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<Unjust Deserts: How the Rich are Taking Our Common Inheritance 2008 by Gar Alperovitz and Lew Daly, also, Distributing Our Technological Inheritance 1994 by Gar Alperovitz. The book is an elaboration on the original article.> <http://www.centerforneweconomics.org/publications/lectures/alperovitz/gar/distributing-ourtechnological-inheritance> (1) What is the primary thesis of the work? Everyone has an equal claim to those aspects of technological benefits which derive from the collective factors of technological and economic development. Technology has expanded rapidly over the past few decades but we underuse this information because the current institutional structure and intellectual property regime allows privileged individuals to secure massively disproportionate shares of the benefits from the collective factors of technological benefits. What are the most powerful supporting arguments given to bolster the thesis? < 1. The role of mathematical knowledge in technological development is greatly underappreciated and the process of developing mathematical knowledge is largely based on collaboration and our collective inheritance of knowledge from the past. Further, technology is the fundamental driver of economic growth and increases in well-being. “Collective advances do not come to us from the scientist and the engineer, the craftsman and the technician acting alone. Each, of course, has been supported by a vast number of other members of society at every stage of development. The miner and the farmer, the carpenter and the cleaning lady, the cook and the nurse and the ditch digger as well - all contribute to establishing the conditions (especially time free from other obligations!) required to create and pass on productive knowledge.” In quantifying the collective factors of technological development we can start with exogenous changes in total factor productivity. Economist Robert Solow won the Nobel Prize for his 1957 paper on growth accounting which traces the origins of productivity growth. This was the first identification of what was initially called the Solow residual and is now called total factor productivity. “Solow found that most productivity growth was due to a shift in the production function, a change in output beyond what could be explained by changes in the supply of conventional inputs like labor and capital.” The book provides subsequent data on the percentage of growth attributable to the residual. The measurements say that between 60% and 90% of productivity growth is due to the residual. In so far as the residual is the result of collective activity, the benefits of the residual should be redistributed collectively. Post WWII US government and particularly military research played an enormous role in developing many of the technologies that modern fortunes have been founded on. The internet is one of the clearest examples of this. > What are the weakest arguments given, if any? < > What antithesis was decisively addressed? < The myth of the independent inventor is addressed. It is discussed how landmark inventions commonly attributed to an individual are properly understood as the result of collective effort over time and in any case could have been attributed to different individuals under arbitrarily different circumstances with respect to the interests of the progression of human knowledge. It is often the case that innovative breakthroughs occur in different places simultaneously since the most important factor in these breakthroughs is the “technological and knowledge infrastructure” of the time, which is based on inherited knowledge and an institutional foundation and these have nothing to do with individual merit. The telephone is given as a primary example. Several others had come up with similar devices as Graham Bell at the same time but somewhat arbitrary factors lead to him receiving the patent and the credit. If it wasn’t for Graham Bell’s efforts, the contribution to humanity that the telephone has made would likely have been unchanged. We cannot let this argument compromise our value for hard work, discipline, focus etc. We have to stress how our system will better facilitate innovation by properly rewarding meritorious endeavor. Another antithesis that is decisively addressed is the idea that the current distribution of technological benefits is necessary for to incentivize innovation. This largely follows from the role that collective factors play in making innovation possible. > What significant antithesis remains unaddressed? <> What is the conclusion of the work? < Most of our wealth derives from an increase in output that is not commensurate with any increase in effort or cost incurred by those now alive. Popular sentiments in political economy in the form of the Lockean labor theory of property, libertarian natural rights theory, marginal productivity theory and Rawlsian liberal distributive justice all fail to recognize the disproportionate share of current value that we receive simply because we have been born later rather than earlier in human history. A substantial portion of current wealth and income should be reallocated to the members of society. > Does the conclusion decisively corroborate the thesis? <> Is the conclusion weak? Why? <Yes, all the book does is identify the problems with the political economy of technology, albeit very effectively. There is however no clear program that addresses the problems. In his other works, he is preoccupied with a new system that synthesizes state socialism and corporate capitalism. It seems like he focuses a lot on worker ownership. Gar should learn about Meritocracy. I would like have seen some economic theory of production based on equal distribution of collective inheritance. This is where the theory from the book could have really come to fruition and is also where social capitalism offers a better future. Production will be conducted much more rationally as incentives are realigned and the profit motive is tamed. > (2) What epistemic validation is lent to Meritocracy by the work, if any? Is the validation ontological, deterministic, analytical, or a mix; how? < Epistemically, the work validates the thesis that the ruling regime is illegitimate. It maintains itself through an entrenched unjust distribution of technological benefits, and social and political force to obstruct any serious threats. The meritocratic prescription penetrates a myriad of social, political and economic institutional constructs which will have to handle the redistribution of technological benefits. > Is the work worth analytically notating for the solidification of meritocracy? <Yes, Providing equal opportunity for every child relies heavily on the political economy of technology. The Meritocratic conception of justice inherently coincides with the claims of our collective technological inheritance. Just as the inheritance tax ensures that the dead cannot rule the living, so does a meritocratic distribution of the benefits of technology. > (3) What academic fields does the work target, address, or lend itself to? <Political economy> (4) Are you familiar with any other works that relate to the work's conclusion? <Political philosopher Roberto Unger affirms many of the book’s sentiments and provides deeper analysis into the political economy of technology. “To encourage innovation in our societies, we must radically transform the regime of intellectual property and its protection. The present regime, devised at the end of the 19th century and expressed most characteristically in the patent system, transforms technological innovation into exclusive property. Its result is to leave the most important technological innovations in the control of big capital. We have no to accept such a system if our goal is to engage every part of society including small businesses, including independent entrepreneurs and inventors in the work of innovation. The patent and all its analogues should be relativized. Their domain of application should be restricted and we should create alongside it, other mechanisms to encourage finance and support innovation. One such mechanism would be a system of prizes or rewards that the state would grant to the scientific and technological innovators. A second mechanism would be a system that would enable the inventors or innovators to acquire capital or equity in the enterprises that would be established in partnership with the state, on the basis of the technological and scientific innovations. In this way we begin to design a long list of alternative mechanisms for the encouragement of innovation and prevent the exclusive system that makes innovation the servant of commercial greed.” > (5) Are you familiar with any other works that relate to the work's subject? < In this video recorded in 2007 but recently posted, Phillip Mirowski discusses the politics of science and the Neoliberal ascendency of the past few decades which has led to changes in intellectual property that facilitate the rich. https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=2J13SDqmaNw Mirowski also has written extensively about topics relating to the political economy of technology, one relevant work is his 2011 book Science Mart. Skill biased-technological change is a prominent idea in economics dealing with the effects of technology on inequality. This idea is frequently used in defense of anti-meritocratic agendas. It says in short that more technology will lead to more inequality as workers’ skills become obsolete. For an explanation of the theory and why it is not entirely accurate see Winner-Take-All Politics by Jacob S. Hacker and Paul Pierson pg 34-40. Another good book is The Gridlock Economy: How Too Much Ownership Wrecks Markets, Stops Innovation, and Costs Lives by Michael Heller which discusses what Heller calls the anti-commons. This work deals with instances in which legal arrangements constrain the optimization of our resources. Heller has presented some of the material in several videos available online. He has very good examples of technologies which could greatly serve humanity but are under-utilized because powerful interests benefit from their exclusion. Economists Bill Lazonick and Marianna Mazzucato’s work deals with the economics of innovation. The iPhone is the quintessential example. Consider the following from a recent interview on innovation with Bill Lazonick. “The iPhone didn’t just magically appear out of the Apple Campus in Cupertino. Whenever a company produces a technology product, it benefits from an accumulation of knowledge created by huge numbers of people outside the company, many of whom have worked in government-funded projects over the previous decades. Öner Tulum, a researcher at The Academic-Industry Research Network (theAIRnet), has shown how all of the technologies in the iPhone -– things like touch-screen technology, GPS, and so on — originated with government spending, funded by taxpayer money. That’s why a company like Apple should be using a substantial portion of its super-profits to support government investment in the next generation of innovation. Instead, the company runs an entire division devoted to finding ways to avoid taxation.” http://ineteconomics.org/institute-blog/how-superstar-companies-apple-are-killing-america-s-hightech-future “in the United States, government funding has been critical to the emergence and development of hightech sectors such as computers, the Internet, biotechnology, and alternative energy.164 Without these government investments and subsidies, the United States would not lead the world in venture capital— an industry devoted to new-firm formation and growth.165 Yet, in the United States, it can be argued that a disproportionate share of the returns to a successful new venture accrue to those entrepreneurs and financiers who put an innovation on the market. At the same time, the success neglects to reward the contributions of other stakeholders, especially taxpayers, who made significant contributions to the innovation process.166 In the name of “shareholder value,” rewards are reaped at the expense of nonshareholding” - The Financialization of the U.S. Corporation, Lazonick 2013. Mazzucato’s 2013 book the Entrepreneurial State shows the importance of technologies developed by state-funded research. The following is an excerpt from Mazzucato’s book. The book is a wellspring of evidence that our laws of exclusivity vastly inhibit humanity’s potential for the sake of powerful interests. “three-quarters of the new molecular biopharmaceutical entities owe their creation to publicly funded laboratories. Yet in the past ten years, the top ten companies in this industry have made more in profits than the rest of the Fortune 500 companies combined. The industry also enjoys great tax advantages: its R& D costs are deductible, and so are many of its massive marketing expenses, some of which are counted as R& D (Angell 2004). After taking on most of the R& D bill, the State often gives away the outputs at a rock-bottom rate. For example, Taxol, the cancer drug discovered by the National Institutes of Health (NIH), is sold by Bristol-Myers Squibb for $ 20,000 per year’s dose, 20 times the manufacturing cost. Yet, the company pays the NIH just 0.5 per cent in royalties for the drug. In most other cases, nothing at all is paid in royalties. It is simply assumed that the public investment is meant to help create profits for the firms in question, with little to no thinking about the obvious distorted distribution of risk and reward this presents. These favoured actors then propound ideological arguments, typically with intellectual roots in the efficiency propositions of neoclassical economics (and the related theory of ‘shareholder value’), that justify the disproportionate shares of the gains from innovation that they have been able to appropriate. These ideological arguments invariably favour financial contributions to the innovation process over both worker contributions and taxpayer contributions. Ultimately, precisely because innovation is a collective and cumulative process, the imbalance in the risk– reward nexus not only results in greater inequality but also undermines the innovation process itself. Finding a way to realign risk taking with rewards is thus crucial not only for decreasing inequality but also for fostering more innovation.” > (6) Please share any unique hypotheses or insights that may provide a starting point for further inquiry. < The topic covered is one of the many areas which reveal the illegitimacy of the ruling elite. It is important that we demonstrate the absurdity of their claims to power. Everyone knows how much technology is increasingly affecting our daily lives. As our technological prowess grows, it is becoming ever more important to resolve the issues we have regarding the distribution of technological benefits. People worry about things like losing too many jobs to automated production. This is the most egregious concern. Imagine producing goods in a more laborious manor in order ensure the demand for labor is met, that’s insanity. We need to worry about rearranging the politico-economic structure so that we can let the machines do the work for us and we can all benefit. The theory covered in this report is entirely predicated on the offer to imagine institutional arrangements which handle the distribution of the benefits of technology in a meritocratic way. This is something that distinguishes a genius system like meritocracy, from the likes of the Zeitgeist movement. The Zeitgeist Movement (TZM) emphasizes the general theme of this report. It is our political philosophy which is superior and while TZM may have legitimately good information about utilizing technology to advance society, their political philosophy is not strong enough for an effective resolution. At any rate, projecting the institutional framework of a new regime is an immense task that can only be alluded to here but future work will delve into this deeper. Roberto Unger is useful to introduce the idea. Unger provides the valuable insight that market institutions come in a wide variety of arrangements that are politically and socially constructed, and it is the design of these arrangements that determine economic outcomes. “The concept of a market economy is institutionally indeterminate. That is to say, it is capable of being realized in different institutional and legal directions, each with dramatic consequences for every aspect of social life including class structure of society and the distribution of wealth and power. “ “There is a distance of uncertain length between the abstract idea of a market economy and its realization in particular institutions and arrangements. Every decisive expansion of opportunity to and through a market economy requires innovation in its institutional forms. Some institutionalized expressions of the market will be more socially inclusive than others. They will be more likely to afford to more people and more firms access to the key resources of work and production.” “We cannot simply regulate the market economy, we cannot simply compensate for the inequalities generated in the market by resorting to programs of retrospective redistribution through tax and transfer. We need to reshape the institutional content of the market to ensure a sustained broadening of economic opportunity.” The meritocratic positive freedom doctrine must confront the likes of neoliberal economics and the intellectual regime which has accelerated anti-meritocratic features over past few decades. We can say that our program optimizes society because we can demonstrate instances in which technology can be recruited in ways that clearly will lead to an enhanced level of material conditions for everyone and would be impossible under the current regimes. Solon Theron makes an appeal for basic income in a meritocracyparty.org article. “ Given that wealth is accumulated and allowed through the concatenation of a society’s infrastructure, a basic citizen income is absolutely necessary in order to keep its economy stable, i.e., all citizens of Meritocracy will be granted the basic means to employ their aspirations.” This conception of wealth accumulation is similar to the theory of collective technological inheritance and both are essential to addressing basic income. >