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ANALYSIS: TRIBAL CONFLICTS IN WEST SUDAN AND NORTHERN PARTS OF SOUTH SUDAN (Darfur I) Paper I of III: Landscape and Identification By: Tag El Khazin Subsahara Centre Ottawa, August 2002 Summary: The tribal conflict between the pastoral nomads and the settled farmers over renewable resources (water vegetation and land) in west Sudan (Greater Kordofan and Greater Darfur) is greatly a byproduct of climatic and ecological changes resulting in spreading the renewable resources in the area thin. Persistent drought, expansion in mechanized farming as a result of structural adjustment programs by the Bretton Woods Institutions and increase in human and animal population are all factors that exacerbated conflicts. The conflicts are also fuelled by lack of education and social services conducive either to peaceful coexistence or to integration of ethnic groups in the region. Hence tribal affiliations and entrenchment there in are the norm. The ongoing civil war in the south escalated the conflicts. Along the road to peaceful resolution to the tribal conflicts, there would be need to research and enrich the traditional mechanism of Conflict Resolution (CR), and to provide wide-based training for the tribal and community leaders. There is need to do a diagnostic study that thoroughly and meticulously researches the core causes of tribal conflicts and for logging the history and effectiveness of indigenous modalities of CR and their declining impact on tranquility in the region. Such research should address the interventions of the central and regional authorities in Sudan in the tribal conflicts and analyze their consequences. Such interventions have lately resorted to the articles of the penal code and precautionary detentions and removal of tribal leaders to distant detention centers. It should also address the changes in the human being of west Sudan, in the ecology and resources, the regional cross-border spillover and consequently suggest mechanisms of blending indigenous modalities with proven structured modalities based on the findings of the research. The research needs to observe the tribal and regional-specifics of the people, their morals and values and would be sensitive to their ways of life. The members of all the conflicting tribes are estimated at 32% of the population of Sudan or 9 million people occupying 27% of the total area of Sudan or 670,000 square kilometers. The diagnostic study should research, detail and log all the major 20+ tribes and the interlocking conflicts. One area of high intensity conflicts and international exposure is that occupied by the Baggara Humr of Muglad vicinity, and Rizieqat of Da’ein vicinity on one side and the Dinka Malwal of Nyamllel and 1 Maryal Bai vicinity, Dinka Twij (or Twic) of north Gogrial vicinity and Dinka N’GOK (or Marieg) of Abyei vicinity. These main tribes and other satellite smaller tribes are estimated at 1,000,000 persons. (See map and zoom in for focus) Over view In the northern parts of south Sudan the generic Dinka tribe is one of the largest tribes in Central East Africa. In number and prominence, they resemble the Ibo of Biafra, the Yoruba of South Nigeria, the Hausa of north Nigeria and the Zulu of South Africa. They are dominant in Upper Nile with the Nuer and Anwak, in Bahr El Ghazal Eastern and Northern regions, and in Lakes and Unity States with the Nuer. The natural boundary between the Arab tribes and the Dinka is Bahr El Arab, which is also known as River Kiir by the Dinka and, as River Gurf by the nomadic Arab tribes. The major area of conflict is between Bahr El Arab and River Lol in upper Bahr El Ghazal Province. In west Sudan (Kordofan and Darfur) there are different geophysical and demographic centers of conflict due to the struggle for renewable resources and ethnic or traditional enmities. The first center is south Kordofan and south Darfur. In this center live the Rizieqat, the Misieriya Humr, and the Habbaniya as pastoral nomads of Arab origin or identifying themselves as Arabs. Satellite to these tribes are the smaller tribes such as the Hawzama, and Aulad Hameid. On the African ethnic definition (other than Dinka), there are the tribes of the Nuba Mountains in the east, for example the Tima, Miri, Korongo, Kawalieb and Tira. In the west of this center there are the Fallata, Masalat, Beigo, Bergid, Maalya and Gimr. Another center would be the middle belt of west Sudan that houses the Hamar, Manasra, Kababish, Jawamaa, Bidieriya, Kawahla, Ziadiya, Bani Garar, Dar Hameed, Miheirya, Eriegat and Bani Hussien as Arab Nomads. There are hardly any tribes of pure African origin to ignite conflicts on ethnic grounds in this central belt. It would be useful if a diagnostic research could investigate the nature and low intensities of conflicts in this center. The last and hot center is the western parts of West Sudan where conflicts are not only between Arab and African designated tribes, but between African and African tribes as well. The center houses the large and entrenched tribe of the Fur, in addition to the Dagu, Masaleet, Zaghawa, Berti, Guraan, Tungor, Bergid (north) and Meidoub tribes as ethnic African. It houses as well the powerful and well-armed Arab tribe, the Bani Halaba. Other nomadic tribes from the southern and central centers roam up and down with rains along “ Masarat” or designated passages and enter into frequent and bloody clashes with the indigenous and settled inhabitants of this region. Most of the Chad-Chad conflicts and Chad-Libyan conflicts we fought in or from this region. Aggravating the situation in the far west of west Sudan, is the presence of several tribes split across the borders between Sudan and Chad and between Sudan and the Central African Republic whence they cross for grazing. This set up permits 2 refuge after raids and battles. Some of the Arab tribes that are shared between west Sudan and Chad are Mahameed, Misieriya Jabal, Mahriya, Taaisha and Siliehab. Some of the African tribes are Zaghawa, Masaleet, Salamat and Bagirma. Let us take a specific example: Rizaiqat tribe lives in the Southern part of Southern Darfur Region, neighboring the Dinka who move with their cattle between River Lol and Bar El Arab in northern Bahr El Ghazal and Unity State from Tochs (Marches) to dry and high land. The Rizaiqat move from Bahr El Arab south to about latitude 12 deg 30 min+ north. They also have to cross Bahr El Arab and drink and graze for varying periods between Bahr El Arab and River Lol in south Sudan. Contrary to the common belief, most of Bahr El Arab runs in the territorial boundaries of south Kordofan and south Darfur, except when it comes to join River Bar El Ghazal near Bentiu. The Rizieqat come in contact with all the three clans of the Dinka, namely the Malwal, the Twij and the N’GOK in varying degrees. The Mesieriya roam the poor and rich Savannah regions of their pastoral travel. They come in natural contact mainly with the Dinka N’GOK and with the Ruweng south of Qardud. They would, at times, get to the Nuer land of western Upper Nile and even to Western Shuluk zones, but there is little friction with these two tribes and there are set agreements and royalties that are generally observed. The two categories of Arab tribes and Dinka tribes are prominent in number, the terrain they occupy and in cattle, camel and sheep heads. Kordofan has the second largest heads of sheep after the Blue Nile. They are followed by Darfur followed by Kassala in the east and followed by Bahr El Ghazal. Darfur has the largest heads of cattle in Sudan, followed by Bahr El Ghazal and then by Kordofan. Kordofan has the largest heads of camels in Sudan, followed by Kassala in the east, then followed by Darfur. This proves the concentration of density of heads in west Sudan and Bahr El Ghazal. The average rainfall in central and southern Darfur dropped from 600mm per year in 1950 to about 400mm now with dramatically low figures of 330 mm in 1972 and 150mm in 1985 resulting in devastating famines and loss of human life and animals. The rainfall in central Kordofan dropped from an average of 284mm to 168 mm per year. There are several types of water supply sources for the nomads and settlers: - Bir (Well) Rahad (Lake) Bahr (River) Birka (Pool) Buta (Pool) 3 - Dahal, plural Dugul (Pool) Fula (water hole) Haffir (Depression or man-made waterhole) Idd (Well) Khor (Dry water course) Mayaa (Shallow lagoon) Qelti, plural Qulut (water holes in rocks) Ragaba (stream filled from a river and running inland) Rigl (small stream) Saraf (Running stream) Shaqq (large hole in cotton soil holding water) Tumud (water hole) Wadi (dry waterhole, generally wider than a Khor) These 16+ categories of water points and their precise definitions indicate the vitality of each and every water source in the region. This resembles the classification of “snow” for the Eskimos who define 12 types of snow. In each case the resource is a matter of life and death. Each of those water points is known by heart to both the nomads and the settlers and each is kept for visits and stays along the “Masarat” or routes of the north-south-north nomadic cycles. Due to the reduction in rainfall by between 35% and 50% over 50 years, the increase in number of heads in the region from 13 million heads in 1974 to 42 million heads in 2000, and the increase in population from 6.7 million in 1983 to 9 million in 2001, the resources are way over stretched. To add to the injury of the population of west Sudan, the most stable reservoirs of water, which are the haffirs have suffered most in the cycle of nature-made and manmade catastrophes. A standard haffir either dug by earth moving equipment or developed in a natural depression, would have been designed to hold between 10,000 cu m of water to over 40,000 cu m of water. Due to the lack of periodic maintenance, these haffirs have suffered from the process of siltation (deposits of silt) as well as the erosion of their embankments, both contributing to the massive reduction in their holding capacity. A haffir, that used to hold adequate water for the 4-6 months of dry season, now would hardly suffice for 2 months of dry season and hence the fight for survival. Care International, Oxfam UK, Talisman Energy and others have attempted to improve the conditions and number of haffirs in areas of interest for them, but with little or insufficient impact on the conflicts. Haffirs and water points along entire routes, each extending over 600 miles need to be rehabilitated for impacts to be felt. One specific area that suffers most is the area of Jabel Marra, the heartland of the Fur tribe. The Fur and their Kingdom of Darfur were an independent and sovereign state until 1916. The nomads pass by this high, fertile and prosperous area from both the north ( Bideiyat, Zaghawa, Masaleet) and from the south (Bani Halaba) and in process and in the absence of fodder and water, invade the “ Hakourat” or agricultural plots. 4 Contrary to the misconception that the demographic classification in this region is purely ethnic and falls squarely into Arab and African tribes, the intermarriages are more than frequent. Along the axis from Renk, south of El Obied, north of Muglad, west of Nahud, there lives scores of mixed races known as the Zingrab or Mazaghna. This is particularly evident in the Abbeyi area where the Mesieriya and Rizieqat intermarried with the Dinkas. It is more prominent in the Nuba Mountains where the Hawazma, Aulad Hameed, Miseiriya, Kinana, Kawahla and others have mixed and intermarried intensively with the Nubas. The hybrid clans are multicultural, multi-religion believers and Counties such as Rashad and Tagali were examples of peaceful coexistence and integration. Safaha area stands witness to another integration between the Dinka and Rizaiqat. On the up note, the area of South Darfur and the northern parts of Southern Sudan are known for fertile soils, abundant trees, considerable rainfall despite the reduction in average mm per year, and hence there are still considerable water sources which are the characteristics of Rich savannah. Recently the area has been both blessed and cursed by oil finds. The benefits and effects need to be analyzed. All nomads move up and down with the rain. Due to competition over grazing land and water and due to the lack of mechanisms to articulate and regulate sharing, personal conflicts occur that would more often than not lead to tribal fighting. Before 1969, such tribal fights were successfully contained through traditional mechanisms called (Judiah). Elders from both sides of the conflict would meet, debate, investigate and then decide who started the offense, what are the losses in lives and wealth, and decide how to resolve the conflict. Normally both tribes abide with the resolution. One of the possible objectives of a diagnostic study would be to analyze why this pattern has changed. Tribal fights used to occur using traditional weapons, sticks, spears and knifes. Loss of life was limited. In the last 20 years modern small arms are a plenty and at times would cost no more than $40 a peace for an AK47, GM3 or Kalashinkov to purchase. West Sudan, unlike south Sudan is a slow, but continuously active volcano. 5