Download Sinful Shopping: What Marketing Teaches Us about

L'Association Canadienne pour l'Étude de l'Éducation des Adultes (ACÉÉA)
Canadian Association for the Study of Adult Education (CASAE)
2006 National Conference On-Line Proceedings
York University. Toronto, Ontario. May 28 to May 30
Sinful Shopping: What Marketing Teaches Us about Citizenship
Kaela Jubas, The University of British Columbia
Abstract: Part of a larger project about the critical learning potential of shopping, this
paper focuses on mainstream marketing. Images of the seven deadly sins in marketing
provide a metaphor for the conflicting ideologies of consumerism and social
responsibility confronting consumer-citizens.
Introduction
Largely absent in earlier discussions of social issues, consumption has moved alongside
production as an interest in social theory and research. In this paper, I explore consumption as it
relates to citizenship, both historically and during contemporary globalization. My discussion
here is related to a larger project examining the tensions related to globalization, citizenship,
consumption and resistance, in which I use shopping as a potential site and process of critical
adult learning. In this paper, I address the following questions: (1) How is consumption linked to
and conflated with citizenship? (2) How does marketing play on, manipulate and subvert the
traditional notion of citizenship? (3) How can shopping be understood as an example of everyday
activities which offer opportunities for critical learning about globalization and citizenship? In
answering these questions, I discuss examples of mainstream marketing discourses and images. I
frame my discussion with the notion of the seven deadly sins, a metaphor for how democratic
citizenship is represented in multiple, often clashing discourses that confront consumer-citizens
in today’s Western democratic societies.
Modern Democratic Citizenship: A Review and Critiques
From 1950s’ work of British sociologist T. H. Marshall (1992) onward, modern democratic
citizenship has become a topic of great debate in scholarly circles. Following Marshall,
mainstream democratic citizenship discourse insists that all citizens share a status which gives
them access to equal rights. Feminist, postcolonial and other critical scholars, however, point to
the contradictions inherent in a parallel mainstream discourse of the “good citizen.” This
idealized individual is gainfully employed, middle class and ever upwardly mobile, and
rationally chooses the best from among options in the “free” market. Characteristics such as
gender, class and race are absent from the rhetoric of this good citizen, even as they prevail in his
(more likely than her) image as a rational, independent individual able to choose freely from
among options available in society in order to realize his full potential.
What remains hidden is the historical image of women as irrational and dependent,
unable to contribute to society in a full and meaningful way (Lister, 2003; Werbner & YuvalDavis, 1999). Broad acceptance of this distinction between men and women has become an
example of what Gramsci (1971) would call “common sense,” the shared understanding that the
workings of society have an inherent logic. It becomes apparent in women’s continued role as
primary (but unpaid) family caregivers and homemakers, and in policies which determine what is
defined as work, particularly skilled work, and how work is compensated.
Critical race and postcolonial scholars reach similar conclusions about the contradictions
in contemporary discourse. As Malinda Smith (2003) explains, “Canadians have been shaped
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Canadian Association for the Study of Adult Education (CASAE)
2006 National Conference On-Line Proceedings
York University. Toronto, Ontario. May 28 to May 30
both by support for the principle of equality and, at the same time, by political and legal support
for inequality among diversities” (p. 110). Speaking about the post-9/11 insertion of rhetoric
about security, Sunera Thobani (2003) adds that surveillance has seeped into “the localized sites
where people of color live out their lives, that is, the malls where they shop and the apartments in
which they live” (p. 598). In these ways, a mainstream citizenship discourse of tolerance and
equality is countered by an equally mainstream discourse of the need to discriminate.
Further tensions are evident in the neoliberal ideology of contemporary globalization.
With the centrality of the so-called “free market,” the alleged choice brought by this particular
brand of capitalism is frequently conflated with choice as a goal of democratic citizenship. This
focus on the free market and consumer choice catapults consumption to the forefront of analysis.
Linking Consumption to Citizenship
Often overlooked in analyses of social relations and political economy, consumption has been
tied to citizenship since capitalism emerged in democratic societies (Jacobs, 2003; Rappaport,
2000; Zukin & Maguire, 2004). Feminist scholars explain this omission as a problem growing
out of the work of nineteenth-century sociologists for whom “consumption is broadly taken for
granted and often denigrated. Above a minimal level of satisfying physical needs for food,
clothing, and shelter, the desire to consume was considered by Marx to be a social need induced
by capitalism: a ‘commodity fetish’” (Zukin & Maguire, p. 174). Gendered as a feminine
activity, unlike the masculine sphere of production, consumption was a minor concern for
Marxist and other influential theorizing.
While theorists and researchers ignored the topic of consumption, it surfaced repeatedly
in other realms. As capitalism took hold across Western societies, consumption and production
became increasingly separate processes. Although this separation made it easier for scholars to
focus on the latter, politicians, urban planners, labour and social justice activists and feminists
understood that both processes were integral to social and economic relations. As Jacobs (2003)
explains in her account of the politicization of consumption in twentieth-century America, “A
new era of inflation affected everyone, including the rapidly expanding group of white-collar
workers on fixed salaries. Throughout the twentieth century, even in times of deflation or relative
price stability, politicians have tapped into pocketbook concerns to mobilize voters” (p. 250).
Concerns about the “high cost of living” and the need for a “living wage” brought workers and
consumers, trade unions and consumer associations, men and women, together in their demands
of politicians. In her discussion of the Victorian-era shopping areas in London’s West End,
Rappaport (2000) explores the strategic use of consumption by late nineteenth- and early
twentieth-century feminists who lacked basic civil and political rights. Women were charged
with responsible consumption on behalf of their families. Agitating for their rights as shoppers –
to own property and incur debt – was part of a larger attempt to equalize themselves with men.
During contemporary globalization, when capitalist-inspired consumer culture has been
firmly established, consumption and citizenship are increasingly conflated. Choice and freedom,
the hallmarks of democratic citizenship, are frequently reduced to the variety of products
available in the so-called “free market,” whether or not some citizens find them unwanted,
unsuitable or financially out of reach. Consumption has now become an interesting entry point
into an exploration of the tensions in contemporary discourses of citizenship.
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The Seven Deadly Sins: What All Citizens Should Avoid
Developed by Pope Gregory in the late sixth century, the seven deadly sins are now recognizable
beyond their Roman Catholic basis throughout popular culture. In order of seriousness, they are
lust, gluttony, avarice or greed, sloth,5 anger, envy and pride (Seven deadly sins, n.d.). One way
of understanding them, even within this original context, is as part of a prescription for a socially
responsible form of citizenship. Religious teachings might emphasize that these behaviours
interfere in our relationship with God, but these behaviours are all very much rooted in our daily
lives – in how we relate to one another and to our material environment. From their original
place in Catholic religious teachings and their original meaning as a caution against behaviours
that lead to animosity, the seven deadly sins have worked their way into secular, popular culture.
Images of the Seven Deadly Sins in Marketing
In his now twenty-year-old meta-analysis of the impacts of advertising, Pollay (1986) draws on
the notion of the seven deadly sins, arguing that much advertising aims to manipulate and seduce
consumers – and is often successful in that aim. He also notes that critical analyses tend to be
undertaken by scholars in fields such as communications, sociology, theology, education,
anthropology, history, philosophy and psychoanalysis. Rather than exploring the “by-products of
the exhortations to ‘buy products’” (Pollay, p. 19), marketing scholars have stressed its benefits
of providing information and supporting consumer choice (see Holbrook, 1987); however, the
lack of an obvious link between product and image in much advertising begs the question of
marketing’s aims and outcomes. As Jacobs (2003) points out, consumers are not the unthinking,
passive individuals that theorists have long considered them to be. Even as marketers’ claims are
greeted with increasing cynicism, marketing seems to contribute to the pressures experienced by
consumer-citizens in increasingly individualized, competitive societies. As Pollay notes,
“Advertising operates successfully despite the cynics, virtually all of whom feel sufficiently
sophisticated so as to be immune” (p. 23). Marketing is, after all, a manifestation of today’s
consumerist ideology. As Gramsci (1971) clarified, such hegemonic ideologies and their
accompanying common sense draw us in, even as our consent to them creates our oppression.
They appear both flawed and unavoidable, both sinful and virtuous.
Lust
Images of lust most overtly relate to the social construction of gender, reinforcing femininity and
masculinity. In the fall of 2005, the Macy’s™ store website (http://www.macys.com) advertised
DKNY™ jeans. Styles for young men and women showed the influence of hip-hop culture. In its
commercial form, hip-hop plays on stereotypes of hyper-sexuality of black men and black
women, and the subservience of women to men. This is an example of how a radical culture can
be caught in “the tension between negotiation with and co-option by capitalism” (Daspit, 2000,
p. 172), as its radical politics are omitted from its commodification. In contrast to the men’s long
and loose fitting jeans, the women’s “low-rise” jeans were cropped mid-calf and tightly fitted.
The outfit was completed by the model’s high-heeled sandals – shoes that restrict women’s
physical mobility and can symbolize their social immobility. Most startling was the caption
accompanying the picture of the women’s jeans: “Cropped Cuffed So-Low-Lita Stretch Jean.”
This advertisement played on the marketers’ and consumers’ awareness of the fictional story of
5
Pope Gregory originally listed “sadness,” but this was replaced by the now familiar “sloth” several centuries later.
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Lolita, the seductive girl-child. For women and men, such images reinforce the feminine ideal,
including the notion that women are primarily objects of pleasure and desire for others, rather
than participants in and producers of democratic society in their own right.
Gluttony
In 2004, Morgan Spurlock released his documentary film, Super Size Me, which was followed by
his book, Don’t Eat this Book: Fast Food and the Supersizing of America. These titles, obvious
references to the practice at McDonald’s™ of offering customers a bigger version of items that
they purchased, were immediately recognized for their marketing origins. Whether or not they
saw the film or read the book, many people agreed with Spurlock’s thesis that the consumerist
ideology apparent in the fast food industry is an example of how marketing celebrates gluttony,
even if it does so at a cost to citizens’ health, to workplace stability and to health care services
funded, one way or another, by consumer-citizens.
Greed
The “gotta have it” sensibility pervades marketing. Visiting the online version of the publication
Canadian Business (http://www.canadianbusiness.com) recently, I found a “Gotta Have It”
section. There, I learned about needs I never knew I had: an “opulent” oven to keep me “cooking
with class;” “designer cowboy hats” for my visit to the Calgary Stampede; all things made of
cashmere because cashmere has such “cachet.” The “gotta have it” slogan aims to persuade
consumers that, physical needs aside, as human beings we have emotional needs which can only
be satisfied through consumption (Rappaport, 2000; Pollay, 1986). Marketers might be trying to
reposition greed as a sign of a life well lived; however, in their creation and promotion of an
endless variety of products, they ignore the reality that our society is structured according to the
rules of capitalism, establishing a class hierarchy which makes it difficult for some citizens to
fulfill their needs – for much more basic things than ovens and hats.
Sloth
If we want to find an image of sloth in marketing, we need look no further than the La-Z-Boy™
brand of furniture. Sloth appears as a masculine quality, and the incorporation of gender into the
brand name is telling. In the context of home furnishing, laziness conflicts with femininity. After
all, the home is the traditional sphere of women’s work which, as the cliché advises, is never
done. For men, the home is the site of respite after a day of labouring in the public sphere.
Laziness turned from sin to virtue makes sense only according to the script of working class
masculinity: Rest, relaxation, and even laziness become part of the earnings for a job well done.
Anger
Anger is typically associated not with adults, but with youth. Anger, it seems, is the sin that we
are expected to outgrow, a sign of the rebelliousness that is, over time, replaced with acceptance
and acquiescence. The marketing aimed at adults and calling to mind anger is not commercial,
but rather political – the notorious “negative advertisements” which have infused recent election
campaigns. One memorable Canadian example of commercial marketing featuring anger is the
Molson’s™ “I am Canadian!” commercial from 2000 (see Canadian Broadcasting Corporation
Archives, 2005). It made many viewers chuckle, as its articulation of a (real or imagined) pent up
anger at American ignorance of “our” culture was used to promote a Canadian brand of beer.
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Here we saw anger, like beer – an apparent mainstay of Canadian culture – gendered as
masculine. We were also reminded that even an angry Canadian, adopting the image of the good
Canadian (white male) citizen, remains clean cut, mild mannered and non-violent.
Envy
In the heart of Vancouver’s “hip” Kitsilano area is a shop called “Envy.” Reversing a cliché, the
green neon sign makes this women’s clothing store Envy with green. If anger is a masculine sin,
it is envy that is gendered as feminine. The entire so-called “beauty” industry has developed
around the association of envy and femininity. L’Oreal™ hair colour model Heather Locklear
might be telling me that “I’m [already] worth it,” but what is the wordless message conveyed as
she sits demurely, perfectly toned and relaxed, dressed in designer evening wear? Marketing for
products or services related to appearance – fashion, cosmetics, weight loss, cosmetic surgery –
tend to target women who’s (real or imagined) envy is reflected and encouraged in the portrayal
of an ideal of femininity which we can only pursue through consumption but can never realize.
Pride
A current newspaper advertisement for Royal Roads University, a private university in Victoria,
BC, shows a young woman who has applied to a program there. She looks happy as she tells us,
the readers, that, with her Royal Roads degree, she will no longer have to fetch somebody else’s
coffee. In its subtle way, this advertisement reminds us that, on average, women in the workforce
remain lower-paid than men. If they are not in subservient positions, they are often handed tasks
which mark subservience – getting coffee for the boss, cleaning up after meetings, recording
minutes. The advertisement also implies that, without tackling the systems which produce social
hierarchies, we can climb the social ladder. Of all the sins, this is the one which most reinforces
neoliberal individualism, encouraging us to value ourselves and our success most, and to ignore
social and economic constraints that push marginalized citizens down the social ladder even as
they attempt to climb its rungs. Contrary to the assurance of this advertisement and the neoliberal
discourse, consumer-citizens cannot simply buy their way out of the margins.
Shopping as Learning for the Critical Consumer-Citizen
As helpful as Pollay’s (1986) article is, I contend that its portrayal of consumers as irrational,
passive and powerless is misguided. It overlooks the constant demand on consumer-citizens to
interpret and respond to cultural messages and material facts. “Socially responsible” marketing
undertaken by producers or retailers of fairly traded products, a growing voluntary simplicity
movement, and media coverage of issues such as environmental damage or child labour, remind
us that “good buys” are not always good. Still, neoliberal rhetoric exhorts privatization,
deregulation, commodification and consumption as the routes to social and economic progress.
This is the exhaustingly complicated context in which today’s consumer-citizens go shopping.
From this perspective, I am exploring shopping as a time and place for consumer-citizens
to work through the contradictory, complex messages which they encounter. What does it mean
to be a good, responsible consumer-citizen today? How can we balance the ideal of fairness and
equality with actual constraints and discrimination based on class, gender, and race? How can the
consumer-citizen prioritize the myriad issues which emerge in a single shopping decision? In
answering these questions, the critical consumer-citizen engages in what Foley calls “incidental
learning” – “the learning [which] is embedded in other activities and has to be uncovered”
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(Foley, 2001, p. 77). While all consumer-citizens go through some process of incidental learning,
for some, the daily act of shopping becomes a form of what Foley distinguishes as “radical”
learning, part of the “unlearning of dominant, oppressive ideologies and discourses and the
learning of insurgent, emancipatory ones…central to processes of emancipatory change” (Foley,
1999, p. 16). This larger inquiry has implications for how consumer and citizenship education for
adults is planned and delivered, and continues to expand the understanding of adult learning and
its relationship to politics and social relations. Ultimately, even if we ignore the lessons that
mainstream marketing is trying to teach us about citizenship, we cannot simply shop our way to
a better world; still, there is potential for critical learning in the moment of shopping. For some
people, it can begin a process of reflection which leads them to further social activism in an
effort to replace consumerism with another ideology and reinstate a sense – if not of virtue – then
of worthwhile purpose in their lives.
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