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In ordinary language, the term “conservative” has a variety of meanings. It can refer to moderate or cautious behavior, a life styles that is conventional, even conformist, or fear of, or refusal to, change. Conservatism was first use to describe a distinctive political ideology in the early nineteenth century. During the nineteenth century. Pressures unleashed by industrialisation and reflected in the growth of liberalism, socialism and nationalism transformed Western countries. While these ideologies preached reform and, at times, supported revolution, conservatism stood in defence of an increasingly embattled traditional social order. Such origins have deep impact upon the character of the conservative ideology. There is, for example some truth in the belief that conservatives have a clearer understanding of what they oppose than what they favour. In that sense, conservatism has been thought of as a negative philosophy, simply preaching resistance to, or at least wary suspicion of, change. Conservatism is neither simple pragmatism, nor mere opportunism. It is based upon a particular set of political beliefs about human beings, the societies they live in, and the importance of a distinctive set of political values. As such, like liberalism and socialism, it can rightfully be described as an ideology. Although conservatism is the most intellectually modest of political ideologies, it has also been remarkably resilient, perhaps precisely because it has been unwilling to be tied down to a fixed system of ideas. In the nineteenth century it was closely associated with an authoritarian defence of monarchy and aristocracy, which has survived in the form of authoritarian-populist movements in the Third World. In the twentieth century, Westerns conservatives have been divided between paternalistic support for state intervention and a libertarian commitment to the free market. A central and recurrent theme of conservatism is the defence of tradition; its desire to maintain established customs and institutions. Liberals, in contrast, argued that social institutions should not be evaluated on the grounds of how long they have survived, but according to how far they fulfil the needs and interests of individuals. If the institution failed the test, they should be reformed or perhaps abolished. In many countries liberals have, for example, reached the conclusion that the hereditary monarchy is a redundant institution in the modern world and should be abolished. Conservatives, however, fiercely disagree and believe, for a number of reasons, that customs and institutions should be preserved precisely because they have succeeded 2 in enduring through the history. Conservatives also venerate tradition because it gives the individual a sense of belonging and stability. Tradition thus provides people with an identity and a feeling of “rootedness”. Conservatism is, in many ways, a “philosophy of human imperfection”. Human imperfection is understood in several ways. In the first place, human beings are thought to be psychologically limited and dependent creatures. People, in the view of conservatives, fear isolation and instability. They are drawn psychologically to the safe and the familiar, and seek, above all else, the security of knowing “their place”. Such a portrait of human nature is very different from the imagine of the selfreliant, enterprising “utility maximiser” proposed by liberals. The belief that individuals desire security and belonging has led conservatives to emphasize the importance of social order, and to be suspicious of the attraction of liberty. Order ensures that human life is stable and predictable; it provides security in an uncertain world. Liberty, on the other hand, presents individuals with choices and can generate change and uncertainty. Humankind is thought to be innately selfish and greedy, anything but perfectable. For some conservatives, this is explained by a religious belief in the doctrine of “original sin”. Humankind’s intellectual powers are also thought to be limited. Conservatives believe that the world is simply too complicated for human reason fully to grasp. Conservatives prefer to ground their ideas in experience and reality, they adopt a cautious, moderate and, above all, pragmatic approach to the world, avoiding, if at all possible, doctrinaire or dogmatic beliefs. Rationalist ideologies, like liberalism and socialism, advocate reform or even revolution in the belief that human beings are able to understand their world, and can therefore see how it could be improved. The conservative view of society is very different from that of liberalism. Liberals believe that society arises from the actions of individuals, each intent upon pursuing self-interest. Libertarian conservatives, attracted to liberal, free market ideas, have some sympathy with this view. Traditional conservatives, on the other hand, believe that this is an “atomistic” picture of society, based upon the pretence that individuals can be, or want to be, self-reliant. Conservatives believe that human beings are dependent and security-searching creatures. They do not and cannot exist outside society, but desperately need to belong, to have “roots” in the society. The individual cannot be separate from the society, but is part of the social groups, which nurtured him or her: family, friends or peer groups, business or work, local community and even nation. These groups provide individual life with security and meaning. As a result, traditional conservatives are reluctant to understand freedom to mean “negative freedom”, in which the individual is left “alone”. Freedom is rather a willing acceptance of social obligations and ties by the individuals who recognise their value. Social groups are, further, thought to be formed “naturally ”, rather than through any form of conscious or voluntary contract. Society arises out of natural necessity. Society exists before the individual; it helps to form the individual’s character and personality. Society is thought of by conservatives as a living thing, an organism, whose parts work together just as the brain, heart, lungs and liver do within 3 a human organism. Each part of this organic society, family, church, work, and government, plays a particular role in sustaining the whole, and maintaining the “health society”. Society is not, as liberals think it to be, a “machine”, constructed by rational individuals, which can be tampered with and improved. The family is both the most basic institutions of society and, in many ways, a model for all other social institutions. Conservatism also differs from other political ideologies in stressing the social value of religion. Religion may be understood not only as a spiritual phenomenon but also as the essential “cement” of society. Conservatives think that all societies need to be hold together by a set of shared values and beliefs, and that religion provides society with such a moral fabric. A close relationship, as a result, has been developed between conservatism and religion. Conservatives are reluctant to leave moral questions to the individual. If morality becomes an issue of personal choice, the moral fabric of society is brought into question and with in the cohesion upon which social order is based. Morality is therefore a social issue, not simply a matter of personal preference. Society has, consequently, the right to protect itself by upholding a set of shared beliefs and values. A conservative believes that law should not only maintain public order, but also should also defend and uphold moral principle. In their view, what people watch on televisions or read in books and newspapers should be subject to the guidance of laws because society must be protected against immorality. Another example of social institution for which conservatives reserve particular respect is the nation. Nations, like families, are formed naturally, in this case out of a natural affinity which develops amongst people share the same language, history, culture and traditions. Humanity is not thought to be universal, each member sharing a common human identity, but is rather seen as a collection of nations, each one seeking to maintain its distinctive and unique character, and harboring natural suspicions about the intentions and behavior of other nations. A further distinguished theme of conservatism is its stress upon the importance of authority. Conservatives do not accept the liberal belief that authority arises out of a contract made by free individuals, for their own benefit. According to social contract theory, citizens, in effect, agree to be governed. In contrast, conservatives believe that authority, like society, develops naturally. Authority is thought to be rooted in the nature of society and all social institutions. Within schools, the teacher, in the work place, should exercise authority by the employer, and in society at large, by government. Conservatives believe that authority is necessary and beneficial as everyone needs the guidance, support and security of knowing “where they stand” and what is expected of them. This led conservatism to place special emphasis upon leadership and discipline. Leadership is a vital ingredient in any society because it is the capacity to give direction and provide inspiration for others. Discipline is not just mindless obedience but a willing and healthy respect for authority. Most conservatives, however, believe that authority should be exercised within limits and that this limits are imposed not by an artificial contract but by the natural responsibilities which authority entails. 4 Conservatives believe the natural structure of society to be hierarchic; they therefore reject any commitment to social equality. They think, as liberals do, that people are born unequal in the sense that talents and skills are distributed unequally amongst people. For liberals, however, this leads to a belief in meritocracy, in which individuals rise or fall only according to their merits and talents. Traditionally, conservatives have believed that inequality is more deep-rooted, it is inevitable feature of an organic society, not merely a consequence of individual differences. The conservative defence of authority also influences its attitude to the state. In some ways, citizens are seen as children within the family; they need guidance and discipline. Furthermore, within conservatism there is a strong paternalistic tradition, which portrays government as a father figure within society. Another conservative concept is the property. Property is a value which possesses a deep and, at times, almost mystical significance for conservatives. Liberals believe that property reflects merit: those who worked hard and possess talent will gain wealth. Property, therefore, has been “earned”. This doctrine has an attraction for those conservatives who regard the ability to accumulate wealth as an important economic incentive. Nevertheless, conservatives also hold that property has a range of psychological and social advantages. For example, property provides security. In an uncertain and unpredictable world, property ownership gives people a sense of confidence and assurance, something to “fall back on”. Property ownership also promotes a range of important social values. Those who possess and enjoy their own property are more likely to respect the property of others. In this sense, property ownership can promote what can be thought of as the “conservative values” of respect for law and order. A deeper and more personal reason why conservatives may support property is that it can be thought of almost as an extension of individual’s personality. People “realise ” themselves, even see themselves, in what they own. Possessions are not merely external objects, valued because they are useful-a house to keep warm and dry, a car to provide transport and so on- but also reflecting something of the owner’s personality and character. While libertarian conservatives may support an essentially liberal view of property, most conservatives have argued that all rights, including property rights, entail obligations. Property is not an issue for the individual alone, but is also of importance to society. The rights of the individual must be balanced against the wellbeing of society or the nation. If, for example, conservatives believe that the national interest is served by government intervention in the economy, then the freedom of the businessman must be curtailed. Furthermore, property is not merely the creation of the present generation. Much of it, land, houses, works of art, is passed down from earlier generations. The present generation is, in that sense, the custodian of the wealth of the nation and possesses a duty to preserve and protect it for the benefit of future generations. The continued importance of conservatism in the late twentieth century is remarkable for an ideology, which draws upon pre-industrial values and often claims to no coherent system of thought. Indeed the 1980s were characterized by conservative predominance in a large number of Western countries. Conservatism has 5 been successful in overthrowing a “pro-state” tendency, which had characterized government in the twentieth century, especially since 1945, and in establishing an alternative “pro-market” tendency. Despite this evidence of resurgence, it is difficult to accept conservatism as the dominant ideology of the late twentieth century. In the first place, its influence is still largely confined to the Western industrialized world. Conservatism developed essentially as a reaction against the growing pace of both political and economical chance in the West. It defended the values of hierarchy, tradition and order against pressure generated by industrialization and represented by the political challenge of liberalism and socialism. In developing countries, in contrast, pre-industrial values often stress the importance of community and equality, and provide a political culture more sympathetic to the growth of socialism and or nationalism than the development of either liberal individualism or traditional conservatism. As a result, conservatism has no succeeded in developing into an ideology of worldwide significance. Conservatism, as practiced in the late twentieth century, is by no means uniform. The shift to the political Right in the 1970s and 1980s was, in many respects, a response to the onset of economic recession, as the interventionist policies of the earlier post-war period had been a consequence of the sustained growth of the 1950s and 1960s. The character of conservatism has varied according to how particular countries were affected by economic recession. GOOD LUCK! From [email protected] 6