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ANALYSIS: TRIBAL CONFLICTS IN WEST SUDAN AND NORTHERN
PARTS OF SOUTH SUDAN (Darfur I)
Paper I of III: Landscape and Identification
By: Tag El Khazin
Subsahara Centre
Ottawa, August 2002
Summary:
The tribal conflict between the pastoral nomads and the settled farmers over renewable
resources (water vegetation and land) in west Sudan (Greater Kordofan and Greater
Darfur) is greatly a byproduct of climatic and ecological changes resulting in
spreading the renewable resources in the area thin. Persistent drought, expansion in
mechanized farming as a result of structural adjustment programs by the Bretton
Woods Institutions and increase in human and animal population are all factors that
exacerbated conflicts. The conflicts are also fuelled by lack of education and social
services conducive either to peaceful coexistence or to integration of ethnic groups in
the region. Hence tribal affiliations and entrenchment there in are the norm. The
ongoing civil war in the south escalated the conflicts.
Along the road to peaceful resolution to the tribal conflicts, there would be need to
research and enrich the traditional mechanism of Conflict Resolution (CR), and to
provide wide-based training for the tribal and community leaders.
There is need to do a diagnostic study that thoroughly and meticulously researches
the core causes of tribal conflicts and for logging the history and effectiveness of
indigenous modalities of CR and their declining impact on tranquility in the
region. Such research should address the interventions of the central and regional
authorities in Sudan in the tribal conflicts and analyze their consequences. Such
interventions have lately resorted to the articles of the penal code and
precautionary detentions and removal of tribal leaders to distant detention
centers. It should also address the changes in the human being of west Sudan, in
the ecology and resources, the regional cross-border spillover and consequently
suggest mechanisms of blending indigenous modalities with proven structured
modalities based on the findings of the research. The research needs to observe the
tribal and regional-specifics of the people, their morals and values and would be
sensitive to their ways of life.
The members of all the conflicting tribes are estimated at 32% of the population of
Sudan or 9 million people occupying 27% of the total area of Sudan or 670,000
square kilometers. The diagnostic study should research, detail and log all the major
20+ tribes and the interlocking conflicts. One area of high intensity conflicts and
international exposure is that occupied by the Baggara Humr of Muglad vicinity,
and Rizieqat of Da’ein vicinity on one side and the Dinka Malwal of Nyamllel and
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Maryal Bai vicinity, Dinka Twij (or Twic) of north Gogrial vicinity and Dinka
N’GOK (or Marieg) of Abyei vicinity. These main tribes and other satellite smaller
tribes are estimated at 1,000,000 persons. (See map and zoom in for focus)
Over view
In the northern parts of south Sudan the generic Dinka tribe is one of the largest tribes
in Central East Africa. In number and prominence, they resemble the Ibo of Biafra, the
Yoruba of South Nigeria, the Hausa of north Nigeria and the Zulu of South Africa.
They are dominant in Upper Nile with the Nuer and Anwak, in Bahr El Ghazal
Eastern and Northern regions, and in Lakes and Unity States with the Nuer. The
natural boundary between the Arab tribes and the Dinka is Bahr El Arab, which is
also known as River Kiir by the Dinka and, as River Gurf by the nomadic Arab tribes.
The major area of conflict is between Bahr El Arab and River Lol in upper Bahr
El Ghazal Province.
In west Sudan (Kordofan and Darfur) there are different geophysical and demographic
centers of conflict due to the struggle for renewable resources and ethnic or traditional
enmities. The first center is south Kordofan and south Darfur. In this center live the
Rizieqat, the Misieriya Humr, and the Habbaniya as pastoral nomads of Arab origin or
identifying themselves as Arabs. Satellite to these tribes are the smaller tribes such as
the Hawzama, and Aulad Hameid. On the African ethnic definition (other than Dinka),
there are the tribes of the Nuba Mountains in the east, for example the Tima, Miri,
Korongo, Kawalieb and Tira. In the west of this center there are the Fallata, Masalat,
Beigo, Bergid, Maalya and Gimr.
Another center would be the middle belt of west Sudan that houses the Hamar,
Manasra, Kababish, Jawamaa, Bidieriya, Kawahla, Ziadiya, Bani Garar, Dar Hameed,
Miheirya, Eriegat and Bani Hussien as Arab Nomads. There are hardly any tribes of
pure African origin to ignite conflicts on ethnic grounds in this central belt. It would
be useful if a diagnostic research could investigate the nature and low intensities of
conflicts in this center.
The last and hot center is the western parts of West Sudan where conflicts are not
only between Arab and African designated tribes, but between African and African
tribes as well. The center houses the large and entrenched tribe of the Fur, in addition
to the Dagu, Masaleet, Zaghawa, Berti, Guraan, Tungor, Bergid (north) and Meidoub
tribes as ethnic African. It houses as well the powerful and well-armed Arab tribe, the
Bani Halaba. Other nomadic tribes from the southern and central centers roam up and
down with rains along “ Masarat” or designated passages and enter into frequent and
bloody clashes with the indigenous and settled inhabitants of this region. Most of the
Chad-Chad conflicts and Chad-Libyan conflicts we fought in or from this region.
Aggravating the situation in the far west of west Sudan, is the presence of several
tribes split across the borders between Sudan and Chad and between Sudan and
the Central African Republic whence they cross for grazing. This set up permits
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refuge after raids and battles. Some of the Arab tribes that are shared between
west Sudan and Chad are Mahameed, Misieriya Jabal, Mahriya, Taaisha and
Siliehab. Some of the African tribes are Zaghawa, Masaleet, Salamat and
Bagirma.
Let us take a specific example:
Rizaiqat tribe lives in the Southern part of Southern Darfur Region, neighboring the
Dinka who move with their cattle between River Lol and Bar El Arab in northern Bahr
El Ghazal and Unity State from Tochs (Marches) to dry and high land. The Rizaiqat
move from Bahr El Arab south to about latitude 12 deg 30 min+ north. They also have
to cross Bahr El Arab and drink and graze for varying periods between Bahr El Arab
and River Lol in south Sudan. Contrary to the common belief, most of Bahr El Arab
runs in the territorial boundaries of south Kordofan and south Darfur, except when it
comes to join River Bar El Ghazal near Bentiu. The Rizieqat come in contact with all
the three clans of the Dinka, namely the Malwal, the Twij and the N’GOK in varying
degrees.
The Mesieriya roam the poor and rich Savannah regions of their pastoral travel. They
come in natural contact mainly with the Dinka N’GOK and with the Ruweng south of
Qardud. They would, at times, get to the Nuer land of western Upper Nile and even to
Western Shuluk zones, but there is little friction with these two tribes and there are set
agreements and royalties that are generally observed.
The two categories of Arab tribes and Dinka tribes are prominent in number, the
terrain they occupy and in cattle, camel and sheep heads. Kordofan has the second
largest heads of sheep after the Blue Nile. They are followed by Darfur followed
by Kassala in the east and followed by Bahr El Ghazal. Darfur has the largest
heads of cattle in Sudan, followed by Bahr El Ghazal and then by Kordofan.
Kordofan has the largest heads of camels in Sudan, followed by Kassala in the
east, then followed by Darfur. This proves the concentration of density of heads in
west Sudan and Bahr El Ghazal.
The average rainfall in central and southern Darfur dropped from 600mm per
year in 1950 to about 400mm now with dramatically low figures of 330 mm in
1972 and 150mm in 1985 resulting in devastating famines and loss of human life
and animals. The rainfall in central Kordofan dropped from an average of
284mm to 168 mm per year.
There are several types of water supply sources for the nomads and settlers:
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Bir (Well)
Rahad (Lake)
Bahr (River)
Birka (Pool)
Buta (Pool)
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Dahal, plural Dugul (Pool)
Fula (water hole)
Haffir (Depression or man-made waterhole)
Idd (Well)
Khor (Dry water course)
Mayaa (Shallow lagoon)
Qelti, plural Qulut (water holes in rocks)
Ragaba (stream filled from a river and running inland)
Rigl (small stream)
Saraf (Running stream)
Shaqq (large hole in cotton soil holding water)
Tumud (water hole)
Wadi (dry waterhole, generally wider than a Khor)
These 16+ categories of water points and their precise definitions indicate the vitality
of each and every water source in the region. This resembles the classification of
“snow” for the Eskimos who define 12 types of snow. In each case the resource is a
matter of life and death. Each of those water points is known by heart to both the
nomads and the settlers and each is kept for visits and stays along the “Masarat” or
routes of the north-south-north nomadic cycles. Due to the reduction in rainfall by
between 35% and 50% over 50 years, the increase in number of heads in the
region from 13 million heads in 1974 to 42 million heads in 2000, and the increase
in population from 6.7 million in 1983 to 9 million in 2001, the resources are way
over stretched.
To add to the injury of the population of west Sudan, the most stable reservoirs of
water, which are the haffirs have suffered most in the cycle of nature-made and manmade catastrophes. A standard haffir either dug by earth moving equipment or
developed in a natural depression, would have been designed to hold between 10,000
cu m of water to over 40,000 cu m of water. Due to the lack of periodic
maintenance, these haffirs have suffered from the process of siltation (deposits of silt)
as well as the erosion of their embankments, both contributing to the massive
reduction in their holding capacity. A haffir, that used to hold adequate water for the
4-6 months of dry season, now would hardly suffice for 2 months of dry season and
hence the fight for survival. Care International, Oxfam UK, Talisman Energy and
others have attempted to improve the conditions and number of haffirs in areas of
interest for them, but with little or insufficient impact on the conflicts. Haffirs and
water points along entire routes, each extending over 600 miles need to be
rehabilitated for impacts to be felt.
One specific area that suffers most is the area of Jabel Marra, the heartland of the
Fur tribe. The Fur and their Kingdom of Darfur were an independent and sovereign
state until 1916. The nomads pass by this high, fertile and prosperous area from both
the north ( Bideiyat, Zaghawa, Masaleet) and from the south (Bani Halaba) and
in process and in the absence of fodder and water, invade the “ Hakourat” or
agricultural plots.
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Contrary to the misconception that the demographic classification in this region
is purely ethnic and falls squarely into Arab and African tribes, the intermarriages
are more than frequent. Along the axis from Renk, south of El Obied, north of
Muglad, west of Nahud, there lives scores of mixed races known as the Zingrab or
Mazaghna. This is particularly evident in the Abbeyi area where the Mesieriya and
Rizieqat intermarried with the Dinkas. It is more prominent in the Nuba Mountains
where the Hawazma, Aulad Hameed, Miseiriya, Kinana, Kawahla and others have
mixed and intermarried intensively with the Nubas. The hybrid clans are multicultural,
multi-religion believers and Counties such as Rashad and Tagali were examples of
peaceful coexistence and integration. Safaha area stands witness to another integration
between the Dinka and Rizaiqat.
On the up note, the area of South Darfur and the northern parts of Southern Sudan are
known for fertile soils, abundant trees, considerable rainfall despite the reduction in
average mm per year, and hence there are still considerable water sources which are
the characteristics of Rich savannah. Recently the area has been both blessed and
cursed by oil finds. The benefits and effects need to be analyzed.
All nomads move up and down with the rain. Due to competition over grazing land
and water and due to the lack of mechanisms to articulate and regulate sharing,
personal conflicts occur that would more often than not lead to tribal fighting. Before
1969, such tribal fights were successfully contained through traditional
mechanisms called (Judiah). Elders from both sides of the conflict would meet,
debate, investigate and then decide who started the offense, what are the losses in lives
and wealth, and decide how to resolve the conflict. Normally both tribes abide with
the resolution. One of the possible objectives of a diagnostic study would be to
analyze why this pattern has changed.
Tribal fights used to occur using traditional weapons, sticks, spears and knifes. Loss of
life was limited. In the last 20 years modern small arms are a plenty and at times
would cost no more than $40 a peace for an AK47, GM3 or Kalashinkov to purchase.
West Sudan, unlike south Sudan is a slow, but continuously active volcano.
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