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Mongolian and Tibetan Quarterly, Vol. 19, No.1
On Sakya Pandita’s Political Activities
Chen Qingying│Research Fellow, China Tibetology Research Center
Abstract
Sakya Pandita was a leader of Sakya school of Tibetan Buddhism in early 13th century,
as well as a renowned religious figure and learned scholar. In addition to making
substantial contribution to the development of Sakya education and preaching, he
also started a new era in which Tibetan Buddhist leaders were involved in political
affairs, a new practice that has been in place for seven hundred years since then. This
paper begins with a discussion on the drastic change in ethnic relationships and
politics in 13-century Asia, then goes on to explore its impact on the thinking of
Sakya Pandita. Political activities undertaken by Sakya Pandita in response to the
drastic change are also featured in this paper, as well as whole new analysis and
interpretation of Mongol army’s entry to Tibet in the War of Jielakang, which
changed the course of history for Tibet. This paper attempts to construct a clear
picture of Sakya Pandita’s political activities and impact on history by looking at the
historical background and Sakya Pandita’s strategies in response to drastic changes of
his time.
Key Words: Sakya Pandita, Sakya school, Kagyu school, Western Xia, Godan, War of
Jielakang, Liangzhou, Huanhua Monastery, Drogön Chögyal Phagpa
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Sakya Pandita Günga Gyaicain (1182-1151) was a leader of the Sakya School of
Tibetan Buddhism in the early days and the fourth of the Five Venerable Supreme
Sakya Masters of Tibet. He was born at Sakya of the noble family of Jam-yan-gon. He
was the nephew, and became the principal disciple of Jetsun Dakpa Gyeltsen, the
third of the Five Venerable Supreme Sakya Masters of Tibet. In 1204, at the age of 20,
Sakya Pandita became the disciple of Gache Panchin, an eminent monk who came to
Tibet from India, and undertook upasampada. After Jetsun Dakpa Gyeltsen passed
away in 1216, Sakya Pandita took over as the head of Sakya School. He mastered all
five sciences of Tibetan Buddhism, wrote many books, and visited places like what is
known today as Ü-Tsang. He also had many disciples and was well experienced with
political affairs and religious teaching, and he was one of the most renowned
Buddhist masters in Tibet at that time. Under his leadership, Sakya became one of
the most dominant religious sects in Ü-Tsang. Thanks to Sakya school’s close alliance
On Sakya Pandita’s Political Activities
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with the Khon noble clan of Tibet, Sakya Pandita was also the most powerful secular
lord of Ü-Tsang. His position as the head of a major school of Tibetan Buddhism
allowed him to become a part of local politics, and he exercised substantial influence
over politics in Tibet as well as the history of China. The historical context in which he
lived in provided him with the opportunities to exercise his influence.
Sakya Pandita lived in an era when Tibet was divided among many warring clans.
Since the fall of the Tibetan Empire in mid-9th century A.D., there had not been a
single, centralized regime that ruled over the whole Tibetan Plateau. Following a
period of wars between various regions of Tibet, some of the ruling clans started to
form alliances with certain Tibetan Buddhism sects that had flourished in the late
development period of Tibetan Buddhism. Consequently, these political/religious
alliances ruled over the various regions of Tibet. Without any local or foreign powers
to challenge them, they tried to consolidate and expand their power through means
of preaching Tibetan Buddhism, building monasteries and taking in students, and
finding new patrons. Therefore, they were not strictly “regional powers” because
while they ruled over a territory, there were no clear boundaries of jurisdiction. In
other words, jurisdiction was “mixed and messy and unclear.” This allowed the
various sects of Tibetan Buddhism much freedom to promote themselves anywhere
they chose on the Tibetan Plateau. Sakya and Kagyu were two schools of Tibetan
Buddhism that were the most active in promoting themselves, preaching their
religious faith not just across the Tibetan Plateau, but also in the court of Western Xia
Dynasty in Hetao region (a region in the upper reaches of the Yellow River in
Northwestern China) by 12th century.
Western Xia is a dynasty created by the Tangut people in a region known as
Ningxia and Gansu in Northwestern China today. It lasted over 200 years. The Tangut
people are a major branch of the ancient Western Qiang people who once lived in
eastern Tibetan Plateau in upstream Yellow River. They were mostly nomadic people
who lived in today’s Gansu, Qinghai, and Sichuan. They were known as the “White
Wolf” people in the Chinese Han Dynasty. The name later changed to “White Orchid”
and to “Tangut” as appeared in Mandarin language historical archives dated back to
Southern and Northern Dynasties, Sui Dynasty, and Tang Dynasty. They had been
called “Minyag” since Tang Dynasty. According to Tibetan-language historical archives,
“Minyag” is a branch of the Idong clan, which is one of the four ancient Tibetan clans,
and “Minyag” is also called “bod-mi-nyag”. In other words, the Tangut people were
described as the descendents of an ancient Tibetan clan in ancient Tibetan-language
historical archives.1 In the period from the Southern and Northern Dynasties to early
1
“Ancient Clans in the History of Tibetan Empire,” in Stag-tshang-rdzong-pa-dpal-vbyor-bzang-po,
Histories of Han Chinese and Tibetans (Sichuan: Peoples’ Publishing House, 1985), p.13. Also see Li
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Mongolian and Tibetan Quarterly, Vol. 19, No.1
Tang Dynasty, the Tangut people were once the subjects of Tuyuhun kingdom.
Tuyuhun royalties married the Tangut chieftains and gave the name “Tuoba” to the
Tangut chieftains. Early in the reign of Emperor Taizong of Tang Dynasty, Emperor
Taizong fought against and defeated Tuyuhun kingdom, and as a result the Tangut
people bent their knees to the Tang Dynasty. Later Songtsän Gampo of the Tibetan
Empire joined hands with the Zhangzhung people to attack the Tuyujun kingdom,
and defeated the Tangut warriors. In 670 A.D., following the Battle of Dafeichuan
between Tang Dynasty and the Tibetan Empire, territories of the Tuyuhun became
territories of the Tibetan Empire. Feeling more threatened than ever by the Tibetans,
the Tangut people asked to become subjects of the Tang Dynasty. Early in Emperor
Xuanzong's Kaiyuan era, chieftains of Tangut Tuoba wrote to the emperor asking for
permission to submit to Tang. At the order of the emperor, the Tangut Tuoba people
settled in Qingzhou (today’s Qingyang, Huan County, and Heshui of China’s Gansu
Province) and lived among the Tuyuhun people who had bent their knees to Tang.
Following An Lushan Rebellion, Tibetan armies pressed in closer to western Gansu,
and the Tangut people managed to keep the favor of both Tang and Tibet. In 763,
Tangut armies allied with Tibetan armies who had marched into Changan against
Tang, which caused Tang to move the Tangut people to the territory to the north of
Yinzhou (today’s Yulin, Shaanxi) and to the east of Xiazhou (today’s Inner Mongolia’s
Yikezhao League’s Wushen Banner) in 765. After more than 300 years of
development as well as economic and cultural interactions with Han Chinese people
and the nomadic peoples in the north, by early Northern Song Dynasty, the Tangut
had built the Western Xia Dynasty and earned themselves a territory that covered
today’s Ningxia, northern Shaanxi, Gansu, Inner Mongolia, and some parts of
Qinghai. 2
The Western Xia Tangut shared many of their cultural and religious characteristics
with Tibetans. As followers of Buddhism, the Western Xia royalties later adopted
Tibetan Buddhism, and forged close ties with certain Tibetan Buddhist sects in Tibet,
having invited many monks from Tibet to preach Tibetan Buddhism in Western Xia.
According to the book Scholar's Feast of Doctrinal History, the King of Western Xia
once dispatched a delegation to Tibet’s Tsurpu Monastery to invite Chos-kyi-gags-pa,
founder of the Kagyu school, to come to Western Xia. Chos-kyi-gags-pa (1110-1193,
built Tsurpu Monastery in 1187) did not travel to Western Xia, but sent his disciple
Ge-xi-zhang-bo-wa instead. Ge-xi-zhang-bo-wa was made a Guru by the King of
Western Xia. When Tsurpu Monastery started construction of a new pagoda,
Zonghua, “Western Qiang and the Tibetans in Amdo and Kham,” Nationalities Research in Qinghai,
1991, No.3
2
Wu Tian-chi, Historical Archives of Western Xia Dynasty, (Sichuan People’s Publishing House, 1983),
pp.4-7.
On Sakya Pandita’s Political Activities
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Ge-xi-zhang-bo-wa sent gifts including gold and copper. 3 According to the book A
Collection of Essays about Barom Kagyu School, Sangs-rgyas-ras-chen of Barom
Kagyu School lived in Western Xia for 33 years and once served as the King’s advisor.
The Red History described Zhang-tshal-pa (1122-1193), founder of Rapa Kagyu School,
as having famous disciples such as Jêpa and Duo-ba-yong-su-sa-wa, two advisors to
the King (probably of Western Xia). 4 It is very likely that Sangs-rgyas-ras-chen and
Jêpa are the same person. According to The History of Sakya, when Drakpa Gyaltsen
(1147-1216, whose nephew is the famous Sakya Pandita) was the leader of the Sakya
School, his disciple Zi-jue-ben became advisor to the King of Western Xia. Zi-jue-ben
gave Sakya Monastery lots of silverware and treasures, as well as a piece of brocade
large enough to fully cover a male deer.5 It is said in Tibetan-language historical
archives that some of the descendants of Western Xia royalties later settled in
Ngamring, Ü-Tsang and formed the Laduijiang clan, and Dogebei, one of the disciples
of Drakpa Gyaltsen, is a Laduijiang. The clan provided critical support for the Sakya
School, as many clan members were either patrons or followers of the Sakya School.
Zabada, one of the more famous disciples of Sakya Pandita, is also a Laduijiang. 6 The
Mandarin-language Collection of Essential Methods in Mahayana contains many
texts of Sakya Pandita’s teachings, which were translated into Mandarin language in
the days of Western Xia Dynasty. One of the texts listed Sakya Pandita as the 85th
Mahasiddha who “has mastered the five sciences, is the true protégé of the
Venerable, is known as Puxichuang, and is a Guru revered by all.7” This shows that in
the days of Sakya Pandita, Western Xia royalties and the Sakya School were so close
that in Western Xia, Sakya Pandita was hailed as a Guru “who has mastered the five
sciences and is the reincarnation of Manjusri.” Little is known today about the full
extent of this relationship.
By the time Sakya Pandita reached adulthood, China had experienced many events
that had lasting effect on many. First of all, the Mongols became a dominant force in
the north. In the spring of 1206, two years after Sakya Pandita became a monk, a
Mongol chieftain by the name of Temujin called a “Kurultai” council of the heads of
3
Pawo Tsuglag Threngwa, Scholars Feast, (People’s Publishing House, 1986 Tibetan-language edition),
Second Volume, p.1410.
4
Leonard W. van der Kuijp, “Biography and Political Activities of Tai Situ Changchub Gyaltsen,” Note
21, in History and Language of Tibet, University of Vienna, 1991. Caiba Gongga Duoji, Red History
(People’s Publishing House, 1981), sections about Drukpa Kagyu.
5
Awang Gongga Suonan, The History of Sakya, (People’s Publishing House, 1986, Tibetan-language
edition), p. 75.
6
The fifth Dalai Lama, The Record of Tibetan Kings and Ministers, (The People’s Publishing House,
November 1980 Tibetan language edition), p.113. Also see Elliot Sperling, “On the Ladui Jiang Lineage,”
in China Tibetology, 1992 special edition, in English.
7
A Collection of Translated Texts on Yuan Dynasty Khan Advisor Drogön Chögyal Phagpa, edited by
Guru Yogi C. M. Chen and compiled by Lai Zhong-kui et al., Sakya Doctrines, (Hui Hai Books, 1992),
p.158.
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Mongolian and Tibetan Quarterly, Vol. 19, No.1
noble Mongol families at the headwaters of the Onon River. He was proclaimed
“Genghis Khan” by Kuokuochu, a Mongol shaman chieftain. Temujin was crowned as
the Khaghan of the Yekhe Mongol Ulus (Great Mongol Nation, more commonly
known as the Mongol Khanate). Genghis Khan divided his troops into 95 Mingghan (a
Mongol regiment of 1,000 men) and set up Royal Guards (numbered at 10
Mingghans). Families and servants of Mongol soldiers were also organized under
Mingghan or smaller units. Since then, Mingghan had become the most basic military,
administrative, and economic unit of the Mongol Khanate. Genghis Khan further
appointed his trusted aides as governors of the Left Wing Wanhu and the Right Wing
Wanhu (large territories containing many Mingghans). He also gave a substantial
number of commoners to his mother, brothers, wives, and sons to be used as they
saw fit. Genghis Khan’s family and descendants later become known as members of
the “Golden Family.” Some of Genghis Khan’s trusted aides became hereditary lords,
having received their shares of commoners by Genghis Khan as well. Genghis Khan’s
inventions of Mingghan, Kheshig (imperial guards), and administrative divisions left a
profound impact throughout Yuan Dynasty, and also affected China immensely.
These inventions also affected the general design and operation of civil service in
Yuan Dynasty Tibet as well. With the creation of the Mongol Khanate, nomadic tribes
in the north were unified under one single military and administrative framework,
and they eventually became a people known as the Mongols. The birth of Mongol
Khanate pretty much changed the course of history for China, Asia, and even for the
whole world.
The mighty Mongols launched a military campaign against Western Xia Dynasty
and broke the latter’s dominance over the Tibetan Plateau. It was the first time in the
history of the Tibetan Plateau to face such a heavyweight power of this stature. Upon
building the Mongol Empire, Genghis Khan made Western Xia his number one target.
In fact, his military campaign that eventually led to the unifying of Mongolia had
indeed affected Western Xia. Ke-le-yi-tai, the younger brother of Genghis Khan’s
blood brother and later foe Wang Khan, fled to Western Xia away from battles
between Mongol tribes. He lived in Western Xia for a long time and at one point
assumed a very high position, which is why he was dubbed, according to historical
texts, “spyan-sngargan-po 8” by people of the Western Xia. The title very likely
derived from Tibetan language to mean “an elderly advisor who is always by the
people’s side.” The title is similar to the honorary title of spyan-snga used by the
Kadam School and the Kagyu School of Tibetan Buddhism at that time. Ke-le-yi-tai
was defeated by the army of Genghis Khan after rebelling against his older brother,
8
Fu Hai-bo and Cui Rui-de ed., translated by Shi Wei-min et al., History of China in Liao, Western Xia,
Jin, and Yuan Dynasties, (The China Social Sciences Press, 1998 edition), p.240. La-shi-te ed.,
translated by Yu Da-jun, A Collection of Histories, Vol.3, (The Commercial Press, 1992 edition), p.19.
On Sakya Pandita’s Political Activities
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Wang Khan, and eventually fled to the Naimans. Ke-le-yi-tai had two daughters, one
married the King of Western Xia and the other, named Sorghaghtani Beki, married
Tolui son of Genghis Khan, and is the mother of Möngke Khan, Kublai Khan, Hulagu
Khan, and Ariq Böke, all of whom had close ties with Tibet and Tibetan Buddhism,
probably not out of coincidence. In 1203, following Wang Khan’s defeat by Genghis
Khan, Wang Khan’s son Sāngkūn fled to the “Bod Tibetan” territories via Western Xia,
and fought against local Tibetan tribes. He was defeated and ran to southern Xinjiang,
where he was killed. 9 “Bod Tibetan” could mean Tibetan tribes in territories of
Western Xia, or Tibetan tribes in today’s Gansu and Qinghai. Despite the fact that
Western Xia did not give refuge to Sāngkūn, Sāngkūn’s flight to Western Xia provided
Genghis Khan with a convenient excuse to invade Western Xia. From 1205 to 1209,
Genghis Khan led three invasions against Western Xia and repeatedly laid siege to the
capital of Western Xia. Mongol invasions against Western Xia came to a halt after
Genghis Khan became busy invading the Jin Dynasty and Central Asia. Sakya Pandita
became the master of Sakya School in 1216. Two years later, Genghis Khan concluded
his military campaign in Central Asia and resumed invasion against Western Xia on
his way back to Mongolia, causing the King of Western Xia to flee to Liangzhou. In
1226, Genghis Khan once again led an invasion against Western Xia, determined to
quash the dynasty. In the follow year, Genghis Khan and his army crossed the Yellow
River and attacked Jishi Zhou, conquering Lintao and Taohe and marching into
Tibetan settlements on the border of Tibetan Plateau. In 1227, Western Xia was
completely destroyed by the Mongols, and Genghis Khan himself died in the same
year at the Liupan Mountain. It was natural for Sakya Pandita to heed the events of
the past twenty years leading to the fall of the mighty Western Xia Dynasty, with
which he had been close in many respects.
It is clear that during the forty or so years, Sakya Pandita completed the ascension
from an ordinary monk to the head of Sakya School and received an invitation to
Liangzhou from Godan Khan in 1244. It was also a turbulent time of ongoing battles,
and a time that marked the Mongols’ success as world conquerors. During these
forty years, Sakya Pandita closely followed major events of the world from his seat in
Sakya Monastery in Tibet. As a scholarly monk with the honorary title of “pandita”
and as a leader at the helm of Sakya School, Sakya Pandita naturally followed closely
major political and religious events in and around Tibet, and especially to the
situation of Western Xia, which had been close with Sakya School, and heeded
events that could affect the survival and future of Sakya School. The fate of Western
9
La-shi-te ed., translated by Yu Da-jun, A Collection of Histories, Vol.1, Book Second, (The Commercial
Press, 1992 edition), pp.184-185. Fu Hai-bo and Cui Rui-de ed., translated by Shi Wei-min et al.,
History of China in Liao, Western Xia, Jin, and Yuan Dynasties, (The China Social Sciences Press, 1998
edition), pp.240-241.
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Mongolian and Tibetan Quarterly, Vol. 19, No.1
Xia had much to do with him personally and with Sakya School in general.
While thinking about the fate of Western Xia Dynasty, Sakya Pandita realized that
various sects of Tibetan Buddhism would sooner or later come into contact with the
mighty Mongolia. He expressed many of his religious and political philosophies in his
book called Sakya Lekshe. It is not clear exactly when he finished the book, which
contains stories that might have been borrowed from ancient tales of India. The book
is, in fact, far more about everyday secular life than about the Sakya faith. Some of
the stories are believed to have originated from India, and are meant to teach people
how to conduct themselves in the secular political aspect of their lives, a rare theme
for a head of a Tibetan Buddhist school to write about. It is possible that Sakya
Pandita wrote the book after reaching middle age and after thinking extensively
about political situation in Tibet. Some of the stories in the book could even be
regarded as a form of propaganda for his principles for political activities.
Through the reports of Sakya monks preaching in Western Xia territories, Sakya
Pandita was well informed of the situation in Western Xia, and he realized that the
Tibetans were no match for Mongolia’s military strength. He believed that Sakya
School could earn enormous political and economic gains by preaching Sakya faith to
and forming ties with the powerful Mongol Empire. In his book Sakya Lekshe, he
emphasized the importance of gaining the favor of powerful people and going with
the flow as the secret of material success: “the secret to success for the weak is to
gain the patronage of the great people. A drop of water may seem very small, but
once it enters the sea, it could never evaporate.” “A common person can make
himself a great person by finding a great person as patron, just like the vine can climb
on the tree all the way to the treetop.”
He also urged readers to be flexible in doing things that are good to themselves
and others: “it is fine to use whatever means possible, as long as what you’re doing
would benefit yourself and others. No one would call you a sly person for being
flexible.” After many years of running the Sakya School and dealing with secular
leaders, and after reviewing the history of Buddhism’s rise in India and Tibet, Sakya
Pandita was more aware than other leaders of Tibetan Buddhist schools of the
importance of finding a powerful patron to ensure the survival and development of
his school. It was this awareness that drove him to accept the invitation of Godan
Khan.
2
Godan the Mongol prince’s invasion of Tibet in 1239 is an event that had a decisive
impact on the later stages of Sakya Pandita’s life, one that landed him on the political
stage. Godan is a prince of the Mongol Empire who was commissioned to rule the
On Sakya Pandita’s Political Activities
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territories that once belonged to the extinct Western Xia Dynasty. He was also
commissioned to lead the Mongol attack at the Southern Song Dynasty armies. His
position and experience made him the first Mongol royalty to appreciate the
importance of Tibet. During his rule of former Western Xia territories and Tibetan
regions in Gansu and Qinghai, he learned from Tibetan monks about the geographies,
politics, and religion of Tibet. In order to consolidate his rule and protect Mongol
troops marching south to Sichuan from being attacked at the flanks, Godan decided
to launch a military campaign to annex Tibet. After a short period of preparation, he
commissioned the Mongol general Doorda Darkhan to lead an army to march from
Tibetan regions in Gansu and Qinghai to Tibet in around 1239.
Doorda Darkhan’s campaign was smaller than the full-scale invasions used by the
Mongols against large empires. In fact, it was considered so insignificant that it was
not even recorded in the military history of Mongol Empire. However, judging from
the timing of the campaign, it was probably a carefully designed military operation.
Having wiped out Jin Dynasty, Ögedei Khan called a council of Mongol lords and later
launched three military campaigns to attack Volga River basin in Europe, Korean
Peninsula in Northeastern Asia, and Southern Song Dynasty in the south. The
campaigns in Europe and Korea were a success, but the campaign against Southern
Song was a failure. Khochu, a Mongol prince who led the eastern force, was killed in
battle in Hubei. Godan, who led the western force, encountered fierce resistance
upon entering Chengdu and had to retreat back to Gansu. The Mongols sought to
renew their invasion of Southern Song Dynasty in the next wave of military
campaigns. They were considering the possibility of marching through Tibetan
regions to attack Southern Song Dynasty’s Sichuan-Hubei defense line. Godan, as
commander of the Mongols’ western force, sent scouts to investigate political and
religious situations of Tibet, and to explore the roads in Tibet. He either made the
decision on his own, or at Ögedei Khan’s suggestions. Doorda Darkhan’s army were
tasked with trying their best to include Tibet into the sphere of Mongol Empire.10
The earliest Tibetan-language record of the arrival of Doorda Darkhan and his
army at Tibet is found in The Autobiography of Tai Situ Changchub Gyaltsen, a book
written near the end of Yuan Dynasty in 1360. According to the book, “(the Mongol
army) under the leadership of General Doorda Darkhan slaughtered 500 monks in
Reting Monastery in northern Tibet, sending shockwaves across the whole of Tibet.
After this, they set up posts in Reting and Suoqu. When Spyansnga Rinpoche fled to
Duntang, Doorda Darkhan had Guan-ba-shi-jia-ren-qin arrested, and intended to kill
him. Spyansnga Rinpoche prayed to Tara, and a rain of stones fell from the sky.
10
Turrell V. Wylie, translated by Deng Rui-ling, The First Mongol Conquest of Tibet Reinterpreted, in
Deng Rui-ling, Translations of Papers on the History of Tibetan People, (China Tibetology Publishing
House, 2004), Second Volume, pp. 871-873.
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Mongolian and Tibetan Quarterly, Vol. 19, No.1
Doorda Darkhan said to him: ‘Monk, you’re a kind person.’ He bowed to Spyansnga
Rinpoche and released Guan-ba-shi-jia-ren-qin. Spyansnga Rinpoche then presented
a list of all the households with wooden doors in Tibet to the Mongols and asked the
Mongols to accept and take care of these households. The Mongols demolished their
strongholds and camps in the area stretching from Gongbu in the east all the way to
Nipoluo. Thanks to Spyansnga Rinpoche, order was restored in the Tibetan-language
speaking regions. It was during the reign of Ögedei Khan, son of Genghis Khan, that
Doorda Darkhan and his army arrived at Tibet. 11” According to the book Scholar's
Feast of Doctrinal History, “In 1240, when Genghis Khan (actually it was Ögedei Khan)
was fifty-nine years old, General Doorda Darkhan and his Mongol army, sent by
Godan from Liangzhou, arrived at Tibet for the first time…The Mongol warriors
slaughtered every Tibetan person they saw in Mdosmad, Mdokhams, Suoqu, and
Reting Monastery, leaving Reting Monastery with serious damage. Taklung
Monastery was unscathed thanks to a thick cloak of fog that made the monastery
invisible to the Mongols. Jielakang Monastery was torched, and 500 monks including
Suodun were slaughtered. Drigung Monastery was spared after Spyansnga Rinpoche
prayed for and received a rain of stones. When the Mongols asked Spyansnga
Rinpoche to go with them to live among Mongol royalties, he replied “I know just the
right person for you. He lives in the west.” He then urged the Mongols to ask for
Sakya Pandita. He told Sakya Pandita “you should go for the sake of the whole Tibet.”
As a result, Sakya Pandita, his 10-year-old nephew Drogön Chögyal Phagpa, and his
six-year-old nephew Vajrapāṇi, arrived at Drigung Monastery in 1244 and received
gifts and money for their travel expenses. 12” The fifth Dalai Lama also wrote about
these events: “Mongol warriors slaughtered a large number of monks in Jielakang
and Reting Monastery…soon after, the King of Mongolia started to take an interest in
the Path of Purification, and dispatched Jiemen and his minister Duoda to Tibet to set
up posts in Suoqu. Spyansnga Rinpoche fled to Duntang, and had
Guan-ba-shi-jia-ren-qin receive the Mongols. When the Mongols attempted to
execute Guan-ba-shi-jia-ren-qin, Spyansnga Rinpoche prayed to Tara and a rain of
stones fell from the sky. Moved by the miracle, the Mongols treated Spyansnga
Rinpoche respectfully. (Mongol soldiers) demolished all their strongholds and camps
in the area stretching from Gongbu in the east all the way to Nipoluo in the west. The
people were warned not to disobey the orders of the king. 13” Similar accounts can be
11
Tai Situ Changchub Gyaltsen, translated by bTsan lha Ngag dbang and She Wan-zhi, History of the
Khon Clan, (Tibet People’s Publishing House, April 1989), p. 109. The Autobiography of Tai Situ
Changchub Gyaltsen was written before his death in 1364.
12
Pawo Tsuglag Threngwa, Scholars Feast, (People’s Publishing House, June 1986 edition), Second
Volume, pp.1416-1417.
13
The fifth Dalai Lama, The Record of Tibetan Kings and Ministers, (The People’s Publishing House,
November 1980 edition), pp.90-91.
On Sakya Pandita’s Political Activities
10
found in Mongolian-language historical archives which appeared later. Apparently
Doorda Darkhan had two missions in Tibet: to conquer Tibet on the battlefield and to
establish an official tie with Tibetan Buddhism by finding a true representative of
Tibet, and sending this person to Liangzhou to negotiate the subject of Tibet’s
submission to Mongolia.
With the help of Tibetan monks, Doorda Darkhan was well aware of geography,
transportation, and the locations of monasteries run by various sects of Tibetan
Buddhism. The Mongol cavalry rode across the North Tibet Plateau, starting from
Damxung and riding along the Wululongqu River to Poindo, pointing their spears to
Lhasa. Doorda Darkhan started his military campaign in Tibet by attacking Reting
Monastery to the northeast of Poindo and Jielakang Monastery, which had a
strategically important location, to intimidate the various sects of Tibetan Buddhism.
Reting Monastery and Jielakang Monastery had a close relationship, both being
Kadam Buddhist monasteries. Doorda Darkhan sent a smaller troop to prevent Reting
Monastery from coming to the rescue of Jielakang Monastery, while his main force
skipped Taklung Monastery near Poindo (the Mongols spared Taklung Monastery not
because of invisibility caused by the heavy fog, but because it is a Kagyu Buddhist
monastery and therefore, was not a main target of the Mongols) to concentrate on
bringing down Jielakang Monastery. Jielakang Monastery is located to the west of
Hutoushan Reservoir in the town of Chundui, in western Lhünzhub County of Lhasa.
It was first built in 1012 by Zhangsna-nam-rdo-rje-dbang-phyug (976-1060), one of
the four “pillar disciples” of the renowned Tibetan Buddhist guru Lumei
Xiraochuchen. Zhangsna-nam-rdo-rje-dbang-phyug became a monk and a disciple of
Lumei at the age of eighteen, and once traveled to India to study Buddhism and
teach Buddhist commandments to monks there. He was instrumental in helping
Dromtön inviting Atiśa to preach Buddhism in Ü-Tsang. He was an eminent monk in
his time and also the founder of many monasteries in Lhünzhub County and Lhasa.
Following his death, his younger brother Chuchen Jiangchu succeeded him as Khenpo
of Jielakang. Chuchen Jiangchu is the mentor of Potowa Rinchen Sal, the head
disciple of Dromtön Gyalwe Jungney, so Jielakang forged close ties with the Kadam
School, and became a major Kadam Buddhist monastery. The road to the southwest
of Jielakang reaches to Doilungdêqên County and Tsurphu Monastery. Guola
Mountain pass stands between the southern side of Jielakang Monastery and Dodé
Valley to the north of Lhasa. The northeastern side of Jielakang has roads that reach
to Taklung Monastery and Reting Monastery, and the eastern side of Jielakang has
roads that reach to Maizhokunggar County. Jielakang Monastery is only one or two
days of horse ride away from Drigung Monastery, Tsaigungtang Monastery, Tsurphu
Monastery, Taklung Monastery, and Reting Monastery. In other words, it occupies a
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Mongolian and Tibetan Quarterly, Vol. 19, No.1
strategically important location. It quickly became one of the most prominent
monasteries in southwestern Lhünzhub County, famous for its many assets.14 It was a
natural target for Doorda Darkhan and his army, given the Mongols’ preference for
surprise attacks. According to Blue Annals, by the time the Mongol army reached
Poindo, Jielakang Monastery had been thrown into chaos over the lack of a new
Khenpo after the death of previous Khenpo Zemawa Shangdun.15 No one in the
monastery would go out to negotiate, which probably caused the Mongols to attack.
Nevertheless, it seemed that the monks of Jielakang and monasteries nearby put up
an impressive resistance, but in the end were still defeated after a good fight. Little
was said about the battle of Jielakang in history books, but the battle was no doubt
fierce given that “Jielakang Monastery was torched, and five hundred monks
including Suodun were slaughtered.” The battle caused a serious blow to two major
Kadam Buddhist monasteries, and was far more destructive than any struggle
between Tibetan Buddhist schools and local powers. The battle sent shockwaves
across the various schools of Tibetan Buddhism, as they came to realize the military
strength of the Mongols.16 The battle of Jielakang was of relatively little importance
to the Mongols. However, the battle itself was significant in that for the first time in
the history of Tibetan Empire, a foreign army managed to reach deep into the heart
of Tibetan Plateau. The battle was the beginning of Yuan Dynasty Mongols’ 100 years
of dominance over Tibet.
Doorda Darkhan’s successful invasion of Jielakang Monastery demonstrated the
Mongols’ military strength to the Tibetans, as Tibetan clans and Buddhist schools
were too disunited to organize any kind of effective resistance. Doorda Darkhan’s
army soon took control of strategically important areas of Tibet, and after
demolishing their strongholds and camps, set up posts for circulation of supplies. It is
possible that Doorda Darkhan took the advice of Tibetan Buddhist monks who
traveled with him to Tibet and decided to make a gesture of goodwill to the local
people, for he started reconstruction of Jielakang shortly after the battle. He also
sought to establish ties with leaders of Tibetan Buddhist sects. Fully informed of the
situation of various sects of Tibetan Buddhism, Doorda Darkhan’s first target was
Spyansnga Rinpoche of Drigung Monastery, the most influential Tibetan Buddhist
master in Ü-Tsang. Spyansnga Rinpoche (1175-1255) was also known as
14
Wang Sen, A Brief History of Tibetan Buddhism’s Development, (The China Social Sciences Press,
1987 edition), p.28.
15
G� os Lo-tsā-ba Gźon-nu-dpal, translated by Guo He-qing, History of Tibet, (Tibet People’s Publishing
House, 1985 ed.), p.60.
16
The remains of the walls of Jielakang Monastery still stand at the original site, and traces of gunfire
could still be seen until the 1930s. Okada Hidehiro, translated by Deng Rui-ling, “Early Stage
Mongolia-Tibet Relationship in Mongolian Historical Archives,” in Deng Rui-ling, Translations of Papers
on the History of Tibetan People, (China Tibetology Publishing House, 2004), Book Second, p. 848.
On Sakya Pandita’s Political Activities
12
Spyan-snga-ren-po-che-grags-pa-vbyung-gnas. Although he was the Khenpo of
Drigung Monastery at the time, he was more a lama of Phagdru Kagyu than a lama of
Drigung Kagyu. He was born into the Rlangs clan of Pamuzhu, in Sangri County of
Tibet. The book History of the Rlangs Clan has many mythical legends about the clan.
According to the book, the clan originated from the Dbra clan, one of the six ancient
Tibetan clans which spread across Ü-Tsang and Mdokhams in ancient times. The Dbra
clan left Mdokhams to settle in Ü-Tsang. In 1158, Pag-mo-gru-pa rdo-rje-rgyal-po
(1110-1170), a Kagyu lama and a member of the Weiwanapantuo clan of Mdokhams,
built the Gdansathel Monastery in Pamuzhu. This was the beginning of the Phagdru
Kagyu School. Throughout his life, Pag-mo-gru-pa rdo-rje-rgyal-po took many
disciples, who created eight different branches of the Kagyu School including Drigung
Kagyu, Taklung Kagyu, Drukpa Kagyu, Yasang Kagyu, Trophu Kagyu, Shuksep Kagyu,
Yelpa Kagyu, and Martsang Kagyu after his death. These branches were mostly active
in Ü-Tsang. Drigung Kagyu and Taklung Kagyu in northeastern Lhasa were the most
powerful of the eight. Following the death of Pag-mo-gru-pa rdo-rje-rgyal-po,
Drigungpa Rinchen Pal, founder of Drigung Kagyu, succeeded him as the Khenpo of
Gdansathel Monastery. When he was 18 years old (in 1191), Drakpa Jungne became
the disciple of Drigungpa Rinchen Pal. He later became one of the attendants of
Drigungpa Rinchen Pal in Drigung Monastery. He was affectionately called
“spyan-snga” (meaning “my attendant”) by Drigungpa Rinchen Pal who appreciated
his value. Eighteen years later, he help settled the dispute between Taklung Thangpa
and Drigungpa Rinchen Pal to the latter’s favor. As a show of gratitude, Drigungpa
Rinchen Pal made a formal seat for his attendant Drakpa Jungne, and told him “until
yesterday, you had been my disciple. From now on, you shall be my mentor.” He then
declared Drakpa Jungne successor to Pag-mo-gru-pa rdo-rje-rgyal-po, and sent him
to Gdansathel Monastery to assume the position as khenpo there. In 1235,
61-year-old Drakpa Jungne returned to Drigung Monastery from Gdansathel
Monastery for a brief stay, away from “misfortune of the year.” In the previous year,
the third khenpo of Drigung Monastery had passed away. Drakpa Jungne accepted
the earnest requests of Drigung’s lamas and stayed on as the fourth khenpo of
Drigung. His younger brother Gyalwa Rinpoche (1203-1267) became Khenpo of
Gdansathel Monastery. 17 Since 1208, the position of Khenpo of Gdansathel
Monastery has always been filled by members of the Dbra clan, so the clan was also
known as Dbra clan of Pagmogrupa. When the Mongol army arrived at Tibet, Drakpa
Jungne or Spyansnga Rinpoche was de facto leader of both Drigung Kagyu and
17
Tai Situ Changchub Gyaltsen, translated by bTsan lha Ngag dbang and She Wan-zhi, History of the
Khon Clan, (Tibet People’s Publishing House, April 1989), p. 108. Wang Sen, A Brief History of Tibetan
Buddhism’s Development, (The China Social Sciences Press, 1987 edition), pp.128-130. Wang Fu-ren, A
Brief History of Tibetan Buddhism, (Qinghai People’s Publishing House, 1982 edition), pp.159-162.
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Mongolian and Tibetan Quarterly, Vol. 19, No.1
Pagmo Kagyu, and his influence could extend to other Tibetan Buddhist sects as well,
a fact that made him the most influential Tibetan Buddhist master in Ü-Tsang.
Doorda Darkhan’s arrest of Guan-ba-shi-jia-ren-qin of Drigung Monastery and his
respect for Drakpa Jungne were all part of his plan to make Drakpa Jungne willing to
go to Mongolia. Although Drakpa Jungne made a show of submission by presenting
the list of Tibetan households to Doorda Darkhan on behalf of the ruling class of
Tibet, he was reluctant to make the trip to Mongolia as a 65-year-old man. To get
himself off the hook, he recommended to the Mongols Sakya Pandita of the Sakya
School, who was seven years younger, and worked hard to convince Sakya Pandita by
writing him a letter and financing his trip. It was his efforts that led to historical
meeting between Sakya Pandita and Godan in Liangzhou.
3
According to The Record of Tibetan Kings and Ministers, after Doorda Darkhan met
with the leaders of various Tibetan Buddhist sects, “he sent a messenger to tell the
Mongol King that ‘in the faraway land of Tibet, the Kadam School had the largest
Buddhist community, Taglung Rinpoche was the most courteous, Spyansnga
Rinpoche of Drigung Monastery was the most powerful, and Sakya Pandita was the
most knowledgeable about Tibetan Buddhism. Please give instructions as to which
one you’d like to have by your side.’ The Mongol King said ‘in this dvipa (continent),
we must obey the rules laid down by Genghis Khan if we are to live our lives
satisfactorily. For the sake of wellbeing of our descendants, we should hire a
Buddhist master who can show us the road to Nirvana and Buddhism.’ The Mongol
King then gave the messenger a letter showing his decision to hire Sakya Pandita, and
also an invitation to Sakya Pandita himself.18”
The full text of Godan’s letter to Sakya Pandita is found in The History of Sakya: “To
repay the kindness of my parents and the gods, I need a master who can show me
the way and the art of decision-making. I chose you to be the master. It is my sincere
wish that you would take the long and hard journey to me. If you are thinking about
using old age as an excuse (of not going to Mongolia), you should look to the
example of Gautama Buddha, who made huge sacrifices for the benefits of all living
creatures. If you decide not to come, you would be betraying the oaths you made
when you first devoted yourself to Buddhism. Are you not afraid of the consequences
that could befall many people when I send a large army down there out of spite for
your refusal? Please come to Mongolia as soon as possible if you really care about
18
The fifth Dalai Lama, The Record of Tibetan Kings and Ministers, (The People’s Publishing House,
1980 edition), pp.90-91.
On Sakya Pandita’s Political Activities
14
Buddhism and all living creatures. I shall make you Warden of the West. 19” Godan,
like other Mongol Khans, treated Sakya Pandita with carrots and sticks, just like how
they treated other foreign and religious leaders. He urged Sakya Pandita to go to
Mongolia by using threats of military actions and promises of a prominent position.
Godan wanted to have Sakya Pandita in Liangzhou, not just because he needed a
Tibetan Buddhist master as consultant, but also because he needed someone who
could properly represent the various sects of Tibetan Buddhism to negotiate with
him the issue of Tibet’s submission to Mongolia. Godan wanted to make a puppet
out of a Tibetan Buddhist sect to gain control over the other sects through this
puppet, and he wanted the person representing this puppet sect to have a
sustainable relationship with the ruling class of Mongolia to consolidate Mongol
dominance over Tibet. During their attacks against the falling Western Xia Dynasty,
the Mongols first learned about Tibetan Buddhism from Kagyu and Sakya lamas, who
very likely helped the Mongols find their way into Tibet. This is why Godan wanted
someone from Kagyu School or Sakya School to represent Tibet, and also why
Doorda Darkhan opted not to attack Kadam Buddhist monasteries during his time in
Lhasa. The Battle of Jielakang taught Doorda Darkhan that leaders of Pagmo Kagyu
and Sakya schools actually inherited their titles. Both schools had their ruling clans,
and these clans described their ancestors as products of unions between gods and
humans, to paint an image of holiness for themselves. According to Sakya legends,
the youngest of the seven Masang brothers, Masang Chije, remained on earth after
his older brothers returned to the country of gods. He married Thogcham Wurmo,
the daughter of the Thoglha Woedchan, and they had a son known as Thogtsad
Bangpo Tag. Thogtsad married Lucham Drama, the daughter of a Naga, who bore a
son named Lutsa Tagpo Woechan. Lutsa and a Mon lady, Tsomo Gyal, married; their
only son was born on a tree line of the mountain, so he was named Yahpang Kyes
(“Born at the Divide between Slate and Grass”). According to Tibetan Cosmology, the
gods live in the heights of the mountains above the tree line, while human beings live
below it. This is the origin of the Khon’s clan name. In both the Sakya School and the
Pagmo Kagyu School, the title of the head of school is passed from uncles to
nephews of the same clan to ensure stability in leadership. Both the Sakya Khons and
the Pagmo Kagyu Rlangs practiced the same inheritance rule which says the youngest
son of the clan is entitled to inheritance of the clan’s assets and subjects. The royal
19
Awang Gongga Suonan, The History of Sakya, (People’s Publishing House, February 1986,
Tibetan-language edition), p. 118. A copy of this letter of invitation is still kept in the Sakya Monastery.
Judging from the spelling of most of the nouns in the letter, it is likely that the letter was first
translated from Mongol language into Mandarin and then to Tibetan language. See Huang Bu-fan and
Chen Qing-ying, “A Study of the Spelling of Tibetan Words as Appeared in Godan’s Invitation Letter to
Sakya Pandita,” in A Collection of Studies on Tibetology, (Tibet People’s Publishing House, 1990).
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Mongolian and Tibetan Quarterly, Vol. 19, No.1
house of Mongolia also practiced the same rule, which is probably why Godan
preferred a Sakya when choosing a puppet. The Pagmo Kagyu, which had allied with
the Drigung Kagyu, was superior to the Sakya in terms of the location of monasteries,
assets, the number of monasteries, and the number of subjects. Therefore, Doorha
Darkhan made Spyansnga Rinpoche of the Kagyu School his first target when
choosing a representative of Tibet to negotiate with the Mongols following the Battle
of Jielakang. Spyansnga Rinpoche declined the offer and recommended Sakya
Pandita to the Mongols, which prompted Goda to extend an invitation to Sakya
Pandita. After some contemplation, Godan realized that Sakya Pandita was the right
person he was looking for and also a proper representative of Tibet, and that it was
possible to build a sustainable cooperative relationship with Sakya Pandita. 20
Therefore, in his letter of invitation to Sakya Pandita, Godan spelled out his promise
of making Sakya Pandita “Warden of the West.”
4
Although by the second half of Western Xia Dynasty, there had been Sakya and
Kagyu lamas preaching Tibetan Buddhism or holding positions in the royal court of
Western Xia in Ningxia, Sakya Pandita still made history by being the first master of a
Tibetan Buddhist sect to leave Tibet to preach and meet with a foreign Khan.
Therefore, it was natural that his decision to meet Godan was viewed with distaste
and suspicion from his followers within the Sakya School. Upon receiving the
invitation from Godan, Sakya Pandita decided to go to Liangzhou despite opposition
from his disciples, family, and friends. He repeated explained that he was motivated
by the long-term interests of all of Tibet. In reply to the question of “what good can
you possibly do by going to Mongolia?” raised by a Kham lama by the name of
Nankabon, Sakya Pandita said “if I don’t make this trip, the Mongol army would
descend upon us and bring catastrophe to the snow-capped realm called Tibet. I am
doing this only for the sake of all the living creatures of Tibet. I am doing this anyway,
even if it means I have to sacrifice my life. 21” By making the trip to Mongolia, Sakya
Pandita demonstrated a rare kind of noble spirit and accomplished a rare feat in the
history of Tibetan Buddhism, while also setting a precedent for other Sakya, Kagyu,
and Gelug leaders.
Before embarking on the trip, Sakya Pandita carefully handed over his duties as
20
Turrell V. Wylie, translated by Deng Rui-ling, The First Mongol Conquest of Tibet Reinterpreted, in
Deng Rui-ling, Translations of Papers on the History of Tibetan People, (China Tibetology Publishing
House, 2004), Book Second, pp. 875-876.
21
Awang Gongga Suonan, translated by Chen Qing-ying, Gao He-fu, and Zhou Run-nian, The History
of Sakya, (People’s Publishing House, 2005), p. 75. Qabbê Cêpän Püncog et al, translated by Chen
Qing-ying et al., History of Tibet, (China’s Tibet Publishing House, Tibet Ancient Books Publishing
House, 2004, second edition), p.357.
On Sakya Pandita’s Political Activities
16
the head of Sakya School. He created his disciple Grung-pa shakya-bzang-po as the
gzhis-rgan-pa of Sakya School, to be in charge of all kinds of affairs within the school.
Sakya Pandita also had all the eminent lamas of the Sakya School, with the exception
of his disciples Vu-yug-pa bsod-nams-seng-ge and Shar-pa yeshes- vbyung-gnas who
were in charge of religious affairs, to salute Grung-pa shakya-bzang-po. He
designated the trio of Grung-pa shakya-bzang-po, Vu-yug-pa bsod-nams-seng-ge, and
Shar-pa yeshes- vbyung-gnas to be his successors to ensure Sakya School’s continued
development in his absence. Grung-pa shakya-bzang-po is a local lama, not a
member of the Khon clan. After his younger brother Sonam Gyaltsen passed away,
Sakya Pandita had difficulty finding a replacement from the Khon clan to manage
secular affairs of the Sakya School. The problem was eventually solved with the
appointment of Grung-pa shakya-bzang-po as the gzhis-rgan-pa of Sakya School in
1239. It was the first time that secular affairs of the Sakya School and the Sakya clan
were left in the hands of a lama who was not a member of the Knon clan.
It appeared that Sakya Pandita had thought through what could happen once he
arrived at Liangzhou. He believed that it would be quite some time before he set foot
in Tibetan soil again, if at all, so to make sure that his nephew Drogön Chögyal
Phagpa could succeed him as the leader of Sakya School one day, he decided to take
Drogön Chögyal Phagpa and Chhana, younger brother of Phagpa with him to
Liangzhou. Phagpa and Chhana’s parents are Sangtsa Sonam Gyaltsen and his first
consort. However, Phagpa was born at Namring Lukhung, while Chhana was born in
Duoge Gailuo. Neither was born in Sakya territories, but their half-brother Shar-pa
ye-shes-vbyung-gnas was born in Sakya Monastery. It seems that the five consorts of
Sangtsa Sonam Gyaltsen did not live in the same place. The exact dynamics between
the five consorts and their children were not recorded in history. However, after
Sangtsa Sonam Gyaltsen passed away, the son of Phyag-na-rdo-rje fell out with the
son of Shar-pa ye-shes-vbyung-gnas. The fall-out between a legitimate son and an
illegitimate son was a sign of discord in the household. As legitimate children born to
the first consort of Sangtsa Sonam Gyaltsen, Phagpa and Chhana were raised by
Sakya Pandita himself since they were children. When Phagpa was a little boy, Sakya
Pandita made a trip to Gyirong, a place near China-Nepal border, where he famously
had a debate with eminent monks from India. Sakya Pandita presented Phagpa to
those present and introduced him as the reincarnation of the late eminent monk
Saton Ripa. Sakya Pandita educated Phagpa and Chhana and shielded them from
hidden dangers. He also attempted to deify Phagpa in many ways and almost went
everywhere with Phagpa and Chhana in tow. The theory that the Mongols kept
Phagpa and Chhana as hostages in Liangzhou is questionable. 22 The Mongols did take
22
Du Qi, “A Brief History of Central Tibet from the Thirteenth to the Eighteenth Centuries (Especially
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Mongolian and Tibetan Quarterly, Vol. 19, No.1
hostages from vassal lords and chieftains, usually in the form of the sons of these
vassal lords and chieftains, to ensure their allegiance, while the vassal lords and
chieftains stayed behind. In Sakya Pandita’s case, he had no need to send Phagpa and
Chhana as hostages because he was set to go to Mongolia himself. Besides, Mongol
Khans never asked for hostages when summoning foreign religious leaders to
Mongolia. Phagpa and Chhana traveled with Sakya Pandita; they were not sent as
hostages to Liangzhou before Sakya Pandita made the trip. From Sakya Pandita’s
quotations from Godan’s words in his letter to religious and secular leaders in Tibet,
it is clear that Sakya Pandita himself brought Phagpa and Chhana to Liangzhou, the
brothers did not arrive at Liangzhou as hostages before him. According to The History
of Sakya, on the way of Liangzhou, Phagpa became a monk at the Jokhang in front of
the Reclining Buddha, following the footsteps of Sakya Pandita and Zul-phu-ba, and
became known as Blo-gros-rgyal-mtshan-dpal-bzang-po. This is another proof that
Phagpa and Chhana traveled with, and was educated and taken care of by, Sakya
Pandita throughout the trip to Liangzhou.
During the journey to Liangzhou, Sakya Pandita met with religious and secular
leaders across Tibet and explained to them that he made the trip out of concern for
the future of Buddhism and all of Tibet. He said he couldn’t possibly say no after
meeting and receiving gifts and money from Spyansnga Rinpoche at Drigung
Monastery at the latter’s request. He also met with and received gifts from the
leaders of Taklung Kagyu and Yelpa Kagyu. 23 Apparently Sakya Pandita’s journey to
Liangzhou concerned not just himself or the Sakya School relationship with a Mongol
Khanate. He made the journey on behalf of Spyansnga Rinpoche and other secular
and religious leaders of Tibet to build ties with Godan in Liangzhou. After nearly two
years on the road, Sakya Pandita and his group arrived at Liangzhou in August 1246.
Yet by the time they arrived, Godan had left Liangzhou for Mongolia to attend a
council which led to Güyük’s ascension to the throne. It was not until early 1247,
when Godan returned from Mongolia to Liangzhou, that the historical meeting
between him and Sakya Pandita took place in his court.
5
During his stay in Godan’s court, Sakya Pandita met with people of various ethnic
backgrounds to seek ways to spread Tibetan Buddhism, and negotiated with Godan
on the issue of Tibet’s submission to Mongolia. It was the first time in history that a
leader of a Tibetan Buddhist sect negotiated the issue of Tibet’s political submission
Ü-Tsang),” in Deng Rui-ling, Translations of Papers on the History of Tibetan People, (China Tibetology
Publishing House, 2004), Book Second, p.704.
23
Qabbê Cêpän Püncog et al, translated by Chen Qing-ying et al., History of Tibet, (China’s Tibet
Publishing House, Tibet Ancient Books Publishing House, 2004, second edition), p.357.
On Sakya Pandita’s Political Activities
18
to Mongolia with a foreign king. By making extensive contacts with all kinds of
people, Sakya Pandita developed a deeper understanding of the situation in China
and East Asia. While at the court of Godan, he learned about world situation since
the rise of Mongolia from Western Xia and Uyghur lamas, and even heard about
many stories of Mongolia’s conquests. Before Sakya Pandita’s arrival at Liangzhou,
the knowledge of leaders of Tibetan Buddhist about the world was limited to the
four great continents and eight smaller continents described in Buddhist scriptures,
and distant memories of conquests of Tibetan Empire at the height of its power. The
only military threat leaders of Tibet knew about was Tang Dynasty China. Now a
military force far more powerful than Tang Dynasty China has reached deep into
Tibet and completely changed the Tibetans’ understanding of the world. Sakya
Pandita was at his time a Tibetan Buddhist sect leader who understood the most
about the military strength of Mongolia. Therefore, some dubbed him “a pioneer
who reached deep into the heart of Mongolia and knew more about Mongolia than
his countrymen.24” What Sakya Pandita saw and heard in Liangzhou made him more
determined to push for Tibet’s submission to Mongolia. He also thought about how
to negotiate with Godan for the best terms for Tibet. The Mongols had previously
accepted the territory of a Uyghur chieftain as vassal state, located not far from
Godan’s territory, so Godan offered Sakya Pandita the same terms he had offered the
Uyghur chieftain.25 A proof can be found in Sakya Pandita’s Letter to the Benefactors
in Ü-Tsang, in which the benefits the Uyghur had after their submission to Mongolia
were repeatedly noted. Taking an example from the Uyghur, Godan and Sakya
Pandita eventually reached an agreement regarding Tibet’s submission to Mongolia.
Based on their agreement, secular and religious leaders of Tibet would swear
allegiance and offer tribute as subjects of Mongolia. In exchange, Mongolia would
allow them to keep equivalent positions under the Mongol Empire. Sakya Pandita
then informed secular and religious leaders of Tibet of the terms of the agreement
and urged them to accept the terms. In his many letters to secular and religious
leaders of Tibet, his family and friends, and his disciples, he urged them to think
about the long-term future of Buddhism and the Tibetan people and give up the
thought of resisting Mongol invasion and agreed to the terms of agreement between
24
Ulqibayar, A Study on Mongolia-Tibet Cultural Relations, (China Tibetology Publishing House, 2004),
p.28.
25
After the fall of the Uyghur Khaganate in late Tang Dynasty era, a group of Uyghur people resettled
in Xinjiang and created a new regime called Kingdom of Qocho. The ruler was called Idiqut. The
Kingdom of Qocho later became a vassal state of Kara-Khitan Khanate. In 1209, the Kara-Khoja ruler
Idiqut Barchuq declared his allegiance to the Mongols under Genghis Khan after killing a ruthless
official from Kara-Khitan Khanate. In 1211, Genghis Khan married one of his daughters to the Idiqut,
and declared the Idiqut a son of his (after his biological sons). Throughout Yuan Dynasty, the rule of
Idiqut had been supported by the Mongol royalties.
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Mongolian and Tibetan Quarterly, Vol. 19, No.1
him and Godan. The most famous one of these letters is an open letter called Sakya
Pandita’s Letter to the Benefactors in Ü-Tsang (also known as Sakya Pandita’s Letter
to the Tibetan People), which was addressed to secular and religious leaders of Tibet.
This letter demonstrates the fact that Sakya Pandita was not only a famous Tibetan
Buddhist master, but also a political leader who was acutely aware of the political
situation of the time and the impact of Mongolia’s rise on Tibet. In this letter, Sakya
Pandita repeated emphasized Godan’s respect for him, the hospitality Goden
demonstrated for him and Phagpa and Chhana, and Godan’s firm belief in Buddhism,
in order to alleviate suspicions the leaders of Tibet had for Mongolia. On the other
hand, he also pointed out the military strength of Mongolia, citing the examples of
the Uyghur, Jin Dynasty, and Western Xia Dynasty, to illustrate the point that it would
be better to live peacefully as a vassal state of Mongolia, than be destroyed by the
belligerent Mongols like the Jin Dynasty and Western Xia Dynasty. He also pointed
out in the letter that submission to Mongol rule would mean the spread of Tibetan
Buddhism to Mongolia, and the leaders of Tibet could keep their position as officials
of Mongolia. He also explained to the leaders of Tibet exactly how they should show
their submission to Mongolia and what tributes they should offer to the Mongols. He
further warned that should the leaders of Tibet turn their backs on his advice, they
should not blame him or the Sakya School for not warning them of the catastrophic
consequences. In this letter, Sakya Pandita urged the leaders of Tibet to bend their
knees towards unification with Mongolia based on his negotiations with Godan and
his personal observations. He offered timely and objective advice to the leaders,
telling them what to do in this critical time to ensure a bright future of Tibet. The
process of Tibet’s submission to Mongolia began in 1240, when Spyansnga Rinpoche
presented a list of households in Tibet to Doorda Darkhan. It was Sakya Pandita who
completed this process by securing the confidence of both Tibet and Mongolia.
As a head of both the Sakya School and the Khon clan, Sakya Pandita naturally
sought to secure advantages for his sect and clan through negotiations with Godan.
In the Sakya Pandita’s Letter to the Benefactors in Ü-Tsang, he said “(the Khan) said
to (me), ‘if the people of Tibet do as I said, the leaders of Tibet would be given
positions of civil service in Mongolia. Sakya Pandita’s messengers shall summon them
to work as my Darughachi.’ You should pick the right messengers and make three
copies of a list giving the name of Tibetan officials, the number of households, and
the number of tributes. One copy should be sent to me, one kept by the Sakya School,
and one kept by the local officials. You also need to draw a map of the territory of
Tibet showing the regions that have already surrendered to the Mongols, and those
that have not, so that the surrendered ones would not risk being destroyed together
with those that have yet to surrender. The Sakya messengers should consult with the
On Sakya Pandita’s Political Activities
20
leaders of Tibet before taking any action, and should only do things for the benefits
of Tibet, and should not abuse their power. The leaders of Tibet should not take rash
actions before consulting the Sakya messengers, or they would be seen as not
respecting the rules, and it would be difficult for me to ask for mercy for those of you
who offended the Mongols. All I want is for you to be united and respect the
Mongolia way, and you will definitely be rewarded.” In other words, while Godan
allowed Sakya Pandita to recruit Tibetan leaders on his behalf, he still had the final
say over what positions the Tibetan leaders were going to have. As a go-between,
Sakya Pandita wrote to ask the Tibetan leaders asking for three lists, one to be kept
by the Tibetan leaders, one to be sent to Sakya Pandita and Godan in Liangzhou, and
one to be sent to the Sakya School. By helping the Mongols secure the allegiance of
Tibetan leaders, Sakya Pandita and the Sakya School were seen as more influential
than other Tibetan Buddhist sects and their leaders. According to the agreement
between Godan and Sakya Pandita, Tibetan leaders who accepted the rule of
Mongolia would be allowed to keep their positions and subjects. In other words, the
Sakya School would not see any increase in territory and subjects. From his
observations of Mongolia’s rule over Uyghur and Western Xia territories, Sakya
Pandita realized that Godan needed a Tibetan ally who could help him rule Tibet, so
he seized this excellent opportunity to lay a solid foundation for the future growth of
the Sakya School, demonstrating his political skills as the leader of Sakya School in
the process. By sending messengers to help Tibetan leaders accept the rule of
Mongolia, Sakya Pandita effectively trained a group of people skilled in political
affairs for the Sakya School. Although the Sakya School is still a long way from
becoming the ruling sect of Tibet because it still has to face competition from other
sects, Sakya Pandita’s actions since the Liangzhou negotiations had greatly enhanced
the influence of the Sakya School, which is located in the remote country of Ü-Tsang.
He was instrumental in making the Sakya School the representative of Tibet to the
Mongols.
6
Before Sakya Pandita came to Liangzhou, Godan had been surrounded by a small
group of Tibetan, Western Xia, and Uyghur Buddhist lamas. As a Mongol prince,
Godan followed the tradition of Mongol Khans since Genghis Khan and showed the
respect for all kinds of religion, so he kept the company of monks of different
religions. Before the arrival of Sakya Pandita at Liangzhou, Buddhism was not yet the
dominant religion in Godan’s court. It was Nestorian monks and Mongol Shamans
who performed the rituals to pray for Godan. 26 Godan had a better understanding of
26
Awang Gongga Suonan, The History of Sakya, (People’s Publishing House, 1986), p. 126. According
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Mongolian and Tibetan Quarterly, Vol. 19, No.1
Buddhism after hearing Sakya Pandita explaining Buddhist scriptures to him. More
importantly, Sakya Pandita cured the disease of Godan. While he attended to Godan,
he raised the idea that Godan was the reincarnation of a Western Xia king, who died
a tragic death at the hands of his ministers. He also told Godan that Godan had his
revenge when he led the Mongols to attack the Western Xia Dynasty. According to
Sakya Pandita, Godan fell ill for offending the local gods of Western Xia, and Buddhist
rituals can make him feel right again.27 This theory of Sakya Pandita’s was welcomed
by Godan because it suited Godan’s purpose of consolidating his rule over former
Western Xia territories. Upon recovering from illness, Godan reportedly gave the
order to have Sakya Pandita preside over all future prayer rituals, and that Buddhist
lamas should say their prayers before the monks of other religions in rituals. In other
words, Godan had a major change of faith by showing more respect to Tibetan
Buddhism than to Christianity and Shamanism, and this change of faith was a major
success for Sakya Pandita.
Godan reportedly ordered construction of a Tibetan Buddhist monastery called
Huanhua Monastery in Liangzhou to be used as the seat of Sakya Pandita. The giant
monastery is located some 25 kilometers to the east of Liangzhou city wall, and is
known as “shar-sprul-pavi-sde” (literarily “Huanhua Monastery in the east”). It is also
known as “the monastery of a hundred pagodas in Liangzhou” in Mandarin language
for having a hundred pagodas, or “the monastery of white pagodas in Liangzhou”
because pagodas in the monastery are all white in color. Remains of the monastery
were found recently in Baita Village in Wuwei City, Gansu.28 In 1927, a major
earthquake in the Hexi regions caused the Main Pagoda of the monastery to collapse,
revealing two historical documents released in the fifth and sixth years of Xuande
Emperor of Ming Dynasty’s reign: Chronicles of Reconstruction of the White Pagoda
in Liangzhou and Chronicles of Pagoda Construction, written in both Mandarin and
Tibetan languages. These documents were proof that Sakua Pandita had lived in the
monastery during his stay in Liangzhou. Chronicles of Reconstruction of the White
Pagoda in Liangzhou says that “Liangzhou is a strategically important place in Hexi.
An old monastery named Baita stands 40 kilometers to the southeast of the city. It is
to Collection of Histories, Godan’s mother Queen Töregene, and Sorghaghtani Beki, wife of Tolui Khan
and mother of Möngke Khan and Kublai Khan who raised Godan when he was a little boy, were both
Christian. The Mongol Khans were all believers of Shamanism, so the records of The History of Sakya
were accurate.
27
Awang Gongga Suonan, The History of Sakya, (People’s Publishing House, 1986), pp. 126-127. Caiba
Gongga Duoji and Dungkar Lobsang Thrinle ed., Red History (People’s Publishing House, 1981,
Tibetan-language edition), pp.26-28, “A Brief History of Western Xia.”
28
For more information about the site of Huanhua Monastery where Sakya Pandita lived in Liangzhou,
and historical relics related to Sakya Pandita and Drogön Chögyal Phagpa recently discovered in
Liangzhou, see Fan Bao-liang and Shui Tian-zhang ed., Negotiations in Liangzhou between Godan and
Sakya Pandita (Gansu People’s Publishing House, October 1997).
On Sakya Pandita’s Political Activities
22
not certain when the monastery was first built, though it was reconstructed at the
order of Godan Khan of Yuan Dynasty to be the seat of his advisor Sakya Pandita.
Sakya Pandita then built a main pagoda which is over 100 meters tall, and over 50
smaller pagodas. The pagodas were surrounded by halls. The monastery was severely
damaged in battles later in Yuan Dynasty, only debris remained. In the fourth year of
the reign of Xuande Emperor of Ming Dynasty, the emperor’s advisor by the name of
Sonam Gyaltsen passed by the site and, feeling sorry for the terrible condition of the
monastery, raised funds to rebuild it. He then asked the emperor for permission to
name the monastery Zhuangyen.29” Historical monuments dating back to early Ming
Dynasty era indicated that this monastery was indeed Huanhua Monastery, where
Sakya Pandita had lived during his stay in Liangzhou.
Construction of Huanhua Monastery was a major historical event that signified the
beginning of Tibetan Buddhism’s spread to Mongolia. During the era of Mongol
Empire, the Mongol royalties lived in Mongolian felt tents and moved around a lot.
Therefore, monks and lamas who were dependent on these royalties also lived in felt
tents, as the royalties had yet to give order to build monasteries. After putting an end
to Jin Dynasty and Western Xia Dynasty, the Mongols only repaired a small number
of monasteries that had been damaged in battles. Sakya Pandita’s stay in Liangzhou
provided the Sakya School with a good opportunity of development in Kham and
Amdo regions. In fact, Sakya Pandita helped build monasteries and pagodas on his
way to Liangzhou. For example, Changzhu Monastery (Pearl Monastery) in Guide
County, Qinghai was reportedly built by Sakya Pandita using a load of pearls given to
him by Godan.30 However, the monasteries Sakya Pandita built during his trip to
Liangzhou were limited in scale, and they were something of a foothold through
which the Sakya School could expand its territory in Kham and Amdo regions. After
Sakya Pandita concluded negotiations over Tibet’s submission to the Mongol Empire,
Tibetan Buddhism started the rise to prominence in Godan’s territories, i.e., the
former territories of Western Xia and the Tibetan regions in Gansu and Qinghai.
Sakya Pandita brought with him a group of Tibetan lamas to Liangzhou. To show his
respect for Sakya Pandita and arrange for proper accommodation for these lamas,
Godan built the massive Huanhua Monastery to the east of Liangzhou city. 31
Construction of Huanhua Monastery is a major event in the history of Tibetan
Buddhism in that it was the first time in recorded history that a non-Tibetan king
29
Liang Xin-ming, Comprehensive Introduction of History and Geography of Wuwei, (Lanzhou
University Press, 1997 ed.), pp.211-212.
30
Pu Wencheng ed., Tibetan Buddhist Monasteries in Gansu and Qinghai, (Qinghai People’s
Publishing House, 1990 ed.), pp. 168-169.
31
Huanhua Monastery reportedly had as many as 10,000 lamas in the day of Phagpa. See
Bu-xi-ma-hao-wa-de-si-er-ya, translated by Wang-qian-duan-zhi, “Monasteries of Liangzhou,” China
Tibetology, 1998, No.4.
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Mongolian and Tibetan Quarterly, Vol. 19, No.1
built a Tibetan Buddhist monastery in his realm. It was also the first time in the
timespan of three dynasties (Yuan, Ming, and Qing) that a Tibetan Buddhist
monastery was built in inland China. Following the footsteps of Sakya Pandita, many
leaders of Tibetan Buddhist sects and eminent lamas made the journey to inland
China to seek patronage of the ruling class, and built monasteries in inland China to
expand their territory. As China moved towards unification, Tibetan Buddhism was
enjoying increasing popularity in inland China. The spread of Tibetan Buddhism to
inland China resulted in closer political, economic, and cultural relationships between
Tibet and inland China. In short, Sakya Pandita became the first Tibetan Buddhist
leader who managed to convert the Mongol court to believers of Tibetan Buddhism
during his six-year stay in Liangzhou.
During his stay in Liangzhou, Sakya Pandita also took part in cultural exchanges
between ethnic groups. While there, he came into direct contact with many Mongol
shamans and Christian monks, as well as Buddhist monks from Western Xia, Han
Chinese regions, and Uyghur territories, so he developed further understanding of
different religions and the various Buddhist cultures of different regions. He also
became aware of the many different languages used by different ethnic groups in
Mongolia. In 1204, Genghis Khan defeated the Naimans and took captive of
Tata-tonga, a Tangut man who kept the official seal of Tayag Khan. Genghis Khan
came to realize the use of the official seal in appointment of officials and verification
of income and expenses, and also the use of alphabets for communications regarding
military and political affairs, so he ordered the sons of Tata-tonga and Mongol
nobilities to use the Uyghur alphabet in Mongolia in making simple communications
or in keeping records. Under the reign of Ögedei Khan, the Mongols did not have a
common alphabet, which made it difficult for the spread of Tibetan Buddhism in
Mongolia. Sakya Pandita once wanted to create an alphabet to be used in Mongolia.
He reportedly created the Mongolian alphabet based on a type of wood used by the
Mongol nomadic people for tanning. 32 The actual situation might be that he learned
about Uyghur alphabet from Uyghur monks in Liangzhou, and went on to make
major revisions to the Uyghur alphabet using his knowledge of Indian alphabet
(which was developed when he studied Sanskrit Buddhist scriptures). It was on the
basis of Sakya Pandita’s attempt that Drogön Chögyal Phagpa, at the request of
Kublai Khan, created the “new Mongolian alphabet” which was widely used in Yuan
Dynasty Mongolia.
During his stay at Liangzhou, Sakya Pandita still managed religious and secular
affairs of the Sakya School in his capacity as head of the school. However, as he was a
32
Gu-shi-ge-ju ba Luo-sang-ze-pei, translated by Chen Qing-ying and Wu Li-ji, History of Mongol
Buddhism, (Tianjin Ancient Books Publishing House, 1990), p.43.
On Sakya Pandita’s Political Activities
24
long way from Sakya territories, he devoted most of his energy to the training of his
two nephews, Phagpa and Chhana, as future leaders of the Sakya School. Sakya
School and the Khon clan have always been united as one right from the beginning,
so the leader of Sakya School must be someone from the Khon clan, which is why
Sakya School never practiced the reincarnation system. However, the transition of
leadership from Khon dkon mchog rgyal po to Drogön Chögyal Phagpa was hardly
smooth, mostly because the Khan clan did not produce enough candidates for the
leadership. Although there was no struggle for leadership between the relatively few
candidates, Sakya School repeatedly faced the crisis of having no successor to
leadership. Sachen Kunga Nyingpo was born when Khon dkon mchog rgyal po was 59
years old, Sonam Tsemo was born when Sachen Kunga Nyingpo was 51 years old,
Drakpa Gyaltsen was born when Sachen Kunga Nyingpo was 56 years old, and
Drogön Chögyal Phagpa was born when Sangtsa Sonam Gyaltsen was 52 years old.
These Sakya masters were born when their fathers had reached their 50s, so it was
natural that before they were born, their fathers had been nervous about not being
able to produce an heir for the Sakya School. On the other hand, these Sakya masters
became leaders of Sakya School at a very young age. Sachen Kunga Nyingpo was 11
when he became head of Sakya, and had to take instructions from Bari Lotsava to run
things. Sonam Tsemo was only 17 when he became the head of Sakya. Sakya Pandita
was aware that he needed to pick a successor who was knowledgeable, capable, and
well-respected enough to ensure a safe future for Sakya. Therefore, he treated the
training of Phagpa and Chhana as top priority. But he needed to heed the opinion of
the Mongols on this matter because of their political relationship with Mongolia. At
the order of Godan, Phagpa continued to learn about Tibetan Buddhism from Sakya
Pandita, while Chhana was to dress himself in Mongol-style attire and learn
Mongolian language. Thanks to Sakya Pandita’s guidance, the hard-working and
intelligent Phagpa made rapid progress in his learning of Sakya Buddhism. By the
time Phagpa reached 17 years of age (in 1251), Sakya Pandita had taught all he knew
about Tibetan Buddhism to Phagpa, making Phagpa knowledgeable enough to be a
good leader of Sakya. By this time, Phagpa had developed enough skills to compose
essays. A Collection of the Works of Five Master of Sakya contains dated works of
Phagpa, the earliest one of which is “Praises of Our Hospitable Lord” written in
Liangzhou in 1250. In addition to learning about Tibetan Buddhism and Tibetan
cultures, Phagpa also came into contact with people of various ethnic backgrounds in
Godan’s court, and learned about history and cultures of the Mongols, Han Chinese,
and Uyghur. He also acquired experience in political dealings, which made him a
proper heir to inherit and expand Sakya Pandita’s legacy. Chhana, on the other hand,
was raised to become familiar with court life and language of Mongolia, in
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accordance with the wish of Godan. According to The History of Sakya, Godan
married one of his granddaughters to Chhana (The History of Sakya, Dege xylograph,
pp. 141-142). When Godan passed away in 1251, Chhana was only 12 years old, so it
was likely that the marriage pact was sealed between Godan and Sakya Pandita to be
fulfilled after they died. According to the Foreword to the Chapter of Princes in
History of Yuan, “at the height of the dynasty, the royalties and the husbands of
daughters of Khans were allowed to call themselves princes.” Through his marriage,
Chhana joined the ranks of Mongol princes. The marriage was the first of many
marriages between the ruling classes of Mongolia and Tibet.
Sakya Pandita passed away in Liangzhou on November 14, 1251 (Tibetan calendar).
On his deathbed, he made Phagpa his heir and the next leader of Sakya. He also left
his disciples to the care of Phagpa, thus making Phagpa the fifth master of Sakya
School. The 17-year-old Phagpa soon began his political and religious dealings.
When making judgments of Sakya Pandita, one should look at the historical
context in which he lived and evaluated his influence during his time. After hundreds
of years of conflicts, Tibet was divided among regional powers and religious sects.
When the invading Mongols marched into Tibet, the regional powers and religious
sects did up put up a serious, organized resistance, and the religious and secular
leaders of various sects did not present a united front. In the face of a serious threat
that could change the course of history, Spyansnga Rinpoche and Karma Pakshi of the
Kagyu School passively accepted Mongol rule. At the age of 63 years old, Sakya
Pandita from the remote country of Ü-Tsang bravely embarked on the journey to
Liangzhou to forge a direct link between a regional power of Tibet and the ruling
class of Mongolia and effectively brought Tibet to the Mongols. It was an impressive
show of his political vision and extraordinary wisdom. Thanks to his efforts, Tibet did
not have to worry about large-scale military invasions from the Mongols, and local
agricultural and animal husbandry production were allowed to continue as normal as
the people were allowed to lead normal lives. The feudal lords of Tibet went on to
build up their wealth. With the Yuan Dynasty royalties converting to Tibetan
Buddhism, Tibet experienced rapid economic and cultural developments, as cultural
and economic exchanges between ethnic groups deepened during Mongol conquest.
It was a positive development for the people of Tibet, and also the major reason why
the people of Tibet, be it lamas or commoners, all held Sakya Pandita in great respect,
singing praises of his vision in many books and literary works. It was widely circulated
among the Tibetan people in Gansu and Qinghai that the younger sister of Sakya
Pandita traveled with him to Liangzhou, and helped him build a monastery to
promote Tibetan Buddhism there. The word has it that she became an accomplished
On Sakya Pandita’s Political Activities
26
lama herself and died in peace upon learning about the death of Sakya Pandita. 33
Although the story of the younger sister of Sakya Pandita was not found in History of
Sakya, it still lives on for more than 700 years because of the local people’s fond
memories of Sakya Pandita. Apparently by making the historical decision to travel to
Liangzhou, Sakya Pandita was fulfilling the expectations of the people of Tibet and
also the expectations of all ethnic groups in China. According to the Chronicles of
Reconstruction of the White Pagoda written by Yen Ji-chao, an official under the
command of Ching-ni General Hou Yong-biao in the reign of Kangxi Emperor of Qing
Dynasty, “I wasn’t aware of when the White Pagoda was first built until I started to
translate Tibetan-language Buddhist scriptures. Then I realized that Godan Khan
invited the eminent lama Sakya Pandita to come to Liangzhou, and built the White
Pagoda Monastery to be his residence. Sakya Pandita was already in his 60s when he
came to Liangzhou, and died six years later. His body was bathed and during
cremation, clouds of different colors appeared in the sky, and beams of light shined
brightly…and countless shiny Śarīras were found among the cremated ashes. The
Khan and others watched in awe and clasped their hands in prayer. The White
Pagoda was built where the remains of Sakya Pandita were kept, and the Śarīras
were kept in other pagodas. It was said that Sakya Pandita had been the
reincarnation of Vajra Master, and that 25 generations of reincarnation led to the
extraordinary sightings at the cremation…the White Pagoda carried very strong
spiritual powers. According to Buddhist scriptures, people who touch and see it, walk
in circle around it, add a handful of mud to it, put a chunk of soil to it, and recite
Buddhist scripture would never be condemned to the Sanzu River. Ashes fallen from
the Pagoda onto the birds and beasts can liberated them from their miserable lives.
People in our country might not know about the magical powers of the Pagoda, but
many lamas and eminent monks have come to walk in circle around it.34” Sakya
Pandita has been widely respected and remembered among monks and secular
people of Tibet since Yuan and Ming dynasties, a proof of his standing as a historical
figure of substantial contributions.
33
Bu-xi-ma-hao-wa-de-si-er-ya, translated by Wang-qian-duan-zhi, “Monasteries of Liangzhou,” China
Tibetology, 1998, No.4.
34
Liang Xin-ming, Comprehensive Introduction of History and Geography of Wuwei, (Lanzhou
University Press, 1997 ed.), pp.213-214.