Survey
* Your assessment is very important for improving the workof artificial intelligence, which forms the content of this project
* Your assessment is very important for improving the workof artificial intelligence, which forms the content of this project
Discussion of “Policy Perspectives from the Bottom Up: What Do Firm-level Data Tell Us China Needs to Do?” by Loren Brandt Session 5: China’s Growth Prospects1 Tao Zha FRB Atlanta, Emory University, and NBER 2015 Asia Economic Policy Conference Federal Reserve Bank of San Francisco November 19-20, 2015 1 c 2015 by T. Zha. The views expressed herein are those of the authors and do Copyright not necessarily reflect the views of the Federal Reserve Bank of Atlanta or the Federal Reserve System or the National Bureau of Economic Research. T. Zha China’s Growth Prospects November 19-20, 2015 1/5 What is a trade-off between short-run and long-run growth prospects? At what level China’s economic growth is sustainable in the long run will probably depend, to a large extent, on how successful financial reforms are, which I will elaborate later. T. Zha China’s Growth Prospects November 19-20, 2015 2/5 What is a trade-off between short-run and long-run growth prospects? At what level China’s economic growth is sustainable in the long run will probably depend, to a large extent, on how successful financial reforms are, which I will elaborate later. One thing is clear: there will be a painful trade-off between short-run and long-run growth prospects. T. Zha China’s Growth Prospects November 19-20, 2015 2/5 What is a trade-off between short-run and long-run growth prospects? At what level China’s economic growth is sustainable in the long run will probably depend, to a large extent, on how successful financial reforms are, which I will elaborate later. One thing is clear: there will be a painful trade-off between short-run and long-run growth prospects. According to our time-series model forecasts, it is reasonable to expect China’s GDP growth to slow down to 6% if the government is willing to reduce growth of fixed-asset investment (FAI) to 8%. T. Zha China’s Growth Prospects November 19-20, 2015 2/5 What is a trade-off between short-run and long-run growth prospects? At what level China’s economic growth is sustainable in the long run will probably depend, to a large extent, on how successful financial reforms are, which I will elaborate later. One thing is clear: there will be a painful trade-off between short-run and long-run growth prospects. According to our time-series model forecasts, it is reasonable to expect China’s GDP growth to slow down to 6% if the government is willing to reduce growth of fixed-asset investment (FAI) to 8%. Out-of-sample performance of GDP growth: The RMSE error over the 4-year horizon is only 0.924%, compared to the 2.33% error produced by the random-walk model. T. Zha China’s Growth Prospects November 19-20, 2015 2/5 What is a trade-off between short-run and long-run growth prospects? At what level China’s economic growth is sustainable in the long run will probably depend, to a large extent, on how successful financial reforms are, which I will elaborate later. One thing is clear: there will be a painful trade-off between short-run and long-run growth prospects. According to our time-series model forecasts, it is reasonable to expect China’s GDP growth to slow down to 6% if the government is willing to reduce growth of fixed-asset investment (FAI) to 8%. Out-of-sample performance of GDP growth: The RMSE error over the 4-year horizon is only 0.924%, compared to the 2.33% error produced by the random-walk model. According to our estimation, a 5-percentage-point reduction from the current FAI growth rate leads to a half percentage point fall in GDP growth in the short and medium run (over 1-5 years), but increases the consumption-output ratio by 20% over the 5-year horizon from the current level. T. Zha China’s Growth Prospects November 19-20, 2015 2/5 What is a trade-off between short-run and long-run growth prospects? At what level China’s economic growth is sustainable in the long run will probably depend, to a large extent, on how successful financial reforms are, which I will elaborate later. One thing is clear: there will be a painful trade-off between short-run and long-run growth prospects. According to our time-series model forecasts, it is reasonable to expect China’s GDP growth to slow down to 6% if the government is willing to reduce growth of fixed-asset investment (FAI) to 8%. Out-of-sample performance of GDP growth: The RMSE error over the 4-year horizon is only 0.924%, compared to the 2.33% error produced by the random-walk model. According to our estimation, a 5-percentage-point reduction from the current FAI growth rate leads to a half percentage point fall in GDP growth in the short and medium run (over 1-5 years), but increases the consumption-output ratio by 20% over the 5-year horizon from the current level. As the same time, our simulations indicate that rapid adjustments in reducing investment growth run a risk of significantly slowing down the economy in the short and medium run. T. Zha China’s Growth Prospects November 19-20, 2015 2/5 Why does China’s spectacular growth in the past fail to continue? An answer to this question lies in understanding how unbalanced China’s growth has been. T. Zha China’s Growth Prospects November 19-20, 2015 3/5 Why does China’s spectacular growth in the past fail to continue? An answer to this question lies in understanding how unbalanced China’s growth has been. Between 1998 and 2013, the investment-to-GDP ratio increased rapidly at the cost of consumption, as the consumption-to-GDP ratio declined during the same period. T. Zha China’s Growth Prospects November 19-20, 2015 3/5 Why does China’s spectacular growth in the past fail to continue? An answer to this question lies in understanding how unbalanced China’s growth has been. Between 1998 and 2013, the investment-to-GDP ratio increased rapidly at the cost of consumption, as the consumption-to-GDP ratio declined during the same period. This conspicuous pattern does not change no matter how one adjusts the Chinese time-series data. T. Zha China’s Growth Prospects November 19-20, 2015 3/5 Why does China’s spectacular growth in the past fail to continue? An answer to this question lies in understanding how unbalanced China’s growth has been. Between 1998 and 2013, the investment-to-GDP ratio increased rapidly at the cost of consumption, as the consumption-to-GDP ratio declined during the same period. This conspicuous pattern does not change no matter how one adjusts the Chinese time-series data. It is not a mystery that China’s growth has been driven by a boom in investment. T. Zha China’s Growth Prospects November 19-20, 2015 3/5 Why does China’s spectacular growth in the past fail to continue? An answer to this question lies in understanding how unbalanced China’s growth has been. Between 1998 and 2013, the investment-to-GDP ratio increased rapidly at the cost of consumption, as the consumption-to-GDP ratio declined during the same period. This conspicuous pattern does not change no matter how one adjusts the Chinese time-series data. It is not a mystery that China’s growth has been driven by a boom in investment. A growth-accounting exercise confirms that capital deepening (investment) accounts for a majority of GDP growth, about 73.9% between 1998 and 2011. T. Zha China’s Growth Prospects November 19-20, 2015 3/5 Why does China’s spectacular growth in the past fail to continue? An answer to this question lies in understanding how unbalanced China’s growth has been. Between 1998 and 2013, the investment-to-GDP ratio increased rapidly at the cost of consumption, as the consumption-to-GDP ratio declined during the same period. This conspicuous pattern does not change no matter how one adjusts the Chinese time-series data. It is not a mystery that China’s growth has been driven by a boom in investment. A growth-accounting exercise confirms that capital deepening (investment) accounts for a majority of GDP growth, about 73.9% between 1998 and 2011. What is less unknown is that much of such unprecedented investment boom has gone into overcapacity and real-estate sectors. T. Zha China’s Growth Prospects November 19-20, 2015 3/5 Why does China’s spectacular growth in the past fail to continue? An answer to this question lies in understanding how unbalanced China’s growth has been. Between 1998 and 2013, the investment-to-GDP ratio increased rapidly at the cost of consumption, as the consumption-to-GDP ratio declined during the same period. This conspicuous pattern does not change no matter how one adjusts the Chinese time-series data. It is not a mystery that China’s growth has been driven by a boom in investment. A growth-accounting exercise confirms that capital deepening (investment) accounts for a majority of GDP growth, about 73.9% between 1998 and 2011. What is less unknown is that much of such unprecedented investment boom has gone into overcapacity and real-estate sectors. Such unbalanced growth is a negative consequence of resources misallocated from the productive light (labor-intensive) sector to the less productive heavy (capital-intensive) sector (Chang, Chen, Waggoner, and Zha, 2015—CCWZ). T. Zha China’s Growth Prospects November 19-20, 2015 3/5 Why does China’s spectacular growth in the past fail to continue? An answer to this question lies in understanding how unbalanced China’s growth has been. Between 1998 and 2013, the investment-to-GDP ratio increased rapidly at the cost of consumption, as the consumption-to-GDP ratio declined during the same period. This conspicuous pattern does not change no matter how one adjusts the Chinese time-series data. It is not a mystery that China’s growth has been driven by a boom in investment. A growth-accounting exercise confirms that capital deepening (investment) accounts for a majority of GDP growth, about 73.9% between 1998 and 2011. What is less unknown is that much of such unprecedented investment boom has gone into overcapacity and real-estate sectors. Such unbalanced growth is a negative consequence of resources misallocated from the productive light (labor-intensive) sector to the less productive heavy (capital-intensive) sector (Chang, Chen, Waggoner, and Zha, 2015—CCWZ). Unless this misallocation is reduced and eventually eliminated, China’s growth prospects continue to face serous problems. T. Zha China’s Growth Prospects November 19-20, 2015 3/5 What macroeconomic policy is mainly responsible for over-investment? One serious problem is over-investment in the heavy industry on the one hand and the difficulty of obtaining bank loans by vibrant and productive small firms on the other. T. Zha China’s Growth Prospects November 19-20, 2015 4/5 What macroeconomic policy is mainly responsible for over-investment? One serious problem is over-investment in the heavy industry on the one hand and the difficulty of obtaining bank loans by vibrant and productive small firms on the other. This paradox has been recognized by the media and researchers alike, but how was this problem created in the first place? T. Zha China’s Growth Prospects November 19-20, 2015 4/5 What macroeconomic policy is mainly responsible for over-investment? One serious problem is over-investment in the heavy industry on the one hand and the difficulty of obtaining bank loans by vibrant and productive small firms on the other. This paradox has been recognized by the media and researchers alike, but how was this problem created in the first place? Over-investment in China’s heavy industry would not have taken place without carefully-designed government policy. T. Zha China’s Growth Prospects November 19-20, 2015 4/5 What macroeconomic policy is mainly responsible for over-investment? One serious problem is over-investment in the heavy industry on the one hand and the difficulty of obtaining bank loans by vibrant and productive small firms on the other. This paradox has been recognized by the media and researchers alike, but how was this problem created in the first place? Over-investment in China’s heavy industry would not have taken place without carefully-designed government policy. Since the late 1990s, the government has been actively promoting the heavy industry as part of its strategic plan. T. Zha China’s Growth Prospects November 19-20, 2015 4/5 What macroeconomic policy is mainly responsible for over-investment? One serious problem is over-investment in the heavy industry on the one hand and the difficulty of obtaining bank loans by vibrant and productive small firms on the other. This paradox has been recognized by the media and researchers alike, but how was this problem created in the first place? Over-investment in China’s heavy industry would not have taken place without carefully-designed government policy. Since the late 1990s, the government has been actively promoting the heavy industry as part of its strategic plan. Encouraged by the central government’s policy, local governments made implicit guarantees of long-term bank loans to the heavy industry. T. Zha China’s Growth Prospects November 19-20, 2015 4/5 What macroeconomic policy is mainly responsible for over-investment? One serious problem is over-investment in the heavy industry on the one hand and the difficulty of obtaining bank loans by vibrant and productive small firms on the other. This paradox has been recognized by the media and researchers alike, but how was this problem created in the first place? Over-investment in China’s heavy industry would not have taken place without carefully-designed government policy. Since the late 1990s, the government has been actively promoting the heavy industry as part of its strategic plan. Encouraged by the central government’s policy, local governments made implicit guarantees of long-term bank loans to the heavy industry. As argued by CCWZ, the easy access to long-term loans distorted business finance and crowded out short-term loans needed by productive small firms. T. Zha China’s Growth Prospects November 19-20, 2015 4/5 What macroeconomic policy is mainly responsible for over-investment? One serious problem is over-investment in the heavy industry on the one hand and the difficulty of obtaining bank loans by vibrant and productive small firms on the other. This paradox has been recognized by the media and researchers alike, but how was this problem created in the first place? Over-investment in China’s heavy industry would not have taken place without carefully-designed government policy. Since the late 1990s, the government has been actively promoting the heavy industry as part of its strategic plan. Encouraged by the central government’s policy, local governments made implicit guarantees of long-term bank loans to the heavy industry. As argued by CCWZ, the easy access to long-term loans distorted business finance and crowded out short-term loans needed by productive small firms. Indeed, the correlation between long-term and short-term loans are −0.4 for China (an anomaly) and by contrast 0.6 for the U.S. economy. T. Zha China’s Growth Prospects November 19-20, 2015 4/5 What macroeconomic policy is mainly responsible for over-investment? One serious problem is over-investment in the heavy industry on the one hand and the difficulty of obtaining bank loans by vibrant and productive small firms on the other. This paradox has been recognized by the media and researchers alike, but how was this problem created in the first place? Over-investment in China’s heavy industry would not have taken place without carefully-designed government policy. Since the late 1990s, the government has been actively promoting the heavy industry as part of its strategic plan. Encouraged by the central government’s policy, local governments made implicit guarantees of long-term bank loans to the heavy industry. As argued by CCWZ, the easy access to long-term loans distorted business finance and crowded out short-term loans needed by productive small firms. Indeed, the correlation between long-term and short-term loans are −0.4 for China (an anomaly) and by contrast 0.6 for the U.S. economy. In short, such preferential credit policy was largely responsible for credit distortion of large versus small businesses and of productive versus unproductive firms. T. Zha China’s Growth Prospects November 19-20, 2015 4/5 Why are financial reforms crucial to achieve sustainable growth in the future? The seeds of this distorted credit policy were sown in the later part of the 1990s. T. Zha China’s Growth Prospects November 19-20, 2015 5/5 Why are financial reforms crucial to achieve sustainable growth in the future? The seeds of this distorted credit policy were sown in the later part of the 1990s. The 8th National People’s Congress passed a historic long-term plan in March 1996 to adjust the industrial structure for the next 15 years in favor of strengthening the heavy industry. T. Zha China’s Growth Prospects November 19-20, 2015 5/5 Why are financial reforms crucial to achieve sustainable growth in the future? The seeds of this distorted credit policy were sown in the later part of the 1990s. The 8th National People’s Congress passed a historic long-term plan in March 1996 to adjust the industrial structure for the next 15 years in favor of strengthening the heavy industry. This strategic plan, coupled with the preferential credit policy in favor of large firms, brought forth the success of China’s past growth. T. Zha China’s Growth Prospects November 19-20, 2015 5/5 Why are financial reforms crucial to achieve sustainable growth in the future? The seeds of this distorted credit policy were sown in the later part of the 1990s. The 8th National People’s Congress passed a historic long-term plan in March 1996 to adjust the industrial structure for the next 15 years in favor of strengthening the heavy industry. This strategic plan, coupled with the preferential credit policy in favor of large firms, brought forth the success of China’s past growth. At the same time, ironically, the same financial arrangements turned out to be the thin edge of a wedge driven into the heart of the problem faced by China in the future: the sustainability of past investment-led growth. T. Zha China’s Growth Prospects November 19-20, 2015 5/5 Why are financial reforms crucial to achieve sustainable growth in the future? The seeds of this distorted credit policy were sown in the later part of the 1990s. The 8th National People’s Congress passed a historic long-term plan in March 1996 to adjust the industrial structure for the next 15 years in favor of strengthening the heavy industry. This strategic plan, coupled with the preferential credit policy in favor of large firms, brought forth the success of China’s past growth. At the same time, ironically, the same financial arrangements turned out to be the thin edge of a wedge driven into the heart of the problem faced by China in the future: the sustainability of past investment-led growth. Brandt touched on the “widening inequality” problem created by “resource redistribution.” T. Zha China’s Growth Prospects November 19-20, 2015 5/5 Why are financial reforms crucial to achieve sustainable growth in the future? The seeds of this distorted credit policy were sown in the later part of the 1990s. The 8th National People’s Congress passed a historic long-term plan in March 1996 to adjust the industrial structure for the next 15 years in favor of strengthening the heavy industry. This strategic plan, coupled with the preferential credit policy in favor of large firms, brought forth the success of China’s past growth. At the same time, ironically, the same financial arrangements turned out to be the thin edge of a wedge driven into the heart of the problem faced by China in the future: the sustainability of past investment-led growth. Brandt touched on the “widening inequality” problem created by “resource redistribution.” While this is certainly true for the 2th moment, resource misallocation I’ve argued above is a principal source of the first-order problem: much slower growth in average consumption (the 1st moment) than investment growth during the investment boom period between 1998 and 2013. T. Zha China’s Growth Prospects November 19-20, 2015 5/5 Why are financial reforms crucial to achieve sustainable growth in the future? The seeds of this distorted credit policy were sown in the later part of the 1990s. The 8th National People’s Congress passed a historic long-term plan in March 1996 to adjust the industrial structure for the next 15 years in favor of strengthening the heavy industry. This strategic plan, coupled with the preferential credit policy in favor of large firms, brought forth the success of China’s past growth. At the same time, ironically, the same financial arrangements turned out to be the thin edge of a wedge driven into the heart of the problem faced by China in the future: the sustainability of past investment-led growth. Brandt touched on the “widening inequality” problem created by “resource redistribution.” While this is certainly true for the 2th moment, resource misallocation I’ve argued above is a principal source of the first-order problem: much slower growth in average consumption (the 1st moment) than investment growth during the investment boom period between 1998 and 2013. No wonder that the 18th National People’s Congress in 2012 explicitly expressed concerns about low consumption and income growth in China. T. Zha China’s Growth Prospects November 19-20, 2015 5/5 Why are financial reforms crucial to achieve sustainable growth in the future? The seeds of this distorted credit policy were sown in the later part of the 1990s. The 8th National People’s Congress passed a historic long-term plan in March 1996 to adjust the industrial structure for the next 15 years in favor of strengthening the heavy industry. This strategic plan, coupled with the preferential credit policy in favor of large firms, brought forth the success of China’s past growth. At the same time, ironically, the same financial arrangements turned out to be the thin edge of a wedge driven into the heart of the problem faced by China in the future: the sustainability of past investment-led growth. Brandt touched on the “widening inequality” problem created by “resource redistribution.” While this is certainly true for the 2th moment, resource misallocation I’ve argued above is a principal source of the first-order problem: much slower growth in average consumption (the 1st moment) than investment growth during the investment boom period between 1998 and 2013. No wonder that the 18th National People’s Congress in 2012 explicitly expressed concerns about low consumption and income growth in China. In a nutshell, unbalanced growth in the past may have had more to do with deliberate macroeconomic and credit policies of China than improvements in productivity . T. Zha China’s Growth Prospects November 19-20, 2015 5/5