakistan Settled An Al-qaeda Score "; headline as provided by source] KARACHI - Internal squabbling between the Taliban and al-Qaeda and exploited by Pakistan forced many al-Qaeda leaders to move from the tribal areas between Pakistan and Afghanistan to Iraq in search of new headquarters from which to operate. Senior al-Qaeda member Abdul Hadi al-Iraqi, 46, was one of these men - and he paid dearly for the move after being fingered by Pakistan. On Friday, the Pentagon announced that Hadi had been arrested late last year and handed over to the US Central Intelligence Agency. Describing Hadi as "one of al-Qaeda's highest-ranking and experienced senior operatives", the Pentagon said he had been sent to the US Defense Department-run prison at Guantanamo Bay, Cuba. The Pentagon did not say exactly where and when Hadi was arrested, but it is believed to have been in Iraq. Asia Times Online contacts confirm that he was exposed by Pakistani intelligence after it received news of Hadi's movements from Taliban sources close to the Pakistani establishment. Hadi, as a hardcore takfiri , (1) was seen as an enemy of Pakistan. Although the date of Hadi's departure from the Waziristan tribal areas is not known, it was about the time that several powerful Taliban field commanders, including Jalaluddin Haqqani, Mullah Dadullah and the Taliban leader himself, Mullah Omar, affirmed their support for the Pakistani establishment as a "Muslim state with a Muslim army". They stressed that instead of investing energy to destabilize Pakistan, the focus should be on the jihad in Afghanistan against foreign troops. The one-legged Taliban commander of southwestern Afghanistan, Mullah Dadullah, had been sent to Waziristan with a letter from Mullah Omar early last year and he played a pivotal role in stopping the internecine strife between the Pakistani Taliban/alQaeda and the Pakistani armed forces. In the months after this, Mullah Dadullah and the Pakistani establishment agreed to a deal to support the Taliban in Afghanistan (see Pakistan makes a deal with the Taliban , Asia Times Online, March 1). This re-emergence of a soft corner in the Taliban's leadership for the Pakistani establishment was the beginning of the end of al-Qaeda's effective operations in Pakistan, and al-Qaeda leaders felt that it was time to move from Waziristan. Al-Qaeda adherents were not prepared to serve as foot soldiers under the command of the Taliban. They saw themselves as warriors with a much broader strategy aimed at bringing down US military might. (For a report on Al-Qaeda's move from Waziristan, see Ready to take on the world , ATol, March 2.) Why Pakistan was after Hadi Pakistan's alliance in the US-led "war on terror" turned a whole generation of Arab fighters into foes. More than 700 Arab fighters were arrested by the Pakistani government after September 11, 2001, and handed over to US custody. This prompted a segment of al-Qaeda to take revenge against the administration of President General Pervez Musharraf. A special cell was established in Waziristan, Jundullah (entirely different from the Iranian Jundullah), to carry out attacks, which it did on several occasions, against Musharraf. This placed Jundullah and takfiris like Hadi clearly in the Pakistani establishment's crosshairs. In 2003, al-Qaeda deputy Ayman al-Zawahiri spoke for the first time against the Pakistani establishment, calling Musharraf a "traitor" and urging Pakistanis to stand up against his rule. (For more on Hadi and his role in a conspiracy to attack Musharraf, see Pakistan and the al-Qaeda curse , ATol, October 1, 2003, and Al-Qaeda cell caught in US squeeze , June 15, 2004.) Pakistan isolates al-Qaeda By late 2003, the Pakistani military operation against al-Qaeda in South Waziristan had left the group somewhat battered, with its training camps destroyed, but at the same time this created lot of anger against the Pakistani forces. This helped alQaeda spread its takfiri and anti-establishment ideology among local tribes and led to the formation of the Pakistan Taliba n, which by last year had formed the Islamic State of North Waziristan and the Islamic state of South Waziristan. In this context, Mullah Dadullah's arrival in South Waziristan as Mullah Omar's envoy early last year was aimed at building bridges between the Pakistani establishment and these renegade Pakistani Taliban who were becoming imbibed with takfiri ideology and who were bloodthirsty for the Pakistani armed forces. Suicide attacks were rampant on troops in the tribal areas, as well as in Pakistani cities. Dadullah's role paved the way for the Pakistani Taliban to sit with the Pakistani establishment to negotiate a ceasefire, and Pakistani Taliban commanders such as Haji Omar and Haji Nazir talked to Islamabad. Soon, a peace deal was agreed for the two Waziristans, but on the sole condition that all militants who were at loggerheads with the Pakistani establishment would take a back seat, leaving the lead to political faces (see The knife at Pakistan's throat , ATol, September 2, 2006). Pakistan's priorities were crystal-clear: it did not want anti-establishment elements thriving under the garb of takfiri ideology, although it had no problem with the Taliban regrouping and carrying out actions in Afghanistan. Leaders such as Haji Omar, Baitullah Mehsud, Sadiq Noor - all close to al-Qaeda - and other prominent commanders were put in the background and Haji Nazir became the most powerful Taliban commander in South Waziristan. Nazir, who was little known only a year ago, was the one who ordered the recent massacre of takfiri and anti-Pakistani establishment Uzbeks in South Waziristan. These developments, including the infiltration by the Pakistani establishment of the rank and file of the Taliban, rattled al-Qaeda, which realized that its ideology was no longer acceptable in Waziristan and Afghanistan, and that the only way it could stay in Afghanistan was if it agreed to fight under Taliban commanders. This was intolerable for operators such as Hadi, and dozens of them began the move to Iraq from Waziristan and Afghanistan. And Islamabad swooped on the chance when its intelligence learned of Hadi's movements and passed on the information to the US, thereby closing a powerful chapter of al-Qaeda's operations. Note 1. Takfiris hold that Muslims who hold anything less than an extreme view of Islam that is intolerant of non-Muslims are themselves no better than kafirs - infidels. Syed Saleem Shahzad is Asia Times Online's Pakistan Bureau Chief. He can be reached at [email protected]. [Description of Source: Hong Kong Asia Times Online WWW-Text in English - - Hong Kong-based online newspaper with a Bangkok branch office focusing on political and economic issues from an "Asian perspective," with over 50 contributors in 17 Asian countries, the United States, and Europe. Successor of the Hong Kong/Bangkok based print daily Asia Times that closed in 1997, it claims an average of 100,000 daily site visitors as of Feb 2006, with 65% of the audience based in North America, and 22% in the Asia-Pacific region. Root URL on filing date: http://www.atimes.com] Asia Times: 'Pakistan Gains from Taliban Split' CPP20070509715038 Hong Kong Asia Times Online WWW-Text in English 1107 GMT 08 May 07 [Report by Syed Saleem Shahzad: "Pakistan Gains from Taliban Split"; headline as provided by source] KARACHI - The Taliban are poised to launch Ghazwatul Badr to seize control of Kabul. The name of the offensive is a reference to the Battle of Badr commanded by the Prophet Mohammed in the Arabian Peninsula some 1,400 years ago. The Battle of Badr was the key battle in the early days of Islam and a turning point in Mohammed's struggle with his opponents among the Quraish tribe in Mecca. The battle has been passed down in Islamic history as a decisive victory attributable to divine intervention and the genius of Mohammed. In this century's version of the battle, more the Pakistani tribal areas of North and South struggle that the Taliban believe will be the occupation forces and the Taliban's opponents than 30,000 youths have been trained in Waziristan as cannon fodder in a key turning point against foreign in Kabul. On the eve of the offensive, however, machinations within the ranks of the resistance have opened divisions among the field commanders. Plans to foment a mass uprising across Afghanistan will go ahead, but it could be that the offensive will have more than one leader and several movements, under the brand name of the Taliban. Preparing for Ghazwatul Badr Last year's spring offensive in Afghanistan saw a strengthening and regrouping of Taliban commanders, so much so that the resistance was the most successful since the Taliban were ousted in 2001. As the Taliban see it, they are fighting against the subjugation of the Afghan people by the infidel armies of the West. As such, any Afghan who supports the Western armies is considered an infidel. This notion was promoted across the country, and found considerable resonance in a society with strong memories of the 10-year jihad against the godless Soviets in the 1980s. People have been urged to leave areas controlled by North Atlantic Treaty Organization-led (NATO) forces and resettle in isolated communities. From here they are encouraged to wage war against the infidels, which includes Muslims sympathetic to foreigners. After 2001, many small groups of Taliban militants gathered in the tribal areas between Pakistan and Afghanistan, and last year the tribespeople of southwestern Afghanistan welcomed them back into the heartlands. This saw the emergence of strong local warlords. With the onset of Ghazwatul Badr, the same phenomenon is likely to happen in western Afghanistan, in the east and in parts of the north. Last year's offensive honed the command skills of Maulana Jalaluddin Haqqani and his sons Sirajuddin and Nasiruddin, as well as Mullah Dadullah and the leader of the Hizb-i-Islami Afghanistan, Gulbuddin Hekmatyar, and his commanders. These would be the men, the Taliban believed, to expand the gains made in southwestern Afghanistan last year to other parts of the country, and ultimately to Kabul. But it will not be as clear-cut as that. A mass uprising With the spring offensive of 2006, the Taliban gained rapid support in southeastern and western Afghanistan with various warlords and tribal elders. The Taliban were no longer defined by their tunnel vision - they took on a messianic role against the destructive US war machine, notorious over the years for its indiscriminate aerial bombings and failure to deliver on promises for the reconstruction and well-being of the country. The fierce NATO response to the resurgent Taliban led to the killing of hundreds of non-combatant tribespeople, including women and children. Tribal leaders had little or no moral ground to restrain the mounting anger among people to join in the retaliation against NATO. This phenomenon helped the Taliban to expand their operations from the southwestern provinces of Zabul, Orzgan, Helmand and parts of Kandahar to the western provinces of Herat, Farah, Ghor and Baghdais, with the assistance of non-Taliban warlords. Similarly, they gained a foothold in the southeastern provinces of Kunar, Paktia, Paktika, Khost, Gardez and Nangarhar. It is from this platform that this year' s mass offensive will be launched. Haqqani, the legendary mujahideen commander against the Soviets, was appointed by Taliban leader Mullah Omar as the deputy chief of the Taliban movement and the allpowerful commander of last year's offensive. The forces of resistance took some time to make an impression against the war machine of the US and its allies, especially in the western provinces and parts of the southeast, as these areas were practically beyond the orbit of the Taliban's influence. So in the initial phase, Haqqani concentrated on realigning diverse tribes, fragmented religious groups and former mujahideen into well-trained combat units. In the meantime, militants who had streamed into the Taliban's heartland of southwestern Afghanistan from all corners of the jihadi crescent gathered under the command of Dadullah to form a very strong base. This unexpectedly big success gave Dadullah a lot of extra room in which to operate, and he spread his wings. He enhanced his influenced in North and South Waziristan and even established contacts with the Pakistani establishment. Top commanders such as Haqqani and Hekmatyar viewed these events with some concern, although, because of Dadullah's success, they could say little. These commanders felt that Dadullah was going beyond fighting a war of resistance against foreign forces to initiating moves that would ultimately serve Pakistan's political and strategic designs in the region. Under a deal between Dadullah and Islamabad, the Taliban, using Pakistani territory and with Islamabad's support, will be able safely to move men, weapons and supplies into southwestern Afghanistan (see Pakistan makes a deal with the Taliban, Asia Times Online, March 1). Haqqani and Hekmatyar feared that the one-legged Dadullah would eventually leave behind charismatic figures such as themselves in all political and strategic matters. Internal wrangling A feature of Ghazwatul Badr was to have been a simultaneous wave of thousands of suicide bombers. The idea came from Haqqani, and he set up facilities for the orientation of new squads. Dadullah, meanwhile, has over the past months stepped up his activities in North and South Waziristan to gather funds and human resources to fuel his struggle to hold on to southwestern Afghanistan. And as a result of Dadullah's efforts, Haqqani's suicide bombers were co-opted as ordinary fighters for the southwest, centered in Helmand province. Baitullah Mehsood, Hafiz Gul Bahadur and Moulvi Sadiq Noor are the leading Pakistani Taliban commanders in North and South Waziristan, and as they are all close to Dadullah, they gave him their full support. This cooperation between Dadullah and the Pakistani Taliban in the two Waziristans was unacceptable to Haqqani and his sons Sirajuddin and Nasiruddin, who are also commanders. They had been settled in North Waziristan for decades and had dreamed of the emergence of an elaborate conflict waged under their command from their bases in North and South Waziristan through tens of thousands of suicide bombers. Haqqani, whose son Nasiruddin is from one of his Arab wives, is the only Taliban commander very close to al-Qaeda fighters. Most Arabs and other foreign militants, especially after the recent internecine strife in the Waziristans between al-Qaedalinked militants and local Taliban commanders, now live under his protection. Haqqani eventually raised his concerns at the Taliban's top shura (council). He pointed out that he had been installed as the main commander of the Taliban's offensives, yet Dadullah was meddling in the epicenter of Haqqani's command. The shura did not properly address Haqqani's objections. Haqqani was not part of the original Taliban movement: he surrendered to them without firing a bullet once they emerged as a powerful force in the mid-1990s. And despite his stature as a top commander of the national resistance against the Soviets, he joined the Taliban as a second-level leader without complaint. It was only last year that he was appointed the main commander and a deputy chief of the Taliban movement. Mullah Omar's and the shura's behavior disheartened Haqqani, and opened a rift with Dadullah as the latter diverted a flow of trained fighters to Helmand instead of their going to Paktia, Paktika and Khost, where Sirajuddin is the commander. As a result, the intensity of attacks on NATO and Afghan troops has dropped considerably compared with last year, when Maulvi Kalam was the commander of the Taliban in these three southeastern provinces. Kalam was killed last September in a NATO air raid. Haqqani, meanwhile, was appointed commander of the eastern province of Nangarhar, where the Taliban have marginal influence. His assignment is to sow the seeds of rebellion in the comparatively peaceful province. During the resistance against the Soviets, Haqqani was close to Hekmatyar. Now that these legends are being sidelined by the Taliban leadership, they are finding common ground in eastern Afghanistan, where they have joined forces. In Haqqani's most recent mission, warlords loyal to Hekmatyar supported him in a successful operation. So from their eastern war theater, Gulbuddin and Haqqani are watching the Taliban's new strongman, Dadullah, gain victories in the southwest. He is doing this with the powerful backing of the Pakistani establishment, which will allow Pakistan to open a channel of dialogue between Helmand and Washington, paving the way for a powersharing formula between Kabul and the "moderate" Taliban. These developments have in effect separated the eastern and southwestern areas of Afghanistan, and with it the Taliban's long Ghazwatul Badr march to Kabul as a single entity. This might not derail initial plans for an uprising, but if such an uprising is successful, it does not bode well for Afghanistan's longer-term stability. Syed Saleem Shahzad is Asia Times Online's Pakistan Bureau Chief. He can be reached at [email protected]. [Description of Source: Hong Kong Asia Times Online WWW-Text in English - - Hong Kong-based online newspaper with a Bangkok branch office focusing on political and economic issues from an "Asian perspective," with over 50 contributors in 17 Asian countries, the United States, and Europe. Successor of the Hong Kong/Bangkok based print daily Asia Times that closed in 1997, it claims an average of 100,000 daily site visitors as of Feb 2006, with 65% of the audience based in North America, and 22% in the Asia-Pacific region. Root URL on filing date: http://www.atimes.com] Asia Times: Dadullah's Death Hits Taliban Hard CPP20070515715027 Hong Kong Asia Times Online WWW-Text in English 1054 GMT 14 May 07 [Report by Syed Saleem Shahzad: "Dadullah's Death Hits Taliban Hard"; headline as provided by source] KARACHI - Now that Taliban commander Mullah Dadullah is dead, everybody, including Pakistani militants, al-Qaeda, Washington, Kabul and Islamabad, is weighing how this will affect the Taliban insurgency in Afghanistan. The one-legged Dadullah, 41, was killed on Saturday in the southern province of Helmand, US and Afghan officials said on Sunday. The North Atlantic Treaty Organization's International Security Assistance Force confirmed the death, saying that after Dadullah had left his "sanctuary" in the south, he was killed in a US-led coalition operation supported by NATO and Afghan troops. One thing is clear. Dadullah's death will have no impact on the Taliban's formal political command structure. Mullah Omar remains firmly as head of the Taliban, with Jalaluddin Haqqani as his deputy chief. However, Dadullah's death is certainly a serious blow to the Taliban's "soul" and their field strategy, as Dadullah had emerged as a ruthlessly efficient leader in the battlefield. He was to be the driving force behind this year's spring offensive - Ghazwatul Badr and he had enhanced his influence in the North and South Waziristan Pakistani tribal areas, and even made contact with the Pakistani establishment. While Dadullah lacked much formal education, his unschooled intelligence gave him an astute understanding of the human mind. In 2005-06 he brokered a peace deal between the Pakistani armed forces and the Pakistani Taliban in North and South Waziristan and then worked to recruit Pakistani nationals into the Taliban. He advised Pakistani militants to be focused against NATO troops in Afghanistan rather than taking the war to Islamabad against President General Pervez Musharraf. Dadullah was a natural leader in the battlefield as well as in strategic back yards. He rose to prominence in the Taliban movement in the mid-1990s, but did not have the wealth of war veterans of the Afghan resistance against the Soviets in the 1980s, like Ahmad Shah Massoud, Gulbuddin Hekmatyar, Jalaluddin Haqqani and Ismail Khan, who received millions of dollars in international aid to fight the Soviets. Dadullah's popularity was not because he distributed cash and goods among the mujahideen and then enjoyed his tea on a ridge while his men fought. He derived loyalty because he fought alongside his men and suffered the same harsh conditions as them. This is how he died, in a fight with his men at his side. Under Dadullah's command, the Taliban had taken over almost 80% of southwestern Afghanistan, and both Kabul and NATO-led forces have trumpeted his death as a major breakthrough. And beyond the propaganda boost, they are correct, as the impetus of the insurgency will suffer, at least in the short term. And significantly, Dadullah's demise marks a shift of the Taliban's military command into the hands of "non-Taliban" and nonKandahari commanders of southeastern Afghanistan, such as Haqqani. The Taliban's spiritual home is Kandahar in the province of the same name, from where most of the Taliban leaders come, including Mullah Omar. With Dadullah gone, and before him leading commander Mullah Akhtar Osmani (killed in December), there could be a weakening of Mullah Omar's iron grip on Taliban military affairs. The movement could become more reliant on southeastern Afghanistan, away from the Kandahar heartland, where Haqqani and Saifullah Mansoor hold sway, as well as Hizb-eIslami Afghanistan's commanders under Hekmatyar. Haqqani had recently been sidelined by Dadullah (see Pakistan gains from Taliban split , Asia Times Online, May 9), and now he could reassert himself. Dadullah's cooperation with the Pakistani Taliban in the two Waziristans was unacceptable to Haqqani, who had been settled in North Waziristan for decades and had dreamed of the emergence of a conflict waged under his command from his bases in North and South Waziristan through 30,000 suicide bombers. Instead, many of these recruits were diverted to fight with Dadullah. The face of the battlefield in Afghanistan could change yet again if Haqqani gets his way. And Pakistan will be looking on with concern: its recently struck cooperation deal with Dadullah could be in jeopardy, as people like Haqqani were against it. Syed Saleem Shahzad is Asia Times Online's Pakistan Bureau Chief. He can be reached at [email protected]. [Description of Source: Hong Kong Asia Times Online WWW-Text in English - - Hong Kong-based online newspaper with a Bangkok branch office focusing on political and economic issues from an "Asian perspective," with over 50 contributors in 17 Asian countries, the United States, and Europe. Successor of the Hong Kong/Bangkok based print daily Asia Times that closed in 1997, it claims an average of 100,000 daily site visitors as of Feb 2006, with 65% of the audience based in North America, and 22% in the Asia-Pacific region. Root URL on filing date: http://www.atimes.com] Pakistan: Report Details Career of Killed Taliban Leader Mullah Dadullah SAP20070517005027 Karachi Islam in Urdu 15 May 07 pp 8, 6 [NNI report: "Mullah Dadullah Born in Uruzgan in 1969; Joined Taliban Movement in 1994"] Quetta: Taliban commander Mullah Dadullah was born in an area of Afghanistan called Uruzgan Kalli Kakran. He was from the Kakar tribe of Pathans [Pashto speaking people ]. He received early religious education in a village mosque and later got admission in a seminary run by the Hizbe Islami at Kandahar for learning other sciences. However, he could not continue his studies due to the Soviet invasion of Afghanistan and joined jihid. While waging jihad against the Soviet Union, he met the former Afghan commander, Ahmed Shah Masud, several times and participated in jihad against the Soviet Union along with him. When the Taliban movement was launched under the leadership of Mullah Omar in 1994, Mullah Dadullah also joined it. He was considered among the important commanders of the Taliban movement. The Taliban captured Mazar-e Sharif and several other areas in northern Afghanistan under his command. He lost one leg in a landmine explosion while fighting against an important compatriot commander and former Herat Governor Ismail Khan for capturing his area. He was one of the 10 members of the Consultative Committee of the Taliban, of which Mullah Mohammad Omar and Jalaluddin Haqqani were also members. The Taliban's Consultative Committee was reduced to nine members after the martyrdom of Maulana Akhtar Usmani some time ago. Now, this number has further reduced to eight in the wake of the martyrdom of Mullah Dadullah. There are conflicting reports about another Taliban commander, Maulvi Mahmudallah Haq Yar, who sustained injuries while fighting the British troops in Helmand some time ago. It is reported that the Afghan journalist, Ajmal Naqshbandi, who was kidnapped along with an Italian journalist a month earlier, was killed by the supporters of Mullah Dadullah. Several leaders of the Taliban movement had differences with this policy of Mullah Dadullah. Mullah Dadullah visited Quetta several times. [Description of Source: Karachi Islam in Urdu -- Jihadi daily associated with the AlRasheed Trust, estimated circulation around 20,000. A pro-Taliban paper which claims to have introduced a new trend in journalism based on Islamic values. Following orthodox Islamic principles, the paper never publishes pictures of living beings.] Pakistan: Differences Reported Between Tribes Over Eviction of Uzbeks SAP20070521005021 Islamabad The News (Internet Version-WWW) in English 21 May 07 [Report by Behroz Khan: "Tension grips Waziristan as Uzbeks find new sanctuary"] [Text disseminated as received without OSC editorial intervention] PESHAWAR: Tension is mounting again in South Waziristan because the Ahmadzai Wazirs are annoyed with the Mehsuds for sheltering the Uzbeks evicted from Wana last month. Once brothers-in-arms and veterans of the Afghan war, commander of the Wazir militants, Mulla Nazeer, and Amir of the Mehsud fighters, Commander Baitullah Mehsud, are not in good terms with each other these days over the issue, sources from both sides told The News. A meeting between the two at an undisclosed location about two weeks ago ended without resolving the problem, as Mehsud refused to evict the Uzbeks from the Mehsud territory after offering them refuge at the request of Commander Sirajuddin, the son of Maulavi Jalaluddin Haqqani. "Khalifa has asked me to give the Uzbeks temporary refuge," Mehsud reportedly told Mulla Nazeer, when he demanded expulsion of the foreigners. Mulla Nazeer formed a force of the Wazir tribesmen to take on the Uzbeks in Wana and its surrounding areas, after the locals fled private jails of the foreigners, mainly members of the Islamic Movement of Uzbekistan now headed by Tahir Yaldash, also locally known as Tahir Jan. Late Taliban commander Mulla Dadullah was also involved in a patch-up between the Wazirs and their erstwhile guests from Uzbekistan, but Mulla Nazeer and his supporters showed reluctance to allow the foreigners stay further in the Wazir heartland. Reports say the Uzbeks have settled at different places in the Mehsud area, including Kanigoram, Ladah, Shinkay, Dela Khunkhela, Nano and Srarogha. Officials from the political administration also concede that the Uzbeks leaving their previous abode in Wana have now been spotted in the Mehsud area. According to some sources, as many as 160 families in addition to dozens of individuals have been offered sanctuary in the Mehsud region, which is away from the Pak-Afghan border. More than 60 Uzbek families, these sources said, have shifted to Mirali subdivision of North Waziristan agency to join their fellow countrymen and some Arabs living with the Dawar tribe since long. Signs of tension appeared when some of the Wazir tribesmen, together with the foreigners, stopped a couple of passenger vehicles near Jandola in the Mehsud area and searched for the Wazir tribesmen. "Now we have reports that Baitullah Mehsud has taken notice of the incident and asked his men not to resort to such activities," remarked a government official from the area. More than 60 kilometres road between Wana and Tank passes through the Mehsud territory, while Baitullah Mehsud, the sources said, would depend on the cooperation of the Wazirs to have access to the Pak-Afghan border to send fighters against the anti-Taliban forces in Afghanistan. The Wazir territory in North Waziristan agency is also purged of the foreigners, following the drive initiated against them in Wana, as the Utmanzai Wazirs in North Waziristan have pledged to show unity with the Wazirs dominating both the agencies. [Description of Source: Islamabad The News (Internet Version-WWW) in English -Internet version of the widely read, influential English daily, member of the Jang publishing group. Neutral editorial policy, good coverage of domestic and international issues. Hardcopy circulation estimated at 55,000; root URL as of filing date: http://www.thenews.com.pk] Asia Times: New Face of Taliban CPP20070524715008 Hong Kong Asia Times Online WWW-Text in English 1042 GMT 23 May 07 [Report by Hassan Abbas: "A New Face for the Taliban"; headline as provided by source] Pakistan is experimenting with the Taliban yet again. The primary focus of the effort is to delink the Taliban from al-Qaeda and bring them back into the Pakistani sphere of influence. Uzbek militants have been the first "casualty" of this realignment. Potentially, remaining Arab militants will be next. Tribal forces in South Waziristan under the leadership of Maulvi Nazir are at the forefront of this "movement". Extremist notions of religion remain their bread and butter, but new political objectives also guide their activities on the ground. This, in short, defines the neo-Taliban phenomenon. It is critical to understand the background, motivations and alliances of Maulvi Nazir to comprehend fully what is transpiring in the region. Maulvi Nazir (also known as Mullah Nazir) is 32 years old, a dual citizen of Pakistan and Afghanistan, and married with a son and daughter. Although he currently resides in the South Waziristan tribal area on the border with Afghanistan, he is a frequent traveler to Afghanistan's Paktika province and Kandahar, where he owns some property. As is common in the area, his extended family lives on both sides of the Durand Line that separates the two countries. He belongs to the Kakakhel tribe, which is a sub-clan of the Ahmedzai Waziris (who dominate parts of South Waziristan). (1) Intriguingly, his first association was with Gulbuddin Hekmatyar's Hezb-e-Islami, a favorite of Pakistan's Inter-Services Intelligence (ISI) during the days of the anti-Soviet jihad. His battle experience and guerrilla training are not that of an amateur. He later joined the Taliban movement in Afghanistan and remained politically aligned with Maulana Fazlur Rahman's Jamiat Ulama-e Islam. He moved back to South Waziristan when the Taliban lost their ground to US-led coalition forces in November 2001. During this political vacuum, al-Qaeda funds started pouring into the Pakistan-Afghanistan tribal belt, and Nazir vied for this treasure with other competitors, including Nek Mohammad, brothers Mohammad Sharif and Noor Islam, and Maulvi Nur Abbas. It took the Pakistani military and intelligence leadership some time to realize what was happening in the region because, at the same time, the Indian military was amassing on Pakistan's eastern border in 2002-03, creating a time-consuming distraction. When Pakistan finally started confronting Taliban and al-Qaeda elements militarily in 2003, Nazir was already prominent on the most-wanted list. When he surrendered to the authorities in 2004 as part of a deal with militants, he got cleared and was soon released by the military. Apparently, he kept a low profile for the past couple of years - possibly at the behest of his handlers in the ISI. When he was reincarnated in late 2006, he was supported by the Pakistani segment of the Taliban led by Mullah Dadullah. He also received approval from the Taliban shura (council) that includes Siraj Haqqani, son of Jalaluddin Haqqani, a veteran mujahid and an important leader of the Taliban. Nazir established his credentials as a new emir of the Taliban by enforcing rigid sharia (Islamic) law in South Waziristan - apparently unhindered by government forces. He also directed his supporters not to confront the Pakistani military. He was supported in this endeavor by (1) about a dozen independent pro-Taliban groups of the area; (2) Punjabi Taliban (mostly members of banned sectarian and Kashmiri militant groups); and (3) his tribe members. After establishing some degree of control in a matter of months, he challenged "immigrant" Uzbek militants operating under Tahir Yuldashev of the Islamic Movement of Uzbekistan, an action which led to a bloody battle. The Uzbeks lost about 200 people in the conflict - about a fifth of their total strength in the area. The Pakistan Army provided medical cover to Nazir's forces and also helped him secure the bases vacated by the Uzbeks. Major-General Gul Muhammad, the commanding officer of Pakistani troops in the region, was quick to appreciate this development by saying, "Wana (scene of much of the fighting) will become a model for the entire Waziristan region as far as the campaign against foreign militants is concerned," while also emphasizing that Nazir had not joined the fight against Uzbek militants as a Taliban emir, but as a member of the Kakakhel tribe. It is interesting to see a very similar theme postulated by Nazir when he addressed a press conference early this month: "I invited you to see for yourself the changed environment here after the expulsion of foreign militants, who had made the area volatile for its own people. Let the world know that Wana is now free from foreign militants." The above two statements explain the relationship between Nazir and the Pakistan Army. It is not an ideal scenario for Pakistan, but it has arguably opted for the lesser evil. It is necessary to explore Nazir's motivation behind his campaign against the Uzbeks and foreign militants. Besides Arab militants in the area, there are some Uighurs (from Xinjiang, China) and Chechens as well. In the words of Nazir, the charges against Uzbek militants relate to their involvement in "killing and robbing tribesmen besides imposing their self-styled sharia upon them". Uzbeks reportedly became enmeshed in local rivalries and were blamed for increasing not only crime, but also brutal assassinations of pro-government elders (who were often dubbed by Arabs and Uzbeks as US spies). In addition, economic interests also play a part in this power matrix. Uzbeks started coming to the area during the late 1980s and early 1990s; however, the major influx began after key developments in 2001. Uzbek families managed to acquire large properties, some of which were bought and some of which were offered as gifts by the local people who entered into relations with them. The Uzbeks worked hard and gradually developed some lands into model farms. This became the bone of contention between the settlers and the locals. Some locals partnered with the Uzbeks in business and also acted as their protectors. Others naturally developed a grudge. On the other hand, Nazir has always looked for economic opportunities, and soon after his first victory over Uzbek militants he publicly urged the Pakistani government to initiate development work in the area and specifically asked mobile-phone companies to start services there. It will by no means be smooth sailing for Nazir, who leads a group of no more than 3,000 fighters - mostly Waziris. Family and friends of the assassinated leader Nek Mohammad, a legendary figure, are still supportive of Uzbek fighters and al-Qaeda elements. Mehsud tribesmen (the largest tribe in terms of numbers in the area) under Baitullah Mehsud are also resisting Nazir. Haji Omar, a senior pro-al-Qaeda Taliban commander in South Waziristan and an arch-opponent of Nazir, while being interviewed by a British Broadcasting Corp (BBC) correspondent about Nazir's anti-Uzbek drive, gave a stern warning to the Pakistani military: "Do not become a party to the conflict, otherwise we will sign out from the peace agreement we reached with the government" in November 2004. It is in this context that Nazir's recent pro-Osama bin Laden statement should be interpreted. (2) Contrary to Western media assessments, it is likely that this assertion is a mere public relations effort to win support of many in the region who are sympathetic to bin Laden. The statement should not be construed as blind support for all things al-Qaeda. For similar reasons, Nazir had to declare Uzbek leader Tahir Yuldashev an agent of US, Russian and Israeli intelligence before attacking his forces. Such slogans work wonders in the region. To succeed, Nazir still faces serious challenges. Uzbeks, as indicated above, have supporters among the Mehsud tribesmen in South Waziristan, and some Uzbeks have now shifted to North Waziristan, which is largely out of range for Nazir. Second, the Punjabi killing business as Moreover, there are complete control of Taliban component of Nazir's forces may restart their sectarian a night job as soon as they succeed in their current task. no guarantees about how Nazir will start behaving once in the area. If recent history is any indicator, Nazir may be a passing phenomenon, but this overall strategy may open up an avenue for Pakistan to reclaim some of its lost territory. Notes 1. For details about the dynamics of the Wazir tribe and its sub-clans, see Ilyas Khan, "Pakistan's Tribes: Who is Killing Who?", BBC, April 5. 2. Nazir said that although he has never met bin Laden, "If he comes here and wants to live according to tribal traditions, then we can provide protection to him because we support oppressed people." Hassan Abbas served as the sub-divisional police chief in North West Frontier Province from 1996-98, and was the deputy director of investigations in Pakistan's National Accountability Bureau from 1999-2000. Currently, he is a fellow at Harvard University's Kennedy School of Government and is the author of Pakistan's Drift into Extremism: Allah, the Army and America's War on Terror. (This article first appeared in The Jamestown Foundation . Used with permission.) [Description of Source: Hong Kong Asia Times Online WWW-Text in English - - Hong Kong-based online newspaper with a Bangkok branch office focusing on political and economic issues from an "Asian perspective," with over 50 contributors in 17 Asian countries, the United States, and Europe. Successor of the Hong Kong/Bangkok based print daily Asia Times that closed in 1997, it claims an average of 100,000 daily site visitors as of Feb 2006, with 65% of the audience based in North America, and 22% in the Asia-Pacific region. Root URL on filing date: http://www.atimes.com] Two suspected Al-Qa'idah members detained in Afghan southeast IAP20070528950020 Kabul Pajhwok Afghan News (Internet Version-WWW) in English 0909 GMT 28 May 07 Two suspected Al-Qa'idah members detained in Afghan southeast Text of report in English by Afghan independent Pajhwok news agency website Khost City, 28 May: Afghan and Coalition forces detained two suspected Al-Qa'idah militants in a raid on a compound in the Nader Shah Kot District of the southeastern Khost province early Monday [28 May]. Credible intelligence led the forces to the location suspected of housing Al-Qa'idah operatives supported locally by the Mawlawi Jalaloddin Haqqani network, the Coalition said, adding the detainees would be questioned as to their involvement in militant activities. During the Taleban regime, ousted in 2001 as a result of a US-led offensive, Mawlawi Haqqani was minister for border regions. Currently, he is fighting alongside the militants against foreign forces stationed in Afghanistan. Wazir Badshah, spokesman for the Khost Police Headquarters, informed Pajhwok Afghan News the joint raid on two separate houses also yielded a gun and a passport with an Arab country's visa. He was unaware of the arrests. [Description of Source: Kabul Pajhwok Afghan News (Internet Version-WWW) in English - Pajhwok Afghan News, established in April 2004, provides daily news and features in Pashto, Dari, English and Urdu. Self-described as "independent," it often reports on security matters and the Taliban activities. It claims to be staffed, managed, and led entirely by Afghans. According to the site, it receives financial support from USAID's Office of Transition Initiatives (OTI) and the International Organization for Migration (IOM).] AFP: More on Kabul Police Bus Blast Killing 35, Two Japanese Said Among Wounded JPP20070617969020 Hong Kong AFP in English 0821 GMT 17 Jun 07 [By Sardar Ahmad] KABUL, June 17, 2007 (AFP) - A powerful bomb ripped through a police bus in the Afghan capital Sunday killing up to 35 people, police said, in one of the deadliest attacks in the city since the Taliban regime was toppled in 2001. The bus was reduced to a skeleton of blackened and mangled metal. Body parts and bits of human flesh were flung across a wide area, with five foreigners among those wounded in the attack in the crowded city centre. Police officials gave different death tolls after the blast, with the city's criminal investigation department chief Alishah Paktiawal telling AFP 35 police officers from the city's police academy and bystanders were killed. This would make it the deadliest rebel attack in Afghanistan since the fundamentalist Taliban regime was driven from power and launched an Al-Qaeda-backed insurgency. A car bomb in Kabul in September 2002 killed around 30 people. Kabul police chief General Esmatullah Dauladzai said Sunday's attack killed 21 people and wounded 24, including five foreign nationals. "Among those wounded were two Japanese, a Korean and two Pakistani nationals who were perhaps passing by the area when the explosion took place," he said. "There are indications that the bomb was placed inside the bus but we will investigate further," he told AFP. The Taliban said the bombing was ordered by one of its most senior commanders, Jalaluddin Haqqani, who had been rumoured to have died. "The man who carried out the attack was a mujahed (holy fighter) who under Haqqani's orders had entered the police ranks," a Taliban spokesman Saluhuddin Ayobi told AFP by telephone from an undisclosed location. "And again under his direct orders, today he strapped explosives on his body and exploded himself up inside the police bus." Haqqani is "alive and leading the jihad (holy war) against the US forces and the puppet Kabul government," he said. Police could not confirm it was a suicide attack. "No one knows what happened," interior ministry spokesman Zemarai Bashary said. "We are trying to find out." The sirens of ambulances wailed across the city as the wounded were ferried to hospitals. "Over 30 wounded have been admitted to Kabul hospitals," said ministry of health spokesman Abdullah Fahim. His initial reports put the death toll at more than 25. "When I arrived you could see dead and wounded lying everywhere," said one young man who gave his name only as Abbas. "Many of them were torn into pieces. Many of them were headless and others had no legs or arms. "It was awful. You could see human flesh sticking on walls and trees," he told AFP. The blast followed a suicide attack on Friday aimed at foreign forces in the west of the city that killed three labourers. It was the fourth such attack in the country in two days. The targeted 45-seat police bus had been taking the officers to a police training academy, where many were instructors. The blast struck in a crowded part of the city centre. Two minibuses were damaged nearby and witnesses said bystanders may also have been hit. The attack came hours before a ceremony on the other side of the city to mark the handing over of the police training programme from German authority to that of a European Union mission. "We will change the ceremony to an act of solidarity," public information officer for the mission, Michael Freienstein, told AFP. "We have a lot of colleagues dead right now." There have been a handful of blasts on police buses in the capital in the past month with the fledgling police force bearing the brunt of insurgents attacks throughout the country. "The police are the tip of the spear in Afghanistan's fight against the Taliban so the Taliban would like very much to set back police training," said US Major Sheldon Smith from a section of the US-led coalition training Afghan forces. "The Taliban want to roll back all the progress that has been made here," he said. [Description of Source: Hong Kong AFP in English -- Hong Kong service of the independent French press agency Agence France-Presse] Asia Times: Renewed Taliban Activity of Concern to NATO Command CPP20070621715004 Hong Kong Asia Times Online WWW-Text in English 1039 GMT 20 Jun 07 [Report by Syed Saleem Shahzad: "Taliban Put Up a New Fight "; headline as provided by source] KABUL - With the Taliban geared for their biggest push of the year to take control of southern Afghanistan, district by district, coupled with suicide attacks in the cities, Western intelligence believes that the killing of Mullah Dadullah was a big mistake. The one-legged, charismatic and battle-hardened Dadullah, 41, was killed in mid-May in the southern province of Helmand in a US-led coalition operation. He had emerged as the overall field commander of the Taliban, as well as an astute diplomat: he had courted Pakistan to act as a peacemaker between the Western coalition and the insurgents. Highly placed Western contacts familiar with coalition operations in Afghanistan told Asia Times Online that with Dadullah dead, the Taliban have become a much more elusive adversary and the "peace route" with Pakistan is now a non-starter. Dadullah was a natural leader who had been able to assimilate fighters of varied backgrounds and train them to follow a single coherent strategy. Maulana Jalaluddin Haqqani could possibly have taken his place, but he has been seriously ill, even rumored to be dead. In these circumstances, the Taliban leadership decided to assign a number of seasoned commanders to different areas, where they would be in charge of their own tactics depending on local conditions. The idea was to scatter as many of them as possible to spread further already stretched coalition and Afghan National Army forces. Although the commanders chosen were experienced, they were not well-known faces, and were thus able more easily to go about their business. For instance, Amir Khan Muttaqi was sent Kunar province, Mullah Kabir was activated in the Khost, Gardez, Paktia and Paktika areas, Mullah Bredar was assigned in the western zone that includes Ghor, Badghis, Farah and Herat. For the southeast, the Taliban will keep coalition troops engaged with suicide attacks and guerrilla operations, while at the same time increasing operations in the southwest, such as in Badghis and Farah provinces. Coalition troops are finding that when they focus on one sector, violence escalates in another. And they simply don't have enough resources to manage the whole of Afghanistan at the same time - especially when some of the coalition partners are not interested in ground operations. The relative obscurity of the the new Taliban commanders also rules them out of becoming involved in any back-channel peace negotiations with Kabul. Indeed, rigid Taliban leader Mullah Omar is pulling their strings and there is no way he will ever sit with any Western coalition for dialogue. Taliban on the move As evidence of the new Taliban approach, southern Afghanistan has witnessed an array of devastating suicide attacks and guerrilla operations since Sunday, covering Kabul, Kunar, Nooristan, Khost and Paktia. There have also been incidents in Urzgan, Helmand and Kandahar. The district of Mian Nashin in Kandahar fell and Afghan soldiers were forced to flee and call in North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) air fire. Similarly, in the Chor district of Urzgan, the Taliban seized key positions from where they plan a major push deeper into the province. There was a major battle in the district of Grishk in Helmand between NATO forces and the Taliban on Tuesday. A Taliban spokesman, Qari Yousuf, told Asia Times Online that the Taliban killed 16 NATO soldiers and destroyed three tanks. The claim could not be independently confirmed. On Sunday morning, a suicide bomber blew up a police-academy bus in Kabul, killing 35 people and wounding 52. It was the country's worst bombing since the Taliban were ousted more than five years ago. The Taliban claimed responsibility. The renewed Taliban activity is obviously of concern to the NATO command. Apparently as a result, Admiral William Fallon, the chief of the US Central Command, recently visited Pakistan for meetings with President General Pervez Musharraf, the vice chief of army staff, the chairman of the Joint Chi efs of Staff and the director general of Inter-Services Intelligence. US assistant secretary of state Richard Boucher and Deputy Secretary of State John Negroponte have also been in Islamabad. The crux of this fresh interaction is that insurgencies do not have borders. Unlike previously, though, this does not mean that the US wants to go in hot pursuit of the Taliban in Pakistan. Rather, it wants to track them from the Pakistani tribal areas into Afghanistan. The Taliban have several command centers in Pakistan, including in North Waziristan and South Waziristan, Bajur, Noshki and Chaman, from where recruits are sent to Afghanistan. But the Taliban also have hubs in Afghanistan in Nooristan, Kapisa, Kunar, Helmand, Kandahar, Farah and Badghis. Massive bloodshed awaits Afghanistan's vastness, and there is currently no room for peacemakers. Syed Saleem Shahzad is Asia Times Online's Pakistan Bureau Chief. He can be reached at [email protected]. [Description of Source: Hong Kong Asia Times Online WWW-Text in English - - Hong Kong-based online newspaper with a Bangkok branch office focusing on political and economic issues from an "Asian perspective," with over 50 contributors in 17 Asian countries, the United States, and Europe. Successor of the Hong Kong/Bangkok based print daily Asia Times that closed in 1997, it claims an average of 100,000 daily site visitors as of Feb 2006, with 65% of the audience based in North America, and 22% in the Asia-Pacific region. Root URL on filing date: http://www.atimes.com] AFP: More on Pakistan Busting Islamic Militants Supplying Suicide Bombers to Taliban JPP20070701969019 Hong Kong AFP in English 0757 GMT 01 Jul 07 LAHORE, Pakistan, July 1, 2007 (AFP) -- Pakistani intelligence have busted a gang of Islamic militants supplying suicide bombers and explosive devices to Taliban fighters in neighbouring Afghanistan, police said Sunday. The eight-member gang led by former fighters of the banned Jaish-e-Mohammad militant group was based in Quetta, the capital of southwestern Baluchistan province, a senior police official said. They used to collect materials and volunteers from the central province of Punjab, the official said, requesting anonymity. The suspects were arrested in Punjab over the past few days. "During the interrogation they confessed to having carried out a series of suicide bombings and bomb blasts against foreign forces in Afghanistan over the past several years," he said. He identified the gang leaders as Mufti Saghir Ahmed, a veteran of the 1980s war against invading Soviet troops in Afghanistan, and wanted militant Mohammad Safeer. Both are members of the Jaish group, he said. Safeer was wanted over an attack on a church in the Pakistani town of Taxila in 2003. "The suspects were preparing remote-controlled devices for the Taliban in Afghanistan," the official said. "It's a major breakthrough in the fight against terrorism and reflects Pakistan's strong commitment to fight militancy," a senior security official said. The network was supplementing Taliban fighters based in southern Afghanistan, he said. They had "links" with former mujahedin leader Jalaluddin Haqqani and his proTaliban son Siraj Haqqani, he added. [Description of Source: Hong Kong AFP in English -- Hong Kong service of the independent French press agency Agence France-Presse] AFP: Pakistan Information Minister Says Pro-Taliban Gang Plotted Attacks in Lahore JPP20070701969029 Hong Kong AFP in English 1435 GMT 01 Jul 07 [By Rana Jawad] LAHORE, Pakistan, July 1, 2007 (AFP) -- Pakistani police said Sunday they had busted a gang of pro-Taliban militants planning major terrorist attacks in the country. An official statement released here said the militants "got training in Afghanistan in making explosive devices" and were "planning to carry out bomb blasts at several places in Lahore." The eight-member gang was also involved in training other militants in bomb making and the use of explosive devices, the statement said. Information Minister Mohammad Ali Durrani also said the militants were "plotting attacks inside Pakistan and they were trained in the neighbouring country." Earlier a senior police official speaking on condition of anonymity said the militants during interrogation "confessed" that they were sending suicide bombers for attacks in Afghanistan. The eight-member group led by former fighters of the banned Jaish-e-Mohammad militant faction was based in Quetta, the capital of southwestern Baluchistan province, the official said. They used to collect materials and volunteers from the central province of Punjab, he said, requesting anonymity. The suspects were arrested in Punjab over the past few days. The police official identified the gang leaders as Mufti Saghir Ahmed, a veteran of the 1980s war against invading Soviet troops in Afghanistan, and wanted militant Mohammad Safeer. Both are members of the Jaish group, he said. "The suspects were preparing remote-controlled devices for the Taliban," the official said. "It's a major breakthrough in the fight against terrorism and reflects Pakistan's strong commitment to fight militancy," a senior security official said. The network had "links" with former mujahedin leader Jalaluddin Haqqani and his proTaliban son Siraj Haqqani, he added. Last year, nearly 300 Afghan civilians were killed in about 140 suicide attacks, most of them claimed by the Taliban, according to Human Rights Watch.There were 25 suicide bombings in the country in 2005. Relations between Pakistan and Afghanistan, who are key allies in the US-led "war on terror," have been tense over accusations that Islamabad is not doing enough to stop Taliban militants based in Pakistan from launching cross-border attacks. Islamabad says it has nearly 90,000 troops on the Pakistan-Afghanistan border to stop militants moving between the countries, and that it has arrested more militant leaders than Kabul. Pakistan also insists the Taliban command structure is based in the southern Afghan city of Kandahar and security agencies in Pakistan continue to hunt down elements on its territory. Lahore Police chief, Malik Mohammad Iqbal, told a news conference later that police recovered a large quantity of explosives from the gang. "This is a major achievement," he said, adding that one of the suspects was an expert in making improvised explosive devices. Safeer was a key figure who had a bounty of one million rupees (16,600 dollars) on his head over involvement in the 2002 attack on a church in Taxila, 25 kilometres (15 miles) north of Islamabad, in which three female nurses were killed, Iqbal said. Jaish was banned by key US ally President Pervez Musharraf in 2002. It was blamed by India for the 2001 attack on its parliament in New Delhi. The group is also linked to the 2002 kidnapping and murder of US journalist Daniel Pearl in the southern city of Karachi. It was also accused of cooperating with Al-Qa'ida in two failed assassination bids on Musharraf in December 2003. [Description of Source: Hong Kong AFP in English -- Hong Kong service of the independent French press agency Agence France-Presse] Pakistan: 8 Militant With Links to Jaish-e Mohammad, Taliban Arrested in Lahore SAP20070702005002 Lahore Daily Times (Internet Version-WWW) in English 02 Jul 07 [By staff reporter: "Eight terror suspects arrested in Lahore"] [Text disseminated as received without OSC editorial intervention] LAHORE: The police have arrested eight terrorist suspects here with links to banned militant outfit Jaish-e-Muhammad and the Taliban, police said. The eight men are believed to have been behind an attack on a missionary school near Murree on August 5, 2002, killing six Pakistanis; and a grenade attack on a church in Taxila four days later in which four nurses were killed, Lahore police chief Malik Muhammad Iqbal told a press conference on Sunday. The suspects include Safeer Ahmed, alias Muhammad Azeem, alias Umair, who was wanted by the Punjab government, which had a Rs 1 million bounty on his head. Safeer, Mufti Sagher Ahmed, Ghulam Qadir and Muhammad Yasir Wifaq were arrested from a bus stand on Saturday night, while Muhammad Siddique, Abdul Moeed, Ubaidullah Asghar and Syed Muhammad Masood were arrested from a house in Iqbal Park, Ittefaq Town in a predawn operation on Sunday. Capital City Police Officer (CCPO) Iqbal said that Safeer was planning terrorist plots in Lahore. He said they had been trained in use of firearms and making remotecontrolled bombs "in a neighbouring country". Police also seized a large quantity of arms, ammunition and bomb-making material from the suspects' hideout in Ittefaq Town. He said the suspects had confessed they were part of the Jamiatul Furqan, a splinter group of the Jaish-e-Muhammad, which was banned in 2002. They had also confessed to the attacks in Murree and Taxila, he said. AFP adds: A senior police official told AFP that the suspects supplied suicide bombers and explosive devices to Taliban fighters in Afghanistan. He said the eightmember group was based in Quetta, and used to collect materials and volunteers from Punjab. "During the interrogation they confessed to having carried out a series of suicide bombings and bomb blasts against foreign forces in Afghanistan over the past several years," he said. "The suspects were preparing remote-controlled devices for the Taliban in Afghanistan," the official said, adding that they had "links" with former mujahedin leader Jalaluddin Haqqani and his pro-Taliban son Siraj Haqqani. [Description of Source: Lahore Daily Times (Internet Version-WWW) in English -Internet version of the independent, moderate daily, run by veteran journalist Najam Sethi and published by the Friday Times group. Strong critic of radical and jihadi elements. Provides extensive coverage of activities of jihadi/militant groups. Caters to the educated middle class, with an estimated hardcopy circulation of 20,000; root URL as of filing date: http://www.dailytimes.com.pk] Asia Times: 'The World's Worst Suicide Bombers ' CPP20070725721002 Hong Kong Asia Times Online WWW-Text in English 0028 GMT 25 Jul 07 [Report by Brian Glyn Williams : "The World's Worst Suicide Bombers "; headline as provided by source] Suicide bombing statistics from Afghanistan alarmingly demonstrate that, if the current trend continues, 2007 will surpass last year in the number of overall attacks. While there were 47 bombings by mid-June 2006, there were about 57 during the same period this year. Compounding fears of worse carnage to come, Afghanistan's most lethal single suicide bombing attack to date recently took the lives of 35 Afghan police trainers near Kabul. When considering the expanding use of improvised explosive devices (IEDs) and the discovery of the first Iraqi-style explosively formed projectile (EFP) in Afghanistan in May (ie), it is understandable that critics of the war in Afghanistan discuss it in alarmist tones. About 80% of US casualties in military who were interviewed casualty suicide bombings and dangerous than Iraq. A deeper swept the country in 2006 and Iraq come from IEDs, and members of the US and Afghan for this study believe that the absence of massEFPs are the two factors that made Afghanistan less investigation of the wave of suicide bombings that have 2007 paints a less bleak picture. Missing the target An analysis of the attacks carried out in the past two years reveals a curious fact. In 43% of the bombings conducted last year and in 26 of the 57 bombings traced in this study up to June 15 this year, the only death caused by the bombing was that of the bomber himself. This means that, astoundingly, about 90 suicide bombers in this two-year period succeeded in killing only themselves. There was one period in the spring of 2006 (February 20 to June 21) when a stunning 26 of the 36 suicide bombers in Afghanistan (72%) killed only themselves. This puts the kill average for Afghan suicide bombers far below that of suicide bombers in other theaters of action in the area (Israel, Chechnya, Iraq and the Kurdish areas of Turkey). Such unusual bomber-to-victim death statistics are, of course, heartening both for coalition troops - who have described the Afghan suicide bombers as "amateurs" - and for the Afghan people - who are usually the victims of the clumsy bombings. These statistics also represent a uniquely Afghan phenomenon that warrants investigation. A part of the reason for the low kill ratio lies in the Taliban's unique targeting sets. As Pashtuns with a strong code (Pashtunwali ) that glorifies acts of martial valor and badal (revenge), Afghan suicide bombers are more prone to hit "hard" military targets than callously obliterate innocent civilians in the Iraqi fashion. On the rare occasions where there have been high-casualty bombings of Afghan civilians, they tend to have been carried out by Arab al-Qaeda bombers. (1) The Taliban's selective targeting is a calculated decision on the part of the Taliban shuras (councils) to avoid inciting the sort of anti-Taliban protests that led thousands in the Pashtun town of Spin Boldak to chant "Death to Pakistan, death to al-Qaeda, death to the Taliban" after a particularly bloody suicide bombing in that frontier city last year. Taliban spokesman Zabiyullah Mujahed recently claimed, "We do our best in our suicide attacks to avoid civilian casualties. These are our Muslim countrymen, and we are sacrificing our blood to gain their freedom. Their lives are important to us, of course. But fighting with explosives is out of the control of human beings." Then he made an interesting admission that speaks to other factors that might explain the Afghan suicide bombers' failure rate. He stated, "We have a problem with making sure they attack the right targets, avoiding killing civilians." Clearly, there is more to the Taliban bombers' stunning failure rate than simply "hard" targeting difficulties and an obvious reluctance to slaughter the Afghan constituency that the Taliban is trying to win over. Members of the Afghan police, government and National Directorate of Security (NDS) who were interviewed about this trend during the months of April and May offered a surprisingly unanimous expl anation for the Taliban bombers' poor showing. (2) They said it lay in the ineptitude of the people the Taliban were recruiting as fedayeen (suicide) bombers. Afghan officials continually told stories of lower-class people who had been seduced, bribed, tricked, manipulated or coerced into blowing themselves up as "weapons of God" or "(Taliban leader) Mullah Omar's missiles". Afghan NDS officials also spoke of apprehended bombers who were deranged, retarded, mentally unstable or on drugs. Such claims should, of course, be accepted with caution, for two reasons. First, the targets of suicide bombings are prone to speak in disparaging tones regarding the mental state and motives of those who carry out bombing attacks against them. They tend to describe them as mindless, insane, fanatical, drugged or brainwashed. Second, in his groundbreaking work Understanding Terror Networks , Marc Sageman has refuted the long-held notion that suicide bombers are impoverished, voiceless dupes tricked into killing themselves. Rather, he has shown them to be politically and religiously motivated. They are conscious actors who, like the multilingual and educated team that carried out the attacks of September 11, 2001, do not need to be brainwashed. Certainly, in the Afghan context, there are bombers who fit the Sageman profile. Several Taliban leaders have carried out bombings, and the al-Qaeda team that scrambled on short notice to launch the symbolically important mass-casualty bombing at Bagram Air Base during US Vice President Dick Cheney's February visit was clearly composed of "professionals" (3) Nevertheless, interviews and field work conducted in Afghanistan for this study revealed considerable evidence that the "duped, bribed, brainwashed" paradigm applies to a growing percentage of the bombers being deployed in the Afghan theater. (4) Afghan police told of numerous incidents where citizens in Kabul reported finding abandoned suicide vests in the city. They seemed to signify a last-minute change of heart in several would-be bombers. In one case, they told of a mentally deranged man who threw his vest at an Afghan patrol, assuming it would explode on its own. (5) Several of the bombers apprehended by the NDS were carrying mind-altering hallucinogens or sedatives, which they had been told to take to calm their fears during their last moments of life. Others, including a Taliban bomber who was arrested while pushing his explosives-laden car toward its target after it ran out of fuel, appear to be inept beyond belief. (6) Recent media and think-tank reports have also mentioned the utilization as bombers of an Afghan war invalid who was blind, another who was an amputee who was a disabled man whose only motive was to make money for his family. troops who have spoken of seeing bombers blow themselves up far from their have characterized it as the act of drugged or mentally unstable bombers. suicide and one Coalition convoys While this might explain some of the Afghan suicide bombers' failures, there also appears to be a financial motive behind several of the bombings that offers further explanation. United Nations representatives spoke of a bomber who entered a Kabul Internet cafe in 2005. Instead of setting off his bomb in the middle of the cafe where it would do the most damage, he went into a bathroom to set it off, killing only two people. [ 7] There are many such examples of Afghan suicide bombers seemingly with a conscience or reluctance to inflict mass casualties.The possibility that a number of them are doing it simply for payments for their families might explain this. [ 8] Research in the Pashtun areas to the southeast of Kabul reveals an even more disturbing trend than the employment of suicide bombers who are mentally unsound, using drugs or working solely for money: the use of child bombers. Afghanistan's child bombers Villagers interviewed for this study - living in front-line provinces such as Khost, Paktika and Paktia - have reported that Taliban recruiters were active in their areas. Many parents have lost their young, impressionable sons to those who prey on them. [ 9] Parents often learn of their tragic fates only when the Taliban arrive at their homes to hand out their sons' "martyrdom payments". Villagers are, of course, outraged by such tactics, but there is often little recourse in light of the Taliban's dominance in the countryside. In one case, a powerful tribal chieftain in Khost province who discovered that his son had been recruited by Taliban commander Jalaluddin Haqqani for a "martyrdom operation" managed to get him back (after threatening to attack the Taliban with his tribe); unfortunately, this is an exception, as is the recent case of a captured 14year-old suicide bomber who was personally pardoned by President Hamid Karzai. The president announced, "Today we are facing a hard fact, that is, a Muslim child was sent to a madrassa [seminary] to learn Islamic subjects, but the enemies of Afghanistan misled him toward suicide and prepared him to die and kill." [ 10] Such recruitment for madrassa training of young bombers is even more widespread on the Pakistani side of the border. There have been several widely reported instances of the Taliban recruiting schoolchildren to be suicide bombers in the Federally Administered Tribal Areas and in North-West Frontier Province. In one notorious instance, Taliban soldiers arrived at the Oxford High English medium school in Tank and began to recruit young boys by asking them to fulfill their "jihad duty" and engage in an "adventure". According to witnesses, "The militants came to town with a mission, and wanted to convert us to their cause. 'They said that jihad was obligatory and those who heed the call are rewarded,' the principal said. 'As many as 30 students from each of the four government schools in Tank enlisted.' A similar number have also joined from private schools. The ages of those taken are between 11 ∧ 15 years." According to one of the teachers involved, the students who were recruited without their parents' permission were subsequently trained as suicide bombers. The age of these bombers would explain why one of the courses in Taliban suicide camps teaches students how to drive a car. In a similar case quoted by the United States' MSNBC cable network in March, two Pakistani teenagers who left school to train as suicide bombers without their parents' permission claimed, "We were told to fight against Israel, America and nonMuslims," said Muhammed Bakhtiar, 17, explaining why he wanted to become a suicide bomber. "We are so unhappy with our lives here. We have nothing. We read about jihad in books and wanted to join ... We wanted to go to the Muridke madrassa so we would have a better life in the hereafter." While Mullah Nazir, a powerful Taliban leader in Pakistan's Waziristan provinces, recently made an unprecedented request for the Taliban to stop recruiting children, a recent video of a suicide-bomber ceremony in the region would seem to indicate that his appeal has been honored in the breach. In the video that was obtained by the American Broadcasting Co (ABC), boys as young as 12 are shown "graduating" from a suicide-bombing camp run by Mullah Dadullah Mansour, the successor to his brother, the recently slain Mullah Dadullah. As disturbing as this video is, it pales in comparison to the discovery Afghan security officials recently made in eastern Afghanistan. In an incident that caused tears of fury among villagers, a six-year-old street urchin approached an Afghan security checkpoint and claimed that he had been cornered by the Taliban and fitted with a suicide-bomber vest. They had told him to walk up to a US patrol and press a button on the vest that would "spray flowers". Fortunately, the quick-thinking boy instead asked for help, and the vest was removed. While t his case is obviously an extreme example, it fits the trend and certainly goes a long way in helping to explain why almost half of Taliban suicide bombers succeed in killing only themselves. Many Taliban bombers come from small backwater villages and have to be taught how to drive on strange roads, travel beyond their locale or country, and then hit fast-moving, armored coalition convoys with improvised explosives. Even at the best of times, suicide bombing is a task that involves considerable resolve, determination and focus, and a degree of intelligence. Clearly, such vital ingredients are often missing in the Afghan context, where many of the bombers appear to be as much victims as perpetrators. Commenting on the bombers' failure rate, US military spokesman Lieutenant-Colonel Paul Fitzpatrick explained the lack of ambiguity that US military personnel have about the bombers who commit suicide instead of suicide bombings. "Certainly there are a fair number of failed attempts, and that's okay. I hope they don't get better." While some have engaged in relativism in efforts to compare the coalition's "collateral damage" losses from close air support to the Taliban's "collateral damage" from suicide bombing, the coalition clearly has the moral high ground when the enemy has resorted to deploying children as "living weapons". Notes 1. The bomber who killed 20 people in a mosque in Kandahar in 2005 was an Arab. The bomber in the Spin Boldak bombing of 2006 that killed 26 civilians was also said to be an Arab, and the Taliban later denied responsibility for the unusually bloody bombing. Similarly, al-Qaeda leader Abu Laith al-Libi has been accused of being the mastermind behind the February large-suicide bombing at Bagram Air Field during Vice President Dick Cheney's visit that killed 22 civilians. Most recently, National Directorate of Security officials this month arrested an Arab member of al-Qaeda who was planning to use suicide bombers to assassinate Afghan officials. 2. Author interviews, Kabul, April 2007. 3. In one case, a mullah drove a vehicle-borne improvised device into a bus. Most recently, the Kunduz bombing of May was carried out by a mullah named Jawad from Baghlan province. 4. Marc Sageman's excellent work has more applications for elite, transnational alQaeda-style bombers than the impoverished, illiterate Afghans who seem to make up the majority of the bombers in recent years. 5. Author interview in National Directorate of Security headquarters, Kabul, April 2007. 6. Story relayed to the author by Craig Harrison, director of UN security in Afghanistan, United Nations Assistance Mission in Afghanistan (UNAMA) compound, Kabul, April 2007. 7. The media erroneously reported that the bomber had set the bomb off in the middle of the cafe. 8. As in other "zones of jihad", including Chechnya and Iraq, it appears that Arab financiers are offering payments ranging from US$11,000 to $23,000 for those who carry out bombings. 9. Author's findings while carrying out research in the region in April 2007. 10. This story was conveyed to the author in Gardez, Paktia province, by Tom Gregg of the UNAMA, on the morning after a suicide bomber hit the town. Local Pashtuns interviewed after the bombing called the attack "obscene" and "un-Islamic". Dr Brian Glyn Williams is assistant professor of Islamic history at the University of Massachusetts-Dartmouth. [Description of Source: Hong Kong Asia Times Online WWW-Text in English - - Hong Kong-based online newspaper with a Bangkok branch office focusing on political and economic issues from an "Asian perspective," with over 50 contributors in 17 Asian countries, the United States, and Europe. Successor of the Hong Kong/Bangkok based print daily Asia Times that closed in 1997, it claims an average of 100,000 daily site visitors as of Feb 2006, with 65% of the audience based in North America, and 22% in the Asia-Pacific region. Root URL on filing date: http://www.atimes.com] Pakistan: Geo News Discussion on Army Operations in Tribal Areas, New Red Mosque SAP20070802093001 Karachi Geo News TV in Urdu 1800 GMT 01 Aug 07 [Discussion between Sami Yusufzai, prominent tribal affairs analyst, on video line from Peshawar and senior journalist Kamran Khan in studio in Karachi on latest Army operations in tribal areas--live; taken from regularly scheduled "Today with Kamran Khan" program; words within double slant lines are in English] [Kamran Khan] There was a lull in violence in Pakistan's tribal areas, especially in North Waziristan, today. Military squads are continuing their operations [against the militants]. According to reports, 58 militants have been killed until last night in the Army operations launched yesterday. Reports cite unofficial figures of about 58 militants killed in the Army //operations// and //activities// last night and this morning. This is the biggest loss suffered by the militants in North Waziristan. Although the figure has not been officially confirmed, but knowledgeable sources say that the militants suffered the biggest loss last night when the military squads launched a full-scale operation inflict a big loss of life on militants. Similar reports have been received from Mohmand Agency where a tomb and mosque were captured and named as Jamia Hafsa seminary and Lal Masjid [Red Mosque] respectively. Taliban were put under pressure in Mohmand Agency due to which the Taliban have started leaving the mosque. We will go to Peshawar where we have with us on [video line] Senior Journalist Sami Yusufzai to know the latest situation. Sami, reports are being received today that the militants have suffered a big loss in the operations launched yesterday and they have been forced to retreat. What reports you have received from North Waziristan? [Yusufzai] Yes Kamran Khan, as you know the Pakistan Army launched an operation yesterday in which about 18 local Taliban, as they are called there, were killed. Their dead bodies have been sent to their respective homes in various areas. Reports speak of a sense of enragement in whole Waziristan, but no immediate activity was carried out on behalf of the militants and I think today was a rare day in the whole week when no report of untoward incidents was received so far from the entire area. It is, however, being reported that the local Taliban and the militants have spoken about taking revenge of the killing of their companions in the bombing and Pakistan Army's operation yesterday and they are preparing for anti-government activities. [Khan] Sami, what are captured and named as received some reports perhaps, are ready to situation in Mohamand the reports from Mohmad Agency where a tomb and a mosque were Jamia Hafsa seminary and Red Mosque respectively. We have that pressure has been increased there on Taliban and they, evacuate both places. What information you have regarding the Agency? [Sami] Yes Kamran Khan, the situation today is that the //numbers// of Taliban present at mosque and seminary of Haji Sahib Turangzai, which were occupied by the local Taliban, have come down and they are leaving. But there has also been a report that //students// have started coming to one seminary, where the Taliban had put the signboard of Jamia Hafsa. A baffling situation, however, prevails in the entire Mohmad Agency area and the reports say that //local political// agents and the government officials are concerned that this conflict at local mosque could open a new front in the tribal areas like Bajaur which could lead to a process of clashes between the local Taliban and the government. [Khan] Who are the //commanders// of these local Taliban and the militants, who are waging a //guerrilla// war against Pakistan Army in the tribal areas? To what extent the local Taliban commanders have been identified and who are they? [Yusufzai] Kamran, there are different Taliban commanders in different areas at present. For example, Baitullah Mehsud, who is the biggest Taliban commander in the tribal areas, enjoys a very big //influence// in both South Waziristan and North Waziristan and commands a large number of people. Besides, there is a small commander whose name is (Moedad Khan), who also has few people under his command. Besides, it is reported that Jalaluddin Haqqani, who was a former prominent commander during the Taliban era in Afghanistan, is himself leading the Afghan Taliban and militants present near Miranshah. In other tribal areas like Bajaur, it is reported that Maulana Faqir Mohammad is also commanding a large number of Taliban there and he has contacts with other //militant commanders// in other tribal areas and he is increasing the number of militants under his command. [Khan] Thank you very much. Sami Yusufzai was telling us about the latest situation in tribal areas. [Description of Source: Karachi Geo News TV in Urdu -- 24-hour satellite news TV channel owned by Pakistan's Jang publishing group, broadcast from Dubayy. Known for providing quick and detailed reports of events. Programs include some Indian shows and dramas which the group claims are aimed at promoting people-to-people contact and friendly relations with India.] Asia Times: 'Taliban a Step Ahead of US Assault ' CPP20070813721003 Hong Kong Asia Times Online WWW-Text in English 1021 GMT 10 Aug 07 [By Syed Saleem Shahzad; headline as provided by source] KARACHI - The ongoing three-day peace jirga (council) involving hundreds of tribal leaders from Pakistan and Afghanistan is aimed at identifying and rooting out Taliban and al-Qaeda militancy on both sides of the border. This was to be followed up with military strikes at militant bases in Pakistan, either by the Pakistani armed forces in conjunction with the United States, or even by US forces alone. The trouble is, the bases the US had meticulously identified no longer exist. The naive, rustic but battle-hardened Taliban still want a fight, but it will be fought on the Taliban's chosen battlegrounds. Twenty-nine bases in the tribal areas of North Waziristan and South Waziristan on the border with Afghanistan that were used to train militants have simply fallen off the radar. The US had presented Islamabad with a dossier detailing the location of the bases as advance information on likely US targets. But Asia Times Online has learned that since early this month, neither the North Atlantic Treaty Organization-led coalition in Afghanistan nor Pakistan intelligence has detected any movement in the camps. Human intelligence on both sides suggests the bases have been dismantled, apart from one run by hardline Islamist Mullah Abdul Khaliq. All other leading Taliban commanders, including Sirajuddin Haqqani, Gul Bahadur, Baitullah Mehsud and Haji Omar, have disappeared. Similarly, the top echelons of the Arab community that was holed up in North Waziristan has also gone. The new battlefield The al-Qaeda leadership has apparently now installed itself in Jani Khel village in the Bannu district of North-West Frontier Province (NWFP). This includes Osama bin Laden's deputy, Ayman al-Zawahiri. The Taliban leadership, most prominently Haqqani, is concentrated in the Afghan provinces of Khost and Gardez, where much fighting is expected to take place. A spillover of al-Qaeda's presence in Jani Khel is likely to spread to Karak, Kohat, Tank, Laki Marwat and Dera Ismail Khan in Pakistan. Kohat in NWFP is tipped to become a central city in the upcoming battle, as the office of the Pakistani Garrison commanding officer is there and all operations will be directed through this area. In addition, Kohat is directly linked with a US airfield in Khost for supplies and logistics. A second war corridor is expected to be in the Waziristans, the Khyber Agency, the Kurram Agency, Bajaur Agency, Dir, Mohmand Agency and Chitral in Pakistan and Nanagarhar, Kunar and Nooristan in Afghanistan. The fiercest battleground, however, will be in Khost and Gardez, making the previous Taliban successes in Helmand and Kandahar during the spring offensive of 2006 a distant memory. The Taliban's evolution The death in May of Taliban commander Mullah Dadullah in Afghanistan during a coalition raid set in motion a major change within the Taliban's command structure. The loss of the heroic commander was a huge blow for the Taliban in southwestern Afghanistan, as a major symbol of success had been killed - and there was no one of his stature to replace him, as another top Taliban commander, Mullah Akhtar Osmani, had earlier been killed in Helmand. Amid the demoralization, the entire Taliban leadership left Helmand, Urzgan, Zabul and Kandahar and sat idle in Satellite Town in Quetta, Pakistan, for several weeks. Finally, in June, Taliban leader Mullah Omar outlined new guidelines, which included: No members of the central military command would work in southwestern Afghanistan. Group commanders would be given control of specific districts and be allowed to develop their own strategy. This strategy would be passed on only to the Talibanappointed "governor" of the area, who in turn would relay it to the Taliban's central command council. From these various inputs, the council would develop a broader strategy for particular regions. The Taliban would discourage personality cults like Dadullah's, as the death of a "hero" demoralized his followe rs. Four spokesmen were appointed to decentralize the Taliban's media-information wing. Each spokesman would look after only a specific zone so that in case of his arrest, only information about that zone could be leaked. They also have all been given the same name, at present it is Qari Yousuf Ahmedi. This "unschooled" program produced results within weeks as the Taliban gained new ground in Helmand and Urzgan through widespread grassroots support, and Jalaluddin Haqqani's commanders gained prominence. Where does Pakistan stand? Pakistan's stance throughout the "war on terror" has been problematical, especially with regards to the Taliban, whom its intelligence agency had long nurtured. Certainly Islamabad distanced itself from the Taliban after their fall in 2001, and has periodically cracked down on them in Pakistan, but sections in the military, intelligence agencies and general public remain sympathetic. But once the peace jirga concludes this weekend, a war has to be fought: the US is simply running out of patience. Pakistan has said it is committed to such a battle against Taliban and al-Qaeda elements on its soil. Interestingly, though, of late the military establishment has activated its anti-American segment in the ruling coalition. First, the secretary general of the ruling Pakistan Muslim League, Mushahid Hussain Syed, called for a crushing response in the event of any US attack in Pakistan. Then retired Major Tanveer Hussain Syed, secretary for the parliamentary committee on defense, said ties with the US should be severed and the Taliban should be promoted in Afghanistan. Minister of Religious Affairs Ejaz ul-Haq weighed in by calling for a review of Pakistan-US relations and the country's participation in the "war on terror". One can dismiss this as rhetoric. Washington might consider, though, that Pakistan has changed horses in midstream many times before. Syed Saleem Shahzad is Asia Times Online's Pakistan Bureau Chief. He can be reached at [email protected]. [Description of Source: Hong Kong Asia Times Online WWW-Text in English - - Hong Kong-based online newspaper with a Bangkok branch office focusing on political and economic issues from an "Asian perspective," with over 50 contributors in 17 Asian countries, the United States, and Europe. Successor of the Hong Kong/Bangkok based print daily Asia Times that closed in 1997, it claims an average of 100,000 daily site visitors as of Feb 2006, with 65% of the audience based in North America, and 22% in the Asia-Pacific region. Root URL on filing date: http://www.atimes.com] Pakistan: Taliban Leader Snubs Jirga; Says No Talks Until US Troops Withdraw SAP20070813005033 Islamabad Khabrain in Urdu 13 Aug 07 pp 1, 11 [Report by Kamal Azfar: "No talks until withdrawal of foreign troops from Afghanistan: Taliban commander"] Islamabad - The Taliban have refused to hold dialog with the jirga [assembly of elders] unless foreign forces withdrawal from Afghanistan and announced to continue their struggle to establish an Islamic state in Afghanistan with an enforcement of an Islamic system there. While talking to Khabrain on Sunday evening [ 12 August] at the conclusion of four-day Pakistan-Afghanistan peace jirga in Kabul, the former central minister for borders and tribal affairs and the military chief of the Taliban, Mullah Jalaluddin Haqqani, said peace will not be established in Afghanistan or Pakistan's Tribal Areas with the announcement of a declaration by the so-called jirga. [He said] "We will reject every offer of dialog until the American and allied forces are not present in Afghanistan. We'll choose between enforcement of an Islamic system and martyrdom. Enforcement of an Islamic system will be the price our martyrs' blood." He said the jirga was a part of the US agenda. It has put forward a joint plan of foreign aggression in Pakistan and Afghanistan. Such jirgas will not help ameliorate the lot of the Afghan nation. Poppy cultivation had ended during the Taliban era and now men of Karzai are involved in it. To a question, Mullah Jalaluddin Haqqani said that we have no differences with the people of Pakistan. The people of Pakistan sided with us for a long time during the long drawn out jihad. [He said]Pakistani rulers are responsible for the internal situation in that country and we have nothing to do with suicide attacks inside Pakistan. He said every option, including suicide attacks, is being used inside Afghanistan. The move has routed the foreign forces. To yet another question, he said that Taliban are organized and achieving successes. To another question he said that youth fighting against the foreigners in Afghanistan do not need any training at training centers. Every Afghan youth has been prepared by the war going on for the last 28 years. While replying to another question, he said Mullah Omar is leading the mujahid of the Taliban and they are in contact with him. When asked, he said they need not take shelter in Pakistan's Tribal Areas. The Pakistan Government and its policies are responsible for the deteriorating situation there and confrontation with the army. He said the jirga meeting in Kabul was not representative of all tribes. He said the Taliban are not fighting in Iraq because they are facing war in their own motherland. [Description of Source: Islamabad Khabrain in Urdu -- Sensationalist daily, generally opposes Pakistan People's Party. Circulation of 30,000.] 'Terrorist gang' busted in Afghan capital city IAP20070817950002 Kabul Pajhwok Afghan News (Internet Version-WWW) in English 0235 GMT 17 Aug 07 "Terrorist gang" busted in Afghan capital city Text of report in English by Afghan independent Pajhwok news agency website Kabul, 16 August: Intelligence officials claimed busting a 'terrorist network' and arresting a ringleader during a raid in this capital city. Addressing a news conference here on Thursday [16 August], spokesman for the National Intelligence Department Sayed Ansari said the linchpin named Muhammad Taleb was resident of Zindan village of Khak-e Jabbar district. The alleged terrorist Muhammad Taleb, alias Jamal, was nabbed along with his seven colleagues while smuggling missiles, he said. Other members of the gang included Sherollah, Sayfollah, Muhammad Khan, Azimollah, Abdol Sattar, Najibollah and Toti Shah. They were residents of Khak-e Jabbar, Bagrami and Dehsabz districts of Kabul, he informed. The detainee was a commander of the Hezb-e Islami of Golboddin Hekmatyar during the era of jihad, said the spokesman. Muhammad Taleb joined the Taleban and served as deputy chief of Bagrami district and then head of the research branch of the intelligence department, he informed. After the overthrow of Taleban, the detainee got closer to Mawlawi Jalaluddin Haqqani and his son Sirajoddin Haqqani and got training in Tal area of Pakistan's Kurram Agency, he continued. Ansari said Muhammad Taleb was assigned with importing missiles and explosives in Kabul and using it in blasts in various areas of the city. Taleb had confessed his involvement in terrorist activities during investigations, said the spokesman, who added he had claimed responsibility for a landmine blast in Sang-e Noshta area of Kabul on an ISAF convoy. He said the detainee was also involved in a blast near Pol-e Charkhi and an attempt on life of Nangarhar Governor Gol Agha Sherzai some time back. Terming the dismantling of the gang a remarkable success, Ansari hoped it would reduce the ratio of suicide attacks and landmine blasts in Kabul. [Description of Source: Kabul Pajhwok Afghan News (Internet Version-WWW) in English - Pajhwok Afghan News, established in April 2004, provides daily news and features in Pashto, Dari, English and Urdu. Self-described as "independent," it often reports on security matters and the Taliban activities. It claims to be staffed, managed, and led entirely by Afghans. According to the site, it receives financial support from USAID's Office of Transition Initiatives (OTI) and the International Organization for Migration (IOM).] Report Claims Local Taliban in Control of Most of Waziristan SAP20070814386027 New Delhi Political and Defence Weekly in English 03 Apr 07 - 09 Apr 07 Vol. 5, No. 27, pp 5-6 [Report by Kanchan Lakshman: "WAZIRISTAN: TALIBAN'S WAR WITHIN"] Despite the deployment of an estimated 80,000 troops along the Afghan border in the Federally Administered Tribal Areas (FATA), the situation is far from stable in a region that is crucial to Islamabad and Washington. This was confirmed over the past two weeks, when at least 227 persons, most of them reportedly al Qaeda-linked foreign militants, were killed between March 19-31, 2007, in clashes between local tribesmen and militants in South Waziristan near the Pakistan-Afghanistan border. Approximately 160 persons, including 150 foreign militants, were killed in four days of clashes over March 19 to 22, between the al Qaeda-linked militants and proGovernment tribesmen in Shin Warsak village, seven kilometers west of Wana, headquarters of South Waziristan. Pro-Government tribesmen launched 'operations' in March 2007 targeting hideouts of the foreign militants as part of a strategy to drive them out of Waziristan. The first round of violence began on March 6 when approximately 19 people, including 12 Uzbek militants, were killed in a clash between the Wazir Zalikhel sub-tribe and foreign militants near Azam Warsak in South Waziristan. The al Qaeda militants, numbering between 500-1000, are now effectively cornered in the hilly terrain, as all roads to the areas where they are holed up are controlled by Maulana Nazir, a pro-Government Taliban commander (chief of the Taliban Shura for Ahmadzai Wazir-dominated areas of South Waziristan), and his 1,500 supporters. Interior Minister Aftab Ahmed Khan Sherpao disclosed: "Fifty-four people were killed today [March 30] and two yesterday. They include 45 foreigners," adding further, "The fighting is going on...[ellipses as published] it intensified today after peace talks failed. Tribes are insisting on their demand that these people either surrender or quit the area." A Maulana Nazir supporter earlier told Associated Press that local tribesmen had killed 35 Uzbeks and lost 10 of their own men. According to Institute for Conflict Management, throughout 2005, 285 people, including 92 civilians and 158 terrorists, were killed in Waziristan in 165 incidents. In 2006, the death toll was 590, including 109 civilians, 144 soldiers and 337 terrorists, in 248 incidents. Just in the first three months of year 2007 have seen approximately 288 people, including 37 civilians, eight soldiers and 243 terrorists, killed, an unambiguous indication of the state of play in Pakistan's most troubled region. Given Islamabad's understated accounts, the suppression of the Press and erratic reportage, the actual numbers could be much higher. It is necessary to reiterate that the local Taliban are in effective control of most of Waziristan. The locus of current fighting is in the Azam Warsak, Shin Warsak and Kalusha areas of South Waziristan. Indications are that the violence could escalate since tribal leader Haji Sharif, on March 29, ruled out any negotiations with the foreign militants. Some progovernment tribal commanders have said 'operations' would continue until all foreign militants are 'expelled' from Waziristan. The pro-Government tribesmen have, interestingly, targeted only the foreigners militants from a melange of countries, including Afghanistan, Central Asia and the Arab world. A majority of the foreign militants are reportedly from the Islamic Movement of Uzbekistan, which is led by Tahir Yuldashev and his local associates, including Noor Islam, Javed Zalikhel and Maulana Abdul Aziz. While not much information is available on the strategic aspects of what appears to be a vigilante campaign, military spokesperson Major General Waheed Arshad claimed, "It's a success of the Government tribesmen strategy...[ellipses as published] the tribesmen are fed up with them because they and their activities adversely affect their lives and business." The military regime believes that a vigilante movement by the local tribesmen could curb cross-border attacks by the militants in Afghanistan. The Pakistani government "is not intervening" in the clashes, an unnamed senior security official told AFP: "We hope this onslaught against foreign militants will help reduce cross-border activity. The foreigners were involved in this cross-border activity...[ellipses as published] This is a decisive battle for us." There has not been any respite in the fighting despite the fact that a Jamiat UlemaeIslam [Fazlur Rehman faction (JUI-F)]-dominated Jirga (tribal council) had mediated a truce between the two sides on March 22. Niaz Muhammad Qureshi, JUI-F information secretary for South Waziristan, stated after the cease-fire, "We are glad that the two sides conceded to the tribal elders and clerics' plea for silencing their guns in order to solve their issues through peaceful means." Militant leaders like Baitullah Mehsud, Sirajuddin Haqqani, son of senior Taliban commander Jalaluddin Haqqani, and an unnamed Taliban 'commander' from Afghanistan reportedly reached unnamed locations in South Waziristan to arrive at the deal. Reports indicate that Maulana Nazir, commander of the pro-Taliban militants, was at one point disinclined to a truce. However, the Jirga, in which Government nominees were also present, persuaded him after lengthy discussions. Islamabad has been trying since 2002 to evict or neutralise the foreign militants in Waziristan. A majority of them, wanted in their home countries, have been holed up in Waziristan for years and it is highly unlikely that they could be persuaded to leave. Sources indicate that, after the Shakai agreement in 2004 (which failed to end violence and eventually collapsed when Nek Muhammad, whose 'surrender' in April 2004 was a widely publicized event, turned his back on the Army and was eventually neutralised in a targeted missile attack on June 17, 2004), not a single foreigner left the region. The marginal reduction in their numbers since then is primarily due to the fact that many have gone 'missing in action'. Further, the local Taliban have never acknowledged that foreign elements are present in the area. Indeed, after the military regime's accord with the local Taliban in North Waziristan in September 2006, a spokesman for the militants reiterated that there were no foreigners and that Islamabad had yet to provide any proof of their presence. On September 5, 2006, Taliban leaders in North Waziristan had signed a 'peace agreement' with the Government, promising to halt cross-border movement and stop attacks on Government installations and security forces. However, the U.S. military and NATO officials now believe that attacks have risen sharply since the deal. Richard Boucher, Assistant Secretary of State, during a visit to Islamabad in March 2007, stated, "I think everybody recognises that, at this point, the political deal in Waziristan has not stopped the militancy." And US Defence Secretary Robert Gates said on March 7 that the Taliban and al Qaeda were using Pakistan's tribal areas, particularly North Waziristan, to regroup. "I would say the Taliban and AI Qaeda have been able to use the areas around, particularly North Waziristan, to regroup and it is a problem," Gates told reporters at the Pentagon. Further, the outgoing US Ambassador to Pakistan, Ryan C. Crocker, said, on March 8, that the peace deal in Waziristan, though "well written", has not been implemented. In an interview to Khyber television channel, Crocker stated: "We asked Pakistan to ensure that the agreement would be respected. I personally appreciate the points written in the agreement but unfortunately the militants haven't respected the agreement because there are some tribal areas where the Pakistan Government doesn't have full control." When operations were launched against the Taliban-al Qaeda combine in the FATA in 2002, the Army, under enormous pressure from the US, was convinced that a military victory was essential. Four years down the line, it is the proponents of a violent jihad who have achieved strategic success. In more ways than one, it is a signal that the Pakistan Army has failed in its quest for a military victory. The Taliban have de facto control over most of Waziristan and, more importantly, have full freedom of movement and activities across the region. The current round of violence is only a continuation of the manifest retreat of the state. Part of President Pervez Musharraf's operational strategy in arriving at peace deals in Waziristan has been to drive a wedge between the local Taliban and foreign militants. Islamabad's policy in Waziristan remains a curious mixture of force, economic sanctions and political engagement. But none of these appears to be leading to order and stability in the region. Four years after Pakistani soldiers first entered FATA, there is very little to cheer about for Islamabad. The state has little effective presence in the area, and the tribal areas bordering Afghanistan are nowhere close to governance or stability. [Description of Source: New Delhi Political and Defence Weekly in English -- Weekly journal carrying various articles addressing political and strategic issues in India today and published by the Indian News Analysis Service. ] Key Afghan Taleban figure said arrested in Pakistan IAP20070821950094 Kabul Pajhwok Afghan News (Internet Version-WWW) in English 1254 GMT 21 Aug 07 Key Afghan Taleban figure said arrested in Pakistan Text of report in English by Afghan independent Pajhwok news agency website Peshawar, 21 August: Security officials in neighbouring Pakistan arrested a key Taleban commander during a raid last night. The commander, called Mumtaz, is a resident of the eastern Nangarhar Province [in Afghanistan] and believed to be a loyalist of senior Taleban leader Maulvi Jalaluddin Haqqani. A security official who wished not to be name told Pajhwok Afghan News Mumtaz was detained by intelligence officials in Saddar Bazaar of Peshawar at around 2200 last night. The official said another colleague of the detainee managed to escape. Mumtaz had been taken to a secret location by intelligence officials for investigations, he added. A former Hezb-e Eslami commander, Akhtar Muhammad, confirmed the arrest and said Mumtaz was one of the strong commanders loyal to Maulvi Jalaluddin Haqqani. Another security official in Peshawar told Pajhwok the commander had been under observation for a long time and security agencies were trying to arrest him. Pakistani security agencies had detained Haqqani's brother Haji Khalil and his son in Rawalpindi some ago. However, they were released later. Maulvi Jalaluddin Haqqani was one of the key commanders of the late Maulvi Yunas Khalis during the jihad era. He was minister for border affairs in the Taleban regime. [Description of Source: Kabul Pajhwok Afghan News (Internet Version-WWW) in English - Pajhwok Afghan News, established in April 2004, provides daily news and features in Pashto, Dari, English and Urdu. Self-described as "independent," it often reports on security matters and the Taliban activities. It claims to be staffed, managed, and led entirely by Afghans. According to the site, it receives financial support from USAID's Office of Transition Initiatives (OTI) and the International Organization for Migration (IOM).] Pakistan: Tribals Return to Waziristan as Situation Improves 'Considerably' FEA20071018367590 - OSC Feature - Dawn (Internet Version-WWW) 17 Oct 07 [For a copy of the video clips, contact OSC at (800) 205-8615 or [email protected]; for assistance with multimedia elements, contact OSC at 1-800205-8615 or [email protected]] [Dawn, 17 Oct] Miram Shah: The government on Tuesday [16 October] said it was considering a 'request' by militants to cease-fire and negotiate an agreement to restore peace in the Mirali subdistrict after days of bloody clashes with security forces left over 200 people dead and many more wounded. But residents of Mirali said a cease-fire agreement between militants and security forces had already been reached following mediation by a tribal jirga [assembly] from Hangu and Orakzai tribal regions. They also said that security forces had reopened the Bannu-Miram Shah road and lifted the curfew that had been imposed on Mirali bazaar some time ago. Military spokesman Maj Gen Wahid Arshad, however, denied that any cease-fire agreement had been reached with militants and said that the government was considering their 'request' for cessation of hostilities. "The request is under consideration. Security forces and the political administration are discussing the issue and a decision to this effect may be announced in a day or two," he said. He said the situation in Mirali had improved considerably after security forces fought back militants in three days of fierce clashes before Idd. "It's not like artillery duel across the Line of Control where cease-fire takes place." Militants have said that they will not ask the government for a cease-fire but reports suggest that they may be changing their tactics after suffering heavy losses in recent clashes. Maj Gen Arshad confirmed that authorities had allowed shops to reopen in the Mirali bazaar and also reopened the Bannu-Miram Shah road because of public demand. "We have done that to facilitate the people but security forces would continue to search vehicles for militants," he remarked. A jirga [tribal assembly] of about 85 tribal elders and clerics of Dawar tribe met the Administrator of North Waziristan, Aurangzeb Khan, and assured him of full cooperation. Mr Khan expressed regrets over the loss of innocent lives but said that people who used their territory to launch attacks on security forces were responsible for the losses. He said that foreign militants could live in the area provided they abided by the law of the land and lived peacefully. Some jirga members said that the government had agreed to abandon five checkpoints in and around Miram Shah, at Sargardan, Amin, Gora Qabristan, Stadium and Dattakhel and remove paramilitary troops. But while the military spokesman denied that any permanent and old checkpoints had been abandoned, he did confirm that some temporary checkpoints had been closed down. However, later reports suggested that paramilitary forces continued to man the checkpoints, although they were not actively searching vehicle. As the dusk set in, Miramshah fort came under a barrage of rocket and missile attacks, suggesting that militants had decided to make the regional headquarters of Miramshah the main target of their attack. The government says that over 200 militants had died in the fierce clashes and about 50 of them were foreigners. Local residents have confirmed a report that a key militant commander, Eid Niaz, had been killed while a foreign militant commander, Abu Okasha, had been wounded. Eid Niaz was appointed by the Taliban 'Islamic Emirate' to head the Shura in Miramshah. He was considered loyal to Sirajuddin Haqqani, son of commander Jalaluddin Haqqani. Mr Niaz, however, had to stand down as head of the Taliban Shura in Miram Shah after opposition from Hafiz Gul Bahadar. [Description of Source: Karachi Dawn (Internet Version-WWW) in English -- Internet version of Pakistan's first and most widely read English-language daily promoting progressive views. Generally critical of military rule; root URL as of filing date: http://www.dawn.com] Asia Times: 'Pakistan Plans All-Out War on Militants' CPP20071022715023 Hong Kong Asia Times Online WWW-Text in English 1043 GMT 18 Oct 07 [Report by Syed Saleem Shahzad: "Pakistan Plans All-Out War on Militants"; headline as provided by source] An all-out battle for control of Pakistan's restive North and South Waziristan is about to commence between the Pakistani military and the Taliban and al-Qaeda adherents who have made these tribal areas their own. According to a top Pakistani security official who spoke to Asia Times Online on condition of anonymity, the goal this time is to pacify the Waziristans once and for all. All previous military operations - usually spurred by intelligence provided by the Western coalition - have had limited objectives, aimed at specific bases or sanctuaries or blocking the cross-border movement of guerrillas. Now the military is going for broke to break the back of the Taliban and a-Qaeda in Pakistan and reclaim the entire area. The fighting that erupted two weeks ago, and that has continued with bombing raids against guerrilla bases in North Waziristan - turning thousands of families into refugees and killing more people than any India-Pakistan war in the past 60 years is but a precursor of the bloodiest battle that is coming. Lining up against the Pakistani Army will be the Shura (council) of Mujahideen comprising senior al-Qaeda and Taliban commanders, local clerics, and leaders of the fighting clans Wazir and Mehsud (known as the Pakistani Taliban). The shura has long been calling the shots in the Waziristans, imposing sharia law and turning the area into a strategic command and control hub of global Muslim resistance movements, including those operating in Iraq and Afghanistan. "All previous operations had a different perspective," the security official told ATol. "In the past Pakistan commenced an operation when the Western coalition informed Pakistan about any particular hide-out or a sanctuary, or Pakistan traced any armed infiltration from or into Pakistan. "However, the present battle aims to pacify Waziristan once and for all. The Pakistani Army has sent a clear message to the militants that Pakistan would deploy its forces in the towns of Mir Ali, Miranshah, Dand-i-Darpa Kheil, Shawal, Razmak, Magaroti, Kalosha, Angor Ada. The Pakistani Army is aiming to establish permanent bases which would be manned by thousands of military and paramilitary troops." According to the security official, an ultimatum had been delivered to the militants recently during a temporary ceasefire. The army would set a deadline and give safe passage into Afghanistan to all al-Qaeda members and Taliban commanders who had gathered in Waziristan to launch a large-scale post-Ramadan operation in Afghanistan. They, along with wanted tribal warrior leaders, would all leave Pakistan, and never return. After their departure, under the direct command and surveillance of newly appointed Vice Chief of Army Staff General Ashfaq Parvez Kiani (who will replace Presidentelect Pervez Musharraf as Chief of Army Staff), fresh troops and paramilitary forces would be sent in to establish bases at all strategic points and disarm the local tribes. The Durand Line (the border between Pakistan and Afghanistan), would be fenced and border controls would be tightened. The militants rejected the ultimatum. What's at stake A qualified estimate by intelligence officials is that Pakistani military pacification of the Waziristans would slash the capability of the Afghan resistance by 85% as well as deliver a serious setback to the Iraqi resistance. The militants have little option but to stand and fight, rather than slip across the border or melt into the local population. Aside from the sanctuary and succor afforded them in the Waziristans, most of the fighters there are either Waziris, or from other parts of Pakistan, or foreigners. They would be unable to support themselves in Afghanistan, especially as most of the non-Waziris do not speak Pashtu - a fact that also prevents them from disappearing into the Waziristan populace. Their presence in the Waziristans also has a direct bearing on their funding: money can be transferred through bank and non-bank channels, including th e informal fund transfer system known as "hawala". Western intelligence that has been shared with Pakistan has determined that the two Waziristans alone provide the life blood - a steady stream of fighters, supplies and funds - for the resistance in all of southeast Afghanistan, including the provinces of Ghazni, Kunar, Gardez, Paktia and Paktika, as well as for attacks on Kabul. In addition, the Waziristans supply trainers to guerrillas in the Taliban heartland of Zabul, Helmand, Kandahar and Uruzgan provinces. According to intelligence sources, during Ramadan, the Taliban's entire top command, including Moulvi Abdul Kabeer, Jalaluddin Haqqani, Sirajuddin Haqqani, Nasiruddin Haqqani, and Mullah Mansoor Dadullah were in North Waziristan to launch a postRamadan offensive in southeast Afghanistan. The Pakistani military engaged the militants well in advance to block their offensive plan, but the same militant command is believed to still be in North Waziristan. In addition, the town of Shawal hosts the Islamic Movement of Uzbekistan's command. The Uzbeks are trying to reorganize themselves to stage an armed revolt against the government of Uzbekistan. There is also a Kurd presence in the area, which has a direct bearing on the US's Iraqi occupation. A small number of fresh Kurd recruits come through Iran into Waziristan, get few months' training, and then return to Iran before infiltrating Iraq to fuel insurgency in Iraqi Kurdistan against this important US ally. "If the planned battle is successful and Waziristan is pacified, the global Islamic resistance would be back where it was in 2003, when it had fighters but no centralized command or bases to carry out organized operations, said a Pakistani security official. "As a result, the guerrilla operations were sporadic and largely ineffective." The safety of Taliban and al-Qaeda assets in Waziristan is a matter of life and death and, therefore, the militants have devised a forward strategy to target the Pakistani cities of Lahore, Karachi and Islamabad, hoping to break the will of the Pakistani armed forces. The Pakistani military, meanwhile, is trying to break the will of the militants with ongoing bombing raids. Underscoring the seriousness with which the military is planning for the coming battle, it is reported that Shi'ite soldiers from northern Pakistan are being sent to the Waziristans. In the past, the Pakistani Army has been plagued by desertions of Pashtun and Sunni troops who refuse to fight fellow Pashtuns or Sunnis. Syed Saleem Shahzad is Pakistan Bureau Chief, Asia Times Online. He can be reached at [email protected] [Description of Source: Hong Kong Asia Times Online WWW-Text in English - - Hong Kong-based online newspaper with a Bangkok branch office focusing on political and economic issues from an "Asian perspective," with over 50 contributors in 17 Asian countries, the United States, and Europe. Successor of the Hong Kong/Bangkok based print daily Asia Times that closed in 1997, it claims an average of 100,000 daily site visitors as of Feb 2006, with 65% of the audience based in North America, and 22% in the Asia-Pacific region. Root URL on filing date: http://www.atimes.com] Further on AFP: Explosion at Pakistan Militant Hideout, 9 Killed: Witnesses JPP20071102969084 Hong Kong AFP in English 1240 GMT 02 Nov 07 [By Hasbunallah Khan] MIRANSHAH, Pakistan, Nov 2, 2007 (AFP) - A missile strike destroyed an insurgent hideout in Pakistan's tribal belt at a house once owned by the late military chief of the Taliban, killing nine people, witnesses and sources said. The attack happened in the North Waziristan tribal area, where US officials have said that Osama bin Laden's [Usama Bin Ladin] Al-Qaeda [Al-Qa'ida] network and its Taliban allies have regrouped to plot attacks in neighbouring Afghanistan and the West. It was not clear who was responsible for the missile attack. Residents and local sources said drones flew over the site in the village of Danday Darpakhel before two missiles hit the site, one of which exploded and destroyed the house formerly owned by Taliban commander Mullah Dadullah. Mullah Dadullah was killed in May in southern Afghanistan. He was the most senior Taliban leader to be killed since the hardliners were removed from government in Kabul in 2001. Drones are usually operated by US-led forces in Afghanistan and were used in a failed January 2006 attack on Al-Qaeda's deputy leader Ayman al-Zawahiri in Pakistan's lawless tribal region. "There was a roar in the sky, we feared it was an air raid but we saw no jets. Then there was a huge blast," Noor Mohammad, a student at a religious school in the region's nearby main town of Miranshah, told AFP. Local sources said at least nine militants were killed and 12 others wounded in the blast. Two foreign militants -- usually associated with Al-Qaeda in the tribal regions -- were among the dead, they said, quoting injured rebels. They said the house was used as a training camp and explosives store by insurgents loyal to Baitullah Mehsud, the leader of Pakistani-based Taliban militants who have been blamed for a string of attacks in this country. "The blast was so big that pieces of flesh were stuck to the walls of surrounding houses," said local resident Faqir Mohammad. It was next to a defunct religious school formerly run by Jalaluddin Haqqani, a Taliban commander with a five-million-dollar bounty on his head who is said to be close to the regime's leader, Mullah Omar. Pakistan's chief military spokesman Major General Waheed Arshad said his forces were not involved but added that local officials were checking the cause of the blast. "(The) army has not fired any weapon in the area," he told AFP. The US-led coalition in Afghanistan said there was no activity reported on the Pakistani border, while the separate NATO-led International Security Assistance Force said they had no information. The attack came as Pakistan's military ruler President Pervez Musharraf, a key US ally in the "war on terror," held talks with visiting US Central Command chief Admiral William Fallon. Musharraf is under growing international and domestic pressure to wipe out militancy amid a wave of violence that has killed at least 400 civilians and troops since July. Missile attacks have claimed the lives of several suspected militants in Pakistan's volatile tribal belt. In December 2005, Egyptian Al-Qaeda explosives specialist Hamza Rabia was killed in a blast in North Waziristan. Residents again said it was a missile strike but the military insisted he was killed by one of his own bombs. [Description of Source: Hong Kong AFP in English -- Hong Kong service of the independent French press agency Agence France-Presse] Pakistan: US Drone Missile Attack Kills Five Near Mianshah, Pentagon Denies SAP20071103099001 Karachi Dawn (Internet Version-WWW) in English 03 Nov 07 [Report by correspondent: "Drone Missile Kills Five Near Miramshah"] [Text disseminated as received without OSC editorial intervention] MIRAMSHAH, Nov 2: Five people were killed and six others wounded when a missile, allegedly fired from a US drone, hit a suspected militant compound near the PakAfghan border in the restive North Waziristan agency on Friday. Residents said a pilotless US drone fired two missiles into the compound in Dandi Darpakhel in the outskirts of Miramshah at around 1.30 in the afternoon. They said that one of the missiles did not explode while the other hit the target, razing the compound. "It looked as if nothing had stood there before," a resident of the area said. The identity of the people killed was not immediately available, but residents said that the compound was used by a militant commander. At least two of the wounded were said to be of Uzbek origin. The wounded were given first aid and taken away by men associated with the militant commander from South Waziristan. One of those wounded in the attack included the compound's caretaker Noor Khan Mehsud. A vehicle and two motorcycles parked inside the compound were destroyed. The compound is located near the madressah of Taliban leader Jalaluddin Haqqani. Militants sealed off the entire area and did not allow anyone to get to the compound. Some residents put the death toll at 10 and the number of wounded at 12. Reuters adds: The Pentagon said the US military did not carry out a missile strike on Friday in the Waziristan region. "There was no indication that there was any US military asset," said Pentagon spokesman Bryan Whitman after speaking with US military officials in Afghanistan. [Description of Source: Karachi Dawn (Internet Version-WWW) in English -- Internet version of Pakistan's first and most widely read English-language daily promoting progressive views. Generally critical of military rule; root URL as of filing date: http://www.dawn.com] Asia Times: 'Death by the Light of a Silvery Moon' CPP20071113721002 Hong Kong Asia Times Online WWW-Text in English 1056 GMT 12 Nov 07 [Article by Syed Saleem Shahzad ; headline as provided by source] NAWA PASS, Pakistan border with Afghanistan - Sitting with four key Taliban commanders deep in a labyrinth of lush green mountains, I could see the Sarkano district of the Kunar Valley in Afghanistan, which is the provincial hub of the American military and a base for the Afghan National Army and Afghan intelligence. Scores of guerrilla groups, each comprising a few dozen men, hide on the fringes of the Kunar Valley and launch daily operations into Kunar and Nooristan provinces, and with each passing day they receive new recruits and their attacks grow in intensity. A year ago, I spent two weeks with the Taliban in Helmand province (including a few days in captivity - see A 'guest' of the Taliban , Asia Times Online, November 30, 2006 ), but since then there has been a sea-change within the Taliban. Without legends such as the slain Mullah Dadullah and Mullah Akhtar Osmani, and with an extremely ill Jalaluddin Haqqani, a neo-Taliban movement has emerged with a new leadership, new zeal and new dynamics. The revitalized and resupplied Taliban are geared to enter a new phase of war without borders to fight coalition forces in Afghanistan and the Pakistan army. In a way, all that has gone before in the "war on terror" in the past six years since the Taliban were ousted from Kabul has been a dress rehearsal. For its part, the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) leaders are preparing to take up the fight. According to Asia Times Online contacts familiar with developments, a joint Pakistan-NATO operation was approved at a meeting of Pakistan's corps commanders at the weekend. Significantly, they agreed that the boundaries would not necessarily be drawn between Afghanistan and Pakistan. Whether a conventional force such as NATO can contain the Taliban is another matter. Obviously, the Taliban are confident. I asked Shaheen Abid, the Taliban's head of guerrilla operations in the strategic Sarkano district, what was behind the group's revitalization. Shaheen smiled in response and turned his gaze to three of his subordinate commanders - Zahid of the Nole region, Mohsin of the Shonk Karey district and Muslim Yar of the Barogai region. "I only know how to fight. Answering complicated questions is beyond my ambit," Shaheen said apologetically, and immediately signaled for the Taliban's media relations officer of the Kunar Valley, Dr Jarrah (a jihadi name), to respond. Jarrah began, "Before answering you, I will ask you a question. claim that he has actually seen world?" Before I could reply to question, Jarrah answered himself, "The one who has experienced who has lived in an alien atmosphere and place, and the one who captivity. Who is qualified to this rather strange true love, the one has spent time in "The mujahideen have experienced all three things in the past seven years. We have been reared on a true love for our global struggle, we were forcibly displaced from one place to another and we spent lots of time in the detention centers of Cuba (Guantanamo), in Pakistan, Bagram (Afghanistan) and Abu Ghraib (Iraq) and braved the brutalities of the CIA (US Central Intelligence Agency), the ISI (Pakistan's InterServices Intelligence) and Afghan intelligence," Jarrah said. "We actually see the world now. We are seasoned and therefore you will see actual fireworks against the one which claims to be the global superpower." Shaheen then excused himself and joined his subordinates Zahid, Mohsin and Muslim Yar, all in their early 20s. "Please don't mind them, they are discussing their previous operations and planning fresh ones," Jarrah told me. "We carried out attacks on a daily basis until last Thursday (November 8). We assign a particular group for a particular assignment. There are different sorts of attacks. We do send attackers called fedayeen in which fighters loaded with rockets and hand grenades and AK-47 guns attack an American base or the Afghan National Army or the intelligence headquarters in Sarkano. "In such fedayeen attacks, there is zero chance of survival (for the attackers). "Then we carry out specific attacks based on precise information provided by proTaliban elements within the Afghan establishment or by local people. And then the third and the most expensive attacks are those in which we fire missiles on an enemy position from a distance. It costs us 250,000 Pakistani rupees (about US$4,000) per operation. "We launch all three kinds of operations many times a month. At present, due to the dim moonlight, operations have stopped for few days. We only launch operations during moonlight because Kunar is all jungle and mountains and without such light there is a strong chance of falling into the crevasses," Jarrah explained. Jarrah said that the Taliban's operations are based on various tactics and are not only asymmetric attacks. "We have tribes and people who live in particular places. They openly resist foreign troops in the Kunar Valley. Then we have organized guerrilla groups - we use them as our special forces - and finally we have a missile battery. Not a single day passes without the enemy facing several of our attacks in various parts of Nooristan and Kunar provinces. "The fighters have acquired a lot of confidence due to their successes and now they confidently play tricks. Recently, we used Afghan National Army uniforms and laid siege to American troops in Nooristan and killed and wounded many of them. In return, the Americans threatened to bomb a whole village. That's why the local people didn't spy on the Taliban's positions," Jarrah said. Suddenly, in the far distance, we saw the dark skies of Kunar light up. "That is a light bomb used by the enemy to trace the Taliban's positions. That is approximately 10 kilometers from here, and obviously a battle is going on between the enemies and the Taliban. We are not necessarily aware of such battles every time," Jarrah said. After a dinner of rice and chicken curry and saying the final prayers of the day, we all slept in an isolated mud house of the village. The call to morning prayers marked the start of a new day and a new struggle. After saying prayers and eating breakfast, the men who had accompanied us the previous evening left, but within two hours a new group joined us. "They rotate throughout the day and night. Some of the people will go back to Pakistan to stay with their families and new ones will join us. Some will finish their guerrilla operations in the Kunar Valley and join us here to rest, and then a new guerrilla group will be launched," Jarrah said. "But do you sometimes have a serious dearth of fighters?" I asked. "Not at all," said Jarrah, laughing. "Instead, the real issue remains how to accommodate all the guerrilla groups because people are flooding to us to join the jihad and we don't always have enough resources to provide for them all at the same time. But I think we will increase our resources soon, and then you will see a flood of fighters finding its way against the foreign occupying forces." Before I could ask any further questions, a tall man who introduced himself as Maroof asked me, "What is your name, Mr Journalist?" "Saleem Shahzad," I answered. "What?" I repeated my name. "Aren't you the one who was detained by the Taliban last year in Helmand? I listened to your interview on radio after your release," Maroof said with excitement. "He is with us now, what happens if he is killed?" I heard Maroof inquiring of Jarrah in a loud whisper. Jarrah chuckled, "If he is killed, it would be the will of God." Maroof was in the Afghan National Army and was once detained by the Americans for being in the army but "facilitating" the Taliban. He says he did not cough up anything during interrogation, but when he was released he promptly joined the ranks of the Taliban. "The mujahideen have now acquired such strength that neither Pakistan nor NATO can fight against us. The Taliban are standing on both sides of the border. More oper ations breed more Taliban, and this time the Taliban will rule the whole region," Maroof said confidently. Jarrah summoned a few armed men and we took a long walk on a mountain trail, ending up at a goat farm. This was the Taliban's missile battery, comprising about 200 Russian-made rockets, which the Taliban call Sakar 20. They are 2.5 meters long with a range of about 30 kilometers and the capacity to devastate an area of about 100 square meters. The Taliban's Sarkano district battery has six donkeys to carry the weapons. "We use these donkeys to carry the missiles and other equipment when we attack an enemy installation. In this terrain, donkeys are the only 'vehicles' that can be used as transport," Jarrah said. "These missiles come from old dumps of weapons the Taliban recovered after the fall of the communist government in Afghanistan (in the early 1990s). Russian technology is far superior to American," Jarrah said, and illustrated his point by taking out his Russian-made pistol. "This pistol works like a revolver and you don't need to cock it like American pistols. It belonged to the Russian special forces. We have mostly Russian weapons stocks, but we have recently started using American weapons recovered from American troops or the Afghan National Army," Jarrah explained. Behind the simple structures, I see the formation of a very well-trained army which was non-existent even a year ago. Only three years ago, the Taliban did not have a central command, secure bases, and the motivation they now obviously possess. The ideologues of the neo-Taliban were raised and trained by the Pakistani military to bleed India, and now, using the same techniques, they aim to bleed NATO and the Pakistani Army. But it was time to run - I had an appointment that evening with these Punjabi ideologues. Next: The Punjabis: From proxies to diehards Syed Saleem Shahzad is Asia Times Online's Pakistan Bureau Chief. He can be reached at [email protected] [Description of Source: Hong Kong Asia Times Online WWW-Text in English - - Hong Kong-based online newspaper with a Bangkok branch office focusing on political and economic issues from an "Asian perspective," with over 50 contributors in 17 Asian countries, the United States, and Europe. Successor of the Hong Kong/Bangkok based print daily Asia Times that closed in 1997, it claims an average of 100,000 daily site visitors as of Feb 2006, with 65% of the audience based in North America, and 22% in the Asia-Pacific region. Root URL on filing date: http://www.atimes.com] Tokyo Monthly: Hardline Commander Haqqani Said Gaining Power in Taliban JPP20071112023001 Tokyo Sentaku in Japanese 01 Nov 07 - 30 Nov 07 p 18 [Unattributed article: "The Hard-Line 'Haqqani Faction' Is Gaining Power Within the Taliban"] Commander Sirajuddin (Siraji) Haqqani, 37, a young leader, is now gaining power in the Taliban, the former governing body in Afghanistan. He has now become so powerful that he does not follow Taliban supreme leader Mullah Mohammad Omar's instructions. It looks as if he is going to take over the group. [boldface in original] The Haqqani faction led by Siraji has formed units comprised of aggressive and ferocious young members. The faction looks down on elders and is notorious for cruelty, since it does not hesitate to behead women. The faction has played a leading role in the recent resurgence of the Taliban. Siraji was originally based in eastern Afghanistan and Waziristan in Pakistan. He is now expanding his influence to the southern and central parts of Afghanistan. Siraji is the son of commander Jalaluddin Haqqani, who led Mujahedeen (Islamic warriors) in fighting against former Soviet Union forces in Afghanistan. Jalaluddin Haqqani is a powerful figure. He served as justice minister under the Mujahedeen administration following the collapse of Najibullah administration and then served as minister for border affairs under the Taliban administration. Lastly, he is said to be the one who helped Usama Bin Ladin escape to Pakistan. By using the personal connections he has taken over from his father, Siraji can collect funds and soldiers from supporters in the Middle East and Pakistan, and this is the source of his strength. The US military has put up a $200,000 (approximately 23 million yen) reward for Siraji and has been looking for him frantically. [Description of Source: Tokyo Sentaku in Japanese -- monthly journal covering political, economic, and foreign affairs] Commander Haqqani Gets His Son Freed in Exchange for 213 Pakistani Security men SAP20071114099022 Peshawar The Frontier Post (Internet Version-WWW) in English 14 Nov 07 [Pakistan Releases 3 Relatives of Fugitive Taliban Commander Under Swap Deal] PESHAWAR: A son and a brother of Taliban commander Maulvi Jalaluddin Haqqani were also among 43 local Taliban the Pakistan government freed last week. Their release came as a result of a swap deal involving 213 security personnel, who had been kidnapped in the restive North Waziristan region some two months back, a friend of the dreaded commander confirmed Tuesday. The Pakistani security men had been abducted by supporters of pro-Taliban commander Baitullah Mehsud. Some of them were freed later in line with a jirga decision. According to the source, the remaining 213 were released when the government agreed to exchange 43 local Taliban, some of them convicted on terror charges, from the Peshawar prison. Maulvi Sangin, a close friend of Jalaluddin Haqqani, told Pajhwok Afghan News three family members of the fugitive commander - his brother Khalil Ahmad, son Dr. Fazl-i-Haqqani and brother-in-law Ghazi Khan - were among beneficiaries of the prisoner exchange. He said the three family members of Haqqani had reached their home in Miranshah, North Waziristan. As Peshawar Central Jail official Zaheen Sathi expressed ignorance about their release, one intelligence operative confirmed the agreement between the government and Baitullah Mehsud. He admitted Haqqani's relatives were freed under the deal. Haqqani, a noted jihadi commander, was minister for border affairs during the Taliban rule. He and his son are on a US list of most wanted men. [Passage omitted on Baghlan blast investigation] [Description of Source: Peshawar The Frontier Post in English -- Daily providing good coverage of the Northwest Frontier Province, Afghanistan, and narcotics issues] AFP: Further on Afghanistan Says More Than 50 Taliban Killed JPP20071212969087 Hong Kong AFP in English 1341 GMT 12 Dec 07 [By Nasrat Shoaib] KANDAHAR, Afghanistan, Dec 12, 2007 (AFP) - More than 50 Taliban were killed in two days of intense clashes in southern Afghanistan after the rebels were pushed out of a nearby stronghold, the defence ministry said Wednesday. The fighting took place in a district of Helmand province neighbouring Musa Qala, where the Afghan army mounted a campaign that on Monday drove out Taliban rebels who had been entrenched there for 10 months. "The terrorists, after being defeated in Musa Qala, attempted to put pressure on Sangin district. During 48 hours of intense clashes around Sangin, over 50 terrorists have been killed," the ministry said in a statement. It said three of the dead were foreign nationals, a reference to Al-Qaeda-linked foreign fighters who are said to be helping the Taliban in their insurgency against the government and its mainly Western allies. Soldiers were now moving through the small southern town in Afghanistan's opiumgrowing core. "We are using loudspeakers on top of our vehicles, in mosques and other places, and are calling on those who somehow have picked a gun to lay down their arms and live peacefully," said the top Afghan commander in the south. Those who do so would be "forgiven and not pursued", General Gul Agha Ayoubi told AFP. The militants stormed Musa Qala in early February, breaking a controversial deal in which British forces pulled out at the request of local elders who said they would handle security after months of intense fighting. President Hamid Karzai has said he was asked by locals, including "Afghan Taliban", to retake the town and rid it of "Al-Qaeda terrorists" based there. The 1996-2001 Taliban government sheltered Al-Qaeda, and they are said to be influencing some of the groups involved in an intensifying insurgency that has this year claimed around 6,000 lives. Rebels account for most of the dead. Officials say other rebel groups not aligned with the network may be persuaded to stop fighting and side with the new administration. The general said a "big number of people" had returned to Musa Qala after the fighting and that his soldiers were working to normalise the troubled town. "As we entered the district, we erected the national flag of Afghanistan.It's flying over Musa Qala now," Ayoubi said. His units would stay in Musa Qala for a while before handing over to law enforcement authorities, he said. The Taliban also suffered "big casualties" in Musa Qala, the defence ministry said, without giving figures. Militants meanwhile targeted an Afghan army commander in the main city in the south, Kandahar, with a suicide car bomb that killed a passer-by and wounded two Afghan soldiers, authorities said. Suicide bombings are a favourite Taliban tactic. The Islamic rebels have carried out about 140 such attacks this year alone, mostly targeted at soldiers but killing many more civilians. Authorities announced they had killed a senior rebel who was second to militant commander Jalaluddin Haqqani, the head of a faction operating mainly in the east and reportedly close to Taliban leader Mullah Mohammad Omar. The rebel, identified as Mullah Sangin, was killed with three other Taliban in a firefight with Afghan and NATO-led troops in the eastern province of Paktika on Tuesday, said Ahmad Gul, an Afghan army spokesman. [Description of Source: Hong Kong AFP in English -- Hong Kong service of the independent French press agency Agence France-Presse] Bin Ladin Warns Iraqis Against Joining Anti-Al-Qa'ida Tribal Councils, Unity Govt GMP20071230637002 Jihadist Websites -- OSC Summary in Arabic 29 Dec 07 [For a copy of this video, contact OSC at (800) 205-8615 or [email protected]. Selected video also available at OpenSource.gov.] On 29 December, "Muhammad al-Ghazzawi" posted to the Al-Mujahidin Electronic Network website at majahden.com/vb/ several links to a 56-minute audio message by Al-Qa'ida Organization leader Usama Bin Ladin entitled "The Way to Foil Plots", produced by the Al-Sahab Media Production Organization, the media arm of Al-Qa'ida Organization. The 56-minute audio recording plays against the background of a still image of Bin Ladin and a map of Iraq. The following is a translation of Usama Bin Ladin's audio message: "God be praised. We laud Him, we beseech help from Him and ask His forgiveness; we seek God's protection against the evils and mischief of our souls and from the bad results of our deeds. Whoever is guided by God cannot be misled by anybody, and whoever is denied guidance will find nobody to guide him. I bear witness that there is none worthy of worship except God, the One, without any partner. And I bear witness that Muhammad is servant and His Messenger. Now then, to the dear Islamic nation in general, to our patient and steadfast brothers in Iraq's fronts and fortress towns in particular, to the people of knowledge and favor, to the leaders of the mujahidin groups and members of their shura councils, to the chieftains of the free and proud tribes, and to my brother mujahidin, may God's peace and blessing be upon you. My talk to you is about the plots that are being hatched by the ZionistCrusader alliance, led by America, in cooperation with its agents in the region, to steal the fruit of blessed jihad in the land of the two rivers, and what we should do to foil these plots. It is no secret that America is using all military and political means to entrench its troops in Iraq. Having realized its military failure, it stepped up its political and media efforts to deceive Muslims. One of its wicked schemes was to tempt the tribes and buy their allegiance to form the councils of dissension, which they termed as awakening councils. Many free and proud tribes have refused to form such councils and to sell out their religion or defile their honor. I pray to God to entrench their feet firm on the path of right and make them a treasure in support of Islam. May God bless them, their families, and property, and may God reward them in the best way. At the same time, some weak-hearted people have accepted this. One of these was the misled and the misleading one, Abd-al-Sattar AbuRishah, and some of his family members. These have betrayed the religion and the nation. They have brought lowliness, scandal, and disgrace to themselves and to those who followed them. This disgrace will live with them forever unless they repent. The evilest of tradesmen are those who trade with their religion and that of their followers. They sell out their religion in return for a mortal world. Despite this, they have not enjoyed themselves in this world after the lions of Islam have immediately killed them as a punishment to them and deterrence to their likes. Bush and his soldiers were of no use to them. Thus, they have lost life in this world and in the hereafter. And this is the biggest loss. I advise those who proceeded on the path of temptation to wash out this infidelity and disgrace by a true repentance. Almighty God says: "Unless they repent thereafter and mend (their conduct); for Allah is Oft-Forgiving, Most Merciful. [Koranic verse, Al-Nour (The Light), 24:5] "Recruiting hypocrite chieftains of tribes is one axis. America, along with its agents in the region, is seeking through the other axis to form a new government that is loyal to it, like the Gulf countries' governments, instead of Al-Maliki government. This government will also be called a national unity government. This name appeals to many people, particularly those who have become tired of war. The Muslims should know the true nature of this government before welcoming it. The national unity government means that all groups of people agree to glorify the homeland more than glorifying anything holy to them. This means th at the homeland has the upper word and that it is above anything. Thus, all sides meet in the middle of the road and accept half solutions. This means that the Ba'thists and the other parties should relinquish some of their principles and the Muslims should relinquish some of their religion. This stipulates that the Muslim should accept the rule of the man-made laws and that these man-made laws should share the Islamic shari'ah in enjoining what is right and forbidding what is wrong. This sharing is the capital polytheism that takes one out of his religion and puts the one who does so in hell forever. We seek God's protection from hell. "In the name of the homeland and patriotism, the Gulf countries have supported America to allow it to invade Iraq so that its people will suffer from the woes they are suffering from now. All this was for the sake of not erasing the homeland of the map, as they claimed. The truth, however, was their fear of not erasing them, not the homeland. Their former ally, Saddam, was erased, but Iraq was not erased. In the name of the homeland and patriotism, the Crusaders are being strengthened in the land of two rivers too by installing a government that is agent to America, a government which agrees in advance to the existence of major US bases in the land of Iraq and gives the Americans whatever they want of Iraq's oil according to the oil law to continue to subjugate it and maintain absolute hegemony over the rest of the countries of the region. Regrettably, however, is that parties and groups that are affiliated with knowledge, [Islamic] call, and jihad participate in this high treason. This is a kind of confusing truth with falsehood. Some people saw some of these leaders cooperating directly with the Americans, as the leader of the so-called Islamic Party did. He openly called for signing long-term security agreements with America. The people have also seen other leaders cooperating indirectly through America's agents in the region, particularly the ruler of the land of the two holy mosques [Saudi Arabia]. Riyadh cannot receive and support these leaders unless they accept a national unity government. The sane people should learn a lesson from the fate of the HAMAS Movement's leadership. It [HAMAS leadership] relinquished its religion and did not achieve worldly gains when it obeyed the ruler of Riyadh and others by entering the national unity state and respecting the unjust international charters. Will the honest ones in HAMAS correct its course? "Just as the rulers of Riyadh tempted the leaders of HAMAS, they are seeking to tempt the mujahidin groups in Iraq. They allow some groups to confidently move in the Gulf countries to receive support, but not official support, which these groups reject. The support is channeled under the banner of raising donations by some unofficial scholars and preachers. Many of them, however, are loyal to the state and seek to implement its policy in Iraq by pulling the rug from under honest mujahidin's feet. The mission of these scholars and preachers is to convince the leaders of these groups of the same previous condition; that is, accepting a national unity government, in addition to urging them to air tendentious propaganda against the Islamic State of Iraq and fight it if possible. This is one of the secrets of the fierce military and media campaign against the state. One sees it as very strange how these leaders lost the trust they held and went to put their hand in the hand of one of its most malignant foes, the ruler of Riyadh. His support for and collusion with America's invasion of Iraq have been confirmed. Is it a secret today to the Muslim youths, let alone their scholars, preachers, and the leaders of the mujahidin, that this ruler is the main US agent in the region? He took upon himself to tempt and tame every free, virtuous, and honest person with the aim of dragging him to the path of temptation and misguidance. He [the ruler of Riyadh] accepted this path to himself when he is in his nineties. It is the pat h of betraying the religion and the nation and submitting to the will of the Crusader-Zionist alliance. What a miserable path is their path. However, will the scholars and the honest ones come back to their senses? This is what we wish. "The advocates of this approach justify their collaboration with the enemies of the nation, of the rulers of the region and their agents, by the fierce shocks the people of Islam have sustained at the hands of the Al-Sadr Army and the treacherous [Badr] brigades, led by Abd-al-Aziz al-Hakim and members of the Al-Da'wah Party inside and outside Al-Maliki's government. I say that the crimes of these sides have exceeded all limits, and one cannot believe what they are doing against the people of Islam. But these are facts on the ground and they are being tasted by our brothers there in Iraq. These people have ambitions and goals to expand their crimes outside Iraq. Despite all this, it is possible to stop the crimes of these militias and their expansion, God willing, by relying on Almighty God and by unifying the mujahidin's efforts to fight the invaders and their henchmen. This can also be achieved by urging all Muslims to support the mujahidin with all that they need. "Amir Ahmad al-Khalayilah, Abu-Mus'ab al-Zarqawi, may God have mercy on him and on his brothers, was the first to hoist the banner of exposing these criminals, fighting them, and stopping their expansion. Instead of supporting them you have betrayed them, prevented the mujahidin from fighting them, and divided fighting into two parts; fighting the Americans only is an honest resistance, but for you, fighting these apostate militias and members of the army and the police, who are the supporters of America and its tools in occupying Iraq and killing its free people is a dishonest resistance of whose advocates you wash your hands of. God has nothing to do with these divisions. God's Messenger, may God's peace and blessing be upon him, used to fight his cousins from Quraysh [the tribe of the prophet]. It is religion that preserves blood, not race or homeland. Scores of your companions, of those loyal to and the unofficial scholars of the rulers in the land of the two holy mosques and elsewhere have shared you this twisted approach. This has given a great chance to these militias to go too far in destroying the land and killing the people. "You wish to save your life but you have not followed the right path to do so, the ship cannot sail on land. [Verse of poetry] "Furthermore, if it was your concern about deterring the evil of these sides that urged you to be loyal to the infidels and the apostate governments, then was it not your duty to be frank with your brothers who trusted you and obeyed you in order to establish an Islamic state? Was it not your duty to inform them that you have failed to achieve the agreed-upon goal and accepted a national unity state, whose truth is a pagan unity state in which the exalted word is not for Almighty God, but for the homeland and its priest? I call on the misguided ones to fear God in themselves and in their nation, not to waste the fruit of this chaste and pure blood that was shed for the sake of consolidating religion and entrenching the state of Muslims, and to resort to the truth, especially since resorting to the truth is better than indulging in falsehood. "Brother mujahidin: What is our duty to foil these serious plots, which seek to foil jihad in the land of Iraq and prevent the establishment of an Islamic state on the entire land of the two rivers to serve as support for and assistance to the people of Islam everywhere, foil America's plan to partition Iraq, and serve as the first line of defense for our nation? I say and stress that one of the greatest duties is to pool the efforts of all honest mujahidin to be able to stand as one rank and to fight for the sake of upholding the word of God and to work persistently to foil all their plots. It would be useful here to recall an effort in the past to unify the leaders of Afghan mujahidin, which incl udes important lessons that are related to our topic. We had made these efforts with Shaykh Abdallah Azzam, may God have mercy on him. After months of seeking to achieve unity among them and removing the obstacles that some of them used to claim that they obstruct unity, after removing these obstacles, and after they claim that there was another obstacle, and so on and so forth until we had reached the conclusion, which Shaykh Abdallah [Azzam], may God have mercy on him, summarized in a few words to explain how difficult the mission was and how the amirs [leaders of jihad] were attached to the emirate. He said: 'Will the ruler of Riyadh abdicate in favor of the ruler of Jordan or vice versa for the sake of the nation's unity?' The answer of the brothers was that this is not possible. He said: 'And so, [Abdul Rasul] Sayyaf will not abdicate in favor of [former Afghan President Burhanuddin] Rabbani or [Islamic Party Leader Gulbuddin] Hekmatyar and vice versa.' One of the mujahidin had a strong opinion about these leaders. He was an old wise person who had a long experience in life with people. At the time, we used to reject his strong-worded statement about them. I will try to convey to you some of what he said. The conclusion is that those leaders are tradesmen who care about their leadership and give priority to their personal interests over the cause. We used not to believe what he said about them. This has delayed our realization of the sound conception of persons and events. The harmful consequences of this are no secret. With the passage of days and succession of facts, things began to become clear and to prove what he said about some of them. In fact, developments have come to confirm things that we had never expected due to the fact that we were young and lacked experience at the time. Today, however, you have learned that the Northern Alliance, led by Rabbani and Sayyaf, became supporters for America against the mujahidin in Afghanistan. "The same thing applies to Iraq today. The Islamic Party and some fighting groups support America against Muslims. This is a clear infidelity and an open apostasy. We seek strength from Almighty God. Members of the Islamic Party and those fighting factions should disavow their leaders and correct the course of their parties and groups. If this is not possible, they should leave those hypocrite leaders and join honest mujahidin in the Land of the Two Rivers. America exerted great efforts in the past to convince Afghan leaders through the governments of Riyadh and Islamabad to join a national unity government with communists and secularists who came from the west. The government of Riyadh sought the help of its men of the unofficial scholars to infiltrate the ranks of the mujahidin. These were influential speakers who incite the people to perform jihad and collect huge funds to the leaders of the mujahidin. On the set time, they asked the Afghan leaders to unite with the communists and secularists under the so-called national unity state. At this point, their true nature was exposed to the effect that they are evil scholars and men of the tyrant. They obstructed the plan to achieve unity among the leaders of the mujahidin when they tempted one of them with a big amount of money and promised him to be the president of Afghanistan. However, they have not fulfilled their promise, but for the sake of this promise of the chair of president he procrastinated with us for a long time on the issue of unity. Eventually, it became clear to us that he had mortgaged his decision with the Riyadh intelligence chief, who personally arrived in Peshawar to follow up on the issue in cooperation with the Pakistani intelligence. His envoys to this leader were two well-known of the unofficial scholars, taking into consideration that most of the leaders had agreed on this as a result of the pressures exerted by Riyadh and Islamabad. At this point, efforts were made to foil this issue. We do not have much time here for more details. So, the current situation is similar to the past one. The governme nt of Riyadh continues until this day to carry out the same malicious roles with many Islamic action leaders and commanders of mujahidin in our nation. God suffices us against them. "Among the reasons behind the Afghan leaders' failure to achieve unity is that the decision to achieve unity was in their hand. So, it is difficult for many people to appreciate the interests of jihad and the nation if they are parties to that equation. Thus, the leader or the amir will then mix the personal with the public and believe that he and his party are the best to lead all the mujahidin groups in support of the religion. In light of this, he will cling further to the emirate and exaggerate the mistakes of the other sides of the leaders and the parties. Furthermore, he does not see his own mistakes or those of his party. In such a case, he will be the defendant and the judge at the same time. So, he cannot pass a sentence against himself to quit the emirate and abdicate in favor of another amir on whom most of Muslims might be unanimous. Their case in this tragedy is like the case of the kings and presidents in our countries. When examining their objections and excuses it becomes clear that they are baseless due to delaying unity and most of them revolve around issues to improve the emirate. However, their insistence on this has led to wasting necessitates, the most important of which are the religion, the soul, and honor. Infidelity has emerged in Kabul, corruption has prevailed, roads were cut off, blood was shed, honor was violated, money was plundered, and the mujahidin became weak. The exalted word was really for former President Najib [Mohammad Najibullah] while leaders of the parties were misleading members of their parties into believing that they are the rulers of Kabul and that they will establish the shari'ah of Islam. Many members of their parties used to accept these lies. However, a number of the honest ones refused to sell their religion in return for worthless worldly things. They also refused to cancel their brains or to be driven like cattle. Everyone of the brother mujahidin should examine things, use his brain and not cancel it, and distinguish between his good intention about the leaders and being intelligent and smart who weighs things and men with the scale of Islam. He should not be an opinionated person who follows his leaders blindly. Those who remained with the leaders in Kabul, like Sayyaf and Rabbani, supporting them against Muslims after all that happened, have backed the infidels against Muslims. This is one of the nullifiers of religion. Their good intention about their leaders is not an excuse for them. They have to watch their hearts, should disavow polytheism and polytheists, and embrace Islam once again, for how many people were misguided from the right path as a result of their fanaticism to their leaders and seniors aimlessly? They should consider God's saying: 'Our Lord! We obeyed our chiefs and our great ones, and they misled us as to the right path.' [Koranic verse, Al-Ahzab (The Confederates), 33:67) "Among the lessons also is that the brothers should not be deceived by the names of the parties or their leaders. Sayyaf was one of the most prominent leaders of the mujahidin. He was very well-known. The name of his party was the Islamic Unity Party. However, he later helped America against Muslims. This is clear infidelity. The same thing applies to Rabbani, whose party is the Islamic Afghan Association. This is also the case of Ahmed Shah Masoud, who went to the Crusaders in Europe, offering himself openly as a tool to topple the Islamic Emirate of Afghanistan. Some misled ones claim that he is a martyr. Although some of the Afghan leaders made mistakes, praise be to God, others remained firm, honest, and sincere. This is what we believe and God is their judge. Among these were Shaykh Yunis Khalis [leader of the Islamic PartyKhalis], may God have mercy on him, and Shaykh Jalaluddin Haqqani, may God watch over him. They both issued fatwa [formal religious ruling] on the necessity to perform jihad against the American invasion of Afghanistan and contributed to it. The whole world has never seen the sincerity and firmness of mujahid amir, Mulla Mohammad Omar, in fighting the alliance of global infidelity and in refusing to submit to them for this will make him lose the trust. He refused to abandon the shari'ah or extradite those who sought his support of the muhajirin [immigrant] Arabs because they are his brothers in religion even if the emirate and its chair disappear. These are great positions that show great men. This is what we believe and God is their judge. There is a great difference between the position of a Muslim ruler and the positions of the hypocrite rulers who cooperated with America in the global war against Islam. The first sacrificed his rule for the sake of his religion, and the others are sacrificing their religion for their rule. The difference between them is the same difference between faith and infidelity. There is a great difference between the positions of the faithful men and the positions of the hypocrites who look like men. "Some people might say that some of the leaders of jihad in Afghanistan, who made mistakes, had a precedent because they had hoisted the flag of jihad at an early time against the Russians, and so, we should give them the excuse. However, I say that we should distinguish between the mistake that should be corrected for those who possess good qualities and the crossing of hudud [boundaries], which should be applied to everyone. The woman who stole during the time of the prophet, may God's peace and blessing be upon him, had a precedent in Islam and hegira. Despite this, she was punished in order to save the nation from the way of perdition. So, one should think of this. I have mentioned these leaders out of this, for they have committed one of the nullifiers of Islam, which is helping the infidels against Muslims. The approach of appeasing masters and leaders is common among many Muslims. This is why the advocates of this approach have deviated from the right path. It was said that 'the wound will open again later if it is not treated well.' [Verse of poetry] We should beware this. Applying hudud [punishment for committing a sin] is a religious duty through which the one who commits it can be cleansed and the Muslim society can become pure. Otherwise, this will be the road to perdition. The prophet, may God's peace and blessing be upon him, said: 'The thing that ruined peoples before you was that if a dignitary steals they will not punish him and if a weak person steals they will punish him. By God, if Fatimah, the daughter of Muhammad, steals, I will amputate her hand.' The conclusion on this issue is that the brother mujahidin, especially in the shura councils, should not yield to the excuses of the amirs of groups by obstructing unity and accord. They might have real excuses, but they should not prevent the achievement of unity and adherence to the rope of God. The wise and intelligent ones should not insist on clinging to the branch even this will lead to the loss of the origin, especially since everyone will be lost. Shaykh al-Islam IbnTaymiyah, may God have mercy on him, said: 'When people abandon some of what God ordered them to do, enmity and hatred will spread among them, and if the people become disunited they will become corrupt and vanish, and if they are united, they will be good and have mastery. Unity is mercy and disunity is torture.' So, how would the case be at a time when you see parties, factions, and committees, which include great preachers who are affiliated withy our nation, are being tempted and fall at the doors of the rulers of Najd [Saudi Arabia]? One of the reasons for this is the delay of unity. Some amirs might have a hidden desire for the emirate, which is the real reason that prevents unity. We should not have fanatical enthusiasm about men, parties, or groups, but about the truth. We should help the one who adheres to the truth and if he orders us we will obey him. "We will correct the one who deviat es from the right path and order him to adhere to the truth, for the most truthful thing is to adhere to the truth. One should follow the example of those who died of the exemplary ones. A living person cannot be saved from temptation. Know the truth and you will know its advocates. The truth is not known by men but men are known by the truth. Here, we should mention the people who were the first on the issue of unity and accord due to the credit they deserve. Muslims were pleased when a number of the amirs of groups, which are fighting for the sake of God, and a number of chiefs of steadfast and mujahid tribes unified their stand under the banner of monotheism and pledged allegiance to honorable Shaykh AbuUmar al-Baghdadi as amir of the Islamic State of Iraq [ISI]. The abdication of these amirs out of adherence to the rope of God is a sign of their truthfulness, justice, fairness, impartiality, and concern about the interests of Muslims. This is what we believe and God is their judge. May God reward them in the best way. Their accord is a blessed and great step toward unifying the other efforts to form the major group of Muslims. "Muslims have heard that some brother amirs and scholars in some mujahidin groups have not been able to be where the decision was made. I say that the annoyance of these brothers is not embarrassing, and restraining themselves from anger is the right path to take. This was due to the difficult security situation, which makes it hard for the brothers to move around or communicate. Nonetheless, the brothers have noted that they had sent you letters and waited for almost two months for your arrival, so that no final decision would be made in your absence. So when will you be able to arrive? Some of Prophet Muhammad's closest companions were agitated when they found that a decision was made under the shed of the Bani Sa'idah tribe without them, may God be pleased with them, being consulted. At the same time, Abu-Bakr, Umar, AbuUbaydah, and those who were with them at the time, may God be pleased with them, had no intention to ridicule the concerned parties, but made the decision because the situation and complications at the time forced them to rush to make it before consulting with the rest of the concerned parties, for fear of sedition and disunity. The agitated group later pledged allegiance to Abu-Bakr and later their allegiance was confirmed. What is meant here as a prerequisite by the shari'ah is the unity of Muslims under God's banner and their allegiance to one amir in order to establish and support God's religion. This matter should be accomplished expeditiously, because it is a great duty toward God. God Almighty says: 'And hold fast, all together, by the rope which Allah (stretches out for you), and be not divided among yourselves;' [Koranic verse; Al-Imran 3:103] The states that call themselves Muslim states are many. However, those with discerning know that they all lack the prerequisites that are regarded as the most important prerequisites of Muslim states, chief among which is upholding God's shari'ah, not to mention that the sovereignty of all of them is flawed, and that they all, without exception, cooperated, in one way or another, with America in the world war on Islam, which is a nullifier of one's Islam. Nonetheless, many people treat these states as if they were sovereign Muslim states. This treatment is religiously impermissible, given all that has been said. "I would like to say that those who were agitated for not being consulted should not be embarrassed, as it was mentioned above, because their desire was to unify Muslims' ranks. However, had they believed that the time was not appropriate and had they had the intention to delay God's will and the Prophet's desire, may God's prayers and peace be upon him, for the opinions they had accumulated throughout the past years, their agitation would be unjustified, because it is impermissible to wait and hamper religious matters. But when the people were raised and lived far away from the Islami c state, most of them were sluggish and felt unembarrassed by the delay in establishing this state. Accordingly, the brothers should be advised in this matter. "Despite the significance of shura in the emirate, which is very clearly confirmed by many texts; such as Caliph Umar's statement in which he said that the decision of the amir should be final, being the person who represents the unity of Muslims' ranks, should the conditions prevent the concerned parties from adopting a united stand. What would have happened had the same situation of the Bani Sa'idah shed been repeated, and what would also happen had the emirate not been established, unless after consulting all the concerned parties? Umar then would have not pledged allegiance to Abu Bakr without waiting for the consultation to take place, Abu-Bakr would have not accepted Muslims' pledge of allegiance to him, and the companions, may God be pleased with them, would have not also paid allegiance to Abu-Bakr. "Had complete empowerment been a prerequisite of the establishment of an Islamic state at present, Islam would not have seen a state of its own. This is because everybody knows that given the huge military superiority of the adversaries, the latter can invade any country and topple its government, as happened in Afghanistan. They toppled the Ba'thist Iraqi Government. Nonetheless, the fall of the state is not the end of the world, nor does it mean that the Islamic community and the Islamic imam collapsed. As a matter of fact, jihad against the infidels should continue, as is happening in Afghanistan, Iraq, and Somalia. "Recalling how the situation of the first Islamic state was during the time of the Uhud and Al-Ahzab events; when the cries of war and the invading tribes were besieging Medina, the first capital of Islam; and how the conditions of Muslims were when only few people defected from Islam in the Arab Peninsula following the death of the Prophet, may God's prayers and peace be upon him, will emphasize that complete empowerment is not a prerequisite of making a pledge of allegiance to the imam, or of establishing an Islamic state. It is not right to say to the person that has been empowered to rule the Islamic emirate that he will neither be listened to nor be obeyed, because the enemy can topple his government. "It is strange that we have not heard similar words from some of those who raise similar slogans and who live in the Gulf States, such as Kuwait, when the Ba'thists toppled their government. On the contrary, their eloquent orator was speaking loudly expressing support for legitimacy. That is, in support of the Al-Sabah rulers who do not follow God's shari'ah and who had not have the power, though little, to make decisions in Kuwait. "Brother Muslims, since seeking unity of ranks under monotheism is one of the greatest duties, negligence of this duty is one of the deadly sins. Unless Muslims are brought together under one group and imam, the religion of God will not be applied, paths will not be safe, and seditions will not be repressed. Nor will security be achieved, conspiracies aborted, many of those of the common Islamic people who joined the mujahidin groups become disciplined, or other great matters be brought under control. God keeps order through [the power of] the sultan [ruler] more than He keeps order through [the power of] the Koran. A Muslim that delays the establishment of an Islamic state is more sinful than that who quits his group or abandons Islam, because by doing so he would be letting hundreds of millions of Muslims live under the tyrant and pagan regimes. Encroachment on religion has reached too far and it has become imperative to stop it, because this issue is very important and serious and should not be postponed. This is because on its bases the knowledge of Islam and Muslims' worldly victory and heavenly deliverance are founded, God willing. "Brother Muslims in Iraq, repeated appeals were addressed to the mujahidin leaders urging them to get t ogether. However, some of them failed to heed these appeals while some others heeded the appeals. The amirs of the mujahidin groups and their shura councils' members took a serious move to set right what was wrongly done and sought to unify all the mujahidin under one banner to confront the campaign of Crusaders and renegades, because this is a righteous duty. God Almighty ordered us to be unified and prohibited us from taking unilateral stands. See how global and local infidelity, in all its forms, has united and the wolves of the tyrants are eating peaceful lambs on daily basis. All leaders should be united under one group and be committed to this group. This is a legitimate demand and a sacred duty at this present time. Prophet Muhammad, may God's prayers and peace be upon him, told Hudhayfah, may God be pleased with him, when he asked him about the action to be taken in a similar situation, that he should adhere to the Muslim group and its imam. If this was difficult to achieve, efforts should be directed to the establishment of the great Muslim group and this should become a duty to be performed by every Muslim and mujahidin, through pledging allegiance to the group that is the most committed to righteousness and truthfulness. God Almighty says: 'O ye who believe! Fear Allah and be with those who are true (in word and deed).' [Koranic verse; At-Tauba 9:119] He who follows the local and global campaigns of infidelity can see that they are primarily targeted against the Islamic State of Iraq. For America is repeatedly carrying out campaigns, one after another, against the same city. As a matter of fact, there has been an ongoing campaign against the whole of Diyala for the past six months. The same holds true for Mosul and Salah al-Din. Other campaigns are being carried out by the army, the National Guard, and the police, not to mention other campaigns carried out by the Al-Sadr and Al-Hakim militias. Besides, all neighboring countries without exception are targeting the Islamic State of Iraq, not to mention the awakening councils, parties, and groups of dissension led by Tariq al-Hashimi, who betrayed the faith and the Ummah. This is to be added to the media campaigns aimed at misrepresenting the Islamic State of Iraq for which the Riyadh rulers, their scholars, and their media outlets are to blame. "I believe that all these ferocious campaigns against the mujahidin in the Islamic State of Iraq are staged because these mujahidin are deeply committed to righteousness and the Prophet's teachings, may God's prayers and peace be upon him, quoting Waraqah Bin-Nufal when he told the Prophet that 'no man has ever brought what the Prophet has brought, without being antagonized.' Amir Abu-Umar [al-Baghdadi] and his brothers are not of those who would bargain over their faith and accept halfsolutions, or who would meet the enemies halfway. Rather, they come out openly with the truth and satisfy the Creator even if this were to result in angering the creatures. They do not heed the blames of others against them as long as they do their deeds for the sake of God. They refused to take by surprise, without exceptions, the governments of any of the Muslim world capitals. They refrained from being subjects to polytheists, because they were aware that religion is for God Almighty, Who supports whoever He wants of his slaves. He does not support the polytheists in order to strengthen His religion. Tyrant and polytheist rulers cannot strengthen the religion. What proves this is the Prophet's hadith, may God's prayers and peace be upon him, when he said: 'O boy, I am teaching you that you should worship God in order to keep yourself safe and that He would always be on your side. If you want to ask, ask God, and if you want to call for help, call for God's help; and know well that if the Ummah would do something good for you, it cannot do anything other than what God has written for you. If the Ummah would cause you harm, it cannot do anything other than what God has written against you.' This was narrated by Imam Ahmad. "Had the leaders of the Islamic State of Iraq joined hands with any neighboring state so that the latter may provide it with backing and support, as some groups and parties have done, the situation would have been different. This is because they have budgets of 10 or 100 millions and their bounty is guarded by their spears. Had they known, this would be the best bounty, but they have lost their decisioinmaking and independence because they depend on the support of other countries. If the United States and its agent rulers exert pressure on the supporting state, the pressure would directly move on to the secretary of the party or amir of the group. The people have openly witnessed this thing happening in Lebanon. Following the resounding speeches about pride and dignity and about Palestine and its support, and following [Hizballah Secretary General Hasan Nasrallah's] challenge that the entire world cannot impose its will on him, Resolution 1701 was accepted, which was adopted by the United Nation, the US tool. The core of this resolution is the entry of Crusader armies into Lebanese territory. Are people unaware that these armies are the other face of the US-Zionist alliance? Nonetheless, [Hizballah] Secretary General Hasan Nasrallah is deceiving people. He welcomed these armies in public and promised to facilitate their mission even though he knows that they were coming to protect the Jews and seal off the borders in the face of the honest mujahidin. He did so to accommodate the wishes of the states that are backing him - those states that possess honorable and decent money, about which he talked previously. Why then should [former Egyptian President Anwar] Al-Sadat and [late Jordanian King] Husayn Bin-Talal be considered traitors for accepting treaties that stipulate the closure of borders before the mujahidin to carry out operations against the Jews? On the other hand, why should the Hizballah secretary general be honored for accepting a similar resolution? How would the people understand Hizballah's accusation of the Lebanese deputies' majority of being agents for the United States, although they certainly are? Furthermore, how Muhammad Baqir al-Hakim, who collaborated with America to invade Iraq and prohibited the people from fighting it, has been described as a martyr hero by the Hizballah secretary general? Isn't it real hypocrisy? Another type of this category of people is those who force their army personnel to take six-month renewable vacations when they are pressured by their financing and backing state. Has anybody in this world ever heard that an army takes vacation while the enemy is deployed in its country? This is part of the characteristics of those who make their decisionmaking dependent on financing states. "If we want to elaborate on this issue, it will take us too long. However, free Muslims, like Amir Abu-Umar al-Baghdadi and his brothers, find it easier for them to sacrifice their lives than place jihad for the sake of God in the hands of any ruler or ally with such rulers against their Ummah. Many people are unaware of the background and conduct of the amirs of the mujahidin in Iraq because of the circumstances and security requirements of the war. However, I reckon that ignorance about the affairs of the amirs of the mujahidin in Iraq is harmless ignorance if they have been recommended by trusted, fair persons, such as Amir Abu-Umar [al-Baghdadi], who has been recommended by trusted, fair mujahidin. He was also recommended by Amir Abu-Mus'ab [al-Zarqawi], may God have mercy on him, and War Minister Abu-Hamzah alMuhajir, who all were recommended for their patience and steadfastness under the thunderbolts of air raids in the Hindu Kosh Mountains. They are well known by your brothers in Afghanistan, and I trust God that they are as such. Refraining from pledging allegiance to one of the amirs of mujahidin in Iraq after their recommendation by trusted, fair persons under the pretext of not knowing their conduct leads to great evils, one of the gravest of which is obstructing the establishment of the great Muslim nation under one imam, which is a nullifier. "In conclusion, I assure Muslims in general and our people in the neighboring states in particular, that they will see nothing from the mujahidin but all that is good, God willing. We are your sons. We are defending the religion of the nation, and we are defending its sons. The Muslim victims who fall during the operations against the infidel Crusaders or their usurper agents are not the intended targets. God knows that we are deeply saddened when some Muslims fall victim. Yet, we hold ourselves responsible and seek God's forgiveness for that. We beseech God to have mercy on them and let Paradise be their final abode and to compensate their families and relatives. You must be aware that the enemy deliberately takes its positions among the Muslims to let them serve as human shields for it. I would like to emphasize to our mujahidin brothers to be cautious not to expand in taking unilateral stands and to be keen about their operations in terms of targeting the enemy within legitimized discipline and far away from Muslims as much as they can without hampering jihad for the sake of God. "In fact, our enmity is with the agent rulers, to whom we give no assurances. Rather, we are seeking to topple them and to refer them to the Islamic judiciary. How can we assure them while they have befriended the enemies of the nation and have done this nation great harm? How can we assure them while they have mixed the law of humans with the law of God Almighty? How can we assure them while the path to the broadest front for the liberation of Palestine passes through the lands that are under their control? I assure our kinfolk in Palestine in particular that we will expand our jihad, God willing, and we will not recognize the Sykes-Picot borders or the rulers appointed by the colonialists. By God, we have not forgotten you after the 9/11 events. Will anyone forget his own family? However, after those blessed raids, which hit the head and heart of global infidelity, the biggest ally of the Zionist entity, America, we are now busy fighting it and its agents, especially in Iraq, Afghanistan, Islamic Magreb, and Somalia. If it is defeated along with its agents in Iraq, God willing, then soon will the legions of mujahidin march, in successive brigades, from Baghdad, Al-Anbar, Mosul, Diyala, and Salah al-Din to restore Hittin to us, God willing. We will not recognize a state for the Jews, not even on one inch of the land of Palestine, as did all the rulers of the Arabs when they adopted the initiative of the ruler of Riyadh years ago. "They were not sufficed by committing this great calamity, but the people have recently witnessed the sponsor of the subdued being dragged to Annapolis to exercise on them what the Americans did to her ancestors before; but not to be sold, rather to sell. What are the things they are selling? They are selling Jerusalem, Al-Aqsa Mosque, and the blood of the martyrs. There is neither power nor strength except from God, Whom we pray to give them what they deserve. Thus, the people have become surer now of who are the trustworthy and who the traitors are, and also who are the ones that are being toyed with by the Zionists' hands. [Bin Ladin cites two lines of poetry that focus on anguish by the fall of Jerusalem and emphasize betrayal of God by states, not individuals.] Nor will we respect the international conventions recognizing the Zionist entity over the land of Palestine, as the HAMAS leadership did, or as stated by some Muslim Brotherhood leaders. It will be a jihad for the liberation of entire Palestine, from the river to the sea, God willing, joining hands with the sincere mujahidin there from the cadres of HAMAS and other factions, who denounced their leaders for deviating from righteousness. Blood calls for more blood and demolishing calls for further demolishing. I will repeat my swearing by saying: 'By God, we will support you even if we creep on our knees or taste what Hamzah BinAbd-al-Muttalib tasted, may God be pleased with him.' "Finally, I would like to remind my precious Islamic Ummah by saying: O people, you have gained many experiences in the events that passed, so stop the passing of time and playing. Listen, realize, wake up, and take the lessons because the issue is enormous and grave. Where would you go, and what do you expect? The heat of the battle is increasing and it is only a little that separates you from what has been plotted against you. Our only rescue is by responding to God Almighty's orders and avoiding His prohibitions. Among His greatest orders is performing jihad for His sake in order to overcome the overt evil and subdue the covert one. Slaves of God, pay your debts and rush to perform your duties, particularly in the fields of jihad where your brothers have opened the road and secured the needs, taking into account that yourselves, honor, land, money, and whatever you possess are threatened, topped by the threats against your religion. [Bin Ladin cites two lines of poetry stressing that money cannot redeem religion.] The issue is serious, not ludicrous, and it was said before that 'I was eaten when the white ox was eaten.' Today is Baghdad, and tomorrow will be Damascus, Amman, and Riyadh. Fear God like His trusted people, and do not heed the blames of others for fearing Him. Your mujahidin brothers need little money for the ammunition and weapons by which they fight for God's sake - amounts which one merchant among you can afford that will lead, God willing, to defeating the head of the global infidelity. Until when will you continue to fear America and its agents? Don't you have a daring merchant who will free himself from submission and the cuffs of slavery and who will remember death and poverty so that he will prepare himself for the day when he meets God? The person was born without money and will leave this world without it. He should fear God and mange his days and money in a manner that benefit him in the other life; run his affairs with confidentiality; and use our prophet as a model. "He disappeared from Quraysh in a cave and migrated secretly to Al-Ansar, may God be pleased with them. He makes his security preparations and he immigrates when the situation requires, remembering the reward that he will get and his active efforts in support of religion, and in rescuing the Ummah of Muhammad the Trustworthy, may God's prayers and peace be upon him, at a time enemies have gathered around it from all places. What a trust and honor have been bestowed by God on him, similarly as He did to Uthman, may God be pleased with him, when he solely equipped an army to fight the Romans. Prophet Muhammad, may God's prayers and peace be upon him, said at the time that Uthman would not be harmed after what he had done that day. "God Almighty says: 'And spend of your substance in the cause of Allah, and make not your own hands contribute to (your) destruction; but do good; for Allah loveth those who do good.' [Koranic verse; Al-Baqara 2:195] He also says: 'Not equal among you are those who spent (freely) and fought, before the Victory, (with those who did so later). Those are higher in rank than those who spent (freely) and fought afterwards. But to all has Allah promised a goodly (reward). And Allah is well acquainted with all that ye do.' [Koranic verse; Al-Hadid 57:10] It was said that one should behave like the generous if he cannot be one of them, because it is a good thing to do. "The support of true mujahidin, particularly in Palestine, Iraq, Afghanistan, Islamic Maghreb, and Somalia is the main project for the entire Ummah and its first line of defense against all its enemies who harbor ambitions on it and by which it will find its righteous course in its earthly world and religion. Through this support, the Ummah will achieve its pride and safety as well as its security in all fields. Yes, they are the fields of your military, social, food, and economic security so that your oil and wealth will be preserved as well as your money, which is being robbed from you because of its unjust linkage to the dollar. The support of Mujahidin is the project of the entire Ummah for the sake of liberating all Palestine, which would make the Al-Aqsa Mosque smile and would free female and male prisoners, God willing. Believers will then rejoice God's victory. God is triumphant, but the majority of people do not know. My last prayer is to thank God." Asia Times: 'Pakistan Wrestles With a Soldier of Peace' CPP20080110721011 Hong Kong Asia Times Online WWW-Text in English 1018 GMT 10 Jan 08 [Report by Imtiaz Ali : "Pakistan Wrestles With a 'Soldier of Peace' "; headline as provided by source] Baitullah Mehsud, the most feared and dangerous militant commander in Pakistan's tribal region, has not only become the public face of militancy in the country, but is now also openly posing a serious threat to the US's efforts to bring stability to neighboring war-torn Afghanistan. Mehsud leads the recently formed Tehrik-e-Taliban Pakistan (Taliban Movement of Pakistan), a joint group of various local Taliban outfits sharing the common objectives of implementing sharia (Islamic law) and waging jihad against US-led forces in Afghanistan. Mehsud - who is suspected of having close ties with al-Qaeda - has been in the headlines of local newspapers for more than three years because of his prominent role in spearheading the insurgency against Pakistan's armed forces, who are currently hunting al-Qaeda and Taliban militants in the tribal areas. Lately, Mehsud has become a menacing presence in Pakistan due to the widespread belief of his involvement in the deadly wave of suicide bombings - mostly targeted against security forces - that has shaken the whole nation. A United Nations report released in September last year blamed Mehsud for almost 80% of suicide bombings in Afghanistan. According to some reports, Mehsud has compiled his own hit list of political leaders and high-profile government officials, and has formed special squads for carrying out such terrorist acts. Already a household name in Pakistan, Mehsud rose to global notoriety two weeks ago when officials named him as the prime suspect and alleged mastermind behind the killing of opposition leader Benazir Bhutto, which was the most high-profile political assassination in the recent history of the country. Pakistani authorities have released the text of a Pashto-language telephone conversation allegedly intercepted by Pakistan's Interior Ministry, in which Mehsud congratulates "brave boys" for accomplishing a "mission", which - according to officials - refers to the assassination of Bhutto. At 34 years old, Mehsud is a warlord based in the restive South Waziristan tribal agency and is said to be much revered by militants on both sides of the PakistaniAfghan border. Locals say that he has more than 20,000 fighters, mostly from his Mehsud clan. Officials as well as his aides claim that he also has hundreds of trained fidayeen (men of sacrifice) ready to lay down their lives as suicide bombers upon his instructions. According to his aides, Mehsud has taken an oath of allegiance to the Taliban supreme leader, Mullah Omar. Apart from sharing the same ideologies on sharia and jihad, Mehsud also shares with his spiritual leader an aversion to publicity and photographs. As a guerrilla fighter, Mehsud sharpened his skills under the guidance of legendary Pashtun commander Maulana Jalaluddin Haqqani, who is widely believed to have helped Osama bin Laden escape targeted bombing by the US in the Tora Bora mountains of Afghanistan in early 2002. Known as amir (commander) among his followers, Mehsud was an unknown figure on the tribal scene until late 2004, when he filled the vacuum left by the famous tribal militant leader, Nek Muhammad Wazir, who was killed in a missile attack in June 2004. In February 2005, the Pakistani government brokered a deal with Mehsud in a bid to bring normalcy and peace to violence-stricken South Waziristan. In return for amnesty, Mehsud promised not to attack security posts or cross into Afghanistan for jihad, but backed out of the deal in late August 2007 following the Red Mosque military operation in Islamabad. Local journalists from Waziristan say that the so-called peace deal raised his stature and allowed him to further strengthen his support base. As a result, the government's writ is confined to the compounds of its security forces while gun-brandishing fighters control the countryside in the South Waziristan agency. Mehsud had his moment of glory when the government conceded to his demand to free militant prisoners in return for releasing more than 250 Pakistan i soldiers, seized by his fighters and held hostage for two and half months. Among the released militants were presumably a number of would-be suicide bombers. The rising popularity of this young and committed jihadi on both sides of the border has made him a bridge linking the Pakistani Taliban with the Afghan Taliban on the other side of the frontier. Many believe that Mehsud has already been involved in the Taliban insurgency in Afghanistan by dispatching his men to fight against the US-led coalition forces. A close aide of Mehsud, Hakimullah Mehsud, was captured by North Atlantic Treaty Organization forces in the border region while trying to cross into Afghanistan with five foreign fighters. Once described as a "soldier of peace" by a top Pakistani military general, Mehsud is now not only defying Islamabad, but has emerged as a major irritant in the global "war on terror". Some of the latest reports from the frontier may be right in citing him as the new triggerman for al-Qaeda in the border region between Pakistan and Afghanistan - an area which carries immense strategic importance for the terrorist network. Imtiaz Ali is a Pakistan-based journalist working as a special correspondent for the Washington Post. [Description of Source: Hong Kong Asia Times Online WWW-Text in English - - Hong Kong-based online newspaper with a Bangkok branch office focusing on political and economic issues from an "Asian perspective," with over 50 contributors in 17 Asian countries, the United States, and Europe. Successor of the Hong Kong/Bangkok based print daily Asia Times that closed in 1997, it claims an average of 100,000 daily site visitors as of Feb 2006, with 65% of the audience based in North America, and 22% in the Asia-Pacific region. Root URL on filing date: http://www.atimes.com] Pakistan Police Claim Arresting Al-Qa'ida Terrorists in Guise of Defunct Outfits SAP20080120101001 Islamabad The News (Internet Version-WWW) in English 20 Jan 08 [Report by Salis bin Perwaiz: "Plot to bomb Muharram processions foiled"] [Text disseminated as received without OSC editorial intervention] KARACHI: The intelligence agencies and the Crime Investigation Department (CID) of Sindh Police have nabbed eight terrorists allegedly affiliated with al-Qaeda after a grand operation in the province. A huge quantity of C-4 explosive material and other items used in launching suicide attacks was recovered from their possession. Five suspects were arrested in Karachi, while three were rounded up in Hyderabad, the sources said. The sources said eight al-Qaeda militants were arrested by the CID in active collaboration with the intelligence agencies on Friday night. The militants planned to attack the main mourning processions in Karachi on the ninth and tenth of Muharram as well as military installations in the city. Intelligence sources said the plan of staging suicide attacks was prepared by alQaeda but it had assigned the task to several banned militant outfits, including Harkat-ul-Mujahideen, Karachi, Harkat-ul-Jihad Islami, Azad Kashmir and Multan and Jaish-i-Mohammad. The sources added al-Qaeda did it to deceive the intelligence agencies that were mainly concentrating on the major al-Qaeda affiliated outfits like Lashkar-i-Jhangvi and the local Taliban-led maverick Baitullah Mehsud who is accused of masterminding the assassination of ex-premier Benazir Bhutto at Liaquat Bagh, Rawalpindi. However, the intelligence sleuths got wind of the plan and moved quickly to thwart it. The police recovered 500 grams of cyanide from the possession of the arrested militants. Sources revealed that the said militant outfits had planned to mix the deadly cyanide poison in Sabeels established for the mourners. This could have resulted in huge fatalities to the mourners had the plan been implemented. Experts believe that a single drop of cyanide can cause death within a few seconds. Provincial Police Officer Sindh Azhar Ali Farooqi told the media on Saturday that five terrorists belonging to various outlawed outfits, including a suspected suicide bomber, having links with banned outfits, were nabbed from North Karachi, foiling a big terrorist plot. Farooqi said they had leads about entry of terrorists and surveillance was being maintained in the city. He added that Jamil Ahmed alias Wazir Akber -- a terrorist hailing from Multan -- had some months back rented a house in North Karachi to be used as a hideout for terrorist activities and store weapons and explosives with the help of his local associate, Syed Wasim Ahmed alias Imran. A few days before Eid-ul-Azha, Jamil alias Wazir allegedly brought explosives, hand grenades and suicide jackets from southern Punjab and stored them in their New Karachi hideout. On Jan 11, suspected gang leader Mohammed Aijaz alias Abdul Rehman along with his close associate Mohammed Hamid alias Qasim and suspected suicide bomber Aziz Ahmed alias Mohammed Khan -- a resident of Lodhran -- arrived in the city, he said. Farooqi added after surveillance, the CID and intelligence agency personnel arrested the terrorists after an encounter, who were on a mission to commit terrorist strike. The arrested suspects include Syed Mohammed Nasim alias Imran (affiliated to banned outfit Harkatul Mujahideen, Karachi), Mohammed Ejaz alias Abdur Rehman (associated with Harkatul Jihad outfit based in Bhimbhar, Azad Kashmir), Jamil Ahmed alias Wazir Akbar (working for Multan-based Harkat-ul-Jihad-ul Islami outfit), suicide bomber Aziz Ahmed alias Mohammed Khan (associated with Lodhran-based Jaish-e-Mohammed outfit), and Mohammed Hamid alias Qasim (a militant of Harkat-ul-Jihad-ul-Islami). Six-kilogrammes of C-4 explosives, suicide bomb blast jackets, three home-made bombs, six detonators, 15 metres of detonating wire, 500 grams of cyanide, sodium cyanide, frequency generator used for remote control, two TT pistols with 20 rounds, two kilogrammes of ball bearings and one kilogramme of nails were recovered from their possession, he added. "They had planned to carry out bomb blasts and suicide attacks on mourning processions on 9th and 10th of Muharram, Army installations situated in Karachi, kill huge number of mourners by mixing poisonous cyanide in Sabeels along the routes, besides targeting various sensitive installations with suicide attacks in the city." Farooqi said. He said four of them got training in a militant camp operating in Mir Ali tribal area last year. About the gang leader Aijaz alias Abdur Rehman, the Sindh Police chief said he had been imparting arms training at different militant training camps and was teacher of a training centre in South Waziristan since he returned from the Afghan Jihad. He is an expert in manufacturing home-made bombs and suicide bomb blast jackets and believed to be close aide of militant leader, Maulvi Sardar Haqqani, an active member of the Jalaluddin Haqqani group, he said.They are being interrogated and further disclosures are expected, he said. Sources said no member of any militant outfit had been arrested for the last one year in Sindh. The three arrested in Hyderabad are also being questioned about the Oct 18 bomb blasts on the homecoming parade of Benazir Bhutto in Karachi. [Description of Source: Islamabad The News (Internet Version-WWW) in English -Internet version of the widely read, influential English daily, member of the Jang publishing group. Neutral editorial policy, good coverage of domestic and international issues. Hardcopy circulation estimated at 55,000; root URL as of filing date: http://www.thenews.com.pk] Pakistan: Arrested Terrorists Confess to Carrying Out Operations in Afghanistan SAP20080124001001 Karachi Ummat in Urdu 22 Jan 08 pp 3, 5 [Report by Asif Saud: "Arrested Terrorists Have Carried Out Activities in Afghanistan as Well"] The outlawed Harkatul Jihad-e Islami [HJI] terrorists arrested by the Crimes Investigation Department [CID] of the Sind police have also confessed to carrying out suicide attacks on the US positions and convoys in Afghanistan. Sources have told the Ummat that besides Pakistan these terrorists have been involved in organizing suicide attacks on Americans in Afghanistan. They have confessed to killing over 35 Americans in Afghanistan. The sources said that the gang's ringleader, Mohammad Ejaz alias Abdul Rahman, is a resident of Rawalpindi. He got his early education in the same city. He stood first while studying electrical engineering. He is a bomb-making expert and has imparted training to many people. During investigations, Ejaz said that he has a command over Urdu, English, Arabic, and Pashto. First of all he joined the outlawed Jaish-e Muhammad [JM] and took part in jihad in Indian-administered Kashmir. During this period, he used to live in Bhimber, a town in Azad Kashmir. He also ran a JM camp where he used to train mujahidin in making and triggering bombs. The accused further disclosed that he was adept at producing mines. He had produced antipersonnel and antivehicle mines at the training camp. He said that even a tank could be destroyed with an antivehicle mine. An antivehicle mine is buried in the ground 10-30-cm deep, and it explodes when anything weighing over 50 kg passes over it. He said that he had trained several mujahidin in producing these mines. Ejaz said that he was also an expert in making explosive jackets and vehicles for launching suicide bombings. During interrogations, he said that he could prepare an explosive-laden vehicle to carry out a suicide attack within one and a half hours. During interrogation, Ejaz further said that he then quit JM and joined HJI and then went to South Waziristan, where he established contacts with Taliban commanders. In South Waziristan too, he was made in charge of a militant camp where he imparted training to suicide bombers on how to carry out suicide attacks. The accused said that the people trained by him conducted suicide bombings in Afghanistan. Ejaz said that in South Waziristan, he established links with different terrorist groups. During this period, he also trained Baitullah Mehsud's terrorists. He said that he had carried out a suicide attack on a US base in Afghanistan's Helamnd Province along with Commander Sangeen Khan Mahsud, a close aide of Baitullah. He revealed that a man, whose name was also Ejaz, was prepared for the bombing. He said that during the attack, the US forces retaliated, but he escaped. Ejaz further said that he then conducted another suicide attack in Urozgan Province along with a colleague. During interrogation, Ejaz said that he had killed over 35 US soldiers in Afghanistan. According to the sources, Ejaz has disclosed that he had prepared three types of sophisticated bombs. One of them was named Dark Switch Device. This device is used to carry out explosion during the day. After attaching the device with explosives, it is kept in a bright place. As soon as there is darkness, the bomb goes off. The other device and explosives are planted at nighttime, which goes off with first ray of sun. The third one is called Water Switch Device. After attaching the device with explosives, it is kept at some place. When water fall on it, the bomb goes off. Ejaz said that he had produced these devices himself and also imparted training to terrorists at South Waziristan training camp on how to make and use these bombs. The accused said that he had successfully tested the Light Switch Device and the Dark Switch Device in Afghanistan. According to Ejaz, he established good relationship with some Taliban commanders in South Waziristan. Ejaz said that after the Red Mosque tragedy, he formed a group in South Waziristan. He was the head of the group. One of his colleagues was Jamil Ahmad alias Wazir Akbar, whom he met in South Waziristan. Jamil, an HJI member, was a resident of southern Punjab. Jamil was an expert in motivating people to become suicide bombers and had brought dozens of young people. According to the sources, Ejaz said that he then met with Aziz Ahmad alias Mohammad Khan, who was a JM member and belonged to Lodhran, Punjab. Jamil had motivated Aziz to carry out a suicide attack. According to Ejaz, Aziz was to be used in a suicide bombing to be carried out in Karachi. Ejaz said that he met with Mohammad Hamid alias Mohammad Qasim and Syed Wasim Ahmad alias Imran through Jamil. Hamid and Wasim were HJI members. Wasim was a resident of North Karachi Sector 11/E, where the gang had rented a house through Wasim. The sources further quoted Ejaz as saying that in response to the Red Mosque tragedy, they had planned to carry out suicide attacks at three sensitive places in Karachi. One of the attacks was to be carried out in Askari-IV locality [an Army residential area]. The accused had also visited Askari-IV in connection with their plan. Police sources, however, said that information has been kept secret as to who facilitated their visit to Askari-IV. The bombers' second target was PNS Himalaya. The information extracted from the accused in this regard is also being kept top secret. Their third target was rangers' office at People's Ground in Karachi. The details in this regard are also being kept secret. The accused further disclosed that they were also planning to hit a US vessel. They said they were captured, however, while they were collecting information in this regard. A responsible police official says that the accused had also planned to mix cyanide in water tanks on the occasion of Muharramul Haram [the first month of Islamic lunar calendar when Shiites hold gatherings and processions]. They disclosed that cyanide was given to them by a mullah in a Taunsa Sharif mosque. The police official said that the name of the mullah was being kept secret. According to the accused, the poison was brought by Jamil. Ejaz said that after getting cyanide, they tested it twice. They went to Abdullah Shah Ghazi shrine in Clifton, Karachi, put some poison on a currency note, and gave it to a beggar. They waited for an hour to see if the beggar dies after touching the cyanide, but he remained alive. They conducted the second experiment after a week. They put some cyanide in a rosewater bottle and sprinkled it on flowers at the same shrine. The accused said they believed that anyone buying and touching those flowers would die, but it did not happen. Ejaz said they had planned to mix cyanide with water in tanks placed on the route of Shiites' procession to kill those drinking the contaminated water. The accused said that Ejaz Ahmad formulated the plan to mix cyanide with water during Shiites' procession. Police sources said Ejaz was also in touch with his accomplices abroad through the email. They said that Ejaz is also a computer expert. The police had found several email messages in Ejaz's computer through which he was in touch with his accomplices. The sources further said that when Ejaz's e-mail messages were checked, the hard disk of the police's computer crashed, as Ejaz's accomplices had installed a virus in the e-mails ensuring that the message could not be read twice. In this way, they ensured that if an attempt was made to read the messages again, the computer's hard disk would crash. The police sources said that now services of information technology experts will be sought to get information about the e-mails received by Ejaz. The sources further said that the accused also had contacts with their close accomplices, Zafar Bilal and Omar Farooq. The police are now looking out for them; however, they could not be traced so far. It is also could not be known whether they are still in Karachi. The sources said that Jamil himself always remains ready to carry out suicide bombing, while his duty is to train the youth for these attacks. Jamil had trained his wife also to launch such an attack. If a woman is required to launch suicide attack, he can use his wife. It is also learned that Jamil used to impart training to suicide bombers at a terrorist training camp in Mirali, North Waziristan, and was in contact with Maulvi Sardar Haqqani, a Jalaluddin Haqqani Group's renowned commander. Police sources said that after Red Mosque incident, several small groups have come into being and they were launching their activities quite independently. One group does not have information about the other. They said like-minded people form a group in South Waziristan and then launch their activities. The police said the accused are still being interrogated. [Description of Source: Karachi Ummat in Urdu -- Sensationalist, pro-Usama Bin Ladin Urdu daily. Harshly critical of the US, Israel, and India. Propagates Muslim unity to counter US/Western influence. Circulation 20,000. Editor-publisher Rafiq Afghan is an Afghan war veteran.] Pakistan: 200 Suicide Bombers Reportedly Enter Cities, To Target US Restaurants SAP20080126100007 Islamabad Khabrain in Urdu 25 Jan 08 pp 1, 6 [Report from monitoring desk: "Disclosure of presence of 300 terrorists across country made"] Lahore/Islamabad/ Karachi -- Threat of terrorism has increased across the country. Security in all the cities has been put on high alert at the directives of the interior ministry. The terrorists arrested from Karachi on Muharram have disclosed that over 200 suicide bombers are present throughout the country. Jamil Ahmed alias Wazir Akbar and Mohammad Ijaz alias Abdur Rahman, dangerous criminals belonging to the Jalaluddin Haqqani group of Afghanistan, have revealed during investigation that over 200 suicide bombers are present in different cities of the country and the terror network has been expanded considerably. Reliable sources of the agencies involved in investigation told ANN that 14 people were arrested from different areas of Karachi after pinpointed by the accused. They are being grilled from several angles. On the other hand, in their reports to the federal government, the intelligence agencies have hinted at the presence of 300 suicide bombers across the country. They said that over 150 of these suicide bombers are present in different areas of North West Frontier Province [NWFP] and tribal areas. According to a private television channel, the Ministry of Interior has stated in a circular that 13 suicide bombers have entered into Islamabad, Quetta, and Lahore via NWFP and there is danger that they would be striking this month. The circular says that a new outfit of terrorists, Al-Quds Army, has been founded and it has dispatched 13 bombers to different areas of the country. The government has alerted all the law enforcement agencies. The intelligence agencies have informed the federal and Sind governments that there is danger of attacks on foreign restaurants in Karachi. According to the letter written by the special branch, there is a threat of terrorist attack on foreign restaurants and hotels including McDonalds', Pizza Hut, and KFC. Security has been beefed up after these reports. [Description of Source: Islamabad Khabrain in Urdu -- Sensationalist daily, generally opposes Pakistan People's Party. Circulation of 30,000.] Pakistan: Taliban Refutes US Troops Claim About Killing of Commander Sedgai SAP20080128099007 Islamabad The News (Internet Version-WWW) in English 28 Jan 08 [Report by Rahimullah Yusufzai: "US Claim About Death of Taliban Commander Disputed"] [Text disseminated as received without OSC editorial intervention] PESHAWAR: Members of the Taliban-linked Haqqani network have disputed the claim by the US military in Afghanistan that one of their commanders, Darim Sedgai, had died of his injuries sustained in an attack in Pakistan on January 16. They insisted that Sedgai was alive and had more or less recovered from the injuries sustained by him in the attempt on his life in Miranshah, the headquarters of North Waziristan. "Unknown gunmen fired at him about 10 days ago. Two bullets of Kalashnikov rifle hit him on the shoulder and the injuries weren't life-threatening," a member of the Haqqani network told The News. He spoke from an undisclosed location and requested anonymity. In a statement issued in Kabul on Saturday, the US military claimed that Sedgai was a powerful commander linked to a top Taliban leader Sirajuddin Haqqani. It said Sedgai died of wounds sustained by him when unknown gunmen ambushed him on January 16. The US military had reportedly announced a $50,000 reward for informers who could provide information that could lead to Sedgai's capture. He was wanted to the US for his ties to Taliban and Al-Qaeda groups. Sedgai originally belonged to Pakistan's North Waziristan tribal agency. He had joined former Afghan Mujahideen commander Jalaluddin Haqqani and fought under his command in Afghanistan. Presently, Sedgai was operating as commander of Sirajuddin Haqqani, the eldest son of Jalaluddin Haqqani, and the head of the so-called Haqqani network. The US military has announced $200,000 on Sirajuddin Haqqani's head. However, the Afghan television station in Khost province has been repeatedly announcing a reward of 60 million Afghanis, or $1million, for his capture. Sirajuddin Haqqani is Taliban commander for Paktia and Khost. Besides, he has links with Taliban fighters in Logar, Ghazni and Maidan-Wardak provinces. The US-led coalition forces and the Afghan government consider him a big threat because he is operating close to Kabul city and could eventually destabilise the Afghan capital. He was recently blamed for the suicide bombing at the Serena Hotel in Kabul in which at least eight persons, including a Norwegian journalist, a Frenchman and two Americans, were killed. The US military statement in Kabul also claimed that two other commanders of the Haqqani network were also killed in the recent months. It named the two as Abdul Mannan and Mulla Sangeen. Members of the Haqqani network conceded that Abdul Mannan was killed in Khost province some months ago. But they refuted the US military claim that commander Mulla Sangeen was also killed. They said Mulla Sangeen, a Taliban commander in Paktika province, wasn't even present when an attack clearly targeting him was launched in Khost. They said some other men were killed in the ambush. Mulla Sangeen reportedly made a phone call later to reporters in Afghanistan and Pakistan to deny the claims about his death. It was learnt that the Haqqani network members were trying to prepare videotapes of both Mulla Sangeen and Darim Sedgai to show that they were still alive. [Description of Source: Islamabad The News (Internet Version-WWW) in English -Internet version of the widely read, influential English daily, member of the Jang publishing group. Neutral editorial policy, good coverage of domestic and international issues. Hardcopy circulation estimated at 55,000; root URL as of filing date: http://www.thenews.com.pk] Pakistan: Minister Says Govt To Form Jirga for Talks With S Waziristan Militants SAP20080208099002 Islamabad The News (Internet Version-WWW) in English 08 Feb 08 [Unattributed report: "Govt to hold talks with militants: Hamid"] [Text disseminated as received without OSC editorial intervention] ISLAMABAD: The government is to hold talks with Taliban militants after a "de facto" ceasefire in a troubled tribal area between rebels and security forces, officials said on Thursday. A Taliban spokesman in South Waziristan tribal district said a day earlier that Baitullah Mehsud had ordered an indefinite truce in the region. "There is no announced ceasefire, there is a de facto ceasefire between militants and government troops. Both sides are currently holding the fire," Interior Minister Hamid Nawaz said. The minister said a Jirga "comprising representatives of the government and tribal elders will be formed to negotiate peace but I cannot give you any timeframe in this regard". He said however that negotiations were the only way to achieve peace in the troubled region. will have to involve tribal elders, influential people and government representatives in the process of forming the Jirga," Hamid said. "There are so many things involved. If we look at the past, several peace agreements were signed with militants but they violated all of . "However, there is no doubt that negotiation is the only way to convince these people to give up arms." "Talks between tribal elders and militants had been in progress for the past several days," a government official in the region told AFP on condition of anonymity. The peace effort was led Maulana Deendar, Malik Amir Mohammad from the Mehsud tribe of South Waziristan and Siraj Haqqani, son of Afghan militant commander Jalaluddin Haqqani, he said. "Several rounds of talks were held in Razmak," the government always preferred talks over the in negotiations and in the tribal areas it has through dialogue. Military operations are used he said. A senior NWFP official said use of force. "The government believes always tried to resolve the disputes only as a last resort," he said. "Directives have been issued to local authorities to keep the negotiations channel open through Jirgas and other informal contacts through tribal elders," he said. Word that the government was talking to the Taliban enraged the Pakistan People's Party. "The government is holding talks with the man blamed by it for the killing of Benazir Bhutto. We condemn it," PPP central information secretary Sherry Rehman said. In Washington, the State Department signalled it would oppose any agreement that resembled the last truce. "I think everyone understands, including President Musharraf, that that agreement with tribal leaders did not in fact produce the results that everyone, including President Musharraf, had intended," deputy spokesman Tom Casey told reporters. "We want to see an agreement that is effective. The last agreement was not effective by President Musharraf's own admission." [Description of Source: Islamabad The News (Internet Version-WWW) in English -Internet version of the widely read, influential English daily, member of the Jang publishing group. Neutral editorial policy, good coverage of domestic and international issues. Hardcopy circulation estimated at 55,000; root URL as of filing date: http://www.thenews.com.pk] Haqqani sons operating in Afghanistan's Khost Province, governor tells paper IAP20080325950071 Kabul Anis (Companion) in Dari 23 Mar 08 Haqqani sons operating in Afghanistan's Khost Province, governor tells paper Text of report, "Khost Governor Arsala Jamal: The terrorists do not have a base in Khost nor control even a village", by state-owned Afghan newspaper Anis on 23 March Continuing our interviews of political, cultural and national personalities and government officials, our reporter has this time conducted an exclusive interview with Khost Governor Arsala Jamal on issues relating to security, reconstruction, health, education and conditions for women in Khost Province. The following is the text of the interview: [Q] Mr Arsala Jamal, how do you assess the situation in Khost? [A] The people of Khost have always had good relations with the government throughout history. The people of Khost have always cooperated with the government and defended it. Khost Province has a 184-kilometre border with Waziristan and a 30- to 32-kilometre border with Miramshah [of Pakistan], centres for international terrorists. Most of the terrorists enter Afghanistan on foot and resort to suicide attacks and mine explosions. Despite the fact that suicide attacks and mine explosions occur in the province sometimes, I assess the security situation in Khost as positive. [Q] Do the enemies have a base in Khost? [A] If the enemies and the terrorists want to get control of a village, a valley or a district, or intend to set up a court in Khost Province, they could only be dreaming. They do not have any base in Khost, nor control even a village. I am not making a political remark, I am explicitly saying that there is no place for the terrorists in Khost. The people of Khost defend the rule of the government and their territory, and without their cooperation, not even 10,000 police could defend the province because of its location. Haqqani [Q] Please give information about the network of Jalaloddin Haqqani [jihad- and Taleban-era commander, who re-emerged, reportedly after seven years in hiding, on 22 March 2008, vowing in a statement to continue fighting foreign forces in Afghanistan] [A] Jalaloddin Haqqani is sick and old, but his sons, Serajoddin Haqqani and Badrudin Haqqani, are operating in the area. As far as they are from Khost and Zadran areas, they are operating in Set-e Kandow and Khost. [Q] Please give information about the reconstruction and renovation process in Khost Province? [A] Nine roads were resurfaced in Khost Province in 1386 [solar year ending 21 March 2008]. All the district headquarters of Khost Province have buildings and 35 water dams were built there last year. In the past six years, 8m dollars were spent on Khost, but projects worth 46m dollars were implemented last year in the province. Another 62m dollars has been requested for the implementation of reconstruction projects in Khost Province in 1387. If 75 per cent of the requested money is given, the shape of the province will change and, based on the request of the people, a big hospital and religious school will be constructed in the province. The hospital will cost 9m dollars and the religious school 1.8m dollars. Eighty-three new schools have been built there. Except in two districts, roads in all districts of Khost Province have been asphalted. We have three asphalted roads connecting Afghanistan with Pakistan in Gholam Khan, Babrak Tana and Haji Maidan areas. The asphalting process of one of these roads has been completed, and 75 per cent of the work on the two other roads has also been completed. Talking about the condition of healthcare in the province, the governor said: The healthcare condition is satisfactory in the province. We have some problems in the remote areas, but the health clinics are operational in other parts of the province and the healthcare condition is better compared with other provinces. More than 60 per cent of our people have access to drinking water. Khost is among three leading provinces in this sector in Afghanistan. Thirteen girls enrol for university Touching on the condition of education and higher education in Khost, Arsala Jamal said: Khost University is well equipped and around 1,700 are currently attending it. Last year, two girls took the university entrance exam and 13 girls will be admitted to university in 1387. We hope the number of girls going to university will exceed 100 in the third year. A total of 167,000 students are attending schools of which 40,000 of them are girls and the rest are boys. All the schools are open, except one in Babraktana due to a tribal problem. The construction of 83 schools was begun in 1386 and its work goes well. It should unfortunately be said that girls make up 25 per cent of the school students, which is a small number. The number of girl students should increase. I ask the people, the governments and the clerics to pay attention to the education of girls and encourage them to continue their education. Trade depends on resurfacing of road Talking about the revenue of the customs department, the governor said: The customs department does not have much revenue these days as our transit trade has been stopped. We hope that revenue will increase with the inauguration of the trade route. Our big problem is Set-e Kandow Road. If the Khost-Gardez road is resurfaced, our economic problem will be solved. The Khost customs department does not have uniform revenue. If there is no fighting in Miramshah, the revenue of the customs office will reach 24m to 40m afghanis [about half a million to about 0.8m dollars]. The best source of revenue in this province is chromate stone, which the Ministry of Mines has reached an agreement with a private company to process. With this, the annual revenue of Khost customs department will reach 6m dollars. Precious stones were illegally transferred from the province in the past and despite the agreement with the private company six months ago, smuggling of the stones still goes on. The company has recruited a number of people to tackle this. [Description of Source: Kabul Anis (Companion) in Dari -- Eight-page state-run daily, providing news, reports, commentaries on domestic affairs mainly in Dari; established in 1927] Afghan daily comments on links between Taleban commander Haqqani, Pakistan IAP20080819950125 Kabul Arman-e Melli (National Aspiration) in Pashto 17 Aug 08 Afghan daily comments on links between Taleban commander Haqqani, Pakistan Excerpt from article by Ahmad Nawid entitled: "Haqqani wants to remove Taleban leader Mullah Omar from scene" by private Afghan newspaper Arman-e Melli on 17 August Pakistan is a country that has never had good-will towards our nation and country since its establishment. It has tried its utmost to support the groups opposing the Afghan government and give financial support, equipment and even terrorist training to them to destabilize Afghanistan and send them to our country to carry out terrorist activities. It conducts a baseless propaganda campaign against the Afghan government and senior officials through these puppets. One such person is Serajoddin Haqqani [as published], who has served the ISI of Pakistan throughout his life. He has actively contributed to the destruction of his country and people at the behest of this terrorist organization [ISI]. Mr Jalaloddin Haqqani has given an interview to NBC on the instructions of ISI. In his interview, he has said: "Some senior Afghan officials [generals] are assisting them in fighting American and NATO forces." Dear compatriots, I would like to shed light on the previous activities of Mr Haqqani before making a judgment regarding his speech. Jalaloddin Haqqani was a prominent commander of Mawlawi Yunos Khales's party and was living in Khost Province. He had close relations with ISI of Pakistan before carrying out armed activities. Therefore, he took part in operations independently and separately from the party. He paved the way for arrival of senior ISI officials such as Col Mohammad Yusof and... [ellipses as published] [into Afghanistan]. Therefore, ISI offered more facilities to Haqqani than anyone else. He handed over whatever he obtained in the war in Afghanistan. This caused the ISI to establish contacts between Haqqani and Arab countries, so that he could obtain excessive support from them. Therefore, Jalaloddin Haqqani started building terrorist centres for them in the border regions with the financial support from ISI and Arab countries. He stationed them in border regions of Afghanistan to destabilize Afghanistan and kill innocent people. As a result, ISI boosted the relations between Arab countries and Haqqani so much so that it finally resulted in his marriage with an Arab woman. He obtained excessive assistance from the Arab countries in the name of jihad. [Passage omitted: More on Haqqani's links with ISI] Haqqani boosted his relations with the Taleban so much so that he took part in carrying out terrorist and military acts and taking decisions as their key member. Now he wants to remove from the scene the leader of the Taleban, Mullah Mohammad Omar, with the support of this organization [ISI] and assistance of Baitullah Mehsud. Mr Haqqani has made baseless statements in his interview with NBC on the instructions of ISI. He has said that some military generals assisted them in carrying out the attack on Serena Hotel and on 8 Ghowayi [attack on ceremony commemorating mojahedin victory on 27 April 2008]. He has claimed responsibility for these attacks. The Pakistani government, particularly its ISI has taken an active part in destabilizing and deteriorating the security situation in Afghanistan for a long period of time. He wants to create an atmosphere of mistrust between senior Afghan officials to achieve his destructive goals by making such baseless statements. [Passage omitted: More on troubles, problems suffered by Afghans during the past three decades of war]. The Afghan nation now knows that Pakistan's government is involved in destabilizing our country. The Pakistani government and ISI are involved in the recent violence and problems. They do not want security and peace to be ensured in Afghanistan, so that they can achieve their destructive goals. [Description of Source: Kabul Arman-e Melli (National Aspiration) in Pashto -- Fourpage independent daily with broad coverage of domestic political issues, including interviews with political figures. Also carries international, science health issues, and readers' letters, some of which are critical of the government] Suspected Taleban commander arrested in Afghan east IAP20081103950068 Kabul Pajhwok Afghan News in English 1135 GMT 03 Nov 08 Suspected Taleban commander arrested in Afghan east Text of report in English by Afghan independent Pajhwok news agency website Kabul: Security officials in Logar Province on Monday [3 November] informed arresting an alleged commander of militant group led by Mowlawi Jalaloddin Haqqani. Nasir Ahmad, commander of a special campaign unit in Charkh District of Logar Province, told Pajhwok Afghan News they arrested the local commander he introduced as Mowlawi Mirwais in Garm-Aab area of the district last night. The militant official was arrested during a raid on his house, he added, the arrested did not resist. The arrested was a resident of the area and was currently in custody with NATO-led forces in this province. He termed Mirwais as important commander of Mowlawi Haqqani wing, who was busy in anti-government activities in the area since last three years. Security organs in the province were trying to arrest the rebel commander since long ago and finally they succeeded last night, he added. The commander was involved in setting ablaze Charkh District building, he blamed. However Brig-Gen Gholam Mustafa Muhsini, police chief of the province, expressed unawareness about the incident; meanwhile there is no comment from the Taleban militants on the recent episode. [Description of Source: Kabul Pajhwok Afghan News in English Independent Afghan news agency] Taliban Release Video Of German Who Targeted US Afghan Base GMP20080320950038 Riyadh SPA (Internet Version-WWW) in English 1505 GMT 20 Mar 08 [Computer selected and disseminated without OSC Editorial intervention] Islamabad, March 20 , SPA -- The Taliban have released a videotape of the last statement by a German of Turkish origin who carried out a suicide bomb attack earlier this month on a US post in eastern Afghanistan, a Pakistan press report said Thursday, according to dpa. German-born Cuneyt Ciftci, also known as Saad Abu Furkan, blew himself up in a delivery truck near a US base in the Sabari district of Khost province on March 3, killing two soldiers with the NATO-led International Security Assistance Force (ISAF) and two Afghan workers. Six others were wounded. The videotape, issued in Peshawar, the capital of Pakistan's North-West Frontier Province, also contains images of the scene of the attack, the daily News reported. "Three of our cameramen filmed the attack when it was taking place from three sides," Taliban sources told the English-language newspaper The News' Peshawar bureau chief, Rahimullah Yousafzai. In the videotape Ciftci, 28, said his attack was a sacrifice for Islam. "I am giving away my life for the glory of Islam," Ciftci was cited by Yousafzai, who watched the video, as saying. Some parts of his statement were in German, he told Deutsche Presse-Agentur dpa. Ciftic also made appeal to other Muslims to join him in jihad against the infidels. "Time has arrived to give sacrifices for Islam. Since we lack resources to fight the enemy (Western powers), we will have to turn our bodies into bombs. We will have to sacrifice our lives," he said. The reports of Ciftci's involvement in the Khost bombing first came up last week in the German press, including Der Spiegel, Focus and Bild. He had lived near Ansbach in the southern German state of Bavaria with a wife and two children and had been under observation by the security services for some time, according to those reports. Ciftci, the first German Islamist who carried out a suicide bombing in Afghanistan, is believed to have had links with Islamist terrorist cell broken up last September 5 in Germany. The plotters, who included two German converts to Islam and a Turkish Muslim, had allegedly been planning large bomb attacks on U.S. facilities in Germany. All have been linked to the Uzbek terrorist group Islamic Jihad Union. The videotape released in Peshawar also includes a message of Maulvi Jalaluddin Haqqani, one of the most wanted commanders in Afghanistan. Haqqani praised the Khost suicide bombing and eulogized the services of Taliban and other mujahidin who laid down their lives for the cause of Islam and Afghanistan, the report said. dpa ns me tl ds 201319 GMT Mrz 08 [Description of Source: Riyadh SPA (Internet Version-WWW) in English -- official news agency of the Saudi Government; URL: http://www.spa.gov.sa] Afghanistan: Taliban Leader Vows 'Renewed Campaign' Against US, NATO 'Invaders' GMP20080322648003 Doha Al Jazeera.net in English 22 Mar 08 [Unattributed report: "Taliban leader vows renewed attacks"] A Taliban commander who has been in hiding for seven years has broken his silence in a video given to TV networks. Jalaluddin Haqqani, appearing frail but defiant in the video aired on Al Jazeera on Saturday, vowed a renewed campaign in Afghanistan against US and Nato "invaders". The video shows more than one attack, including what is believed to be a Taliban suicide bombing of an American compound in Afghanistan, alongside a taped message by Haqqani. "It was our tactical plan to fade away and prepare for a guerrilla war." He added: "We will defeat [George] Bush [the US president] and continue our jihad until doomsday." Seven-year silence Because he remained silent for seven years, many had assumed Haqqani was dead and rumours to that effect had circulated in the international media. Haqqani is the head of the Taliban in south eastern Afghanistan, along the border area with Pakistan's North and South Waziristan. Al Jazeera's Kamal Hyder, reporting from Pakistan, said the video had prompted serious concern among Pakistani authorities, seen as allies to Washington in its fight against the Taliban and al-Qaeda. "This is a senior Taliban commander, in the past seven-and-a-half years nobody has seen him, now he's promising an intensified campaign that is likely to have its effects on the Pakistani tribal areas [the Waziristan region]," said Hyder. Military "brains" Haqqani is one of the most well known Taliban leaders and is believed to be the brains behind the the group's current attacks on US and coalition forces in Afghanistan. "He is very well respected in his home province of Paktia [in Afghanistan]. In fact, Haqqani was the man who started the campaign after the US-led invasion of Afghanistan," said Hyder. Haqqani's three sons are known to help lead his network of fighters, including Taliban and foreign fighters associated with al-Qaeda. The group has claimed responsibility for several attacks in the past, including one on a luxury hotel in Kabul, the Afghan capital, in January which killed seven people. [Description of Source: Doha Al Jazeera.net in English -- Website of the Al Jazeera English TV, international English-language news service of Al-Jazirah, independent television station financed by the Qatari Government; URL: http://english.aljazeera.net ] Asia Times: 'New Pakistan Leaders Target Militants' CPP20080326721002 Hong Kong Asia Times Online WWW-Text in English 1041 GMT 25 Mar 08 [Report by Syed Saleem Shahzad : "New Pakistan Leaders Target Militants "; headline as provided by source] KARACHI - With Pakistan's democratically elected government now installed and Yousuf Raza Gillani sworn in as the new prime minister, the administration can get down to one of the main businesses of the day: dealing with militancy. There has been much talk of a public backlash against the military operations orchestrated by President Pervez Musharraf against militants in the tribal areas and that the new government will seek to reverse the policies he adopted in the "war on terror" during his eight years as a military ruler. However, Asia Times Online investigations reveal that the ruling coalition, dominated by assassinated former opposition leader Benazir Bhutto's Pakistan Peoples' Party (PPP) and the Pakistan Muslim League (PML) of Nawaz Sharif, will attempt, through dialogue, to split the militants so that the Taliban and al-Qaeda will be exposed, much as has happened with the Sunni-dominated Awakening Councils that have turned against al-Qaeda in Iraq. This decision comes at an important time. The Taliban have opened up a new front in Khyber Agency in Pakistan, as predicted by Asia Times Online last week . On Sunday, about 36 oil tankers that supply fuel to United States-led forces in neighboring Afghanistan were blown up in Khyber Agency. At least 70 people were injured. On Tuesday, US Assistant Secretary of State Richard Boucher and Deputy Secretary of State John Negroponte began talks in Pakistan to discuss, among other issues, the new government's role against militants. Asia Times Online contacts maintain the government will stick to a script agreed with Washington before February's elections that all efforts will be made to bring public support behind the "war on terror" and more military operations against militants. "Everything will remain the same. The only difference is that politicians will do their job and the military will do its job. Nobody will try to overlap with another," said a contact who is a close aide of the PPP's co-chairman, Asif Zardari, and who is also close to Washington. The main role will be played by the Pashtun sub-nationalist Awami National Party (ANP), which leads the ruling coalition in North-West Frontier Province. The ANP has already scheduled tribal jirgas (councils) aimed to demilitarize the tribal areas and separate local tribals from radical jihadis, whether they be local or foreign. Indeed, the anti-Taliban networking has already resulted in several al-Qaeda and Taliban targets being hit. And importantly, leading Taliban commander Jalaluddin Haqqani and his son Sirajuddin Haqqani, who is on a "most wanted" list in Afghanistan, have left the North Waziristan tribal area for a safer district. Government at work, eyes on Sharif Apart from dealing with militancy, the new government has already tackled some sensitive issues. On Monday, dozens of judges detained under emergency rule were released on the orders of Gillani, including former chief justice Iftikhar Chaudhry. The judges were sacked last November by Musharraf shortly before the Supreme Court was to adjudicate on whether his re-election as president was legal. The government is now expected to seek the release of insurgents from Balochistan province. Former premier Sharif is said to be a conservative and he has already opened up dialogue with militants. He is using several channels, one being Javaid Ibrahim Paracha, a former member of Parliament from Sharif's PML who openly provided shelter for Arabs who had fled from Afghanistan into Pakistan after the US-led invasion there in 2001. According to sources close to Sharif, the dialogue is aimed at stopping the militants from attacking Pakistani cities. But this does not mean that Nawaz is soft on the militancy. Rather, the sources say, Sharif's aim is to isolate the al-Qaeda leadership to get it arrested. For the militants, the battle continues. "We will continue to choke all the supply lines to NATO (North Atlantic Treaty Organization) forces that go through Khyber Agenc y. At the same time, we will also cut off food supplies that go over land routes. If this is successful for a few months, it will be more devastating than a spring offensive," commented a top Pakistani al-Qaeda leader from the tribal headquarters of Miranshah in North Waziristan. [Description of Source: Hong Kong Asia Times Online WWW-Text in English - - Hong Kong-based online newspaper with a Bangkok branch office focusing on political and economic issues from an "Asian perspective," with over 50 contributors in 17 Asian countries, the United States, and Europe. Successor of the Hong Kong/Bangkok based print daily Asia Times that closed in 1997, it claims an average of 100,000 daily site visitors as of Feb 2006, with 65% of the audience based in North America, and 22% in the Asia-Pacific region. Root URL on filing date: http://www.atimes.com] Germany: Video of German Suicide Bomber Documents 'Final Minutes' of His Life EUP20080327085014 Hamburg Spiegel Online in English 27 Mar 08 [Report by Matthias Gebauer in Kabul: "The Smiling Suicide Bomber" For assistance with multimedia elements, contact OSC at 1-800-205-8615 or [email protected]] Cuneyt Ciftci, a young man from Bavaria, blew himself up outside a government building in Afghanistan, killing two US soldiers and two Afghanis. SPIEGEL ONLINE has obtained a video documenting the final minutes in the life of the first German-born suicide bomber. It's the perpetual grin that is most disturbing. The young man looks directly into the camera. He seems cheerful in his small cap and white shalwar kameez, the traditional Afghan dress. He smiles as he hoists the heavy bags of chemicals on to his shoulders. Grinning, he points skyward to Allah. His permanent smile comes despite his knowledge -- or perhaps precisely because of it -- that he will soon die. It's impossible to hear what he is saying. Flowery suras from the Koran are dubbed over his voice. "How lucky you are, that death brings you the sunrise," sings a man's voice. "That you go to the front, that you burn in the name of Islam." Then the young man says goodbye to his companions. Before he drives off, he kneels down in the dust and prays one last time. The man is the 28-year-old German-born Turkish citizen Cuneyt Ciftci, who was born in the Bavarian town of Freising. Until April 2, 2007 he lived together with his family in Ansbach. The images come from a 45-minute DVD which SPIEGEL ONLINE obtained this week in Afghanistan from the media wing of the Taliban. SPIEGEL ONLINE was first offered the film, "Source of the Jihad," in Pakistan. A middleman with contacts to the Taliban wanted to sell it for a five-figure US dollar sum. The actual makers of the video, however, were not interested in money. All they wanted was the price of a courier to Kabul. The only important thing was the message, namely that Cuneyt Ciftci blew himself up on March 3 in front of the Sabari District Center in the eastern Afghanistan province of Khost. And that it was a jihadi from Germany who claimed the lives of the 23-year-old US soldier Stephen Koch, his 22year-old comrade Robert Rapp and two Afghans. The filmmakers recorded the attack. They positioned themselves with two cameras around the District Center and waited for the blue Toyota Dyna light truck with Ciftci at the wheel. Calmly, without the wild zooms and wobbles common to terrorist videos, they waited for the big bang. When the huge cloud of smoke finally rose and the explosion was heard, they yelled: "Allahu Akbar -- God is great!" Anyone who views the pictures can see why the bombers could not yet be identified from their body parts or DNA. The explosion was enormous. The editors of the Web site of the radical Islamist group Islamic Jihad Union, who first reported the suicide attack on March 6, bragged about 4.5 tons of explosives. That amount seems excessive. Nevertheless, the video images show that the US military actually escaped relatively lightly. The mushroom cloud from the explosion rose a good 80 meters into the sky. But the Taliban's propaganda experts weren't just in Khost. The three days immediately prior to the one scene, a painstakingly accurate sketch of the lies on the floor. Huddled around it are a number interested in the March 3 explosion attack were documented as well. In American building to be targeted of men whispering inaudibly, their faces turned away from the camera. A line was drawn indicating the route to be taken by the truck bomb -- a perfectly planned act of terror. Later, one sees the white sacks of chemicals used to manufacture the bomb, along with a trigger mechanism, including a long black cable that comes to an end right next to the driver's seat. And once again, there is an image of Ciftci smiling into the camera, this time sitting behind the wheel of the truck. Just a short time later, he would push the button -- and, at four minutes past four on that Monday afternoon, the target would lie in ruins. The images show the last mission of an Islamist from the German state of Bavaria -the end of a journey which took him from the quiet village of Ansbach to the front in Afghanistan. Cuneyt Ciftci found his way into Islamist circles in Germany via mosques in both Bavaria and the Baden-Wurttemberg town of Ulm before joining the jihad with the Taliban. Now, the smiling jihadi has become a recent entry into the eternal list of martyrs. But the video is more than just a flowery farewell. It appears that the Taliban deliberately hand-picked the Turkish youth from Germany to appear in a recruiting video. Terrorist investigators already suspect that Ciftci was intended to be an example for a new generation of jihadis. Although a number of Islamist terror plots have been hatched in Germany -- the most famous of which being the 9/11 attacks, which were partly planned by a terror cell led by Mohamed Atta in Hamburg -- Ciftci is the first suicide bomber to have been born and raised in Germany. That fact is making German security and intelligence authorities very worried. The DVD shows exactly what young radical Islamists, of which hundreds are known in Germany, can become within a short period of time. Ciftci was already under suspicion due to his contacts to the Sauerland terror cell, whose three members were arrested in September 2007. He tried again and again to get German papers, something the police found suspicious. When the authorities asked him to come in for questioning in early April 2007, he feared he would be arrested and took off with his family. It was presumably Adem Y., also a member of the Sauerland cell, who told him at the time how to travel through Syria and Iran to Pakistan, where his destination was an Islamic Jihad Union terror camp. From Pakistan, Ciftci must have at some point made it to the Taliban in Afghanistan. The propaganda DVD also features a recent speech by the Taliban legend Jalaluddin Haqqani. For years, it was unclear what had happened to Haqqani, a top Taliban commander. The video marks something of a comeback for him. "With God's help, the United States will leave Afghanistan with their heads hung in shame," a confident Haqqani announces. He leaves no doubt as to the determination of jihadis like Ciftci. "One should not hurry in war," he says. "We have a lot of patience." It appears that the Taliban deliberately hand-picked the Turkish youth from Germany to appear in a recruiting video. Terrorist investigators suspect that Ciftci was intended to be an example for a new generation of jihadis. [Description of Source: Hamburg Spiegel Online in English -- news web site funded by the Spiegel group which funds Der Spiegel weekly and the Spiegel television magazine; URL: www.spiegel.de: ] Investigators See 'German Jihadists' as Acting Under Direct Orders From Taliban EUP20080406036001 Hamburg Der Spiegel (Internet Version-WWW) in German 07 Apr 08 [Unattributed report: "German Jihadists Under Taliban's Direction] Security officials assume that German jihadists -- such as the 20-year-old Neunkirchen convert Eric B., who has appeared on wanted posters in Afghanistan since last week -- are operating under direct instructions from high-ranking Taliban and Al-Qa'ida figures. This is also evidenced by an analysis of the terrorist video showing 28-year-old Cuneyt Ciftci of Ansbach, Bavaria, as he apparently prepared for the suicide bomb attack carried out on 3 March in the Sabari district of Afghanistan's Khost province, in which two US soldiers and two Afghans were killed. Not only does Ciftci extol his plan ("Inshallah, may my creator elevate our religion through our hands and bring torment to the enemies") in the 45-minute propaganda video; for the first time in quite a while, high-ranking Taliban leader Jalaluddin Haqqani, who was believed dead, also makes an appearance, expressly praising the assassin and his attack. Haqqani was a minister under the Taliban before its chief Mullah Omar appointed him leading military commander in 2004. The video confirms close contacts between the Taliban and the Islamic Jihad Union (IJU), according to the Federal Criminal Police Office [BKU]. Like Ciftci, Eric B., alias "Abdul Rafar," and Houssain al-M., both of who are now on the wanted list in Afghanistan, had contacts with what is known as the Sauerland cell of the IJU. [Description of Source: Hamburg Der Spiegel (Internet Version-WWW) in German -- major independent news weekly; leans left of center] Asia Times: 'Taliban Welcome Back An Old Friend' CPP20080406721001 Hong Kong Asia Times Online WWW-Text in English 0307 GMT 05 Apr 08 [Report by Syed Saleem Shahzad : "Taliban Welcome Back An Old Friend "; headline as provided by source] KARACHI - Like a voice from the grave, legendary Afghan mujahideen leader Jalaluddin Haqqani has emerged from years of silence to boldly launch the Taliban-led spring offensive in Afghanistan, at the same time burying any doubts of a split between his coalition of resistance groups and Mullah Omar's Taliban. In a video message released last week and which is only now coming into wider circulation, Haqqani, speaking in his trademark low-pitched voice and with his hair dyed red with henna, called on the people of Afghanistan "to stand up against the USled forces in Afghanistan and drive them out". The release of the message by Haqqani, who has a bounty on his head as one of the US's most-wanted men, coincides with an important North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) meeting in Bucharest, Romania, this weekend at which the divided alliance will try to hammer out a more coherent strategy in the war in Afghanistan which many analysts believe it is losing. As Haqqani speaks on the video, he is accompanied by a background song which pledges his allegiance to Mullah Omar, laying to rest any doubts that he has set himself up as a rival to the mainstream Taliban. Along with his son Sirajuddin, Jalaluddin Haqqani has built up a well-organized group, known as the Haqqani Network, with roots in Pakistan's tribal areas, that, now firmly allied with Mullah Omar, will pose a dangerous challenge to the coalition forces in Afghanistan. Haqqani soundly dismissed any notion - as touted by senior NATO officials - that the Taliban were weakened and might forego their spring offensive. "All 37 allies (in NATO) will be humiliated and driven out of Afghanistan - jihad is compulsory and will continue until the end of time; we are without resources, but we have the support of God." Haqqani said the Taliban and their allies in Afghanistan had come up with new plans to fight against NATO, but these did not have any room for reconciliation. "We are geared for war," Haqqani stated. "(President George W) Bush and his allies have decided to kill us or arrest us - they consider us as weak and think of themselves as all powerful. They think we have no place left in the world to survive - they think we are destined either to die or to be captured... they think they are wealthy nations, with their money and with half of the world behind them. "They think they can enslave poor Afghans - bomb us with their planes and gunship helicopters - they think they have everything and we are voiceless - the media are with them and they belittle our resistance. We kill 80 and they report two or one. I promise the Afghan nation that soon we will be victorious," said Haqqani. The long speech by the Pashtun leader, who made his name fighting against the Soviets in Afghanistan in the 1980s and remains the most-respected tribal figure in southeastern Afghanistan, is the most sophisticated yet of the Taliban's presentations to Pashtun people. Copies of Haqqani's speech have spread all over eastern Afghanistan and are available in various formats, including on cassette tape and through cell phone downloads. After being silent for so long, and having been reported dead on numerous occasions, the impact of people listening to Haqqani is immense and will undoubtedly work as a galvanizing force among Pashtuns. This especially as NATO has in recent months worked hard to portray the Taliban as a spent force consisting of a bunch of naive young lads with no credible leader left. "They projected the rumor that Jalaluddin Haqqani had died in Dubai (in the United Arab Emirates). I am neither a shopkeeper nor a trader that I would travel to Dubai. Neither am I a politician who roams all around the world... the Americans thought that with their developed technology they could plant the news of my death in the media. But now the media are realizing their lies to demoralize the mujahideen," Haqqani said. A graphic part of Haqqani's video shows a suicide operation carried out by a TurkGerman n amed Cuneyt Ciftci, also known as Saad Abu Furkan. He is seen in the video blowing himself up in a delivery truck near a US base in the Sabari district of Khost province in Afghanistan on March 3. According to Western press reports, two soldiers with the NATO-led International Security Assistance Force and two Afghan workers were killed and six others wounded. But the video claims the killing of 63 people. The Taliban's new battle The inclusion in the video of this suicide attack - one of dozens that has taken place in the country in recent years - is important as it shows an unprecedented level of planning and organization not normally associated with the Taliban. Footage shows a professionally drawn map, like an architect's, of a compound of the Sabari district headquarters. There is detail of the boundary walls, the protective inner walls, entry points, rooms, backyard and front portions of the newly built structure. Clearly the Taliban had contacts among the laborers or contractors. There are pictures of Taliban guerrillas sitting around the map discussing their plan to launch the suicide bomber in an explosive-laden vehicle. This is a far cry from usual grainy Afghan videos of ambushes on military convoys in the mountains. Haqqani's video is reminiscent of those made by the Iraqi resistance in 2004-05, when operations were meticulously planned by former officers of Saddam Hussein's army and executed with precision. In the many years since being ousted in 2001, the Taliban have had numerous ups and downs, from the successful spring offensive of 2006 to the failed mass uprising of 2007. Now, the Taliban have adopted a policy of preserving their strength by only hitting specific targets, rather than waste their resources in multiple direct confrontations with NATO forces. The Taliban have also opened up a new front based in Khyber Agency in Pakistan just across the border from Afghanistan's Nangarhar province, as NATO has beefed up its presence in the traditional Taliban strongholds of Paktia, Paktika, Khost and Kunar provinces. Last week, NATO announced the opening of an intelligence center near the Torkham border post, at the crossroad of Khyber Agency and Nangarhar province. But it was not able to thwart the biggest-ever guerrilla operation against a US base in the province a few days later. More than 200 Taliban participated in an overnight hit-and-run operation. Taliban sources claimed the killing of 70 US soldiers, but there was no confirmation of that figure from NATO or any other independent source. According to the video, the Taliban will use as much foreign expertise as possible, as well as tapping into tribal elders and their supporters. This means that mainstream Taliban commanders like Mullah Beradar from southwestern Afghanistan and commanders who are allied with the Taliban but who keep their own identities, like Anwarul Haq Mujahahid from Nangarhar and Uzbek and Arab commanders, will join hands for a coherent overall strategy. This of course includes Haqqani and his considerable following. A relatively new string in the Taliban's bow is the reliance on thousands of Pakistani and other jihadis put out of "work" since the struggle in Kashmir deescalated. They are well trained, and as they did in Indian-administered Kashmir and other parts of India, they can be expected to target key infrastructure and highprofile targets, such as government buildings. This year's suicide attack by the Haqqani Network on the Serina Hotel in Kabul, in which several people, including foreigners, were killed, and the attack in Khost on March 3 shown in the video, indicate one key direction in which the Taliban-led insurgency is headed. Syed Saleem Shahzad is Asia Times Online's Pakistan Bureau Chief. He can be reached at [email protected] [Description of Source: Hong Kong Asia Times Online WWW-Text in English - - Hong Kong-based online newspaper with a Bangkok branch office focusing on political and economic issues from an "Asian perspective," with over 50 contributors in 17 Asian countries, the United States, and Europe. Successor of the Hong Kong/Bangkok based print daily Asia Times that closed in 1997, it claims an average of 100,000 daily site visitors as of Feb 2006, with 65% of the audience based in North America, and 22% in the Asia-Pacific region. Root URL on filing date: http://www.atimes.com] German Islamists Suspected of Planning Attack in Afghanistan FEA20080407616314 - OSC Feature - Spiegel Online 04 Apr 08 [Report by Matthias Gebauer: "German Islamists Suspected of Planning Attack in Afghanistan"] Security officials assume that German jihadists -- such as the 20-year-old Neunkirchen convert Eric B., who has appeared on wanted posters in Afghanistan since last week -- are operating under direct instructions from high-ranking Taliban and Al-Qa'ida figures. This is also evidenced by an analysis of the terrorist video showing 28-year-old Cuneyt Ciftci of Ansbach, Bavaria, as he apparently prepared for the suicide bomb attack carried out on 3 March in the Sabari district of Afghanistan's Khost province, in which two US soldiers and two Afghans were killed. Not only does Ciftci extol his plan ("Inshallah, may my creator elevate our religion through our hands and bring torment to the enemies") in the 45-minute propaganda video; for the first time in quite a while, high-ranking Taliban leader Jalaluddin Haqqani, who was believed dead, also makes an appearance, expressly praising the assassin and his attack. Haqqani was a minister under the Taliban before its chief Mullah Omar appointed him leading military commander in 2004. The video confirms close contacts between the Taliban and the Islamic Jihad Union (IJU), according to the Federal Criminal Police Office [BKU]. Like Ciftci, Eric B., alias "Abdul Rafar," and Houssain al-M., both of who are now on the wanted list in Afghanistan, had contacts with what is known as the Sauerland cell of the IJU. (Spiegel Online, 7 Apr) Two Islamic extremists from Germany may be planning attacks against targets in Afghanistan, investigators have warned. The men, who share connections to the Sauerland terror cell and suicide bomber Cüneyt Ciftci, are thought to have trained at terror camps in Pakistan. Two German Islamists may be planning a terrorist attack in Afghanistan, German investigators are warning. The Federal Criminal Police Office (BKA) on April 1 notified leaders of the Bundeswehr, Germany's military, as well as the United Nations and potential targets - including a five-star hotel in Kabul -- that two men from Germany with known ties to terrorist groups could be planning a bomb attack against Germans in Afghanistan. The men are identified as Eric B., a 20-year-old German Muslim convert, and Houssain al-M., a 24-year-old Lebanese native who holds a German passport. Federal investigators connect the men to the Sauerland terror cell, a group of three would-be terrorists arrested in Germany last September. Investigators believe that the cell, comprised of two German converts to Islam and one Turkish national, was plotting a major attack on US military bases in Germany. The Sauerland group and the two men named by German authorities this week also share connections to the Islamic Jihad Union, a terrorist organization that runs a training camp in northern Pakistan. Investigators believe all five men trained at the camp. The terrorist group also claims to have trained Cüneyt Ciftci, a German-born Turkish citizen who is believed to have become the first German-born suicide bomber last month when he detonated a truck bomb in front of a government building in Afghanistan's Khost region, killing two US soldiers. Officials within the BKA told SPIEGEL ONLINE that investigators kept an eye on Eric B. and Houssain al-M.'s movements after they left Germany last fall. The two men's first stop was Cairo, where they visited a radical Islamic cleric with ties to Germany. At the end of November they proceeded to Dubai, then on to Tehran. Investigators lost track of them in early December, but they are believed to have crossed the border from Iran into Waziristan, a north-western Pakistani province where the Islamic Jihad Union has several training camps. Houssain al-M. attempted the same crossing last summer with a member of the Sauerland terror cell. However both men were arrested by Pakistani secret service agents. A German intelligence official told SPIEGEL ONLINE that the men were detained for days and interrogated by Pakistan's Inter-Services Intelligence agency before being deported to Germany. The official suggested that al-M.'s interrogation could have "heightened his intention to take part in the holy war." Fearing that he would be monitored or apprehended by authorities in Germany, the official explained, al-M. quickly planned his return to Pakistan. The current whereabouts of Eric B. and Houssain al-M. are unknown, but German authorities hope that their public alert may prompt the men to abandon any planned attacks. "When they see their pictures everywhere and realize that we and the Afghan authorities are looking for them, maybe they will give up the worst of their plans because it is too dangerous," the official told SPIEGEL ONLINE. [Description of Source: Hamburg Spiegel Online in English -- news web site funded by the Spiegel group which funds Der Spiegel weekly and the Spiegel television magazine; URL: www.spiegel.de: ] [This item was originally filed as EUP20080404086004] AFP: Military Says Afghan, US-Led Troops Detain Rebel Commander, Five Militants JPP20080414969031 Hong Kong AFP in English 0645 GMT 14 Apr 08 KABUL, April 14, 2008 (AFP) -- Afghan and US-led troops have detained six militants including a commander "directly" involved in the preparation of suicide attacks in eastern Afghanistan, the coalition military said Monday. Mohammad Ghanam and five other militants were captured during a raid by Afghan and US-led troops in the eastern province of Khost on Friday, the force said in a statement. "Mohammad Ghanam, 33, was one of two militants who were the focus of the operation. He was directly involved in the preparation of vehicle-borne improvised explosive devices (IEDs)," it said. The militant leader "has conducted attacks against coalition bases throughout Afghanistan," it added, without providing details of the attacks. Ghanam was part of the Haqqani network, the statement said, referring to a group headed by key Taliban-linked militant leader, Jalaluddin Haqqani, part of an insurgency against government and foreign forces in eastern Afghanistan. Bomb-filled jackets and other ammunition were also found in the compounds where the men were caught, the statement said, adding that troops destroyed the weapons at the site. Khost, a restive region on the Pakistani border, has experienced increased suicide bombings in recent months, including a March 3 car bombing that rammed a joint Afghan and US base, killing two US troops and two Afghan workers. The Taliban claimed responsibility for that attack. The hardline movement, ousted from power in a US-led invasion at the end of 2001, are waging a growing insurgency and violence has spiked since early 2007. More than 8,000 people, including 1,500 civilians and nearly 220 foreign troops, were slain in the conflict last year, according to a UN report. More than 70,000 international troops are in Afghanistan to fight the insurgency and help the war-torn country rebuild. [Description of Source: Hong Kong AFP in English -- Hong Kong service of the independent French press agency Agence France-Presse] Asia Times: 'The Taliban Talk the Talk' CPP20080410721010 Hong Kong Asia Times Online WWW-Text in English 1029 GMT 10 Apr 08 [Report by Syed Saleem Shahzad : "The Taliban Talk the Talk "; headline as provided by source] KARACHI - With the destruction of a bridge on the Indus Highway in the North-West Frontier Province (NWFP) region of Darra Adamkhel last weekend, the Taliban have taken another step towards choking the supplies that flood through Pakistan to the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) mission in Afghanistan. At the same time, the Taliban believe an agreement Russia concluded with NATO at its summit last week will not alleviate the situation. Moscow agreed to the transit of food and non-military cargo and "some types of non-lethal military equipment" across Russia to Afghanistan. NATO is acutely aware that the 70% of its supplies that enter Afghanistan through Pakistan are in jeopardy with the Taliban's new focus on cutting transit routes. These developments take place as the Taliban-led battle in Afghanistan is about to enter a new phase; for the first time since their ouster in 2001, the Taliban will scale back their tribal guerrilla warfare and concentrate on tactics used by the legendary Vietnamese commander General Vo Nguyen Giap, an approach that has already proved successful in taming the Pakistani military in the tribal areas. "For the first time, the Taliban will have a well-coordinated strategy under which we will seize isolated military posts for a limited time, taking enemy combatants hostage, and then leaving them," "Dr Jarrah", a Taliban media spokesman, told Asia Times Online in a telephone conversation from Kunar province in Afghanistan. "This is the second tier of General Giap's guerrilla strategy. The third tier is a conventional face-to-face war. This aims to demoralize the enemy," Jarrah explained. "We have been delayed by rainfall, but you shall see action by mid-April." Jarrah claimed the Taliban have already launched some attacks over the past few weeks in Nooristan province, killing several American soldiers. Jarrah said retaliatory bombing only resulted in civilian casualties. The Taliban and al-Qaeda used these tactics against the Pakistani military in the South Waziristan tribal area during 2007. This involved targeting remote military posts and forts and other installations on the fringes of towns such as Bannu. The Taliban would occupy the positions for only a few hours, long enough for them to take scores of soldiers as hostages. These would then be swapped with Taliban prisoners or used as bargaining chips for ceasefires and other demands. The Taliban's new focus is the brainchild of several retired Pakistani military officers who are now part of the Taliban movement. They are complemented by men trained by Pakistan's Inter-Services Intelligence's India cell to fuel the insurgency in Indian-administered Kashmir. These "neo-Taliban" have changed the face and dynamics of the Afghan insurgency. They are particularly careful not to blindly waste manpower, as in the past. During 2008, the main center of Taliban activity will be eastern Afghanistan. "Almost 90% of the men have been launched for this spring," a Pakistani Taliban told Asia Times Online on condition of anonymity. He is known for his professional military skills and strategic planning. "About 10,000 fresh men have joined hands with us. Of these, half of them have been trained and launched, along with the old lot, while the other half (5,000) are getting training and will be launched in the next phase," the man said. He continued, "Chopping off NATO's supply lines from Pakistan is the prelude of our operations and, believe me, the NATO deal with Russia for an alternative supply line is useless. To me, this is a fallacy or a political slogan to pressurize the strategically illiterate Pakistani leadership that NATO can do without Pakistan." The strategic expert pointed out that the transit agreement was signed between Afghanistan and Pakistan because historically NWFP has always been the lifeline for southeastern Afghanistan, and nothing has changed this status. Iran is the second choice, but it is not willing to allow its territory to be used to support NATO. Maintaining military supplies to Afghanistan this year will be a great challenge for the US, which is why Richard Boucher, the top US official for South Asia, and US Deputy Secretary of State John Negroponte were in Pakistan's Khyber Agency recently to try to get tribal elders on side. But because of the Taliban's threats, only three elders turned up for secret meetings. A load of 'nonsense' Brigadier General Carlos Branco, a spokesman for the NATO-led International Security Assistance Force in Afghanistan, is skeptical of the Taliban's claims, calling them unrealistic and no more than propaganda. "Every year they claim a spring offensive. What offensive are they talking about? Blowing up cell phone towers in Helmand and Kandahar (provinces) or blowing up power stations in Ghazni? This is not an offensive," Branco told Asia Times Online in a telephone interview from Kabul. "You know much better than me this (cutting supply lines) is not true. We rely on various means of transportation; besides, we do have a lot of supplementary stocks with us. Therefore, a few attacks will never have any effect. We do have sea problems (Afghanistan is landlocked) but this claim of completely chopping off our supply lines has no base in reality. I completely deny their claim," Branco said. Commenting on the Taliban's new strategy, Branco dismissed it as old wine in new bottles. "The Taliban haven't had a new strategy in the past, neither will they have one in the future. They will do what they did in 2007. They avoided any confrontation with NATO or the Afghan National Army and instead they attacked district headquarters and claimed they had captured the whole district. But before the arrival of our troops, they left. "They did indeed attack some of our forward operation bases, but their attacks were ineffective as they lack the military capability... it makes me laugh when they try to compare their guerrilla strategy with that of General Giap's," said Branco. "This is really nonsense. General Giap used coordinated guerrilla attacks and employing conventional tactics with a range of weaponry. The Taliban's tactics are useless. The tried to use those tactics in 2006 and suffered heavy losses. I don't think they will be able to repeat those tactics. They are not able to confront us on open ground, not even at the platoon level," Branco said. Similarly, a United Nations representative who spoke to Asia Times Online on condition of anonymity said the tide had changed against the Taliban. He said this had been brought about by the National Solidarity Program - a rural development initiative - and with a more visible and effective presence of the army and police, especially in Paktia and Kandahar provinces. He said governance is improving after some "inspired appointments" and that international organizations like the UN are gaining improved access in almost all areas. Other observers, such as the International Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC), see the situation differently. The ICRC said in a press release from Kabul dated April 8: The president of the ICRC, Jakob Kellenberger, is in Afghanistan for a seven-day visit to get a first-hand look at the situation in the country. "We are extremely concerned about the worsening humanitarian situation in Afghanistan. There is growing insecurity and a clear intensification of the armed conflict, which is no longer limited to the south but has spread to the east and west," said Mr Kellenberger. "Intensification of the conflict has forced a growing number of people from their homes. While the ICRC has stepped up its humanitarian activities in recent years, dangerous conditions often prevent it from reaching groups such as displaced persons who need protection and assistance. The harsh reality is that in large parts of Afghanistan, little development is taking place. Instead, the conflict is forcing more and more people to flee their homes. Their growing humanitarian needs and those of other vulnerable people must be met as a matter of urgency. The Afghan people deserve to live in a secure environment and have access to decent health care, safe drinking water and adequate food supplies," added Mr Kellenberger. These are different views from different perspectives. The Taliban, NATO, the United Nations and humanitarian organizations, they each have their own agenda. Ultimately what matters is what happens on the battle field. A new generation of neo-Taliban has emerged under Sirajuddin Haqqani (son of veteran mujahid Jalaluddin Haqqani). They are ideologically more radical than their elders, but much more strategically attuned, having proved themselves in Indian-administered Kashmir against Indian forces a few years ago and against the Pakistani military. Now they have to prove their claim that the summer of 2008 will be a hot one in Afghanistan. Syed Saleem Shahzad is Asia Times Online's Pakistan Bureau Chief. He can be reached at [email protected] [Description of Source: Hong Kong Asia Times Online WWW-Text in English - - Hong Kong-based online newspaper with a Bangkok branch office focusing on political and economic issues from an "Asian perspective," with over 50 contributors in 17 Asian countries, the United States, and Europe. Successor of the Hong Kong/Bangkok based print daily Asia Times that closed in 1997, it claims an average of 100,000 daily site visitors as of Feb 2006, with 65% of the audience based in North America, and 22% in the Asia-Pacific region. Root URL on filing date: http://www.atimes.com] Asia Times: 'Brains, Not Brawn, in Afghanistan' CPP20080428721009 Hong Kong Asia Times Online WWW-Text in English 1025 GMT 28 Apr 08 [Report by Syed Saleem Shahzad : "Brains, Not Brawn, in Afghanistan "; headline as provided by source] KARACHI - Sunday's brazen attack on a military parade in the Afghan capital Kabul at which President Hamid Karzai was officiating marks the beginning of a new phase in the Afghan insurgency in which attrition will be the focus. Taliban fighters armed with machine guns and grenade launchers sent salvos into the back of the stage on which Karzai was seated with a host of Afghan and foreign dignitaries gathered to mark the 16th anniversary of the fall of the last communist government. Three Afghans and three Taliban were killed. Sunday's event was also aimed at showcasing the Afghan army's new training and equipment, mainly from the United States. It had been planned for weeks and security was at maximum levels, yet the Taliban came within 500 meters of the stage. Sunday's attackers penetrated no fewer than 18 security rings around the parade's venue and they used their latest weaponry - small mortars that are only manufactured by a few Western countries, including Israel. In Al-Qaeda adds muscle to the Taliban's fight (Asia Times Online, April 19, 2008) it was reported how the Taliban will use specialized weapons to launch precision attacks on high-profile targets. Asia Times Online contacts say the armed men belonged to legendary Afghan mujahid Jalaluddin Haqqani's network and were facilitated by Gulbuddin Hekmatyar's Hezb-eIslami network in Kabul. Hekmatyar is an Afghan warlord and politician par excellence. Ironically, Sunday's parade celebrated the victory of the mujahideen over the communists, which in turn led to several years of the country's worst-ever factional fighting until the student militia - the Taliban movement - seized power in 1996 and kicked out all the mujahideen leaders from governance. The parade was attended by senior North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) and United Nations officials, tribal leaders, diplomats and parliamentarians and was the most high-profile assault by anti-Western coalition militants since the suicide attack on the Serena Hotel in Kabul on January 14. The incident serves as a sharp reminder to people in the capital that the Taliban are not a spent force, as senior US commanders in Afghanistan like to relate. Last week, Karzai criticized US-led coalition forces for their conduct in the "war on terror" in Afghan villages, alleging the real terrorist threat lay in the sanctuaries of the Taliban and al-Qaeda in Pakistan, not in Afghanistan. These differences highlight the complex nature of the struggle in Afghanistan, and the constant changes both sides make as they try to exploit and bleed each other's weak spots. The Taliban, for instance, have forgone their traditional direct-confrontation offensives against NATO's powerful war machine, while NATO is becoming less reliant on indiscriminate large-scale aerial bombing. The Taliban tried to chop off NATO's supply lines through Khyber Agency in Pakistan, and this time NATO responded with intelligence rather than bullets, managing to get the Taliban's key patron in the agency to change sides. (See Taliban bitten by a snake in the grass Asia Times Online, April 26, 2008.) Lessons of the battle of Nuristan This month, US-led troops and Afghan security forces, backed by air power, reported they had killed a "significant" number of militants in a fight in the northeast province of Nuristan. Initial reports said the attack involved Hekmatyar's fighters. However, the operation was conducted by a special Taliban guerilla group commanded by Shaheen Abid, whom Asia Times Online interviewed last November at Nawa Pass on the Pakistan border with Afghanistan. (See Death by the light of a silvery moon .) In a change from previous years, NATO has made it a priority to understand the workings of the Taliban. So it was able to identify Abid as the leader of the attack, and tracked him back to Nawa Pass, where he was placed under surveillance. On April 22, Abid's group launched another attack, on the Afghan National Army in easter n Afghanistan. But this time his movements were followed, and while returning to Nawa Pass he and nine of his group were killed. By being smart, rather than relying on "smart bombs", NATO has eliminated a highly skilled Taliban combat group. Similarly, commanders such as Haqqani have refined their methods, in Haqqani's case by orchestrating suicide attacks and missions such as Sunday's in Kabul. Indeed, the Taliban have lined up a stream of attackers to target Kabul to rattle the Afghan government and NATO forces in coming days and weeks. Syed Saleem Shahzad is Asia Times Online's Pakistan Bureau Chief. He can be reached at [email protected] [Description of Source: Hong Kong Asia Times Online WWW-Text in English - - Hong Kong-based online newspaper with a Bangkok branch office focusing on political and economic issues from an "Asian perspective," with over 50 contributors in 17 Asian countries, the United States, and Europe. Successor of the Hong Kong/Bangkok based print daily Asia Times that closed in 1997, it claims an average of 100,000 daily site visitors as of Feb 2006, with 65% of the audience based in North America, and 22% in the Asia-Pacific region. Root URL on filing date: http://www.atimes.com] Asia Times: 'Push Comes To Shove in Afghanistan' CPP20080430721011 Hong Kong Asia Times Online WWW-Text in English 1035 GMT 30 Apr 08 [Report by Syed Saleem Shahzad : "Push Comes To Shove in Afghanistan "; headline as provided by source] KARACHI - In what has been described as "a good public relations exercise", Prince William, second in line to the British throne, has visited Afghanistan to meet British troops in Kandahar province. The brief unannounced trip is indeed headline-grabbing, but it cannot disguise the fact that the Western coalition has a monumental battle on its hands against the Taliban-led insurgency, and the first round has already begun. Surprise Taliban attacks from the northern Afghan province of Kapisa (the Tagab Valley) to the southern Helmand districts and from Kunar to Nangarhar provinces have conclusively engaged the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) in its biggest operations since the deployment of its forces in Afghanistan in 2001. In a telling development, several hundred US Marines this week engaged the Taliban in Helmand province near Garmser, the farthest south American troops have operated in that province. The Taliban rule the countryside here all the way to the Pakistan border. The assault on Garmser was the first offensive by the 2,300 marines who arrived from the United States this month to bolster mainly British forces in the area. This trend of deploying additional troops in direct confrontations is expected to continue, even at the risk of higher casualties, in provinces such as Nangarhar, Ghazni, Kunar, Helmand and Kandahar, where the Taliban have established strongholds. This follows a recent NATO summit at which the member countries agreed to reconcile their differences over Afghanistan and commit more troops, especially to the south, where previously many NATO members were not prepared to send troops. A new generation of warriors The Taliban anticipated this "surge" a la the policy of troop reinforcements in Iraq and adjusted accordingly. Having had several key commanders killed by NATO forces last year, the Taliban's fight has been supplemented by a new generation of warriors who are the sons of war legends dating to the resistance to the Soviet occupation in the 1980s. These leaders have autonomous command, but are allied with the Taliban. Local warlords in northeastern Kapisa province belonging to veteran Gulbuddin Hekmatyar's Hezb-e-Islami have already started guerrilla operations against NATO troops. New commanders have emerged, though, including Anwar ul-Haq Mujahid in eastern Nangarhar province and Sirajuddin Haqqani in Ghazni, Kunar, Paktia, Paktika and Khost area. Kabul, too, as happened on Sunday, will come under increased attack there was another shootout with militants in the capital on Wednesday. On Tuesday, a group belonging to Anwar ul-Haq carried out a suicide attack on a progovernment tribal jirga (council) in the Khogiani district of Nangarhar province. Khogiani is the native town of Anwar ul-Haq's late father and mujahideen leader against the Soviets, Moulvi Younus Khalis. Khalis had announced his decision to battle against NATO forces in 2005, but he died a year later and his son has now taken over command. His main stronghold is the Tora Bora mountains and Khogiani. His group says it will spread the insurgency to the provincial capital of Jalalabad this year. Sirajuddin Haqqani's network has already blown the starting whistle for the spring offensive with the brazen attack on the Afghan national day parade in Kabul on Sunday. Sirajuddin Haqqani is the son of famed mujahideen commander against the Soviets, Maualana Jalaluddin Haqqani. Consolidation in the tribal areas Pakistani Taliban commander Baitullah Mehsud, based in the South Waziristan tribal area, has ended peace talks with the Islamabad government, just a week after ordering a ceasefire against security forces. A spokesman for Mehsud is reported to have said the talks broke down because the government refused to withdraw troops from the tribal areas, the strategic backyard of the Taliban's insurgency in Afghanistan. Under a well-orchestrated program, the Taliban "switched off" their attacks on politically vulnerable Pakistan this month and they patiently allowed the Westernsponsored game of carrots and sticks involving tribal peace accords to play out, even letting anti-Taliban politicians into their region. For the Taliban, it was just a matter of buying time until the end of April to put the finishing touches to their spring campaign in Afghanistan. For the past few weeks, the Taliban have been flexing their muscles against "vice" in Mohmand Agency and in Bajaur Agency. They have executed robbers and rescued two abducted Sikhs from gangs of criminals who were demanding ransom for their release. The abductors were then executed. Importantly, the Taliban have established parallel administrations which have undermined moves by secular political parties to activate local tribal networks against the Taliban. In North Waziristan, Hafiz Gul Bahadur, a Taliban commander, supported the tribal security forces (Khasadar) on the issue of their salary and negotiated on their behalf with the political agent representing the central government. Tribal elders, the Pakistani security forces and the political parties watched these developments with some surprise, compounded when the the Taliban suddenly set a deadline for the withdrawal of security forces from the area, and then announced the suspension of peace accords signed only a few days earlier. The timing of this suspension coincides with talks between the dominant party in the ruling government coalition, the Pakistan People's Party, and another key party, the Pakistan Muslim League Nawaz group (PML-N), in Dubai in the United Arab Emirates. These talks broke down on the issue of the judiciary: the PML-N wants judges dismissed last year by President Pervez Musharraf restored. It says if it does not get its way, it will pull its members from the cabinet. The Taliban sense that political uncertainty in the capital will render the government incapable of pursuing military options in the tribal areas. The young chief minister of North-West Frontier Province, Amir Haider Khan Hotti, who used his family's rapport with Afghan President Hamid Karzai to muster support behind the peace accords, besides the British Foreign Office, appealed in a state of shock with the Taliban not to take hasty decisions. But the peace agreements and their breach are a part of the Taliban's broader regional designs. From February to April, under the garb of various ceasefires, the Taliban have solidified their supply lines from Pakistan into Afghanistan. Hundreds of fresh recruits have been able to pass unimpeded from the cities to the tribal areas, where they received brief training before being launched into battle. Hand-in-hand with the suspension of the peace accords, the Taliban are stepping up pressure on the government to withdraw all troops from the tribal areas. If this happens, and it is possible, the Taliban will have a free hand to expand their training camps for fresh recruits. US President George W Bush could not have summed up the situation better. In comments on Tuesday, he admitted the United States faced a "long struggle" in Afghanistan against a "very resilient enemy" intent on bringing the Taliban back to power. Syed Saleem Shahzad is Asia Times Online's Pakistan Bureau Chief. He can be reached at [email protected] [Description of Source: Hong Kong Asia Times Online WWW-Text in English - - Hong Kong-based online newspaper with a Bangkok branch office focusing on political and economic issues from an "Asian perspective," with over 50 contributors in 17 Asian countries, the United States, and Europe. Successor of the Hong Kong/Bangkok based print daily Asia Times that closed in 1997, it claims an average of 100,000 daily site visitors as of Feb 2006, with 65% of the audience based in North America, and 22% in the Asia-Pacific region. Root URL on filing date: http://www.atimes.com] Asia Times: 'Taliban Claim Victory from Defeat' CPP20080505715029 Hong Kong Asia Times Online WWW-Text in English 1022 GMT 02 May 08 [Report by Syed Saleem Shahzad: "Taliban Claim Victory from a Defeat"; headline as provided by source] KARACHI - The Taliban have suffered their first major loss in this year's offensive, but they are putting on a brave face, even spinning the setback as a triumph in their broader battle against foreign forces in Afghanistan. On Wednesday, several thousand US Marines captured the town of Garmsir in the southern Afghan province of Helmand in their first large operation since arriving to reinforce North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) troops last month. The Taliban-controlled Garmsir had served as a main supply route for their insurgency in the area. The Taliban, however, claim the loss of one base is not critical, and anyway, for NATO to hold on to its gain it will have to commit thousands of troops to the outpost, which is located in the inhospitable desert, if it is to effectively guard the lawless and porous border through which the Taliban funnel men, arms and supplies. The Taliban also claim that one of their underlying goals since the US-led invasion in 2001 has been to tie down as many foreign troops as possible, much as the mujahideen wore down Soviet troops in the 1980s. Various Taliban leaders have told the media they will not resist the forces in Garmsir, one of the biggest concentrations since the 2001 assault on the country. Meanwhile, the Taliban say they will energize their drive to win over the Pashtun tribal districts on both sides of the border and turn them into "Taliban country", a process that is already well underway. For NATO, the fight against the Taliban has almost gone full circle. From the initial large offensive involving thousands of troops, NATO resorted to limited special operations with heavy reliance on air attacks. This only increased the population's anger against the coalition as many ordinary citizens died in the onslaught from the sky, and the Taliban were able to capitalize on this discontent. NATO command has now decided to increase its ground presence, even at the risk of greater casualties. As mentioned above, this suits the Taliban and its al-Qaedainspired goal of tying up troops. As NATO consolidates in the Garmsir deserts, the Taliban will be busy in eastern Afghanistan's border provinces, aiming to bring the tribes there under Taliban control. One of their weapons is fear, as happens in the Pakistani tribal areas, where through targeted killings of high-profile enemies, such as tribal chiefs, clerics and progovernment personalities, they effectively intimidate their rivals. Now it is happening in Afghanistan, the latest being the suicide attack, carried out by Anwar ul-Haq Mujahid's Tora Bora group, in the Khogiani district of Nangarhar province against the police chief of Khogiani, who had informed US forces in 2001 about the Tora Bora mountains and al-Qaeda's sanctuary there. The police chief survived, but at least 18 other people were killed. The mastermind of this strategy is Ustad Yasir, a regional commander of the Pakistan and Afghan border regions, though he was recently rooted out from Khyber Agency in Pakistan after the Taliban were betrayed there. (See Taliban bitten by a snake in the grass Asia Times Online, April 26.) Having "lost" Khyber Agency, where the Taliban had targeted NATO supply lines, they now want to continue this tactic in adjoining Nangarhar province. The Taliban don't forget - or forgive - though. On Thursday, they launched a suicide attack in Khyber Agency against Haji Namdar, who betrayed them. Only one of the four explosive plates strapped to the bomber exploded, so Namdar managed to escape unhurt, although 30 others were injured. At the time of the attack, Namdar was appealing to the masses for donations for the Taliban's struggle in Afghanistan. But now he has been exposed as a traitor and in fact not pro-Taliban. This may allow the Taliban to make inroads into his large constituency, which is traditionally suspicious of the Taliban, who still very much want to regain a footing in Khyber Agency. Taliban sources have also claimed the capture of an important US military camp in Khost province (close to the Pakistan border), but that could not be independently confirmed. The camp is said to have been taken by Jalaluddin Haqqani and handed over to al-Qaeda militants. If this is true, it would be a step in the Taliban's march to wrest control of Afghan tribes. Meanwhile, the NATO soldiers guarding the Garmsir deserts, one of the world's hottest spots, with temperatures reaching 50-60 Celsius, face a tough time. The area is central to the country's flourishing opium trade. On the Afghan side of the border, it is run by elements in the Afghan administration and security forces. (See The Taliban's flower power Asia Times Online) Across the border, it is mainly run by Pakistani-Iranian Baloch smugglers. The Taliban only allow the transportation of drugs and related activities for payment, which means the drug cartels will facilitate the insurgency, and make it even hotter for NATO. Syed Saleem Shahzad is Asia Times Online's Pakistan Bureau Chief. He can be reached at [email protected] [Description of Source: Hong Kong Asia Times Online WWW-Text in English - - Hong Kong-based online newspaper with a Bangkok branch office focusing on political and economic issues from an "Asian perspective," with over 50 contributors in 17 Asian countries, the United States, and Europe. Successor of the Hong Kong/Bangkok based print daily Asia Times that closed in 1997, it claims an average of 100,000 daily site visitors as of Feb 2006, with 65% of the audience based in North America, and 22% in the Asia-Pacific region. Root URL on filing date: http://www.atimes.com] Asia Times: 'At War with the Taliban: A Fighter and a Financier, Part 2' CPP20080523715001 Hong Kong Asia Times Online WWW-Text in English 1055 GMT 22 May 08 [Asia Times: "At War with the Taliban, Part 2: A Fighter And a Financier'; headline as provided by source] KUNAR VALLEY, Afghanistan - Afghanistan's troubled recent history, which spans the Soviet occupation in the 1980s, the vicious post-Soviet civil war and then Taliban rule, has thrown up a number of men who have obtained "legendary" status - whether through their tribal followings or from connections with Pakistan's Inter-Services Intelligence (ISI) . These mujahideen resistance figures include Jalaluddin Haqqani,Gulbuddin Hekmatyar, Ismail Khan and the late Ahmad Shah Massoud. The new leaders of the anti-American resistance in Afghanistan, however, are cut from a different cloth. They are despised and victimized by the ISI and often condemned by tribal elders. They are the sons of a global ideology which is orphan all over the world except in the merciless border terrain of Afghanistan and Pakistan. Take Qari Ziaur Rahman, commander of the Taliban in Nooristan and Kunar provinces, which border Pakistan. He is not the son of a legendary mujahideen commander, but of a cleric named Maulana Dilbar. His ties do not lie with the ISI, but with Osama bin Laden, having instructed bin Laden in the lessons of the Prophet Mohammad's life. Ziaur, in his early thirties, was raised in the camps of Arab militants, who instilled in him the passion to fight against the Americans - not only in Afghanistan, but across the globe. Ziaur did not get his command as any hereditary right. First he had to prove himself on the battlefield, which he did by taking on US troops in Kunar and Nooristan. He was the first to mount operations against the US in the Karghal district of Kunar and he engineered the second-biggest encounter ever in Nooristan. His exploits drew the attention of the coalition forces, which placed him on a wanted list and distributed flyers from the air offering a reward of US$350,000 for his arrest or killing. With the heat on, Ziaur tried to take refuge in Pakistan, but in a coordinated move by the US Central Intelligence Agency and the ISI, he was arrested. Fortune smiled on him though and under a scheme brokered by Pakistani tribal warlord Baitullah Mehsud he was released in a prisoner exchange for Pakistani military officials. Otherwise, he would certainly have ended up at the US's Bagram air base near Kabul, or even at the Guantanamo Bay detention facility in Cuba. After his release, Ziaur was elevated from a military operations commander to the overall in-charge of the Taliban's affairs in Kunar and Nooristan. His duties include devising regional battle policies and arranging budgets. He also represents Kunar and Nooristan in Taliban leader Mullah Omar's shura (council). Ziaur is widely tipped to become one of the most important Taliban commanders in the whole region. Asia Times Online spoke to him, and somewhat unusually - even brazenly - he allowed his picture to be taken. ATol: Which Afghan province do you come from? Ziaur: I come from the province of Kunar. ATol: What madrassa (seminary) education do you have? Ziaur: I memorized the Koran. Before that I studied in a primary school. Then I acquired education in the Arabic language. I did a diploma. ATol: From which institution? Ziaur: It belonged to some Arab fellows. The institution was supported by an Arab country. ATol: At present you are the in-charge and commander of the Taliban in Kunar and Nooristan provinces? Ziaur: I administer the Taliban's affairs, mainly finance. ATol: So you mainly look after the Taliban's financial matters, not their military affairs? Ziaur: I do look after military matters, but the main emphasis is on finance. ATol: This means you are the in-charge of both financial and military operations in Nooristan and Kunar provinces. Ziaur: Indeed. ATol: NATO [North Atlantic Treaty Organization] has made Kunar and Nooristan a hub of its operations. How do you assess NATO's plans and what is your counter-strategy? Ziaur: From the Soviet days in Afghanistan, Kunar's impo rtance has been clear. This is a border province [with Pakistan] and trouble here can break the central government [in Kabul]. Whoever has been defeated in Afghanistan, his defeat began from Kunar. Hence, everybody is terrified of this region. The Soviets were defeated in this province and NATO knows that if it is defeated here it will be defeated all over Afghanistan. ATol: How many NATO troops are there in Kunar? Ziaur: Thousands ... ATol: How many bases do they have? Ziaur: I tell you ... They have a central base which is called Topchi. Then in Pechdara they have a big presence in Maragai ... then they have many other bases like Koranghal ... then in Tarla ... on another side of Kunar there is a pass called Zarokas ... they have a big base over there as well, also in the Souqe region ... then in Sarkano ... in Nooristan they have a base in Kamdesh ... Rawat ... then in western Nooristan in the Doab district. ATol: Can you compare the Taliban's strength with that of NATO, as they have so many bases. I witnessed Taliban rule in many districts in Helmand [province]. Do the Taliban rule any districts in Kunar? Ziaur: Thank God that this is a mountainous region. NATO has a presence in the bases only, other than that they do not control anything. The mujahideen patrol everywhere and they carry out attacks freely. ATol: How many mujahideen attacks are there each day? Ziaur: Many small-scale attacks are carried out every day. ATol: What are the main areas of attack? Ziaur: Koranghal is our main operation theater in Kunar. It is a slaughterhouse for the Americans. Many Americans have been killed there. Kamdesh in Nooristan is our main operation front. We killed many Americans there as well. Similarly, we are very active in Sarkano, beside many other areas. ATol: What is the Taliban's strength in these areas of Nooristan and Kunar? Ziaur: I cannot disclose the numbers. The main thing is that the masses are with the Taliban and the Talibanare in huge numbers. ATol: Nooristan has a very strategic position. It goes up to Kapisa province, from where a route goes to Kabul from north. Do you have any plans to mobilize a Taliban attack on Kabul from this route? Ziaur: The Taliban will apply all sorts of strategies. ATol: Kunar and Nooristan were the strongholds of the Hezb-e-Islami Afghanistan led by Hekmatyar. Do they still have a presence in the region? Do the Taliban have some sort of joint venture with them? Ziaur: They just have the name. They are only a little bit active, and not to the extent that is mentioned in the press. ATol: There were reports in the Western press that on April 19, Hekmatyar, commanders Abdul Ghaffur and Kashmir Khan were spotted by NATO in Nooristan and there was a fierce encounter in which NATO forces sustained losses. What is your take? Ziaur: This is a lie. NATO attacks here and there. It claims it attacked in Nooristan because of Osama bin Laden, as if Osama is omnipotent in Nooristan. They claim [alQaeda deputy] Dr [Ayman] Zawahiri is in Bajaur [Agency in Pakistan] and then attack that area. This is all gossip. ATol: It is said that the Taliban's real strength lies in Arab and Punjabi fighters. What is the proportion of Arab and Punjabi fighters in your total strength? Ziaur: We are all one, all faithfuls are brothers. Whether they come from the East or from the West, Arab or Pakistani, we are one and for each other. ATol: You look after the Taliban's finances, so where do they raise resources? Ziaur:Through contributions by the people. ATol: I witnessed poppy cultivation in Kunar. I was told by the local population that clerics have now issued a decree that the mujahideen can buy weapons from the sale of poppy. Can you shed any light on that? Ziaur: This is not true. Indeed, it is a controversial issue whether poppy cultivation is prohibited in Islam or not. But the Taliban are not depe ndent on poppy cultiva tion at all. ATol: NATO has offered reward money for the arrest or killing of Taliban commanders. What amount is on your head? Ziaur: There is some. I do not know how much. ATol: Yesterday in Kunar I observed constant flights of [US Predator] drones and B-52 aircraft. Why are they so active? Ziaur: Because of the daily attacks [by the Taliban] in Kunar province. They are aware that this year there will be a decisive battle and they know they cannot fight in the mountains. ATol: NATO bombs the Nawa Pass [leading to Pakistan] and in the process a few shells also hit Pakistan's Bajaur area. What is happening here? Ziaur: This is because recently the mujahideen carried out a huge operation in the Nawa Pass, which was successful. Therefore, NATO is terrified and is trying to preempt any more attacks by bombing the area. NEXT: A revolution of guns and culture Syed Saleem Shahzad is Asia Times Online's Pakistan Bureau Chief. He can be reached at [email protected] [Description of Source: Hong Kong Asia Times Online WWW-Text in English - - Hong Kong-based online newspaper with a Bangkok branch office focusing on political and economic issues from an "Asian perspective," with over 50 contributors in 17 Asian countries, the United States, and Europe. Successor of the Hong Kong/Bangkok based print daily Asia Times that closed in 1997, it claims an average of 100,000 daily site visitors as of Feb 2006, with 65% of the audience based in North America, and 22% in the Asia-Pacific region. Root URL on filing date: http://www.atimes.com] Asia Times: 'A Struggle Between War And Peace' CPP20080603721001 Hong Kong Asia Times Online WWW-Text in English 1022 GMT 02 Jun 08 [Article By Syed Saleem Shahzad; headline as provided by source] KARACHI - Since 2006 in Afghanistan, coalition forces battling the Taliban-led insurgency have alternated between all-out offensives and ceasefire deals. Similarly in Pakistan, the authorities have chopped and changed between peace accords and military action against militants in the tribal areas. This vicious - and unproductive - cycle in the South Asian "war on terror" theater can be expected to continue unless the major players drop the idea of piece-meal peace agreements and adopt a broad and consistent policy of grand reconciliation. In the latest "peace' phase, Islamabad agreed a ceasefire this month with the Taliban in the tribal areas along the Durand Line that separates Pakistan and Afghanistan. The ink on this accord had hardly dried than Ghairat Bahir was released last week from the United States Bagram air base near Kabul. Ghairat Bahir is the son-in-law of veteran mujahid Gulbuddin Hekmatyar and a top leader of the Hezb-i-Islami Afghanistan (HIA). He was arrested by Pakistan's InterServices Intelligence (ISI) in Islamabad in 2002 on American pressure when he was making desperate moves to activate the HIA's jihadi network in favor of the Taliban. He was handed over to the US Federal Bureau of Investigation and kept in various secret locations before being moved to Bagram. He was recently sent to Pul-i-Charki jail in Kabul after apparently agreeing to cooperate with the administration of President Hamid Karzai. Immediately after his release, Ghairat Bahir was received at the presidential palace in Kabul and offered powerful ministries for the HIA if he agreed to act as a powerbroker between top insurgent commanders, including Jalaluddin Haqqani and Hekmatyar, on one side and the US-backed Karzai administration on the other. While Ghairat Bahir's release has been welcomed in top jihadi circles - he is being feted in Kabul by top mujahideen leaders both a part of the government and in the opposition ranks - the development is being touted in the corridors of power as a major breakthrough in helping stabilize the weakening Karzai administration. In the months prior to Ghairat Bahir's release, the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) had entered into ceasefire agreements with the Taliban in several districts of Helmand and Farah provinces, Badghis in the northwest and Herat in the west. The agreements were terminated when the Taliban launched their spring attacks in April and May. Playing with peace BOTh Pakistan and Afghanistan are aware of the shortcomings of such accords, yet they have persevered with them even though they offer little chance of enduring peace. Under the community framework political Bonn Agreement of December 2001, hammered out by the international after the US-led invasion ousted the Taliban from power in Afghanistan, a was established for the country to stage elections and build a reliable and economic infrastructure. By the end of 2005, this had by and large happened, but none of the state actors and the international institutions working in Afghanistan had any idea what to do next, especially in the face of the Taliban's successful spring offensive of 2006, which took all by surprise. The response was the implementation of ad-hoc peace deals with the insurgents, but the face of the is changing: many are now true radicals and extremely unreliable from the perspective of any establishment. The best example is pro-Taliban Pakistani tribal warlord Baitullah Mehsud. He has been cultivated by al-Qaeda and is now part of a nexus headed by Takfiris (those militantly intolerant of "infidels") belonging to al-Qaeda and a group of former Pakistani jihadis who cut their teeth in Kashmir under Baitullah. Although Baitullah has been touted by US intelligence as one of the world's most dangerous men against American interests, his contribution in fighting against NATO is nothing compared to the network of another Pakistani Taliban commander, Haji Nazir, a rival of Baitullah who has be en accused of links with the ISI. Baitullah sees a very broad role for himself and for his comrades. They do not want simply to be members of a local resistance movement. They are riding the global ideological bandwagon of al-Qaeda and envisage a complicated strategy to win a war against the West. Taliban leader Mullah Omar has openly opposed Baitullah's penchant for fighting against the Pakistani security forces, especially after Baitullah established the Pakistani Tehrik-i-Taliban - the Movement of the Taliban in Pakistan - last year. When Baitullah did not heed Mullah Omar's advice, Omar distanced himself from Baitullah, as did other top Taliban leaders, such as Hafiz Gul Bahdur. Baitullah did, however, recently agree on a ceasefire, but most people believe he is looking for a chance when it suits him to end the deal and resume attacks on the Pakistani security forces. In Afghanistan, Karzai had made deals with several Taliban commanders, including Abdul Salam Rocketi and a group of the HIA. They were even elected as members of parliament, but time proved they were not helpful in making further peace deals with Taliban-led insurgents. The reason was the rapid emergence of new commanders close to al-Qaeda, such as Baitullah. They are likely to outnumber the veteran Taliban commanders soon and the chances of dialogue will be further reduced. In another development, the United National Front of Afghanistan, representing the strongest northern Afghan warlords and politicians, and the strongest force in the south, the Taliban and HIA, have admitted to opening channels of discussion. The USbacked Karzai is the only stumbling block - at this stage he is not acceptable to the southern strongmen or the northern ones. Despite this, the development offers the Western coalition a chance to exploit the situation through leading Muslim countries which still have influence over the Taliban, notably Pakistan and Saudi Arabia. If the Western coalition gives leeway to such countries to play a major role and at a later stage even replace NATO with Organization of Islamic Conference forces, a consensus government of the northern and southern forces could emerge. This would effectively sideline al-Qaeda elements. The Taliban are undoubtedly natural allies of Saudi Arabia and Pakistan, while al-Qaeda is a common enemy of all. However, this approach will only be useful if people like Mullah Omar, Jalaluddin Haqqani and Gulbuddin Hekmatyar are in command. If these powerful persons are pushed into the background, the future of the region will be in the hands of people like Baitullah Mehsud, who only dream of a global war launched from Afghanistan. Syed Saleem Shahzad is Asia Times Online's Pakistan Bureau Chief. He can be reached at [email protected] [Description of Source: Hong Kong Asia Times Online WWW-Text in English - - Hong Kong-based online newspaper with a Bangkok branch office focusing on political and economic issues from an "Asian perspective," with over 50 contributors in 17 Asian countries, the United States, and Europe. Successor of the Hong Kong/Bangkok based print daily Asia Times that closed in 1997, it claims an average of 100,000 daily site visitors as of Feb 2006, with 65% of the audience based in North America, and 22% in the Asia-Pacific region. Root URL on filing date: http://www.atimes.com] Asia Times: 'US Strike Hits Pakistan's Raw Nerve' CPP20080613715017 Hong Kong Asia Times Online WWW-Text in English 1112 GMT 12 Jun 08 [By Syed Saleem Shahzad: "US Strike Hits Pakistan's Raw Nerve"; headline as provided by source] KARACHI - The North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) has for a long time been split over strategic questions in Afghanistan. These divisions will be further sharpened following Tuesday evening's attack by United States warplanes on a Pakistani military post in Mohmand Agency in which 11 Pakistani paramilitary soldiers were killed. Indications that Pakistani soldiers were fighting alongside Taliban forces against Afghan army and US units in the border area will also bolster critics of US policy who argue that the Pakistani military is playing a "double game" and can no longer be trusted. All the same, should NATO "lose" Pakistan, it would be a devastating setback. While the precise circumstances of the incident remain unclear, an eye witness, Taliban spokesman Zubair Mujahid, who represents the Taliban's commanders for Kunar and Nooristan provinces in Afghanistan, told Asia Times Online by telephone: "The multiple Taliban groups operating on both sides of the border - in the Afghan Kunar Valley and in Mohmand Agency - spotted NATO forces launching into Mohmand Agency's mountain-top Sarhasoko military post (below). "We realized the Pakistani troops were struggling against the NATO forces so we activated our networks all over the area," Zubair said. "The Pakistani security forces were under siege and were at the point of being evacuated from the post when we opened fire on them (NATO) from several positions. Our attack was so unexpected for NATO that they had to retreat. The Pakistan army lost 11 soldiers, the Taliban lost eight and NATO lost 20 soldiers during the operation." An official Pakistani armed forces release called the air strikes "unprovoked and cowardly" and added that "the incident had hit at the very basis of cooperation and sacrifice with which Pakistani soldiers are supporting the coalition in (the) war against terror". Pentagon spokesman Geoff Morrell, meanwhile, said, "Although it is early, every indication we have is that it was a legitimate strike in self-defense against forces that had attacked coalition forces." Damning report The timing of the attack coincides with the release of a report this week by the US Defense Department-funded RAND Corp, entitled "Counterinsurgency in Afghanistan", which said that some active and former officials in Pakistan's intelligence service and the Frontier Corps - a paramilitary force - directly aided Taliban militants. Significantly - as happened on Tuesday - the report suggested direct NATO operations in the Pakistani tribal areas to root out the Taliban and al-Qaeda. Confusingly, at the very moment the Taliban went to aid Pakistani security forces which will boost respect for them among the lower- and middle-order cadre of the armed forces - the Taliban kidnapped seven security personnel in Dera Adam Khail in North-West Frontier Province (NWFP) and in Mohmand Agency they exchanged fire with security forces at a checkpoint. This contradiction highlights the complex relationships between the Taliban, militants and the Pakistani establishment: nothing can be read as black and white. What can't be ignored is that ethnic Pashtuns are natural Pakistani allies and the Pashtun heartland is overwhelmingly under the influence of the Taliban, a factor Pakistan has to factor into its regional relationships. The case of Taliban commander Haji Nazeer illustrates the point. Al-Qaeda leaders, Pakistani Taliban commander Baitullah Mehsud and even Uzbek warlord Qari Tahir often praise his services for fighting some of the toughest battles against NATO in Afghanistan. Yet they also curse him for his links to Pakistan's Inter-Services Intelligence (ISI), for which he acts as a point man to work against Uzbeks, the network of Baitullah Mehsud and Takfiri Arabs - those who take it on themselves to decide who is a true Muslim and who is not. Haji Nazeer is not the only example of this, several big and small operators receive support or patronage from the Pakistani security force s, which allows think-tanks such as the Rand Corporation to blame Pakistan for actively supporting and facilitating the Taliban fight against NATO. From 2006 onwards, US officials and NATO have on several occasions provided evidence directly to Islamabad on Pakistan's support for the Taliban. Yet the crux is, Pakistan needs to do this. The US does the same in Iraq, where it struck deals with former Ba'athist elements to take on al-Qaeda, knowing that Sunni-nationalist Arab tribes would continue to fight against them, though with low intensity. A lesser evil By late 2003, foreign elements, especially Egyptians and Uzbeks, had regrouped in Pakistan's South Waziristan tribal area and established two organizations. One was for international operations, the Jaishul al-Qiba al-Jihadi al-Siri al-Alami, the other, specifically aimed to operate inside Pakistan, was Jundullah. See The legacy of Nek Mohammed Asia Times Online, July 20, 2004.) Between them, the two groups masterminded operations such as the March 11, 2004, Madrid train bombings and the July 7, 2005, London bombings and several attacks on the life of Pakistani President Pervez Musharraf as well as other officials and security installations. Pakistan mounted several military operations against the groups and killed many commanders, including Nek Mohammed, but the insurgency intensified and new faces emerged, such as Baitullah Mehsud, and they established even better facilities for al-Qaeda operations. These new commanders did not restrict their activities to South Waziristan, they spread their networks across the country. The previously calm Swat Valley in NWFP and the Lal Masjid (Red Mosque) in Islamabad became two important bases for them. The new self-proclaimed "Pakistani Taliban" quickly eliminated the local networks of the tribal elders, the only reliable front on which Islamabad could deal with the new militant movements. Over 130 tribal chiefs were killed and dozens fled to different cities. Any cleric who spoke in favor of harmony with Pakistan risked being killed and ending up with a message attached to his body: "A lesson for CIA-ISI proxies." By 2005, suicide attacks began in Pakistan and the Pakistani security apparatus was at a loss over how to deal with the militants - neither the military nor the political approach worked. Then an ISI network based in Balochistan province succeeded in making a connection with now slain Taliban commander Mullah Dadullah, who, after a lot of negotiation, agreed to play a role in South Waziristan. He acquired a letter from Taliban leader Mullah Omar in which he emphasized that all groups in South and North Waziristan should focus on the jihad in Afghanistan rather than become involved in other regional and global operations. Then Pakistan-friendly and legendary mujahideen leader Jalaluddin Haqqani was announced as the military leader of the Taliban's spring offensive of 2006 and he led all factions into Afghanistan. Before this, he had signed a ceasefire agreement with Pakistani forces in the tribal areas. The upshot was that the Taliban had their most successful season since being ousted in 2001 and Pakistan saved itself from a major catastrophe. Nevertheless, Uzbeks and a group of Egyptians under the uncompromising Sheikh Essa and his Pakistani adherents Sadiq Noor and Abdul Khaliq Haqqani were still obsessed in fermenting an Islamic revolution in Pakistan. They were not ready to move into Afghanistan to fight against NATO, they wanted to continue the fight against Pakistani security forces. So Pakistan had little choice but to follow the American example of the Sunni Awakening Councils in Iraq and what the British did in Helmand province in Afghanistan: divide and rule. Ideological affiliations and tribal rivalries co-exist in South Waziristan. While most support the Taliban, Wazir tribesmen were wary of the growing strength of the Mehsud tribe's new strongman, Baitullah Mehsud. Baitullah had the support of h is tribe, but his greatest support was several hundred Uzbek warriors who made Baitullah the biggest commander in the region. The ISI exploited this situation and they tapped up Haji Nazeer, in particular playing on the fact that the Uzbeks did not fight in Afghanistan. Haji Nazeer was given US$150,000 to strengthen his network and also received truck loads of ammunition and a guarantee of free movement into and out of Afghanistan. In January 2007, Haji Nazeer and his men carried out a massacre of Uzbeks, killing at least 250 of them and expelling the rest from South Waziristan. Haji Nazeer attracted many Arabs, such as Abu Ali Tunisi, who influenced scores of Pakistani jihadis to join Haji Nazeer, whose now-expanded network only fights against NATO. A similar case is that of Haji Namdar, (See Taliban bitten by a snake in the grass Asia Times Online, April 26, 2008 and Taliban claim victory from a defeat Asia Times Online, May 3, 2008.) He is the biggest recruiter of warriors in Khyber Agency to fuel the Taliban-led insurgency in Afghanistan and he raises funds for the Taliban. The ISI had to solicit his help, though, to break a Taliban network in the agency which was crippling NATO supply lines into Afghanistan (the attacks have since resumed). NATO was aware of this contradiction but did not have any choice but to go along with the ISI. Syed Saleem Shahzad is Asia Times Online's Pakistan Bureau Chief. He can be reached at [email protected] [Description of Source: Hong Kong Asia Times Online WWW-Text in English - - Hong Kong-based online newspaper with a Bangkok branch office focusing on political and economic issues from an "Asian perspective," with over 50 contributors in 17 Asian countries, the United States, and Europe. Successor of the Hong Kong/Bangkok based print daily Asia Times that closed in 1997, it claims an average of 100,000 daily site visitors as of Feb 2006, with 65% of the audience based in North America, and 22% in the Asia-Pacific region. Root URL on filing date: http://www.atimes.com] UK Source Thinks Taliban's Haqqani Becoming Afghanistan's Biggest Threat To West EUP20080622031001 London Independent on Sunday Online in English 22 Jun 08 [Report by Raymond Whitaker: "Warlord: My Encounter With Taliban Mastermind"] In a month woman, and Kandahar's malevolent when Britain has lost nine soldiers in Afghanistan, including the first hundreds of Taliban fighters were freed by a daring bomb attack on main jail, the British public is only just becoming aware of the power of Jalaluddin Haqqani. A man once known only to old Afghan hands is being credited with the resurgence of the Taliban since 2006. He is said to have introduced Iraqi-style suicide bombings to a country where they were unknown and are still considered by many to be un-Islamic. Wily and well connected, he is emerging as the biggest threat to Britain and its NATO allies in Afghanistan, where last month more Western troops were killed than in Iraq for the first time since 2003. He has experienced a comeback as spectacular as that of the movement he is now serving as principal military commander. When I encountered Haqqani in March 1994, the fortunes of the legendary Afghan warlord were at a low ebb. He was a hero to the CIA and wealthy Arab backers during the fight against the Soviet invaders. As chronicled in the movie Charlie Wilson's War, torrents of money and arms had been channelled through Pakistan's intelligence service to resistance leaders like him. But, after the Russians pulled out in 1989 and the Communist regime collapsed in 1992, Haqqani and his fellow Pashtun chieftains had been outmanoeuvred. Kabul had been seized by the Tajik commander Ahmad Shah Massoud, who installed his party leader, Burhanuddin Rabbani, as President. Now Haqqani was sitting outside the President's office, waiting for an audience in which he would seek favours, and the photograph I took of him shows all the discomfort of a man who would have preferred to be meeting Rabbani on the battlefield. Already in his late 40s, the mujahedin commander might have been expected to fade into obscurity, especially when Pakistan despaired of his ilk and decided to foster the Taliban instead. Yet 14 years later, he is regarded as the Taliban's most effective military leader. The former darling of the West's intelligence agencies is now their leading target after Osama Bin Laden [Usama Bin Ladin], his deputy, Ayman al-Zawahiri, and the Taliban figurehead, Mullah Omar. Haqqani has shown his talent for psychologically significant blows, such as the attempted assassination of President Hamid Karzai during a military parade in the heart of Kabul in April, and January's attack on a luxury hotel that killed seven and sent shivers through the expatriate community in the Afghan capital. This has accompanied the steady stream of suicide bombings that undermine NATO's military superiority and keep the civilian population on edge. On Friday, a suicide bomber on foot attacked a foreign military convoy in Helmand province, killing one NATO soldier and five civilians. How did a man now in his 60s, who appeared to have been pushed to the margins, return to such a central role? Bin Laden himself, of course, was once seen as an asset by the US, and when the wealthy Saudi decided in the 1980s to take up the Afghan cause, one of the first Afghans he met was Haqqani. From a Pashtun clan with clout both in eastern Afghanistan and Pakistan's tribal territories, Haqqani was able to provide Bin Laden with territory for his first camps. It was an association that later stood him in good stead. As one of the few Pashtun commanders able to demonstrate effectiveness in fighting the Communists - he seized Khost, the first town to fall to the mujahedin after the Soviet pullout - the rough-hewn Haqqani was admired by Arabs who dreamed of jihad but lacked the nerve to go to war themselves. He visited the Gulf states frequently, learned Arabic and was always able to raise money in the Middle East after the American tap was turned off, enabling him to maintain large numbers of men under arms. Even when Pakistan's Inter-Services Intelligence (ISI) switched horses and backed the Taliban, he remained on good terms with the agency and was able to make a comfortable retreat to his stronghold, Miram Shah, in the Pakistani tribal area of North Waziristan. Haqqani was the first mujahedin commander to surrender unconditionally to the Taliban, and remained on polite terms with the movement. Although he was never part of the tight inner circle, he took various minor posts during Mullah Omar's five years in power, between 1996 and 2001, eventually becoming interior minister. He also helped his old associate Bin Laden to set up training camps on his return to Afghanistan. None of this necessarily meant that he was fully committed to the alliance between the Taliban and Al-Qa'ida, in the view of his old contacts in the CIA and ISI - but after 9/11 it was time to put that theory to the test. According to at least one report, Haqqani was summoned to Islamabad and told he could be installed as president of Afghanistan if he formed a breakaway "moderate" faction of the Taliban, excluding Mullah Omar. Presumably, the Al-Qa'ida leadership would have been expelled from Afghanistan under the deal. But the warlord declined and returned to his stronghold. According to Steve Coll, author of Ghost Wars, a history of American involvement in Afghanistan, it was into Haqqani's territory that Bin Laden fled after he managed to elude the Americans in 2001. Even then, Haqqani did not immediately assume a prominent role in the Taliban, although his forces were always ready to attack the Americans in eastern Afghanistan. It was only after the movement's 2006 spring offensive ran into trouble that he was asked to take command. The subsequent Taliban resurgence took NATO by surprise and spread dissension among its members over tactics and reinforcements. NATO insists that it cannot be defeated in battle by the Taliban. That is certainly true - large numbers of Taliban militants freed in the attack on Kandahar jail were later killed when they tried to mass together to seize the city - but it is irrelevant. With a judicious mixture of hit-and-run attacks, suicide bombings and occasional "spectaculars", plus the constant vehicle bombings that claimed four British lives last week, Haqqani can destabilise nearly half the country and hold back economic reconstruction. Recently, he appeared in a DVD to dispel rumours that he was dead, or that he had handed over to his 34-year-old son, Sirajuddin, who has assumed responsibility for military operations. He is a particularly formidable opponent for the West, with his long-standing connections to Pakistani intelligence apparently protecting him from any intervention in Waziristan, while his Middle Eastern links bring him money and recruits. "This is not a battle of haste; this is a battle of patience," he says in the DVD. He speaks from experience. The commander I saw in the President's waiting-room 14 years ago appeared to be washed up, but he has outlasted his opponents. The Taliban, formed to get rid of old warlords like him, is now grateful for his help. [Description of Source: London Independent on Sunday Online in English -- Website of leftist Sunday newspaper; has been consistently opposed to the Iraq war, often adopting a strong anti-US stance; sister paper of Independent Online; only available on Sundays; URL: http://www.independent.co.uk] Pakistan: Son of Taliban Leader Haqqani Killed in Afghanistan's Paktia Province SAP20080711098004 Islamabad The News Online in English 11 Jul 08 [Report by correspondent: "Haqqani's son killed in Paktia"] [Text disseminated as received without OSC editorial intervention] Friday, July 11, 2008 PESHAWAR: An 18-year old son of veteran Taliban leader Maulvi Jalaluddin Haqqani was killed in a firefight with the US-led coalition forces in Afghanistan's Paktia province Thursday. Taliban sources said Mohammad Omar Haqqani, one of the several sons of Jalaluddin Haqqani, was killed during fighting at Satto Kandao, the mountainous area that links Paktia with the Khost province. [Description of Source: Islamabad The News Online in English -- Website of the widely read, influential English daily, member of the Jang publishing group. Neutral editorial policy, good coverage of domestic and international issues. Hardcopy circulation estimated at 55,000; URL: http://www.thenews.com.pk] Al-Qa'idah commander killed in Afghan east IAP20080713950075 Kabul Pajhwok Afghan News in English 1126 GMT 13 Jul 08 Al-Qa'idah commander killed in Afghan ea

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