* Your assessment is very important for improving the work of artificial intelligence, which forms the content of this project
* Your assessment is very important for improving the work of artificial intelligence, which forms the content of this project
IB-2 19-century package(the most essential incidents)The text is taken from fsmitha.com and has been slightly reconstructed by me. Conservative Order and National Independence In 1814, the victors over Napoleon gathered at Vienna to create a balance of power in Europe to their favor. The gathering was called the Congress of Vienna. Alexander I, the tsar of Russia, of the Orthodox faith, also wanted an international order based on Christianity, and he talked the emperor of Prussia , a Protestant, and the emperor of Austria, a Roman Catholic, into joining him in what was called a Holy Alliance. Austria and Prussia did not want to offend Alexander, so they joined their kingdoms to Alexander's creation, agreeing with Alexander that the "sublime truths" of Christianity ought to guide relations between nations and guide the domestic affairs of nations. Strong religious conviction, they held, was necessary for maintaining upright and loyal subjects. The rulers of Russia, Austria and Prussia agreed that challenges to their authoritarian rule by liberalism and revolution ought to remain suppressed. Britain, the most liberal of the powers, did not join the Holy Alliance. Viscount Castlereagh, foreign minister of Britain -- the most scientific and liberal of the four powers - dismissed the Holy Alliance as mystical nonsense and thought Alexander to be unbalanced. The Congress of Vienna was the response to the Napoleonic wars, and for conservatives a response to the godless French Revolution. According to Austria's foreign minister, Prince Metternich, the people of Europe wanted peace rather than liberty. And peace was what Metternich wished to provide them, within a context of what he saw as legitimate rule. Prevailing at the Congress of Vienna was the conservative view of what was legitimate. Authoritarian monarchies were legitimate. Metternich wanted to restore to the continent the old aristocratic and monarchical order, and empire.(i.e Bourbon and Habsburg) Asserting what they believed to be their authority, the men at the Congress of Vienna redrew the map of Europe. Belgium was taken from Napoleonic France and combined with the United Netherlands. Austria was given authority in Germany again, except for areas taken from France and given to Prussia -- a junior partner in the new coalition at the Congress. Genoa, Sardinia, Piedmont and Savoy were to be ruled by the House of Savoy, as was the city of Nice. Lombardy (around Milan) and Venetia, in northern Italy, were given to Austria. To compensate Austria for its loss of Polish territory, it was given Slavic territory along the Dalmatian Coast (along the eastern side of the Adriatic Sea, formerly possessed by Venice). The four powers that met at the Congress of Vienna gave the defeated power, France, a generous settlement of the war. They occupied France until 1818 and restored the monarchy in France -in the person of Louis XVIII of the royal Bourbon family. Then, in 1818, France joined the victorious nations over Napoleon, making the alliance of four an alliance of five. In 1815, people across Europe were sick of war and longing for peace. Disdain for upheaval put conservatism in fashion, and people were reviving their religious devotions. But conservatism was not extensive enough to eliminate disturbances. Subversive liberalism remained on the minds of many. The United States was a nation of liberal repute, and various peoples -- Italians, Hungarians, Ukrainians, Czechs, Poles, Romanians and others -- dreamed of independence of their own, and freedom from rule by foreigners(which led to nationalistic movements) . Metternich, the primary architect of the Vienna Accords, realized the threat to his conservative order, and he believed that repression was necessary to hold the enemies of his order in check. He viewed editors, newspapermen and university teachers with suspicion and students with hostility. "Liberty of the press" he described as a scourge. Relatively liberal Britain also felt pressures. In the city of Manchester people were working fifteen hours a day. There, in 1819, when 60,000 gathered in St. Peter's Fields, listening to a call for universal suffrage, a local magistrate sent a force to arrest the main speaker, Henry Hunt. A melee followed in which eleven of the crowd were killed and others injured. And, in the wake of this, the movement for reform gathered strength. Reform and Revolution in Europe to 1850 Revolt and Reaction, to the 1830s In 1823, Austria, Russia and Prussia authorized French troops to enter Spain to re-establish conservatism there. France's king, Louis XVIII, sent an army of 100,000 into Spain and put Ferdinand VII back on his throne. Britain was concerned because it was benefiting from the independence movement in Latin America, and Britain hinted that war would follow if France invaded Portugal or if it became involved in Latin America. By 1825, Tsar Alexander's religious sentiments had intensified. He left his Polish mistress of thirteen years and returned to his wife, Elizabeth. In August he took Elizabeth to southern Russia for her health and better weather, with the nation believing that he was going south to put himself at the head of the Russian forces gathered at the border of the Ottoman Empire. Elizabeth would die in 1826, outliving Alexander, who died in December, 1825, at the age of forty-eight, followed by a persistent rumor that the victor over Napoleon was just tired of being tsar and was living as a hermit. In Russia, the old problem of succession reappeared. Officers who had been with the Russian forces occupying France had been exposed to the Enlightenment, and they had hated what they had found when returning to Russia:corruption, censorship, rigid control over higher education, and serfdom. They disliked the military's resort to gross brutality in attempting to instill military discipline among soldiers. They asked themselves whether all this why they had liberated Europe. Around three thousand of them joined together in St. Petersburg's main square, hoping to replace authoritarian rule with a representative democracy. They took no control of anything strategic and were supported by no general rising. Their naiveté became known as the Decembrist Rising, and they were crushed by forces loyal to Alexander's twenty-nine year-old brother, Nicholas. Fear of contact by Russian officers in contact with the liberal West was to reappear again with Joseph Stalin. Meanwhile, Nicholas I was hardened in his conservatism by the Decembrist Rising. He feared the masses, the nobility and intellectuals. He extended the use of secret police, and, in Russia, fear of informers, arrest and arbitrary police procedures increased. Revolutions of 1848 By the early 1840s, industrialization in Great Britain was almost three times what it had been in 1800. Industrial production during this period had doubled in Belgium, while remaining half that of Britain. France's industrial output had increased 77 percent in this period, with its per capita industrialization about 35 percent that of Great Britain. Industry in Germany (still only a geographical expression) was beginning to grow faster than it was in France, but per capita production was only one quarter that of Britain and Ireland combined. The Austrian Empire was growing slower industrially than Germany, while railways had just begun to connect a few points within the empire -- Prague, Budapest and Trieste - and Austria's steamships were plying the Danube River. And Italy and Russia lagged behind Austria. Then progress in mechanization was accompanied by a disaster in agriculture. The faster shipment of potatoes from the Americas, across the Atlantic to Europe, allowed the survival of mold arriving with the potatoes. In the mid-forties, drought, bad harvests and a potato blight in Europe caused food shortages and higher prices. Ireland was especially hard hit, with typhus coming on the heels of the potato blight. Ireland had a population of 8.5 million in 1845; six years later its population would be 6.5 million. In 1845, the number of people leaving Europe for the United States began rising, Germans looking for land to farm, English artisans looking for work in their crafts and the Irish running from hunger -- thousands of Irish dying on the ships taking them to the United States. People hurt by the harder times rioted in Krakow and the surrounding countryside. Polish peasants armed with scythes and flails killed or mutilated nearly 1,500 noblemen before Austria's troops arrived. In April 1847, people in Berlin were angry over the price of food, and for four days they rioted, plundering stores and markets and erecting barricades against attacks by the kings' military. In June 1847, Britain's parliament passed the "Ten Hours Bill," which limited the hours of work per week for women and children to sixty-three. Later that year in London, delegates from Britain's Working Men's Association gathered with delegates of German workers -- and international conference of workers initiated by Karl Marx, now twenty-nine, with a Doctorate in Philosophy and a devotion to radical politics in the interest of those who labored in workshops. Most of those at the conference advocated brotherhood. Marx preached class warfare. A "Communist League" was created, with Marx and his associate, Friedrich Engels, commissioned to write, as they did from December to January 1848, what became known as the Communist Manifesto. Marx called himself a communist to distinguish himself from socialists whose politics differed from his. He identified Communists with the interests of working people in general, claiming:"The Communists do not form a separate party opposed to the other working-class parties. They have no interests separate and apart from those of the proletariat as a whole. They do not set up any sectarian principles of their own, by which to shape and mold the proletarian movement." He claimed that the aim of Communists was the "overthrow of the bourgeois supremacy [and] conquest of power by the proletariat." "The distinguishing feature of Communism," he wrote, "was not the abolition of property in general, but the abolition of bourgeois property." In his manifesto, Marx wrote of communism as a specter haunting Europe, and "all the powers of old Europe," he wrote, had "entered into a holy alliance to exorcise this specter." In reality, Marx and his communism, were still little known, and the group for whom he wrote the manifesto was tiny. The Early Risings of 1848(also known as the crazy year) In January 1848, sixty-one people were killed in Milan protesting against a rise in taxes by their Austrian rulers. And that month in Palermo, Sicily, people rioted. There, people were interested in a liberal constitution and an end to the despotic rule of Ferdinand II (1830-59), king of Naples-Sicily. The Swiss, in January, were having a civil war. They were divided by language and religion. Regions of Switzerland (cantons) that were predominately Catholic were more conservative and opposed to a politically unified Switzerland. They had joined together into a military alliance called the Sonderbund, which was supported by the Foreign Minister Metternich of Austria and other European conservatives. Others in Switzerland were inspired by the national unity of France and by the United States, and they were interested in national unity and more democracy. In February, people demonstrated in Paris. Until the 1840s, France had enjoyed a so-called Golden Age under King Louis-Philippe, but hard times had returned. Government feared radicals and made political meetings illegal. The government's refusal to allow a "banquet" to discuss reforms brought workers and students into the streets. They clashed with police and built their barricades with roadway pavement blocks. A demonstrator shoved a burning torch into a soldier's face and violence followed in which demonstrators were shot, and around forty died. Rather than try to crush what became a more intense rebellion, Louis-Philippe abdicated in favor of his nine-year-old grandson and headed for exile in Britain. Parisians invaded the Chamber of Deputies and demanded a republic. The Deputies created a provisional government that was mostly of moderates but with a few radicals, and they declared a republic -- France's Second Republic. Rebellion in Germany It took days for news of the rising in Paris to reach cities outside of France, and the news inspired copy-cat risings. Thirty-thousand peasants marched on the seat of the Duchy of Nassau, Wiesbaden, thirty miles west of Frankfurt. For sometime these peasants had been upset about others having been freed from serfdom but not them, and they forced Duke Adolf of Nassau to abolish serfdom. A rising against serfdom came also in Baden and Wüerttemburg, where ruling families had been ignoring the growing resentment of their serfs. The serfs were violent in a way that had not been seen in Germany since the 1500s. The Grand Duke of Baden fled, and in Baden a revolutionary government was founded. In the eastern part of Prussia's Westphalia, violence erupted among free peasants and the landless, who were angry about the economy, which seemed to them to favor the well-to-do. The violence spread into Saxony, Thuringia and Silesia, where more castle burnings took place. Disturbances erupted also in the cities of Hamburg, Cologne, Brunswick, Munich, and Mannheim, to name a few. There were demands for constitutional government. -- and some admiration for the United States Constitution. There were demands for a people's army (national guard), trial by jury, freedom of assembly, freedom of worship and equitable taxation. In Bavaria, King Ludwig decreed freedom of the press. Tens days later, to appease his subjects, who were angry over his affair with Lola Montez, Ludwig (not quite sixty-two) abdicated in favor of his son Maximilian. In Prussia's capital city, Berlin, soldiers and demonstrators clashed, and the emperor, Wilhelm IV, withdrew his soldiers to avoid more bloodshed. A great crowd gathered at Wilhelm's palace and demanded that he join them in paying respect to the 303 who lay dead at the barricades. Wilhelm went, and the crowd shouted hat's off, and Wilhelm removed his hat. The crowd then sang an old German hymn, "Jesus is my refuge," after which Wilhelm withdrew. Pressure from the Berliners continued and Wilhelm was compelled to order the release of all of the political prisoners in Berlin jails, and to greet each of those leaving the prison. One of the hopes among German liberals was a united Germany as opposed to a lot of states run by dukes or petty kings, and a few days later Wilhelm proclaimed himself head of the whole of the German fatherland. By the end of March the desire for unity among Germans was expressed by 600 delegates from across Germany gathering in Frankfurt for the purpose of creating a constitution for a united Germany. Germany's few industrialists tended to have mixed feelings about the risings. They distrusted the passions of poor people, but they had also been unhappy working under a government bureaucracy that to them seemed out of touch with modern times. They were looking forward to reforms that worked in their favor, while some landowning aristocrats, Otto von Bismarck among them, with their traditional rural values looked down upon the industrialists. Capitalism, complained Bismarck, was enriching individuals but creating a lot of poorly nourished proletarians. Bismarck joined other conservatives around Emperor Wilhelm in urging a counter revolution. Liberal intellectuals were also attacking capitalism, complaining that machines should be freeing men from animal servitude rather than fashioning workers "to a terrible bondage." They advocated government enforced reductions in work hours, the banning of child labor, subsidizing decent housing for workers, sickness and disability programs for workers and public education. Rising in Vienna In Vienna,10,000 factory workers had recently been laid off. Students there favored democracy and civil liberties, and they joined forces with the unemployed workers. On March 12, 1848, a crowd of demonstrating workers and students was fired upon, and this unleashed a popular rising. Barricades went up, and the municipal guard went over to the side of the rebellion. Austria had been ruled largely a State Council, consisting of Metternich and four others. It was against Metternich, the State Council and the police that the rebels voiced their wrath -- not their Habsburg king, Ferdinand I. Workers and students stormed through the imperial palace, and a terrified and scornful Metternich, not quite seventyfive, went into exile in England. King Ferdinand accommodated the rebels. On March 15, his proclamation read: We, Ferdinand the First, by the grace of God, Emperor of Austria, king of Hungary and Bohemia ... have adopted such measures as we have recognized as necessary to fulfill the wishes of our loyal people. King Ferdinand promised to provide his subjects with a constitution, and people spoke of the coming constitution with joy. People were delighted by the thought of an end to police intimidation and censorship. Professors were enthusiastic about an end to restrictions and police spying. For a few days people danced, sang, wined and paraded in the streets. It was as if the Viennese were one happy family, including the city's Jews. Princess Sophia was outraged at the weakness of her father-in-law, the king, and outraged at what she called the "liberal stupidities" of king Wilhelm in Berlin. Then, a week after the rising, Vienna calmed down. Ferdinand abolished serfdom and promised more reforms. Liberalism and reform remained in the air, but with the economy damaged, word passed through the city that for the sake of everybody it was necessary to get back to work. Hungarians The peasants of Hungary were still largely serfs -- almost slaves. And Hungary had a small middleclass and intellectuals from families of the nobility and families of men in civil service and the professions. These intellectuals had been affected by travel and reading. They were interested in liberalism, in human rights and emancipations, including nationhood similar to that possessed by the French and the United States. The sons of these intellectuals were students in the city of Budapest. They had rioted in February -- before the rising in Vienna. They wanted more liberty and the removal of Habsburg authority. Already the Hungarians had a degree of autonomy. The Habsburg monarchy recognized that power to tax the people of Hungary lay with Hungary's Diet (parliament), with the Habsburg monarchy dependent on the goodwill of Hungary's Diet for revenue. The Habsburgs had been allowing local government for the Hungarians, but with policing authority by the Austrians. Perhaps inspired by the rising in Vienna on March 13, people rallied in Budapest on March 15. For the occasion, the words of a twenty-five year-old poet, Sandor Petofi, were read: "Arise Hungarians, the Fatherland is calling. The time is here, now or never." The crowd responded. The Hungarians and their leaders were inspired to a new fervor for independence, and March 15 was to be their equivalent to America's Fourth of July. On March 17, the stunned and overwhelmed Habsburg monarchy in Vienna granted Hungary's demand for independence -- a completely voluntary association within the Empire and their own constitution. In Hungary, freedom of the press was proclaimed, and a move to abolish serfdom was begun by the Diet. The Italians, Poles and Ukrainians In February -- before Metternich's move into exile -- Pope Pius IX, had published an allocution beginning with the words "God Bless Italy," which Metternich had questioned, Metternich having worried about nationalist sentiment opposed to Austria rule. Italy, he said, was only a geographical expression. In March, the Pope granted a constitution for his papal states -- where he was a secular prince. This permitted an elected legislature while leaving authority with himself and the College of Cardinals. Already, when becoming Pope in 1846, he had granted amnesty to thousands of political prisoners and exiles, and in 1847 he had relaxed press censorship. In 1848, following news of the rising in Vienna, the Austrian ruled Italian cities of Venice and Milan erupted in rebellion. Fighting in Milan raged for five days (from March 18 to 23). On March 22, Venice declared independence. Austria's troops felt forced to withdraw from Milan, and Milan called upon the liberal king of nearby Piedmont-Savoy (and Sardinia), Charles Albert, to put Milan under his protection. And Charles Albert did so by declaring war on Austria. In March, Polish nationalists in Posen also rose in opposition to foreign rule -- rule from Berlin. They were encouraged by the rising in Berlin, and they declared home rule. And following the rising in Vienna, riots occurred in the Polish city of Krakow -under Habsburg rule since 1846. Also, in the Polish areas of Galicia, people demanded civil liberties, use of the Polish language in schools, freedom of the press and amnesty for political prisoners. And people rebelled in the Austrian ruled city of Lemberg (Lviv), that city creating a people's army (national guard), with Ukrainians there demanding a Ukrainian nation that extended into eastern Galicia. Revolutions Lost: 1848 In Vienna, workers issued demands for universal voting rights, a ministry of labor, a minimum wage and a ten-hour work day, and Vienna's bourgeoisie did not like it. Another disturbance to the bourgeoisie was the newspapers that sprang up with the new press freedom. These papers were competing with each other for readership and resorting to sensationalism -- similar to the vitriolic newspapers that sprang up in France in the 1780s. The most successful of these Viennese papers was the creation of Leipold Häfner, which attacked bureaucrats, priests, aristocrats and others, and Häfner's paper was seen by the bourgeoisie as stirring up lawlessness. There were in Austria discomforting disturbances such as physical assaults against monasteries and Church properties, and leftists were demonstrating their displeasure with people by mock serenades at night against priests, shopkeepers they considered to be overcharging customers, tavern keepers not sufficiently generous in dispensing free drinks, employers and landlords - landlords the most frequent target. By late April, many in Vienna were afraid of mob violence and attacks on private property, and they wanted an end to disorder in the streets. The liberal nobility and the bourgeoisie who had been enthusiastic about political change in early March were satisfied with the constitution that the emperor, Ferdinand, had issued on April 25. But some who still wanted change complained among other things, about the emperor's veto power over legislation. And among the unhappy were university students. In late May they rebelled against a move to disband their armed units. With their allies on the left, they built barricades -- a second rising to defend the first rising. They did not have the support they had had in the first rising, but they appeared to be more of a threat to the emperor and his family, who fled to Innsbruck, in Austria's mountainous west. This troubled the mass of Viennese, many of whom looked upon their king as a kindly, protecting father, fearing that without their emperor Vienna would fall into ruin. Those leading this second rising were surprised by the coldness with which the common Viennese responded to their impositions. They applied pressure on the government, and the government began public works projects. Then, in mid-June, men working on government projects rioted. They wanted higher pay and threatened to join anti-government forces if their demands were unmet. The government crushed the revolt and arrested its leaders. Emperor Ferdinand remained in Innsbruck, while the second-wave revolutionaries continued as an out-of-government force -- with no majority in Vienna supporting the kind of reforms that they wanted. Meanwhile, both the second-waver revolutionaries and the liberals in government were ignoring that which was necessary to insure the success of revolutionary political change:control over the military. Austria's army was still in the field defending the Habsburg Empire and not committed to the political change that had followed the March rising. Revolutionaries Crushed in France -- June Days, 1848 In March, 1848, France's provisional government had given in to leftist demands for universal manhood suffrage and the creation of public works. And the government had also abolished the slavery that had remained in France's colonies. The government remained divided between those supporting bourgeois aspirations and those who favored programs for the urban poor, including reduced working hours and the total abolition of unemployment. To meet the need for more money to pay for public works, the government raised taxes, which upset the majority of France's taxpayers: the small farmers. Universal manhood suffrage then proved to be other than helpful for the left. In the April 23, small farmers swung the elections for representatives to a constituent assembly. Of the assembly's 880 seats, about 500 went to moderate republicans, about 300 went to constitutional monarchists and only 80 went to the radicals representing the interests of urban workers. France's economy was still depressed, and, in early May, Parisians were protesting against the new Constituent Assembly's lack of enthusiasm for reform. In mid-May a mob invaded the assembly and proclaimed another revolution -- a defiance of the will of the majority expressed in the recent elections. The National Guard defended the government and arrested leaders of the disturbance. In June, the Constituent Assembly moved to disband what it considered the un-economical public works program. Workers and their student supporters built barricades again. The government prepared to do what Louis-Philippe had chosen not to do:to send the army against the barricades. It empowered a leading general, Louis Eugene Cavaignac, for this task -- Cavaignac a man with a past in revolution and republicanism. Those supporting the people at the barricades saw the government as having turned against workers. That the government had the support of an overwhelming majority of the French nation did not matter. The people at the barricades were trying to make revolution against the will of the nation as a whole -- not a formula for success. An army man who had sympathies for those at the barricades, General Bréa, went to persuade people there that they were making a mistake. He and his chief of staff were invited inside the barricades and assassinated. That same day, the Archbishop of Paris, Monsignor Affre, went to the barricades and he too was murdered. The people at the barricades were uninterested in discussion. They had rejected the politics of patience, persuasion, tolerance and reform. They wanted to fight. Using its artillery -- as Napoleon had against Parisians in 1795 -and then an advance of riflemen, Cavaignac's army of 40,000 easily crushed the rebellion. Approximately 1,500 were killed at the barricades. Twelve thousand were arrested, and the streets were cleared once again. The so-called June Days revolution was over. German Radicalism versus Conservatism In Frankfurt, a self-appointed Vorparlament (preliminary parliament) had been in session, attended by men who favored a united Germany and a liberal constitutional monarchy. They organized elections to nominate delegates to a National Assembly for all of Germany, and the elections were held across Germany. The 585 elected delegates to the National Assembly opened their first meeting in Frankfurt, on May 18, 1848. Most of the delegates were professors or men with a university education, and the assembly was dubbed the professors' parliament. But enthusiasm for reform in Germany was dying. Viewing the upheaval in Paris, Germans were thinking that if political agitation and pretty speeches resulted in violence and disorder perhaps reforms should be slowed. Karl Marx by now had returned to Cologne, where he was running a small newspaper. The paper's banner declared itself an advocate of democracy, and it bore the name of New Rhineland Newspaper (Neue Rheinisch Zeitung) -- a paper he was able to create because of contributions from wealthy British liberals. But Marx was for class struggle and he was not satisfied with liberal reforms. He was annoyed by what he described as the bourgeoisie tumbling over each other in a hurry to patch up their differences with those in power. He described the National Assembly in Frankfurt as going the way of all bourgeois parliaments: headed for conciliation and appeasement rather than siding with change in the interest of the masses. Reaction and Reform, 1848 to 1850 In his war against the Austrian army, King Charles Albert of Piedmont-Sardinia was holding back, hoping that British and French troops might fight in place of his troops -- support that would never arrive. Meanwhile, the commander of the Habsburg force in northern Italy, General Joseph Radetzky, was employing terror against the Italians. In mid-April, in Venetia he burned the village of Montebelo and slaughtered its men, women and children, the news of which dampened enthusiasm for rebellion against Austria. And that month, Pope Pius IX turned against Italian nationalism and called for peace and an end to Catholics fighting Catholics. Pius IX was siding with Catholic universalism, traditionally opposed to nationalism -- a universalism promoted also by the Catholic Habsburg Empire. In mid-May, 1848, barricades went up in Naples, accompanied by demands that armed forces be sent to join the war against Austrian occupation of Italian lands to the north. In June, with the help of Swiss mercenaries and pro-monarchist casual laborers, the king of Naples-Sicily, Ferdinand II, crushed the rebellion. Czech nationalists were also crushed. The most radical of Czech nationalists had placed their hopes in a pan-Slav movement, which met in Prague in June. They were at odds with the Germans in Prague and elsewhere in Bohemia. And the Czech nationalists were opposed by democrats, liberals and conservatives in Vienna. In mid-June, an Austrian army led by Alfred Windeschgätz clashed with Czechs in Prague who had build barricades. Militarily, range remained significant, artillery having a greater range than weapons held by those behind the barricades. Windeschgätz used artillery against those at the barricades in Prague, and the Czech nationalists were crushed. Windeschgätz dissolved the pan-Slav congress and arrested the leaders of the Czech nationalist uprising. In July, General Radetzky, routed the troops of Piedmont and other Italian troops and marched into Milan. The French considered intervening on the side of the Italians, but the French government decided against it. On August 5 an armistice was signed, ending the war between Piedmont and the Austrians. The people of Milan blamed the return of Austrian troops to their city on Charles Albert. Disgusted by the armistice, an Italian nationalist leader in the Italian Alps, Giuseppe Garibaldi, refused to disband his volunteer militia. The war between the kings was over, he declared, and now a war of the people would begin. It was in August that the Habsburg emperor, Ferdinand, returned to Vienna, and, in September, Austria's National Assembly voted to abolish serfdom -- with compensation for those landlords who lost serfs. The Austrians, meanwhile, were maneuvering to regain control of Hungary, Vienna was upset by the refusal of Hungarians to serve in military units fighting for Habsburg rule in northern Italy. Violence had broken out between the Hungarians on one hand and Croats and Rumanians on the other, the latter two resisting Hungarian domination. Austria sided against the Hungarians and for order within the empire. On September 11, an Austrian army crossed the Drava River, from Croatia into Hungary. It was not marching rapidly toward Budapest, but people in Budapest were alarmed. On September 28, when an Austrian general, Field Marshal Lamberg, arrived in Budapest for consultations, a crowd inspired by radical activists dragged him from his carriage, beat and lynched him. The government in Vienna responded by declaring the government in Budapest dissolved. In October, Austria's Minister of War, Count Theodor von Latour, ordered reinforcements for an army marching against the Hungarians. Some subject to military orders rebelled against being sent into Hungary, and an impassioned mob in Vienna seized Count Latour in the street and hanged him from a lamp post. This rising in Vienna put the city under the control of the left again, and Emperor Ferdinand and his court fled again -- to the German town of Olmütz (Olomouc) in Moravia. The conflict between the radicals in Vienna and conservative Austrians, including the monarchy, had come to a head, with the majority of the Viennese opposed to the radicals. From Olmütz orders were sent to the Royal Habsburg army in Hungary to take control of Vienna. The army reached the outskirts of Vienna at the end of October. They shelled positions held by the small and amateurish army formed by the radicals, and once again artillery put an end to rebellion. Approximately 2000 radicals were killed in the fighting, and defeated radicals were executed. The army's commander, Windeschgätz, exercised political power in behalf of the emperor and replaced Austria's liberal head of government (the Prime Minister), with his brother-in-law, Prince Felix Schwarzenberg, who favored a return of monarchical absolutism. The turn of events in Vienna encouraged Wilhelm IV in Prussia to move against leftist disturbances and his kingdom's constitutional monarchists. On his orders, in early November, 13,000 soldiers from the nearby town of Potsdam marched into Berlin and put an end to street demonstrations and the making of noises through the night at the homes of targeted conservatives. Wilhelm replaced his prime minister, Ernst Heinrich Adolf von Pfuel, a constitutional monarchist, with a conservative military commander, Count Friedrich Wilhelm von Brandenburg. Brandenburg moved 50,000 troops into Berlin and forced retirement of the Constituent Assembly that Wilhelm had agreed to months before. Gone with the Constituent Assembly were the proposals of liberals that army officers take an oath of loyalty to a constitution rather than to the emperor, that the nobility be denied its titles and privileges and that the emperor be denied "by the grace of God" from his title. Opposed to Wilhelm's reaction and the new Brandenburg government, crowds in a few cities tried to seize government buildings, but to no avail. Wilhelm's armed forces restored order. The National Assembly in Frankfurt, however, remained in session. And liberal constitutions remained in Saxony and Bavaria, where liberals won election victories. Developments to 1850 In the summer of 1848, economic recovery began across Europe. In Switzerland, those favoring liberalism and national unity were victorious. Switzerland's civil war was over, and Switzerland was unified into a single federated nation with a constitution modeled after that of the United States. Democratic rights were guaranteed to all people of the Christian faith. September 12, 1848, the day the new constitution was issued, became an annual celebration. (In 1866 democratic rights would be extended to everyone.) Another state that remained liberal was Belgium, with lowered requirements for participating in elections. In France, in December, 1848, a nephew of Napoleon, LouisNapoleon, a member in 1848 of France's Constituent Assembly, ran for President of the Republic. He was helped by his name, but he disassociated himself from his uncle, saying "I am moved by no ambition which dreams one day of empire and war." He ran as everybody's friend and announced that he would "ever remain faithful to the duties which your suffrages and the will of the Assembly impose upon me." He was overwhelmingly elected, winning by a margin of almost four to one -- supported by some wealthy bourgeoisie, by peasants, some workers, socialists and by the Catholic Church. In December, 1848, in Austria, people around Emperor Ferdinand convinced him to step aside in favor of his eighteen-year-old nephew, Franz Joseph, who had been carefully groomed for rule by his mother, princess Sophia. Ferdinand was only fifty-five, but he had been subject to periods of mental incapacity and was childless. He went along with the transfer of power, telling Franz Joseph "Be good and God will protect you. Franz Joseph had demonstrated only mediocre intelligence for his tutors, but he had a love of uniforms and the military, and he was devoted to his duties and to his Catholic faith. He believed in the sanctity of his Habsburg inheritance and ignored its mundane origins in property ownership, opportune marriages, bloodshed and historical accident. He held a firm and intense belief that Habsburg rule was ordained by the grace of God. Franz Joseph taking the throne was the beginning of a harder line in Austria. Parliament was forced to drop the claim that sovereignty was derived from the people -- which to Franz Joseph and his mother was blasphemy. And the position taken by those around the new emperor was that Franz Joseph was not bound by any of the agreements or promises that had been made by Ferdinand, including promises to the Hungarians. More Trouble in Italy In January, 1849, troubles were brewing in Rome. Pellegrino Rossi, who had been chosen by Pope Pius IX as prime minister had been assassinated. Conservatives in Rome boycotted elections for the new Constituent Assembly, resulting in mostly left-wingers being elected as deputies, and on February 8 the new assembly replaced the Pope's secular monarchy with a republic. Religious conformity was removed as a qualification for citizenship. Some resisted these changes by resorting to violence. The Pope disguised himself as a monk and fled to the conservative have of Naples-Sicily. In Piedmont, meanwhile, democrats won parliamentary elections. In March, a new prime minister took office, and on March 20, 1849, he discarded the peace agreement with Austria and moved troops toward Lombardy. General Radetzky and his army intercepted the Piedmontese ten miles short of the border with Lombardy, at Novara, and he defeated them. King Charles Albert took refuge in a Portuguese monastery and died in July, leaving his son, Victor Emmanuel, to deal with the victorious Radetzky. In Florence in February, 1849, an uprising against the authority of its Grand Duke had resulted in the Grand Duke and his minister fleeing and revolutionaries taking power. Encouraged by Radestzky's victory at Novara, the countryside in Tuscany rallied in favor of the restoration of their Grand Duke and the restoration of Pope Pius IX in Rome. The government that had taken power in Florence opposed waging war against their opposition. They withdrew to the stronghold of radicalism in the port city of Livorno, where people were determined to resist the conservative forces. At the end of April, Austrian troops arrived in Tuscany to secure the rule of the Grand Duke, and an assault on Livorno suppressed the rebels there. In April, France's professed friend of the Roman Catholic Church, Louis-Napoleon, sent French troops on a mission to restore the power of Pope Pius IX in Rome - while armed bands of republicans and pro-papal conservatives were still trying to kill each other. The French troops believed they would be welcomed as liberators. Austria was also determined to restore the Pope in Rome, and its troops were advancing through the Papal States. In Rome, supporting the republic, were the Italian nationalists Giuseppe Mazzini and Giuseppe Garibaldi and his troops. In April, the Habsburg monarchy formally withdrew from its 1848 agreement with Hungary and now considered Hungary to be one of its provinces. Hungary responded on April 14 by declaring itself independent and a constitutional republic, with Lajos (Louis) Kossuth its president. International backing did not follow, with Britain among those who rejected Hungarian independence and support for the Habsburg monarchy. In May another rising occurred in Sicily, and the king of NaplesSicily, Ferdinand II, sent an army that crushed it. In Germany, meanwhile, the National Assembly in Frankfurt had completed its constitution for a united Germany. The Assembly offered Wilhelm IV imperial authority over a united Germany, but Wilhelm turned it down, saying in private that he did not want a crown given him from the gutter. Wilhelm's rejection of the assembly's constitution inspired mass meetings and demonstrations in much of Germany, except where people had recently been defeated at the barricades - as in Berlin. The mass meetings and demonstrations developed into armed rebellions, with armed civil guards and army reservists pledging loyalty to the National Assembly's constitution. Prominent in the gatherings were red flags -- symbols of radical republicanism. Speakers denounced Wilhelm as a blood soaked murderer and a tyrant. In the city of Dresden, in Saxony, in the Grand Duchy of Baden and in the Palatinate in the Rhineland, revolutionaries took power. But in June the risings were overpowered by Prussian or Austrian armies, in the usual manner of artillery shelling followed by a cleanup assault by infantry. The National Assembly fled from Frankfurt to Stuttgart, and there it was scattered by troops from the German kingdom of Wüerttemburg. Another armed rising took place also in Paris, and people in Lyons raised barricades, in opposition to Louis-Napoleon's intervention against the Roman Republic. These risings were easily overwhelmed by the military force, followed again by the arrest or flight of many of the leaders of the political left. In June, 1849, Karl Marx was in Paris, living under the alias of M. Ramboz. He had been forced to leave Germany, after having been jailed for a week and then released. He had not been entirely displeased by the move, believing that France was ready for a great revolution. But with the crackdown that followed the rising in Paris in mid-June and discovery by the police that M. Ramboz was a radical activist, Karl Marx was ordered out of the city, to the Morbihan area of Brittany, which he believed to be a pestilent swamp and death trap. Instead, Marx chose to go to London where he was to live until his death in 1883. In June, Franz Joseph's government asked Tsar Nicholas of Russia for help against the Hungarians -- in the spirit of the Holy Alliance against ungodly rebellion. Nicholas was eager to crush Hungarian nationalism to prevent it from spreading to his Polish subjects. Indeed, some Poles were fighting alongside the Hungarians. The Russian force was around 370,000 men, against Hungary's 152,000, and the Russians had the advantage in artillery. In early July, French troops overcame the resistance of Rome's republican forces -- Garibaldi fleeing to Piedmont, and later to the United States, to fight another day. Rome's republic was no more. The French military paved the way for the return of the Pope and his authority, which was not to come for nine months. A five-week siege by Austrian troops against Venice ended with the surrender of Venice in August -- Venice suffering also from cholera and starvation. And with the surrender came the reprisal executions of Venetian leaders. Also in August the Russians overwhelmed the Hungarians at Világos, near the city of Arad, ending Hungarian resistance. Lajos Kossuth fled to the United States. The Austrians took control of Hungary, and they executed thirteen who had been high-ranking officers in the Hungarian army. The nationalist movement among Romanians was also crushed, most of its leaders fleeing to Paris -- Napoleon III, not quite an ally of Austria, in sympathy with their cause. Austria was exhausted and satisfied that its wars were over. It left Savoy-Piedmont independent and a constitutional monarchy under Victor Emanuel. Austria imposed a repressive regime on Hungary and ruled Transylvania directly through a military governor. In Austria itself., the Constituent Assembly had been dissolved and a constitution created that left no checks on the power of the monarchy. The monarchy wanted whatever reforms that were created to be seen as its creation, not a creation from below. The Church retained all the powers that had been denied it in 1848, including in schooling. Freedom of the press was nominal, but the press and publishing of ideas was again subject to restrictions. Secular teachers were harassed and professors again subject to governmental scrutiny and harassment. Tariffs within the Habsburg empire were abolished and a customs union created, which benefited the empire's economy. And feudal obligations were terminated, a move to help win the hearts of peasants and which also had the blessing of those who had been feudal lords, who were paid compensation for their loss. Prussia emerged from the turmoil of 1848-49 with government programs to mollify peasants and others who labored. Prime Minister Brandenburg was one of those aristocrats who disliked the way that industrialists were treating their workers. He believed that the times called for governmental action that provided common people with some protections -- while preserving conservative monarchism. Brandenburg created a constitution as did other German states, and Wilhelm IV eventually (in 1859) swore allegiance to "a piece of paper." Prussia maintained an upper and lower chambers of parliament, with powers over taxes and the budget. A third of its seats went to those who paid the top third in taxes. Practicing good politics, Brandenburg made some concessions to the industrialists, seeing industrial and technological advances as good for the country. Freedom of the press and expression was nominal under Prussia's new constitution and subject to government control. The conservatives were devoted to improving education and science, which they saw as contributing to the nation's power. New freedoms won by peasants were maintained, with the same kind of compensation to aristocrats as in the Austrian Empire. And a decree in Prussia in March, 1850, moved 640,000 peasants in Prussia to free farming. In Europe, serfdom remained only within the Russian empire and Ottoman-ruled territory. Nationalism and Empire within Europe, 18501900(German+Italian) Europe and distribution of ethnicities, 1848. In Europe, two forces were at work each against the other. One was nationalism: the desire to be free of rule by foreigners, especially those of a different faith, such as Eastern Orthodox rather than Roman Catholic; or Roman Catholic, as were the Irish, rather than Protestant. The other was imperialism: the belief among rulers that ruling others was their privilege regardless of the will of the ruled -- a privilege they claimed or believed was theirs in accordance with the will of God. The Unification of Italy For ages Italy had been divided politically, and since 1494 it had been a battleground for Europe's great powers. In the southern half of Italy was the Kingdom of Naples-Sicily, ruled by the amiable and intelligent but uncultivated and cynical Bourbon king, Ferdinand II. Just north of Naples-Sicily were Rome and the Papal States, ruled by Pope Pius IX, who depended on French and Austrian soldiers to maintain his position over his territories, and he believed that to fulfill the Church's spiritual mission the papacy needed to continue that rule. In the far north of Italy, in Venetia (including the city of Venice) and Lombardy (including the city of Milan), Austria ruled. And in the far northwest was Piedmont, a part of the Kingdom of Sardinia, a liberal constitutional monarchy, and a haven for Italian nationalists who had been involved in 1848-49 upheavals. Like Walachia and Moldavia, Italy was impacted by the Crimean War. In that war, Sardinia-Piedmont fought with France against the Russians. And the ruler of France, Emperor Napoleon III (President LouisNapoleon until 1853) believed in nationhood for Italians as well as for the French. In the wake of the Crimean War, Napoleon supported Piedmont-Sardinia against an opponent of Italian nationalism: Austria. The premier of Sardinia-Piedmont, Camillo Benso de Cavour, goaded Austria into a war, which France joined, Napoleon hoping to enhance France's position as a European power by helping to liberate those Italians ruled by Austria. Austria's army had suffered from inferior leadership, from lack of preparation and training and from insufficient transport, with soldiers arriving for battle sick, exhausted and hungry. Italians and Hungarians in Austria's army deserted in large numbers, and in June, 1859, France and Piedmont-Sardinia defeated the Austrians at Solferino (near the town of Mantua in eastern Lombardy), the Austrian side losing 14,000 killed and wounded and more than 8,000 missing or taken as prisoners. France and Sardinia-Piedmont lost 15,000 killed and wounded and lost more than 2,000 as missing or as prisoners. Napoleon III recoiled from the bloodshed and deserted Piedmont-Sardinia, and to Piedmont's premier, Cavour, the cause of Italian unity appeared lost. But the war had given hope to urban masses down the Italian peninsula, who rose up against foreign rule, these Italians going into the streets, chanting "foreigners out of Italy," and chanting for "Victor Emmanuel," the king of PiedmontSardinia, whom they wanted as their king. In July 1859 a compromise peace was established at the Conference of Villafranca. France acquired Savoy and Nice. Austria gave Lombardy to France, which then gave it to Piedmont-Sardinia. Then came a prodemocracy uprising across Sicily. A thousand nationalist volunteers led by Giuseppe Garibaldi arrived in Sicily on May 11, 1860, and in three months he and his volunteers were in control of the whole of Sicily. Then Garibaldi and his men moved into the southern half of the Italian peninsula, and, in early September, Garibaldi and his army triumphantly entered Naples. Plebiscites in the former kingdom of Naples-Sicily and in the papal states overwhelmingly favored these regions becoming a part of a united Italy. The new kingdom of Italy was proclaimed on March 17, 1861. Italy had become a parliamentary monarchy under king Victor Emmanuel II. Its capital was Turin, in Piedmont. That portion of the papal states outside of Latium were now a part of Italy, while Rome and Latium remained under papal control, and Venetia remained under Austrian rule. A Step toward German unification: the AustroPrussia War In the 1850s, Prussia and some smaller independent states in Germany were rapidly industrializing and growing in population. Rails crisscrossed Germany, and Germany was the hub of rail traffic on the European continent, taking trade away from British merchant ships. Germany was changing from what the British had thought of as a land of tinkering clockmakers and forests. It was becoming more urban and middleclass. It was on a course that by the end of the century would have it as the third power in manufacturing output in the world, with a 13.2 percent share, behind the Untied States with a 23.6 percent share, Britain with an 18.5 percent share, and almost twice that of France, which would have a 6.8 percent share. Austria had been isolated diplomatically during its war against France and Sardinia-Piedmont. It wanted to revive its partnership with Prussia's monarchy against liberalism and nationalism, and it wished to lure Prussia into helping in reversing the settlement at Villafranca and regaining Lombardy -- Austria's monarch, Franz Joseph, wanting to keep his family's empire as great as it had been when he had inherited it. Prussia was the largest of the German states, a constitutional monarchy and mostly Protestant. During a domestic crisis in 1862, a member of Prussia's landed aristocracy, Otto von Bismarck, took the office of minister-president. Representing the king, Bismarck, declared that his government would rule without parliamentary consideration. He was concerned with Prussia's position regarding neighboring German states and Austria's influence in the Confederation of German States. The Confederation of German States consisted of 39 states, 35 of which were monarchies and 4 of which were free city-states. The confederation was a security arrangement for mutual defense, with representatives at a parliament at Frankfurt -- one of the free city-states. There was also a customs union among the German states, the Zollverein (pronounced tsôl´ferin´), a union that facilitated trade and helped bring economic progress to Germany. The Zollverein was a source of tension between Prussia and Austria, with Prussia opposed to admitting Austria to the Zollverein and several German states insisting upon including Austria. Bismarck was less opposed to nationalism than were the Austrians representing Emperor Franz Joseph. Bismarck favored expanding Prussian influence with Germany's smaller states and removing Austria's influence within the Confederation of German States, especially in northern Germany. He believed that Germany was too small for both Prussia and Austria., and he was not opposed to using German nationalism in the expansion of Prussia's power. Prussia's liberals had been nationalistic, but Bismarck, although a landed aristocrat, believed that German nationalism was compatible with his brand of conservatism. Bismarck was looking forward to stealing the nationalist issue from the liberals, who represented merchants and the middleclass and dominated the lower house of Prussia's parliament - a powerless debating society called the Reichstag. The liberals were speaking against militarism and war, and Bismarck countered that "the great questions of the day will not be decided by speeches and resolutions ... but by blood and iron." The liberals responded by denouncing Bismarck for believing that "might makes right." The question of war came in 1863 following the death of King Frederick of Denmark. Christian of Glucksburg ascended the Danish throne, gave the duchy of Holstein (largely German in population and a member of the Confederation of German States) its independence. But he annexed the duchy of Schleswig, a duchy with a mixed German and Danish population. The annexation violated the 1852 Treaty of London. A rival claim to rule both Schleswig and Holstein was put forward by the Duke of Augustenburg. The German Confederation's parliament in Frankfurt supported the duke's claim for both duchies, and Prussia and Austria went to war against Denmark. That war ended successfully in 1864 for Prussia and Austria, the Treaty of Vienna making Austria the administrator of Holstein and Prussia the administrator of Schleswig. Austria continued to support the Duke of Augustenburg's claim for the two duchies, but Bismarck wanted control over both duchies and both to be economically integrated with Prussia. He wanted the military and naval forces of the two duchies under Prussian command and the canal that was to be built between the North Sea and Baltic Sea -- the Kiel Canal -- to be Prussian territory. Austria feared that it would lose the respect of the smaller states within the Confederation of German States. Prussia sent troops into Holstein. Austria could either accept German domination of Holstein or start a war. It asked the parliament in Frankfurt to mobilize the confederation's forces, and on June 14, 1866, parliament agreed. Within the confederation, Bavaria, Saxony, Hanover, Baden, and Wüerttemburg sided with Austria against Prussia. And Prussia declared the Confederation of German States dissolved. Austria had a secret treaty with France, Austria agreeing to cede Venetia to Italy in exchange for France's neutrality and for compensations in its favor in Germany. Bismarck was afraid of provoking a coalition against Prussia, as had been formed against Prussia's Frederick the Great in the latter half of the 1700s, but Bismarck had gained the gratitude of Tsar Alexander II by supporting his repression of the Polish uprising in 1863. To the French Bismarck made vague promises of more territory along the Rhine. And Bismarck believed that the recent war against Denmark showed that it was unlikely that Britain and Russia would intervene in a war between Prussia and Austria. The war lasted seven weeks, Prussia's railroads and good organization enabling it to get its troops to battle quickly. Italy sent troops against the Austrian troops in Venetia, and Austria's troops stopped the advance. In early July, 1866, Prussia defeated Austria decisively at the village of Sadowa, in northeastern Bohemia, also known as the Battle of Königgrätz. Bismarck wanted victory before outsiders, especially the French, intervened, and he made peace with Austria. His terms were considered by some, including Prussia's king, Wilhelm I, and some Prussian military officers, to be too generous. But rather than wishing to punish Austria, Bismarck was being pragmatic. He wanted a future ally in Austria, and he wanted Austria to survive as a healthy state, able to control the peoples of its empire. He did not want to absorb Austria's Catholic Germans - which would have made the Catholics in Germany more numerous than the Protestants. Austria did not have to pay Prussia reparations and Austria lost no territory, except Venetia, which it ceded to France. And, following a plebiscite in Venetia, France allowed Italy to annex Venetia. In the settlement of 1867, the mostly Catholic states in southern Germany, which had sided with Austria, were reluctant to unite with Prussia because of traditional differences in politics and religion, and they were to remain independent, but they were to form military alliances with Prussia. What had been the Confederation of German States was no more, and other former members, including Mecklenburg, Hanover and the Grand Duchy of Oldenburg, united with Prussia, as did the free cities Hamburg, Lübeck, Bremen and Frankfurt. And Prussia absorbed Schleswig and Holstein. A new constitution and federal parliament was created for Germany, carefully designed by Bismarck to maintain the power of the crown, the army and the nobility. The Bundesrat formed the upper house and represented the princes of various states, and the Reichstag, elected by direct manhood suffrage, formed the lower and representing others. The chancellor was to be appointed by the king. Parliament could not dismiss the chancellor nor withhold money from the government, and the king became president of the federation. Prussia's middleclass politicians, meanwhile, were swayed by Bismarck's success. They were delighted that Bismarck was willing to cooperate with them and were partaking in a swing toward conservatism and respect for the authoritarianism of Bismarck and the German monarchy. The Franco-Prussian War of 1870-71, German Unification, and the Paris Commune The extension of Prussian power with its victory against Austria in 1866 appeared ominous to Napoleon III. Bismarck, on the other hand, was interested in a showdown against French power. He wanted to complete the unification of Germany and calculated that a war against France would arouse a nationalistic fervor in the independent states of southern Germany that would swing these states toward favoring unification with Prussia. France was opposed to a relative of the king of Prussia, Wilhelm von Hohenzollern (Wilhelm I) becoming king of Spain. Bismarck managed to make the French feel insulted, and on July 19, 1870, wishing to teach Prussia a lesson, France declared war. Napoleon III appeared to be the aggressor. Austria would not join France against Prussia. Britain, Russia and Italy remained neutral. And believing that France was the aggressor, the south Germans sided with their fellow Germans to the north, as Bismarck had hoped. (Ems telegram) France entered the war believing it was militarily superior to Prussia, but at least in organization and preparedness it was the Prussians who were superior. On August 4, Prussia's military crossed the border into French territory -- Alsace. On September 1 the Germans defeated the French decisively at Sedan (11 kilometers from what today is the Belgian border, capturing Napoleon III and 100,000 of his troops. By September 19 a siege of Paris began. There political unrest resulted in Napoleon III being deposed, and there famine continued for months, with the Parisians refusing to consider defeat. The Germans were in occupation of Versailles, just outside Paris, and there, on January 28, 1871, the French signed an armistice with Germany. In May, the Treaty of Frankfurt was signed, officially ending the war. The independent German states -- Bavaria, et cetera -- had supported their fellow Germans against the French, and they agreed to unification with Prussia. France accepted Bismarck's harsh terms -- a $1,000,000,000 indemnity to be paid by France to Germany within three years. And France ceded most of Alsace and a large part of Lorraine to Germany. Bismarck had attracted support for the war among Germans by promising that he would return German rule to Alsace and Lorraine, which had been taken by France during the conquests of Napoleon I. And in Alsace and Lorraine the Germans gained coal mines, ire ore deposits and Germany gained some military advantages: higher ground, a shorter western border and a greater distance from its western border to its heartland. But the annexation was not popular among the people in Alsace and Lorraine. Germans had been uncertain about who would win the war, and the German victory was greeted with relief and exultation and pride. The Franco-Prussian war would be a source of pride to Germans into the twentieth century, including a German Austrian born in 1889 named Adolf Hitler. In this new age of social Darwinism some Germans thought of Germans as the fittest of peoples. And for some Germans, Bismarck's success enhanced their respect for the authoritarianism of his government, as opposed to his liberal critics who championed real parliamentary government. The Papacy Loses Rome and Latium With the fall of Napoleon III in September 1870, the Pope lost the protection of French troops for his territory of Rome and Latium. On September 20, 1870, troops sent by Italy entered Rome. Pope Pius IX refused to accept Italy's occupation of the city, and he withdrew to his palace at the Vatican and declared himself a prisoner. Italy annexed Rome on January 18, 1871, and King Victor Emmanuel saw the unification of Italy complete. Addressing Italy's parliament he said: The work to which we consecrated our life is accomplished. After long trials of expiation Italy is restored to herself and to Rome. On May 13, Italy issued its Law of Guarantees, which left papacy with the Vatican and other palaces. On May 15, Pope Pius IX responded with an encyclical, stating: When We were defeated by Our enemies in accordance with the mysterious design of God, We observed the severely bitter fortunes of Our City and the downfall of the civil rule of the Apostolic See in the face of military invasion ... We are suffering to be established and to thrive to the ruin of all authority and order. May God unite all rulers in agreement of mind and will. By removing all discord, claiming the disturbance of rebellions, and rejecting the ruinous counsels of the sects, may these rulers join in a common effort to have the rights of the Holy See restored. Then tranquility will once again be restored to civil society. The Balkans and Major Powers on a Path toward War in 1914 In August 1875 in Herzegovina (Hercegovina) an attempt was made to collect taxes from farming people who had been suffering from poor harvests -- collections made with force and brutality. A man struck back in rage at a tax collector. The police came. The man's neighbors sided with him. A police force came and attacked the entire village. News of this event inspired resistance through Herzegovina and neighboring Bosnia among people who wanted tax relief, and they wanted relief from other grievances: an end to the feudalist obligation of laboring for local lords and an end to the abuse of their women during the women's obligatory labor in the households of the lords. The revolt spread to Bulgaria, also under Turkish rule. In Russia, mass opinion arose in support their fellow Orthodox Christians and goaded Russia’s tsar, Alexander II, into going to war against the Ottoman Turks. Romania, autonomous but not yet officially independent of Turkish rule, joined the Russians, and the Russian and Romanian armies pushed toward Constantinople, with the Russians hoping that they could recapture Constantinople for Christianity. British liberals and conservatives debated the war in the Balkans, the liberals outraged by atrocities committed by the Turks against the Bulgarians. Britain's conservative prime minister, Benjamin Disraeli, who considered himself an expert on the Balkans, opined that the southern (yugo) Slavs were unworthy of self-government. He saw Russian troops moving southward as a threat to Britain's ships passing through the Eastern Mediterranean and the Suez Canal. The British threatened Russia with war and Disraeli sent warships into the Black Sea, warning Russia that Britain would not tolerate Russia taking Constantinople. Crowds in Britain loved Disraeli's boldness, and British hostility toward the Russians was reborn. In the streets, British people chanted their support, and a verse arose: "We don't want to fight, but by Jingo if we do, we've got the ships, we've got the men, and got the money too." The term jingoism was born. In March 1878 the Russians and Turks signed an agreement - The Treaty of San Stephano. Britain and Habsburg Austria disliked the treaty - Austria because they believed that it encouraged Slav nationalism. Germany's Otto von Bismarck invited representatives of the European powers to a conference in Berlin -the Berlin Congress -- which began on June 13. The Turks were invited but ignored, with Bismarck playing the role among the European powers as the "honest broker." On July 13, the European powers signed an agreement that divided territory among themselves that had belonged to the Turkish (Ottoman) Empire. Britain acquired Cyprus, which it was to use as a military base to defend its sea route. France was given permission to expand in Morocco. Romania acquired recognition of its complete independence from Turkish rule. Bulgaria gained autonomy within the Turkish empire -- and was displeased. Greece was given territory at the expense of the Turks. Serbia won full independence from the Turks. And Austria-Hungary was recognized as having control over Bosnia and Herzegovina. During Russia's war with the Turks it had mollified Habsburg Austria (Austria-Hungary) by giving Austria permission to invade Bosnia and Herzegovina. It was taking months of bloody fighting for the Austrians to conquer the two provinces. The monarch of AustriaHungary, Franz Joseph was pleased by gains that compensated for his loss of territory in Italy, but for the sake of appearances he chose to leave Bosnia and Herzegovina nominally a part of the Ottoman Empire. The Orthodox Serbs looked upon Bosnia and Herzegovina as part of a greater Serbia. Its invasion by Roman Catholic Austria-Hungary angered the Serbs. A conflict was in place that would spark the Great War in 1914. Germany seeks Security in Alliances with other Nations Following the unification of Germany, Bismarck tried to allay fears among other European powers by claiming that Germany was a "satiated" power with no appetite for additional territory. Germany, he said, had no quarrel or claims against anyone and desired only self-defense and peace. But the British remained disturbed, Prime Minister, Benjamin Disraeli seeing Europe's balance of power as having been destroyed. Interested in peace among Europe's powers, in 1879 Bismarck joined Germany with Austria-Hungary in a defensive alliance. He maintained friendly relations with Russia, and he pushed Austria into a diplomatic partnership with Russia, recreating in 1881 the Three Emperor's Alliance while hoping that Russia and Austria-Hungary would manage their rivalry in the Balkans. France was competing with Britain for empire and remained isolated diplomatically. Italy was at odds with France and in 1882 joined the alliance between Germany and Austria-Hungary, creating the Triple Alliance. Bismarck tried to improve Germany's relations with Britain. In 1887, Britain, wishing to restrain the French, made an agreement with Italy for maintaining the status quo in the Eastern Mediterranean, an agreement that Austria-Hungary also joined. And in 1887 Bismarck concluded another treaty with Russia - the Reinsurance Treaty. This promised Germany's neutrality should Austria-Hungary attack Russia, and it promised Germany's support for Russian aims and interests in Bulgaria and for Russia's concerns regarding the straits between the Black Sea and the Mediterranean Sea. Wilhelm (William) II In 1888, Wilhelm I died. His son the Crown Prince was dying of throat cancer and ruled for only ninety days as Friederich III. Friederich's rule was followed by that of his 29-year-old son, Wilhelm II. Bismarck had become too influential for Wilhelm II and he forced Bismarck to resign. Wilhelm refused to renew Bismarck's Reinsurance Treaty with Russia. He believed his own personal relationship and blood ties with the Russian Royal family, would be sufficient to ensure further genial diplomatic ties between the two countries. The Russians had their own way of looking at their security. In 1892 the Russians signed a defensive alliance with France -- a surprise to some because tsarist Russia was a conservative power and France was traditionally leftist and a republic. Russia, however, had been receiving loans from France, and for France it was an opportunity to overcome its diplomatic isolation. Moreover, Russia was on the opposite side of Germany, each country in the best position to aid the other against German aggression. Wilhelm II was the son of a liberal English mother and the grandson of Queen Victoria, for whom he remained fond. Often he was to visit his relatives in Britain. But Wilhelm distanced himself from the liberalism of his mother and he joined the nationalist patriotism and support for grandeur. It German interests abroad were to be protected without the good will of the British navy, Germany needed a great navy of its own, and Wilhelm supported the creation of such a navy -- a new great navy that the British were to see as a threat to its security. A naval arms race was in the making. Russia and Empire, 1856-1903 Russia in 1855 Russia fought the Crimean War (1853-56) with the largest standing army in Europe, and its population was greater than that of France and Britain combined, but in that war it failed to defend its territory from attack mainly by the British and French -- in the Crimea. This failure shocked the Russians and demonstrated to them the inadequacy of their weaponry and transport and their economic backwardness relative to the British and French. Being unable to defend one's realm from foreign attack was a great humiliation for Tsar Nicholas I, who died in 1855, toward the end of the war. He was succeeded that year by his eldest son, Alexander II, who had to be careful not to offend the Russian people while seeking an inglorious end to the war. The best he could do was an humiliating treaty, the Treaty of Paris -- signed on March 30, 1856. The treaty forbade Russian naval bases or warships on the Black Sea, leaving the Russians without protection from pirates or whomever along its 1,000 miles of Black Sea coastline, and leaving unprotected merchant ships that had to pass through the Bosporus and Dardanelles straits. The treaty removed Russia's claim of protection of Orthodox Christians within the Ottoman Empire, and it allowed the Turks to make the Bosporus a naval arsenal and a place where the fleets of Russia's enemies could assemble to intimidate Russia. In his manifesto announcing the end of the war, Alexander II promised reform, and it was welcomed by the people. Those in Russia who read books other than the Holy Bible were eager for reform, some of them with a Hegelian confidence in historical development. These readers were more Russianoriented, from Russia-oriented literature, than Russian intellectuals had been in the early years of the century. Russians were less devoted to the French language and to literature from Britain and Germany. Russians had been developing their own literature, with authors such as Aleksandr Pushkin (1799-1837), Nicolai Gogol (1809-62), Ivan Turgenev (1818-83) and Feodor Dostoievski. (1821-81). And Russian literature had been producing a greater recognition of serfs as human beings. In addition to a more productive economy, many of Russia's intellectuals hoped for more of a rule of law and an advance in rights and obligations for everyone under the rule of the tsar -- the continuation of autocracy but less arbitrary. And from among these intellectuals also came an appeal for freer universities, colleges and schools and a greater freedom of the press. "It is not light which is dangerous, but darkness," wrote Russia's official historian, Mikhail Pogodin. And on the minds of reformers was the abolition of serfdom. In Russia were more the 22 million serfs, compared to 4 million slaves in the United States. They were around 44 percent of Russia's population, and described as slaves. They were the property of a little over 100,000 land owning lords (pomeshchiki). Some were owned by religious foundations, and some by the tsar (state peasants). Some labored for people other than their lords, but they had to make regular payments to their lord, with some of the more wealthy lords owning enough serfs to make a living from these payments. Russia's peasants had become serfs following the devastation from war with the Tartars in the 1200s, when homeless peasants settled on the land owned by the wealthy. By the 1500s these peasants had come under the complete domination of the landowners, and in the 1600s, those peasants working the lord's land or working in the lord's house had become bound to the lords by law, the landowners having the right to sell them as individuals or families. Sexual exploitation of female serfs had become common. It was the landowner who chose which of his serfs would serve in Russia's military -- for twenty-five years. In the first half of the 1800s, serf uprisings in the hundreds had occurred, and serfs in great number had been running away from their lords. But, in contrast to slavery in the United States, virtually no one in Russia was defending serfdom ideologically. There was to be no racial divide or Biblical quotation to argue about. Those who owned serfs defended that ownership merely as selfish interest. Public opinion overwhelmingly favored emancipation, many believing that freeing the serfs would help Russia advance economically to the level at least of Britain or France. Those opposed to emancipation were isolated -- among them the tsar's wife and mother, who feared freedom for so many would not be good for Russia. The Freeing of Serfs -- a Rotten Deal In 1856, Tsar Alexander II spoke before the gentry of Moscow and asked them to consider emancipation of the serfs, adding that it would be better to begin to abolish serfdom from above rather than wait for a rising from below. Preparing the way for the more liberal and self-regulating society that was a part of the economically advanced societies in the West, Alexander described his government's new policy of glasnost (openness), greater freedom of the press and thought. Censorship was to remain, and Alexander announced the need to exercise "judicious vigilance," but, he said, it ought not "inhibit thinking." In 1858, committees of gentry gathered in Russia's various provinces, and, representing the gentry in general, nine met in what was called a Main Committee, at St. Petersburg, and agreed to the abolition of serfdom should the tsar decide to do so. In March 1861, on the same day that Abraham Lincoln took his oath office, Alexander issued his Emancipation Manifesto. In charge of the program of emancipation was the adjutant-general, Count Panin, who had owned 20,000 serfs. The lords were to receive compensation in the form of treasury bonds, and the freed serfs were to pay for their freedom not as individuals but collectively. Except in the Ukraine and a few other areas, lands were distributed to communities of former serfs, communities called communes, the government hoping that a commune of freed serfs would be more responsible than scattered individuals, and the government hoping to prevent the creation of numerous isolated persons without property. It was the commune that was to be responsible for distributing land to the former serfs, for collecting taxes, providing recruits for the military and other obligations. Payments by freed serfs were to be annual, to the government, for forty-nine years, while the lords for the time being were to keep title to their lands, including that portion -- perhaps half -- given to the serf commune. Many freed serfs, especially in the fertile agricultural regions in the southern provinces, felt that they did not get all the land that had been promised them. Some serf communities failed to receive forested areas or access to a river and were forced to bargain with their former lords for access to these. According to one source, the former serfs received 18 percent less land than they had been promised, and 42 percent of the former serfs received allotments of land insufficient to maintain their families. Some former serfs rioted, including some who believed that the real emancipation decree was being kept from them by their former lord. Some of Russia's intelligencia considered the emancipation reform inadequate. Many former serfs accepted their situation with what a Russian prince, Peter Kropotkin, described as their "inborn good nature." Kropotkin described their servility toward the lords as disappearing rapidly and the former serfs talking to their masters as equals. Alexander II, meanwhile, had earned the title TsarLiberator. Other Reforms and Technological Progress Alexander was preparing to abandon rule of all of vast Russia form his central bureaucracy by giving the Russians some local control. In 1864 he created a district assembly for rural areas called the zemstvo. In these, both the local gentry and common peasants had representation, the two forced to work together and occasionally to compromise. The zemstvo was responsible for education, medical care, veterinary service, insurance, local roads and the storage of food reserves. Medical care was communal -- socialized medicine. The zemstvo attracted teachers, doctors, veterinary surgeons, bookkeepers and other professionals. The legal system was also reformed in 1864. The judiciary became an independent branch of government and a single unified system. Bureaucratic secrecy was replaced by a new openness as to what the courts were doing. Favor under the law for the wealthy and upper classes was replaced by what was supposed to be equality before the law. Trial by jury was created for serious criminal offenses, and for minor civil and criminal cases justices of the peace were created. In 1870, cities and towns were given powers similar to the zemstvo - power to pursue municipal economic development and to look after the welfare of its inhabitants. A limited democracy of sorts was created in the form of town councils, its members elected by property owners and taxpayers. Alexander reformed the military, reducing duty from twenty-five years to six, with recruits drawn by lot and people from all classes obliged to serve, with exemptions for hardship cases. For the military, corporal punishment was abolished, and an effort was made to improve the professionalism of the officer corps. In the military all who lacked an elementary education were to receive it. And Alexander put his army into more comfortable uniforms. Under Alexander, the system for state finances was improved, laying a foundation for industrial expansion. That expansion had begun in the same way that it was in Western Europe and the United States, with the expansion of rail lines. The growth in rail lines enabled farmers to send their crops to consumers farther away, and to sell their crops at a more stable price. Railway expansion increased Russia's ability to export grain, providing Russia with money to invest in more industrialization. Railway expansion allowed for a growth in the mining of minerals. The coal, iron and steel industries were growing, as was the railwayequipment industry. There was more demand for rails, locomotives and other goods, stimulating the economy. Industrial suburbs appeared around Moscow and St. Petersburg and industrial workers grew in number. In the early 1860s the Russian Empire had about 2,000 kilometers (1,200 miles) of railroad track. By 1880 it was to have about 24,000 kilometers (15,500 miles) of track. Territorial Expansion and War against the Ottoman Turks Traders and settlers in Siberia, said to be around 0.9 million in 1800, had increased to 2.7 million by 1850, most of them in the western part of Siberia. During the reign of Alexander II, Russia expanded in the Siberian Far East. Russia had founded a penal colony in 1857 in the north of Sakhalin Island. In 1858, the Russians took advantage of China's weakness and signed, with the Manchu dynasty ruling China, the Treaty of Aigun. In this treaty, Russia gained 600,000 square kilometers of territory on left bank of the Amur River (which now separates China from Russia) -- a gain in territory almost the size of California and Oregon combined. In 1860, in the Treaty of Beijing, Russia gained territory south from the Amur River along the East Sea (Sea of Japan) to Korea -- territory approximately the size of California. In the south of that region, in 1860, the Russians founded the port city of Vladivostok. In the Caucasus, Russia had been facing the "holy wars" of Islamic mountain peoples. In 1857, with the Crimean War over, the Russians launched a new offensive there. The mountaineers grew tired of fighting and the Russians captured the legendary Shamil, leader of the resistance to Russia. In the Caucasus, the Christian Armenian and Georgians looked to the Russians for protection against the threat from the Turks as well as attacks by Muslim mountaineers, while some Muslims, rather than be ruled by the Christian Russians, migrated to Turkey. And beginning in 1863, Russia sent military expeditions into Central Asia -- between the Caspian Sea and China, north of Afghanistan. Here the population was sparse and largely tribal and Islamic. Largely they were mobile herders. Resistance to the Russians was armed with little more than a few antiquated firearms. The United States was Russia's primary source of cotton, and when this supply was curtailed during the U.S. Civil War the growing of cotton in Central Asia became of greater importance for Russia. The Russians captured the city of Tashkent in June 1865, and Tashkent became a Russian administrative center. Russian settlers began moving into the conquered areas, with the Russian army defending the settlers against attacks by local natives, which led to further Russian expansion. In 1867, Alexander's government moved toward a greater consolidation of the frontier of its empire by selling to the United States all its "territory and dominion" on the continent of North America, namely Alaska, and adjacent islands - a continuation of a pull back from Fort Ross in northern California, in 1841. In 1875, Russia pulled back from the Kurile Islands (historically islands that belonged to the Ainu people), Russia acknowledging Japan's control there, receiving in exchange from Japan, recognition of its control over the southern half of Sakhalin Island, giving all of Sakhalin, for the time being, to Russia. Meanwhile, Alexander's Russia had regained some of its standing in the Western world. In 1870, Alexander repudiated that section of the 1866 Treaty of Paris that prevented Russia from having a naval force in the Black Sea. A conference of European powers, held in 1871, sanctioned Russia reestablishing a naval force in the Black Sea but reaffirmed the right of the Turkish sultan to close the Dardanelles and the Bosporus to war vessels. Concerning the western frontier of Russia's empire, by now Pan-Slavism among the Russians -- a point-ofview that had risen with the decline of Russia's international standing from its loss of the Crimean War. The Pan-Slavists held that if Slavic and Orthodox Christian peoples other than Russians associated with Russia's empire, it would give Russia more power and influence in world affairs. Some PanSlavists believed that the old seat of Eastern Orthodox Christianity, Constantinople, was or should be Russian. Some devout Pan-Slavic Orthodox Christians believed that Russia's empire should include lands from the Volga River to the Euphrates, from the Ganges River to the Danube, as, they believed, Daniel had prophesied. They credited Russia with the highest achievements: the religion of the Hebrews, the culture of the Greeks (who were also Eastern Orthodox) and the political order of ancient Rome. And following Prussia's unification of Germany's in 1871, PanSlavists saw their point-of-view as a check on German expansion in Central and Eastern Europe. PanSlavism, they believed, was essential if Russia being a great power. Russia created an alliance with Prussia and AustriaHungary, called the Three Emperor's League. Russia joined other Christian powers in trying to impose on the Ottoman Empire a program of reforms and to eliminate grievances among Christians within the Ottoman Empire in the Balkans. In Russia, public opinion rose in support of a spontaneous rising against Turkish rule in the Balkans, the Russians siding with their fellow Eastern Orthodox Christians, whom they saw as suffering under Muslim rule. Public opinion goaded Alexander into going to war against the Turks, and on April 24, 1877, Russia declared war on the Ottoman sultan - the Islamic ruler in Turkey. Alexander appeased Austria, lest Austria oppose his move against the Turks, and he did so by offering Austria the provinces of Bosnia and Herzegovina (helping to lay the ground for World War in 1914). Russia's successful armies stopped short of capturing Constantinople, threatened with war by an aroused Britain if it did so. Russia made peace with Turkey, at San Stefano (or San Stephano). But Britain and other European powers were opposed to any increase in Russia's influence in the Balkans. At a conference of the major powers at Berlin in 1878 -- called the Congress of Berlin -- the map of the Balkans was redrawn with what appeared to be a diplomatic defeat for Russia, to which Russian public opinion reacted with bitterness. The Russians had to be satisfied with their gains in Siberia and Central Asia. By 1876 the Russians had conquered or had made a protectorate of all of what is today Uzbekistan. Also in 1876 they occupied the north of present-day Kyrgyzstan. By 1881 present-day Kyrgyzstan was a part of the Russian Empire. And in 1881 the Russians overcame the fierce resistance of Turkmen tribes, capturing the Dengil-Tepe fortress, near Ashgabad, putting present-day Turkmenistan under Russian control. In their 19th century conquest of Central Asia, the Russians had lost perhaps less than a thousand soldiers. The Russians encouraged local seminomadic peoples to develop agriculture, while not interfering with local law and other customs of the conquered Islamic peoples, and Russia was to receive from Central Asia cotton and other raw materials. In the conquered territories the Russians sold tobacco, manufactured goods and, with devastating consequences, vodka. The Russian spread syphilis. Merchants bought up land and then leased the land back to local peoples at extortionate rates. And the Russians taxed local peoples. Among the conquered peoples of Siberia, the Caucasus and Central Asia, only the Yakuts in the northeast of Siberia managed to adapt well to Russian dominance, the Yakuts, at least their elite, preserving their language and, under a Christian veneer, their shamanist tradition. Tsarist Authority in Poland, Rebellions and Reform In 1795, Poland, largely Roman Catholic, had been divided between Russia, Prussia and Austria and had ceased to exist as an independent kingdom. With the international agreement at Vienna in 1815, the Russian tsar, Alexander I, expanded his hold over Polish lands, but these lands were given a degree of self-government. In 1830, a year of upheaval across Europe, the Poles rebelled against the Russians, seeking full independence and nationhood, and 1835, in response, Tsar Nicholas I abrogated the Polish constitution of 1815 and made Poland an indivisible part of the Russian Empire. He closed Polish institutions of higher learning and secularized lands of the Catholic Church. The Russian language was forced upon the Poles in secondary schools, and the works of leading Polish authors were banned. Then in the late 1850s, with Tsar Alexander II in power and moving in the direction of reforms, amnesty was granted to those Poles who had resisted the Russians. The Poles were granted municipal elections and Poles replaced Russian officials in subordinate governmental offices. There were demonstrations by the Poles in 1860, on the anniversary of the Warsaw uprising of 1830, and another demonstration in 1861 in which Russians fired into the crowd, killing several demonstrators. Alexander was hesitant concerning his policy toward the Poles, but by 1862, he had restored all that Nicholas I had taken away, including the restoration of Catholic bishoprics and the right of Poles to elect provincial and local assemblies -- everything except the right to convoke a national assembly (diet or parliament). In London and Paris, meanwhile, were Polish exiles organizing resistance to Russian rule over the Poles. And landowning Polish nobles were happy about Tsar Alexander's favoritism toward the common peasants in land reform. Another uprising against the Russians began in January 1863, when young Poles protesting conscription into the Russian army were joined by various others, including high ranking Polish officers serving in Russia's army. The rebellion spread to the Lithuanians (who were mostly Roman Catholics) and to the Byelorussians (who were mostly Eastern Orthodox). A lack of military strength forced the rebels to resort to guerrilla warfare. With hundreds of thousands of troops, the Russians crushed the resistance in the summer of 1864. Alexander II ended Polish autonomy again. There were public executions of 128 rebels and deportations of 12,000 to Siberia. Property of the Catholic Church was confiscated. The Polish language was banned at official places. Poles were forbidden from acquiring landed estates. Teachers, Orthodox priests and landlords from Russia moved in among the Byelorussians. Money confiscated as penalties from the conquered helped finance in the conquered territory the construction of Orthodox churches and to support Orthodox priests. Rebellion, Students and Assassination In the early 1860s, Russia had fewer university students than did France or Britain, but in considerable number Russia's students believed that governmental reforms were inadequate, and they were hostile toward Alexander's authoritarianism regarding the universities. Disturbances erupted on university campuses in '61 and '62, coinciding with discontent over dissatisfaction with the emancipation of serfs. Numerous fires were set in St. Petersburg in 1862 and in cities along the Volga River. Leaflets urging revolution were distributed. The government filled the jail cells at St. Petersburg's Peter and Paul fortress and nearby Kronstadt naval base with university students. The authorities closed the universities, but then reopened them again in August 1863, under a new minister of education, bent on placating the students with a more liberal policy and freer university. Political activism was prestigious among the students, as was the activist's way of looking at the world. The activists were interested in the utilitarianism positivism and materialism that had been more common in Britain. They extolled science in what they believed was the new age of science. They were in rebellion against the metaphysics, religion and romantic poetry the parent's generation. They were hostile toward family control and school discipline. They were described by the Russian novelist Alexander Turgenev as nihilists, because of their rejection of authority and old values, and the label stuck. In 1866, in an individual action a student tried to assassinate the Tsar Alexander, and the government became more hostile to all students. A new minister of education took charge of the universities and applied stricter controls. In 1873, students studying in Switzerland were ordered to return to Russia, and returning students launched what was called the "To the People" movement, which they hoped would revolutionize Russia. They wanted to change Russia by mixing with and passing along their ideas to the common people in rural areas - Russia being predominately rural -- and to serve the common people in various ways, as teachers, doctors or scribes. They were only a couple of thousand in a sea of perhaps nearly 100 million people, and the social change they hoped for did not appear on the mass scale they hoped for. Some peasants looked with hostility upon the "nihilist" views of some within the movement, saw them as outsiders and as troublemakers and reported them to the police. Arrests and trials of nearly 250 marked the end of the "To the People" movement, which was followed by something more radical. In 1876 a group called "Land and Liberty" was founded -- a secret organization to avoid the police, their purpose being propaganda among "the people" and political organizing. In early 1878, a non-student worker-activist but member of "Land and Liberty, Vera Zasulich, sought revenge for the beating that one of her activist friends received in prison. She shot and wounded the military governor of St. Petersburg and was tried by a jury, which failed to convict her. The government responded by ending jury trials for people charged with politically motivated crimes. The government also stepped up its arrest and exile of persons suspected of sedition. In 1879, St. Petersburg had its first significant strike by industrial workers. And that year, from the "Land and Liberty" activists emerged an impatient group that advocated terrorism to accomplish their goals, a group that called itself the "Will of the People." Their goals were democracy, worker ownership of mines and factories, lands to peasants, complete freedom of speech and association, a classless society and people's militias replacing the army. Some believed that if Tsar Alexander II were assassinated he might be replaced with a new ruler who would create a liberal constitution -- which they saw as an improvement although of more benefit to the bourgeoisie than to the masses. Some others believed that the assassination of prominent officials and Alexander II could spark a popular uprising. In 1879 several attempts were made to kill Alexander. In 1880 they blew up the dining room at the tsar's Winter Palace, killing eleven and injuring fifty-six but missing the tsar, who had been late to dine. The police were able to track down and arrest many members of the "Will of the People," almost destroying the organization. In March, 1881, the police were aware that another attempt was afoot to assassinate Alexander. The police warned Alexander to remain secluded, but Alexander ignored the warning, and, on March 13, a bomb was thrown beneath his carriage, wounding some in his entourage. The entourage stopped -- as the assassins had planned. Alexander emerged from his carriage, feeling obliged to be with the wounded. A 26-year-old Polish member of the conspiracy, Ignacy Hryniewiecki, approached within a few steps of Alexander and tossed a package that landed at the feet of Alexander, the package exploding and ripping apart Alexander's legs. Alexander's entourage fled in panic, leaving the tsar to bleed alone on the icy ground. Passers-by found Alexander, but he died a few hour later. Alexander III cracks his Whip Alexander III, thirty-six years-old when he ascended the throne, the second son of Alexander II, associated the assassination of his father with liberal reforms -instead of seeing the assassination as a security failure. He claimed that parliamentary institutions and the liberalism of Western Europe were inappropriate for Russia and that Russia could be saved from the revolutionaries only by the traditional authoritarian rule of his family -- the Romanov's -- including adherence to the faith of the Orthodox Christian Church, of which he was head. The Russian writer, Count Leo Tolstoy, appealed to Alexander III to spare his father's murders and "to meet his enemies on the field of ideas." The terrorists had ideals, said Tolstoy, and he advised Alexander to counter their ideals with "another ideal, higher than theirs, greater and more generous." Tsar Alexander III was closer to the ideology of his former tutor, Konstantine Pobedonostsev -- since 1880 lay head of the Russian Orthodox Church. Pobedonostsev argued against parliamentary government, declaring against "the dexterous manipulators of votes." They, he claimed, " ... rule the people as any despot or military dictator might rule it." He described elected representatives as defending the interests of narrow constituencies. A monarch alone, he said, embodies the common interest. Pobedonostsev saw liberal ideas as a threat to Romanov authority and claimed that all opposition to Romanov authority should be ruthlessly crushed. Pobedonostsev, moreover, viewed Jews as the killers of Christ -- that somehow the actions of a few Jews more than eighteen hundred years before were the responsibility of all Jews then and down through the ages -- collective guilt. An association was made between the assassins of Alexander II and "the Jewish plague," and the assassination of Alexander II was followed by a string of pogroms against the Jews, by attacks on Jewish communities, the property of Jews, including some killing of Jews. To many Russian peasants, and many who had migrated to the cities, the Jews were extortionists -- the same bleeding the peasants with high interest rates with which some German peasants had characterized Jews. Jews had already been restricted to towns and smaller settlements inhabited by merchants and craftsmen, within what was called the Pale, and not allowed in the countryside alongside non-Jews. A few Jews had managed to surmount these restrictions, while only a small percentage were allowed to study at a university. At the bottom of his order, in 1887, to restrict the number of Jews at universities, Alexander III wrote "Let us never forget that it was the Jews who crucified Jesus." Many Jews had been invited to settle in Poland before the Russians had taken control of Polish lands, and now many from Russia-controlled Poland and from western Russia would be among those "Eastern Europeans" who migrated to the United States. Between 1881 and 1914 nearly two million Jews would arrive in the United States, mostly from Eastern Europe. During the rule of Alexander III, the central government's police (now called the Okhrana), made no distinction between terrorists and activists of the non-violent variety. Censorship was tightened, and publishers and writers with liberal ideas were harassed. Activists were arrested, imprisoned, commonly tried by courts-martial and excommunicated. Thousands were exiled to Siberia and in some cases hanged. But opposition to monarchical rule was not eliminated. It was merely forced underground. With new property requirements for voting, the electorate of St. Petersburg decreased from around 21,000 to around 8,000, and the electorate of Moscow decreased from around 20,000 to around 7,000. [note] Only the Orthodox Church was allowed to proselytize, and the Catholic and Protestant churches in the empire were subject to surveillance. The involvement of the Orthodox Church in primary education was increased, parish schools increasing from 4,500 in 1882 to around 32,000 by 1894. Higher education for women became more restricted. University autonomy was abolished. Students were prohibited from forming organizations, and teachers were appointed by the Ministry of Education rather than elected by their colleagues as before. Universities in Poland and the Baltic provinces were obliged to use the Russian language, and this was applied also in Finland, then a part of the Russian Empire. Several attempts were made to assassinate Alexander III, but, in 1894, after months of illness, he died of disease of the kidneys -- one of which had been injured in a train derailment. His eldest son, Nicolas II, at age of twenty-six, became tsar -- the tsar whose decisions would change the world in the years 1914 to 1916. Russia under Nicholas II Nicholas complained that he was not ready to be tsar and, it is said, burst into tears. He had little interest in ideas, but he began to model his rule after that of his father and to adhere to ritual and ceremony. A few days after the coronation of Nicholas, a part of the continued celebration was the setting out of presents from the tsar -- trinkets and such -- at a field on the outskirts of Moscow. As the crowd surged toward the gifts over a thousand of them were trampled to death, the beginning of tragedy in the reign of Nicholas II. The main interest of Nicholas was devotion to God and an undisturbed family life. He believed the Romanov claim that rule by the Romanov family was from and guided by the will of God. And, like his father, he too was the head of Russia's Eastern Orthodox Church. Under Nicholas II, Moscow was still seen at the new city of Constantine, the "Third Rome" (since the 15th century). At church services Nicholas II was described as "'The Most Devout." Those devoted to the Church and to Nicholas were to describe the Church as having reached its fullest development and power under Nicholas. Nicholas visited churches across his land, venerating saints, and where he appeared, devout Russians followed the custom of falling to their knees at the sight of him and his entourage -- a moment of silence usually followed by roaring cheers. Those allowed close enough to him and allowed to address him would, on their knees, kiss his hand with fervent expressions of loyalty. Making More Revolutionaries Russia's wealthy merchants did not lobby for a voice in government as had merchants in the West. Many of them were from the "Old Believer" families, risen from poverty and frugal, not unlike some successful entrepreneurs in the United States. Largely they accepted the policies of their tsar, aiming their hostilities instead at would-be business competition from Western Europeans, from Poles and Jews. They remained actively associated with the Orthodox Church and supported, or at least did not criticize, Russia's imperialism. Dissent was strongest among intellectuals with an anti-capitalist bent. And, among those wanting the overthrow of the monarchy, atheism was fervent. Fervor was a counter force also politically. Despite tsarist rule's hostility toward revolutionary activity, it was Russia that was producing the most revolutionaries - more so, for example, than was liberal Britain or the United States. In the Russia of tsar Nicholas II, the word student became synonymous with revolutionary. Arguments among the revolutionaries were vociferous, including exiles, described by one author as follows: So great was the turmoil and the chatter, so unearthly the hours kept, so furious the quarrels, that it became commonplace in hospitable Geneva and Zurich to see advertisements reading: "Roomers Wanted, No Russians." Russia's revolutionaries were divided between anarchists, populists (narodniki) and Marxists. The narodniks were anti-city, socialist and interested in organizing Russia's majority rural folks. The Marxists believed that industrialization and urbanization was in Russia's future and that socialism would follow more capitalist development. They saw Russia's village communes as decaying and peasants increasingly joining the urban poor. The most influential Marxist was George Plekhanov, living in exile in Switzerland. He became one of the founders of the League for the Emancipation of Labor -- the beginnings of what became Russia's organization of Social Democrats. Plekhanov criticized anarchists, narodniks and Blanquists for not understanding that socialism could not be superimposed upon the present but instead would need to wait for more capitalist and industrial development. In 1900, Plekhanov began publishing the Socialist newspaper Iskra (spark), with a rising star among the Russian Marxists, Vladimir Ilyich Ulyanov, to be known to the world as V.I. Lenin. Lenin believed that a revolutionist party in Russia should be clandestine and limited to professional revolutionaries who could take their reasoning to common working folks rather than waiting for the "working class" to spontaneously develop an interest in socialist revolution. In 1903 he led a split among the Social Democrats, his group called the Bolsheviks. The End of the Century Capitalists continued to seek gains and workers to seek work, and Russia continued to advance technologically. The industrial sector of Russia's economy had begun booming in the mid-1880s -similar to the booms taking place in the West, including the United States. Russia's rail track, around 1,600 kilometers in 1860, was around 53,000 kilometers by the end of the century, when the great trans-Siberia railway, begun in 1892, was almost finished. From Moscow, the hub of Russia's rail lines, track extended to the Far East, westward to Warsaw and the Baltic Sea, north to St. Petersburg and to Archangel, south to the Black Sea, and southeast to the shore of the Caspian Sea and to Samarkand and the Afghan border. Food production was keeping pace with population growth. Since 1860, farm production had been increasing at an annual rate of 1.5 to 1.9 percent per year - partly because of the increase in the area farmed. From the late 1860s to 1914 the number of horses in Russia rose by 38 percent and the number of cattle rose by 46 percent. Russia's population reached 135.6 million at the end of the century -- compared to 41.1 million for Britain, 56 million for Germany, and 75.9 million for the United States. Its armed forces had 1,162,000 personnel, compared to Germany's 524,000 and 96,000 for the United States.But Russia remained predominately rural. Approximately 80 percent of Russia's working population was associated with agriculture. Its per capita manufacturing output was only 15 percent of Britain's - compared to the 65 percent of Britain's per capita output in the United States. The century ended with many Russians holding a romantic notion of the expansion to the Siberian Far East -- which had become a part of Russia proper. In a popular book entitled The Conquest of Siberia, the author, Ermak, described the people migrating into Siberia as "strong, with a powerful spirit." Life in Siberia, he wrote, was tough. While people in Western Europe viewed expansion by Russians as sinister, Russians commonly viewed their expansion as glorious and the product of bravery and fortitude.