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Beyond the Picket Lines:
Self-Monitoring and Political Activism Among College Students
Shelly Tang, Andrew E. Yusran, and Traci A. Giuliano
Southwestern University
Abstract
Some individuals are more likely than others to engage in political activities. As such, the
present study examined the extent to which self-monitoring predicts political activism.
Specifically, self-monitoring refers to individual differences in the use of situational cues to
control self-presentation so that it is socially acceptable (Snyder, 1974). A survey was
distributed to 95 participants (49 women, 45 men, and 1 unreported) to assess their level of
self-monitoring and political activity. As predicted, the results revealed a negative
correlation between self-monitoring and political activism. In line with previous research
that has revealed that high self-monitors are less likely than low self-monitors to commit to
their marriages and occupations (Day, Schleicher, Unckless, & Hiller, 2002; Leon & Hall,
2003), the results of the present study suggest that high self-monitors are less likely than
low self-monitors to commit to political activism. Future research should further explore the
relationship between self-monitoring level and involvement in a broader range of political
activities. Nevertheless, the current findings provide insight into one of the many
underlying factors that may promote or motivate political participation.
Method
A convenience sample of 95 undergraduate students (49 women, 45 men,
and 1 unreported) from a small liberal arts university in the Texas completed
a questionnaire that measured demographic background, self-perceptions
(i.e., self-esteem, self-monitoring, and cultural experience), and political
attitudes and behaviors. Participants’ level of self-monitoring was measured
using one item from a revised version (Snyder & Gangestad, 1986) of the
original Self-Monitoring Scale (Snyder, 1974). This scale was modified to fit
a 5-point Likert scale with responses ranging from 1 (Strongly disagree) to 5
(Strongly agree). Political activism was measured using four items (α = .81)
from the Activism Orientation Scale (Corning & Myers, 2002). This scale
was also modified to fit a 5-point scale with responses ranging from 1 (Not at
all) to 5 (Very much).
The item assessing Self-Monitoring was:

Introduction
In different situations and with different people, I often act like
different persons.
The items from the Activism Orientation Scale were:
A popular cautionary statement suggests that there are three topics that one should
never mention at a dinner party—sex, religion, and politics. Although discussion of these
controversial topics may lead to lively and exciting discussion, such conversations also have the
potential to erupt into hostile and aggressive arguments. Thus, it seems reasonable that certain
individuals may be more likely than others to discuss political topics and to engage in political
activities. One variable that could potentially account for this behavior is differences in people’s
level of self-monitoring.
Self-monitoring refers to individual differences in the use of situational cues to control
self-presentation so that it is socially acceptable (Gangestad & Snyder, 2000; Snyder, 1974;
Snyder & Kendzierski, 1982). Low self-monitors base their behaviors on their inner dispositions,
whereas high self-monitors modify their behaviors to fit various situations and attitudes. As a
result, high self-monitors tend to provide socially appropriate responses that may or may not be
congruent with their internal attitudes (Klein, Snyder, & Livingston, 2004). High self-monitors are
less likely than low self-monitors to follow through on their intentions (Ajzen, Timko, & White,
1982); they also tend to seek out situations that enable them to demonstrate a positive selfimage (Gangestad & Snyder, 2000; Snyder, 1974; Snyder & Kendzierski, 1982; White &
Gerstein, 1987). Given these findings, it seems plausible that high self-monitors are less likely
than low self-monitors to commit to political activism. That is, because involvement in political
activities clearly indicates support or opposition toward a political issue, it follows that high selfmonitors would have to be capable of verifying their position on a controversial topic and
consequently be willing to risk social disapproval. Considering the importance that high selfmonitors place on presenting a socially-appropriate image, it could be argued that high selfmonitors may not be as willing as low self-monitors to refer to themselves as political activists.
Consistent with this notion, Kelly and Breinlinger (1995) found that female participants
who acknowledged themselves as activists and who identified strongly with other women were
more likely to participate in social actions. However, women who hesitated to refer to
themselves as feminists expressed fears that such identification would place them at risk for
social scrutiny. Indeed, research shows that their fears are not unfounded. For example,
participants are more likely to label photographs of unattractive men and women as political
radicals or social deviants (Unger, Hilderbrand, & Madar, 1982) and to associate female
feminists with masculine traits (Rickabaugh, 1995). Interestingly, Unger et al. (1982) found that
although feminism was no longer associated with physically unattractive individuals, activist
feminism continues to be linked to physical unattractiveness.
The purpose of the current study was to further explore this potential connection. Given
previous research which characterizes high self-monitors as low in commitment (e.g, Ajzen et
al., 1982; Day et al., 2002; Leon & Hall, 2003) and high in positive self-presentation (e.g.,
Gangestad & Snyder, 2000; White & Gerstein, 1987), it was hypothesized that high selfmonitors would be less likely than low self-monitors to be politically active.

How likely are you to display a poster or bumper sticker with a
political message?

How likely are you to present facts to contest another person’s
social or political statement?

How likely are you to send a letter or an e-mail about a political
issue to a public official?

How likely are you to send a letter or an e-mail about a political
issue to a public official?
Results
The results revealed a significant negative relationship between selfmonitoring and political activism, r (92) = -.26, p = .005. Consistent with
the hypothesis, people who tend to be more responsive to their
surroundings and to alter their behaviors to fit various situations report
being less politically active. By contrast, people who tend to maintain an
unchanging expressive behavior across various situations are more likely
to be politically active.
Conclusion
Consistent with the hypothesis, the results revealed that people who use
situational cues to monitor their behaviors are less likely to engage in political
actions, whereas people who use internal cues to monitor their behaviors are
more likely to engage in political actions. The findings of the current study
imply that people’s ability to alter their behaviors in various situations serves as
an influential factor in predicting their levels of political activity. Because the
age group of the sample that was used for the current study has been
associated with the lowest voting rate, the present findings suggest a unique
way of understanding the population that is politically inactive.
Because action directs social change, it is important to continue to study
the underlying factors that promote or motivate political participation. For
example, it is possible that participants in the current study were generally
more inclined to participate in political activities regardless of their selfmonitoring levels. Political activism may be regarded as socially appropriate if
a college atmosphere encourages the expression and discussion of differing
political ideas (Ulbig & Funk, 1999). In addition, the threat of a policy change
in an undesirable direction may supersede people’s desires to evade social
conflict, and therefore, threat may actually prompt political participation (Miller
& Krosnick, 2004). Because the war in Iraq and the recent terrorist attacks
have posed as a threat to people’s personal liberties, it seems logical that
people may be more likely to engage in political behavior.
In terms of future research, it would be useful to extend the current
findings by exploring the relationship between self-monitoring and involvement
in a broader range of political activities. For example, political participation
should be expanded to include more candid forms of political activism, such as
participation in a public protest, monetary donation to a political cause, or
contribution to a political editorial. Future research should also use a more
expansive set of test items from the Self-Monitoring Scale in order to provide a
more reliable and valid test of the hypothesis and to therefore increase the
strength of the findings. In essence, much work remains to be done before a
full understanding of the relationship between self-monitoring and political
activism is established. In the meantime, the present results are a promising
first step toward understanding one of the many underlying factors that
promote political participation among college students. Perhaps by
establishing an encouraging environment that accepts political participation
and disapproves of political apathy, an increased number of people will visit
the polls and cast their ballots. It seems reasonable that by gaining more
valuable insights on which political issues receive apparent public support or
opposition, people can more accurately examine the developing trends of
society’s moral values and beliefs.