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The Life of Muhammad
(Allah's peace and blessing be upon him)
by Muhammad Husayn Haykal
Translated by Isma'il Razi A. al-Faruqi
Contents
Foreword to the English Edition
Translator's Preface
Haykal's Hayat Muhammad
has a long and strange story.
Its translation into English
Foreword to the First Edition
and publication by the
Preface to the First Edition
University of Chicago Press
Preface to the Second Edition
was discussed by numerous
Preface to the Third Edition
western experts in the forties
and early fifties. Obvious as
Arabia before Islam
the need for a scholarly
Makkah, the Ka'bah, and the Quraysh
sympathetic biography of the
Muhammad: from Birth to Marriage
Prophet may be, negotiations
took years to complete.
From Marriage to Prophethood
From the Beginning of Revelation to the Conversion Agreement, however, was
not reached until 1964. When
of `Umar
in 1968 the translation was
The Story of the Goddesses
completed, approved by the
The Malevolent Conduct of Quraysh
Supreme Council of Islamic
From the Violation of the Boycott to al Isra'
Affairs, Cairo, Egypt, and the
The Two Covenants of al `Aqabah
University of Chicago Press,
Al Hijrah, or the Prophet's Emigration
the manuscript copy edited,
Beginning of the Yathrib Period
and its actual production
begun, mysterious forces
The First Raids and Skirmishes
intervened and the University
The Great Battle of Badr
of Chicago Press unilaterally
Between Badr and Uhud
withdrew from its agreement.
The Campaign of Uhud
The Effects of Uhud
Another agreement was
The Prophet's Wives
negotiated de novo between
The Campaigns of al Khandaq and Banu Qurayzah
the same parties and Temple
From the Two Campaigns to the Treaty of
University Press, on
Hudaybiyah
The Treaty of Hudaybiyah
The Campaign of Khaybar and Missions to Kings
The `Umrah or Lesser Pilgrimage
The Campaign of Mu'tah
The Conquest of Makkah
Campaigns of Hunayn and a1 Ta'if
Ibrahim and the Wives of the Prophet
Campaign of Tabuk and the Death of Ibrahim
The Year of Deputations and Abu Bakr's Leadership
of the Pilgrimage
The Farewell Pilgrimage
The Prophet's Sickness and Death
The Prophet's Burial
Conclusion in Two Essays
Islamic Civilization as Depicted in the Qur'an
Islamic Civilization and the Western Orientalists
Supplementary Readings
practically the same terms as
Chicago, in 1969. Five years
passed with little or no
action. Then, mysterious
forces again intervened and
resulted in the unilateral
withdrawal of Temple
University Press from its
agreement.
This Determined opposition
to the publication of the work
did not dissuade the
translator from preparing this
new translation with the
encouragement of the Muslim
Students' Association of the
United States and Canada, an
agency interested in the
promotion of Islamic
scholarship.
Temple University
"God and His angels bless the Prophet. O men who have believed: Invoke God's
peace and blessing upon him" (Al-Qur'an, 33: 56)
In the name of God, the Merciful, the Compassionate
Praise be to God, Lord of the universe,
The Gracious, the Merciful,
Master of the Day of Judgment.
You alone we worship; You alone we implore for help.
Guide us unto the straight path
The path of those whom You have blessed,
Those who have not incurred Your displeasure,
Those who have not gone astray.
Amen
(Al-Qur'an, 1:1-7)
Translator's Acknowledgments
The assistance of the Supreme Council of Islamic Affairs, Arab Republic of Egypt, in
making the translation of this work possible; of Professor Roger Parsell in copy
editing; of Professor Erdogan Gurmen, Sr. Freda Shamma, Miss Andree Coers, Mrs.
Margaret Peirce, Dr. Lois Lamiya? al Faruqi, and Dr. Kaukab Siddique in
proofreading; of Sr. Anmar al Faruqi in preparing the index; of Dr. Lois Lamya? al
Faruqi in preparing the maps and illustrations; and of the North American Islamic
Trust in the production of this book is gratefully acknowledged.
I wish to acknowledge with thanks the financial help and encouragement extended to
this work by the World Assembly of Muslim Youth, Saudi Arabia.
Foreword to the English Edition
The book, Hayat Muhammad, by Dr. Muhammad Husayn Haykal is well known to the
Arabic reader. It is a biography of the Holy Prophet, salla, Allahu `alayhi wa sallam,
written in light of all the rules and requirements of modern, exacting scholarship. As
its author has said, it is a renewed effort to establish the historical truth of the
details of the Prophet's life in accordance with these rules, as well as to refute, by
the same means, the false allegations against Islam and its Apostle. It has derived
its materials from genuine sources and treated them with a mind unshackled by parti
pris or superstition, by ignorance or false hopes. We trust that it will be followed by
the research works of many other scholars; for the English readers stand in great
need for books to enlighten them in the nature and history of Islam.
Fortunately, Islamic sanity has persistently resisted all attempts at deifying the
Prophet's person. Despite the fact that no human being has ever commanded as
much respect and none has ever been object of so much affection by his followers,
Muslims have rejected every suggestion imputing to the Prophet superhuman power
or characteristics. By itself, and when compared with the conceptions of the careers
of charismatic founders and leaders of other religions in history, the Muslims'
insistence on Muhammad's humanity remains a miracle, a genuine triumph of the
Muslim's historical sense. This book is a tribute to the Muslim's critical attitude in
religious matters.
This is the fact which makes the quest of the historical Muhammad not only possible,
but certain of achieving its objectives. It underlies this book and blesses its findings,
as it invites further research and offers greater promise. Biography was never a
critical science (it may even be contended that it ever existed!) before the Muslims
began to sift the oral and written traditions concerning the Prophet. They undertook
this task with a mind unwaveringly committed to Muhammad's humanity, absolutely
convinced of his fulfillment of his mission under the full light of history.
It was these Muslim endeavors that produced the science of textual criticism. Firstly,
the language, style, form, redaction and vocabulary of every reported tradition was
subjected to the most complete analysis. Secondly, the ideational content of every
tradition was subjected to critical tests of internal and external coherence (i.e., with
itself, with the Holy Qur'an, with other traditions, with other established historical
data). That content was further tested for historical relevance and relationality, and
for reasonableness or systematic correspondence with reality. Finally, every isnad (or
chain of reporters) was subjected to the most exacting tests of historicity and
verification, giving birth to 'llm al Rijal, or the critical establishment of the minutest
details of the personal lives of thousands of Muhammad's companions and
contemporaries. This was Islamic "Criticism"-a whole millennium ago! It was
objective and scientific textual research such as the world has never seen nor
probably ever will, despite the tremendous advances the science of criticism has
made in modern times. This academic sophistication has made of Islam the
scholarly, modernist; critical religion long before the priesthood, not to speak of the
laity, of other religions achieved the minimum standards of literacy. Unfortunately for
humanity as a whole, this critical and scientific spirit was lost to the Muslims with
their decline.
How refreshing it is to see in this book evidence of awakening and reactivation of this
spirit which Islam, the foremost champion of natural religion, of reasonableness in
religion, has nurtured through the centuries! Great as the achievements of our
ancestors are, it is our duty to make ourselves worthy of them. Benefit from their
achievement, we certainly must. Indeed, inspired by their example, we ought to
move and aspire to match and surpass them. Muhammad Husayn Haykal's Hayat
Muhammad is a fair step in that direction.
This book has another value. For centuries, the English reader has been presented
with prejudiced literature about Islam and the Prophet. Such polemics has prevented
the non-Muslim from appreciating the genuine light of revelation, the beneficial
contribution Islam can make to the solution of humanity's spiritual and social ills in
modern times. It is certainly high time for the voice of Islam to be raised against the
forces of atheism and materialism which have blinded modern man and dissipated
his effort at finding the truth. Allah, subhanahu wa ta'ala, does not wish man to be
lost in skepticism, to be corrupted by injustice, alienation and ethnocentrism. On the
contrary, He wishes him to realize universal brotherhood through justice, truth,
dignity and mercy; to restore to him his lost poise and equilibrium; to guide him
towards peace, well-being and happiness. It is He Who said in His Holy Book
"O mankind! We created you from a single (pair) of male and female, and made you
into nations and tribes, that ye may know and cooperate with one another" (AlQur'an 49 :13)
"O mankind! Reverence your Guardian Lord, Who created you from a single person;
Who created the first person's mate of like nature; Who created from them twain all
men and women on earth" (Al-Qur'an 4:1).
?The believers are but a single brotherhood? (Al-Qur'an 49:9)
?God commands justice, the doing of the good, and liberality to kith and kin. He
forbids all shameful deeds, injustice and rebellion. Thus does he instruct you, that
you may receive admonition? (Al-Qur'an 16:90)
The Prophet of Islam (salla Allahu ?alayhi wa sallam) has said:
?All Muslims are equal like the teeth of a comb.?
?In relation to one another, the Muslims are like a building: every unit reinforces and
is reinforced by all others.?
These values of Islam are indeed the only ones capable of saving humanity from its
certain collapse. The life of the Prophet is the guide and key. His conduct is the
example for everyone to follow at all times and places.
It is of the essence of rational religion, as it is of the truth, to convince and to
persuade its audience by mere presentation. But presentation must be honest and
critical, thorough and substantiated, as well as alive and appealing. It is by Allah?s
grace that Professor Isma?il Raji al Faruqi completed translation of this volume. He is
a Muslim scholar of great renown, gifted with deep Islamic knowledge and
commitment.
Recognition is equally due to the World Assembly of Muslim Youth and to the Muslim
Students Association of the United States and Canada for their part in bringing this
project to fulfillment. We pray that Allah may continue to guide them, as well as all
other organizations and Islamic academic establishments dedicated to Islam, and
assist them in their work for the salvation of mankind.
Allah alone is our help! He alone is Witness of our commitment and Judge of our
deed!
Riyad, Dhu al Hijjah 1395
Hasan ibn`Abdullah Al al Shaykh
President, World Assembly of Muslim Youth
Minister of Higher Education Kingdom of Saudi Arabia
Foreword to the First Edition
Ever since man appeared on earth he has been anxious to penetrate the universe
and discover its laws and secrets. The more he came to know, the more he
wondered at its greatness, the weaker he appeared to himself and the less reason he
saw for vanity. The Prophet of Islam-may God's peace be upon him is very much like
the universe. From the very beginning, scholars worked hard to uncover various
aspects of his great humanity, to grasp the realization of the divine attributes in his
mind, character and wisdom. Certainly they achieved a fair measure of knowledge.
Much however has escaped them; and there still lies ahead a long and indeed infinite
road.
Prophethood is a gift which cannot be acquired. In His wisdom God grants it to
whosoever stands prepared for it and is capable of carrying it. He knows best when
and where it will be of most benefit. Muhammad-may God's peace and blessing be
upon him-was indeed prepared to carry the prophetic message unto all the races of
mankind. He was equipped to carry the message of the most perfect religion, to be
the final conclusion of prophethood, the unique light of guidance for ever and ever.
The infallibility of the prophets in the conveyance of their message and the
performance of their divine trust is a matter on which the scholars have agreed for a
long time. Once they are chosen for their task, the prophets' conveyance of their
message and their performance of the duties entrusted to them carry no reward.
Their work is a necessary consequence of such divine revelation. Like all men,
prophets are truly fallible; their distinction lies in that God does not leave them in
their error. He corrects them and often even blames them therefore.
Muhammad-may God's peace and blessing be upon him-was commanded to convey
a divine message. But he was not shown how to carry it out nor how to protect the
fruits of his work. It was left to him as any rational and sentient being to conduct his
affairs as his intelligence and wisdom might dictate. The revelation which he received
was absolutely precise and clear in all that concerns the essence, unity, attributes
and worship of God. But this was not the case as regards the social institutions of
family, village and city, the state in its relations with the said institutions and with
other states. There is hence wide scope for research on the Prophet's greatness
before his commission as prophet, as there is after his commission had taken place.
He became a messenger for his Lord, calling men unto Him, protecting the new faith
and guaranteeing the freedom and security of its preachers. He became the ruler of
the Ummah of Islam ['Ummah' is not translatable into English. It "is not merely the 'nation' of the English
language, nor 'la nation' of post-revolution France and European nationalism. It adds to the utilitarian, practical
connotation of the former, and the rationalistic idealistic meaning of the latter, the cosmological sense of being
the eternal reality in which 'nations' in the foregoing senses may come and go, and the religio-axiological sense
of being the real-existent substrate of divine will" (Faruqi, I. R., On Arabism, 'Urubah and Religion, Amsterdam:
Djambatan, 1962, p. 15). -Tr.],
its commander in war and teacher, the judge and organizer
of all its internal and foreign affairs. Throughout his career he established justice and
reconciled hopelessly disparate and hostile nations and groups. His wisdom,
farsightedness, perspicacity, presence of mind and resoluteness are evident in all
that he said or did. From him streams of knowledge have sprung and heights of
eloquence have arisen to which the great bend their heads in awe and wonder. He
departed from this world satisfied with his work, assured of God's pleasure and
crowned with the gratitude of men.
All these aspects of the Prophet's life deserve special study and research. It is not
possible for any one scholar to give them their due; nor to exhaust the meanings
inherent in any one of them.
Like that of any other great man, the biography of Muhammad-may God's blessing
be upon him and upon his house-has been expanded by many an imaginary story,
whether innocently or with ulterior motive, deliberately or accidentally. Unlike all
other biographies, however, a great portion of it has been included in the divine
revelation and has thus been preserved forever in the pure Qur'an. Another fair
portion has been safely preserved for us by trustworthy narrators. From these
unmistakable sources the biography of the Prophet should be constructed, and on
their basis its hidden meanings and complicated problems should be investigated,
and its moral established. Its constitutive materials should be subjected to objective
and scholarly analysis taking well into consideration the circumstances of time and
environment as well as the prevalent beliefs, institutions and customs.
In his book, The Life of Muhammad, Dr. Haykal gave us the biography of the
Prophet-may God's peace and blessings be upon him-which I have had the pleasure
of reading in part before printing. Dr. Haykal is well known to the Arabic reader; his
many books obviate the need for an introduction. He studied law and familiarized
himself with logic and philosophy. His personal circumstances and career enabled
him to study ancient as well as modern culture and to learn a great deal from both.
He lectured on and debated, attacked and defended many questions of belief, of
social organization and politics. The maturity of his mind is matched by the
perfection of his knowledge, and the wide range of his readings. He debates with
powerful, convincing arguments and he treats his subject with sound logic and a
style all his own. Such preparation stands behind Dr. Haykal's book. In his Preface,
Dr. Haykal wrote: "No one should think that research in the life of Muhammad is
completed with this work; and I am far from making any such claim. It is closer to
the truth for me to say that my work is really only the beginning of scientific
research in this field in Arabic. [See Preface to the First Edition] The reader might be
surprised if the strong resemblance of the modern scientific method to the call of
Muhammad is pointed out. The former demands that the investigator suspend his
own beliefs and refrain from prejudgment, to begin his investigation with observation
of the data, and then to proceed to experimentation, comparison, classification and
finally to conclusion based upon these objective steps. A conclusion thus arrived at is
scientific in that it is itself subject to further testing and critical analysis. It is reliable
only as long as further scientific investigations do not disprove any of the premises
on which it is based. True, the scientific method is the highest achievement of the
human race in its effort to liberate man's thought, but it is precisely the method of
Muhammad and the foundation of his call.
Dr. Haykal's new-method is truly Qur'anic. For he has made reason the judge, and
evidence the foundation, of knowledge. He has repudiated conservatism and
castigated the conservatives. Agreeing with the Qur'anic principle "opinion and
speculation are no substitute for true knowledge" (Qur'an, 53:28), Dr. Haykal has
chastised those who speculate without evidence; who regard the old purely for its
age, as sacred. He has imposed the teaching of the truth upon all those who have
the capacity to grasp it. "Muhammad-may God's peace and blessing be upon himhad only one irresistible miracle-the Qur'an. But it is not irrational. How eloquent is
the verse of al Busayri : `God did not try us with anything irrational. Thus, we fell
under neither doubt nor illusion.' "
As for Dr. Haykal's claim that this method is a modern method, that is rather
questionable. In holding such a claim, Dr. Haykal was reconciling the scholars who
are his would-be critics. He himself has acknowledged that this method was the
method of the Qur'an. It is also the method of Muslim scholars of the past. Consider
the books of kalam [Kalam is the discipline of Islamic thought. The English concept of "theology" is
inadequate because kaldrn includes logic, epistemology and metaphysics and is always presented as critical, not
dogmatic, thought. "Philosophy" is equally inadequate on account of the confusion its use might imply, namely,
the assumption that all there is to philosophical thought in Islam is the tradition which begins with al Kind! (d.
873 c.E.) and ends with ibn Rushd (d. 1198 c.E.). -Tr.];
Some of them insisted that the first duty
of the adult is to know God. Others held that the first incumbent duty is to doubt; for
there is no knowledge except by means of proof and argument. Although the process
of verification is a kind of deduction, the premises of such reasoning must be either
self evident, mediately or immediately given to sense, or dependent upon
unmistaken experimentation and generalization, following the rules of logic. The
slightest error in any premise or in the form of reasoning vitiates the whole proof.
Al Ghazzali, the great teacher, followed exactly the same method. In one of his
books, he reported that he had decided to strip his mind bare of all former opinions,
to think and to consider, to compare and to contrast, then to rethink all the proofs
and all the evidence step by step. After all this reconstruction he reached the
conclusion that Islam is true, and thus established a number of views and arguments
regarding its nature. He did all this in order to avoid conservatism, to achieve faith
with certitude, founded upon truth and argument. It is this kind of faith arising from
rational conviction which, all Muslims agree, cannot but be true and bring about
salvation.
The same method or deliberate repudiation of all creeds, as a preliminary to
investigation and scholarly study, is found in most books of kalam. Doubt is indeed
an old method; and so is experimentation and generalization. The latter is founded
upon observation; and it is not new with us at all. Neglected and forgotten in the
orient since it took to conservatism and irrationalism, this old method was taken up
by the West, purged clean, and used with great benefit to science and industry. We
are now taking it back from the West thinking that we are adopting a new method of
scientific research.
This method then is both old and new. However, to know a method is easy; to apply
it is difficult: Men do not differ much in their knowledge of a certain law; but they
stand widely apart in their application of it.
To suspend all prejudices, to observe, to experiment, to compare, to deduct and to
extrapolate are all easy words. But for man standing under an inheritance of heavy
biological and mental burdens, struggling against an oppressive environment of
home, village, school, city and country, suffering under the tremendous weight of
conditioning by temperament, health, disease and passion-how could it be easy for
him to apply the law? That is the question, whether in the past or in the present.
That is the reason for the proliferation of views and doctrines. That is the reason for
the movement and change of these views from country to country and people to
people. With every generation, philosophy and literature don new robes very much
like women do. Hardly any theory or principal stands beyond attack, and none is an
impregnable fortress. Change has even attacked the theories of knowledge which
were venerated during long ages. The theory of relativity brought a whirlwind to
accepted scientific principles. But soon, it too was put under attack. Likewise, the
theories of nourishment and disease, of their causes and cures, are undergoing
continual change. A closer look, therefore, will convince us that there is no security
for the productions of our minds unless they are supported by convincing proofs. But
what is the proportion of such secure productions of the mind to the long parade of
theories which are produced by fancy, projected by sick minds, imposed by politics,
or created by scientists who simply love to differ from their peers? This thought may
perhaps sober such men of knowledge and science who are too proud of reason and
depend on it alone. Such a thought may yet guide them one day toward the truth, to
take shelter under the absolute conviction which it provides, the conviction of true
revelation, of the holy Qur'an and the veritable Sunnah.[Sunnah means the example of the
Prophet as normative concretization of the principles of Islam. -Tr.]
Let us now turn to Dr. Haykal and his book. A number of mutakallimun[Mutakallimun are
those scholars who engage in kalam. -Tr.] have held that the knowledge which astronomy and
the dissection of the human body provide clearly points to the fact that divine
knowledge includes the most minute details of existence. I concur that the discovery
and establishment of the laws and secrets of nature will, besides helping the human
mind to penetrate what was incomprehensible before, finally support religion. In this
vein, God said, "We shall show them Our signs in the horizons as well as within
themselves, and We shall continue to do so until they realize that Our revelation is
the truth. Is it not sufficient that your Lord witnesses everything?" (Qur'an, 41:53).
The discovery of electricity and all the theories and inventions to which it has led has
made it possible for us to understand how matter may be transformed into energy
and energy into matter. Spiritualism has helped us to understand the transcendent
nature of the soul and shed light on the possibility of its separate existence, of its
capacity to travel through space and time. It has helped explain many matters on
which men differed in ignorance. Dr. Haykal has used this new knowledge in his
novel explanation of the story of Muhammad's Isra'.[Isra' refers to the night journey
Muhammad undertook from Makkah to Jerusalem-whence he ascended to heaven-and back.-Tr.]
To list the good points which Dr. Haykal has made in his book would take many long
pages. Suffice it then to point to these contributions in a general way. Undoubtedly,
the reader will realize the worth of this work and will learn much from Dr. Haykal's
well documented arguments, fine logic, and penetrating insight. The reader will
realize that Dr. Haykal's whole devotion has been to the truth alone, and that he has
approached his task with a heart replete with the light and guidance of the revelation
of Muhammad, as well as with great awe for the beauty, majesty, greatness, and
moral height of the life of Muhammad-may God's peace and blessing be upon him.
Dr. Haykal is fully convinced that this religion of Muhammad will surely deliver
mankind from doubt, from dark materialism, and will open their eyes to the light of
conviction, guide them to the divine light with which they will come to know God's
infinite mercy. Dr. Haykal is confident that men will thereby come sooner or later to
acknowledge the glory of God as heaven and earth already do, and praise the divine
might before which all beings become humble. Indeed, he writes: "Indeed, I would
even go further. I would assert that such a study may show the road to mankind as
a whole to the new civilization to which it is currently groping. If western
Christendom is too proud to find the new light in Islam and in its Prophet but
willingly accepts it from Indian theosophy and other religions of the Far East then it
devolves upon the Orientals themselves, Muslims, Jews or Christians, to undertake
this study in all objectivity and fairness in order to reach and establish the truth.
Islamic thought rests on a methodology that is scientific and modern as regards all
that relates man to nature. In this respect it is perfectly realistic. But it becomes
personalist the moment it leaves nature to consider the relationship of man to the
cosmos as a whole and to his creator." Dr. Haykal goes on to say that "the pioneer
fighters against this all-embracing paganism of modern times, however, are clearly
distinguishable under close observance of the current flow of events. Perhaps, these
pioneer forces will grow and become surer of themselves when scholarship has found
answers to these spiritual problems through the study of the life of Muhammad, of
his teachings, of his age, and of the spiritual world revolution which he incepted."
Dr. Haykal's firm conviction is corroborated by real events. What we have witnessed
today of the West's concern for the study of our heritage and the care with which
western scholars study the legacy of Islam, its various contents, its ancient and
modern history and peoples, of the fair treatment that some of them give to the
career of the Prophet-may God's peace and blessing be upon him-and finally, what
we know by experience of the necessary final victory of truth-all this leads to the
consideration that Islam will spread all over the world. In this process, the strongest
protagonists of Islam may well be its strongest enemies whereas its present alien
antagonists may be Islam's adherents and defenders. As in the early period the
strangers have supported Islam, strangers may yet help it achieve its final victory. It
is said that "Islam began as a stranger and will return as a stranger. God bless the
strangers!"
Since the Prophet-may God's peace and blessing be upon him-was the last of the
prophets, and the world is to have no prophet after him, and since, as the revealed
text has said, his religion is the most perfect, it is not possible that the status quo of
Islam will last. Its light must necessarily eclipse all other lights as the rays of the sun
eclipse those of the stars.
Dr. Haykal related the events of the Prophet's life closely to one another. His book
therefore presents a closely knit argument. In every case, he has elaborated strong
evidence and articulated it clearly and convincingly. His work is not only persuasive;
it is pleasant reading and it moves the reader to keep on reading to the very end.
Furthermore, the book contains many studies which do not properly belong to the
biography of the Prophet but are necessitated by the author's pursuit of questions
related thereto. Finally, let me conclude this prefatory note with the prayer of the
master of all men-may God's peace and blessing be upon him, his house, and his
followers: "God, I take shelter under the light of Your face before Whom darkness
became light, by Whose command this world and the next were firmly established.
Save me from Your wrath and displeasure. To You alone belongs the judgment,
harsh as it may be when You are not pleased. There is neither power nor strength
except in You."
15 February, 1935
Muhammad Mustafa al Maraghi
Grand Shaykh of al Azhar
Preface to the First Edition
Muhammad, God's peace and blessing be upon him! This noble name has been on
the lips of countless millions of men. For almost fourteen centuries, millions of hearts
have palpitated with deep emotion at the pronouncement of it. Many more millions of
people for a period as long as time, will pronounce it, and will be deeply moved
thereby. Every day, as soon as the black thread becomes distinguishable from the
white, the muezzin will call men to prayer. He will call them to the worship of God
and the invocation of blessing upon His Prophet, a task the fulfillment of which is
better for them than their sleep. Thousands and millions of men in every corner of
the globe will undoubtedly respond to the muezzin's call, springing to honor through
their prayers God's mercy and bounty, richly evidenced for them with the break of
every new day. At high noon, the muezzin will call again for the noon prayer; then at
mid-afternoon, at sunset, and after sunset. On each of these daily occasions Muslims
remember Muhammad, the servant of God and His Prophet, with all reverence and
piety. Even in between these prayers the Muslims never hear the name of
Muhammad but they hasten to praise God and His chosen one. Thus they have been,
and thus they will be until God vindicates His true religion and completes His bounty
to all.
Muhammad did not have to wait long for his religion to become known, or for his
dominion to spread. God has seen fit to complete the religion of Islam even before
his death. It was he who laid down the plans for the propagation of this religion. He
had sent to Chosroes, to Heraclius and other princes and kings of the world inviting
them to join the new faith. No more than a hundred and fifty years passed from then
until the flags of Islam were flying high between Spain in the west and India,
Turkestan and indeed China in the east. Thus by joining Islam, the territories of al
Sham[Al Sham or Diyar al Sham refers to the territories presently known as Lebanon, Syria, Palestine and
Jordan. -Tr.] Iraq, Persia, and Afghanistan have linked the Arabian Peninsula with the
kingdom of "the Son of Heaven."[Le., China. -Tr.] On the other hand, the Islamization of
Egypt, Burqah, Tunisia, Algeria and Morocco have linked the native land of
Muhammad-may God's peace and blessing be upon him-with Europe and Africa.
From that time until our day Islam remains supreme throughout all these territories.
It withdrew from Spain only under the attack of Christendom which inflicted upon the
people of Spain all kinds of suffering and persecution. As the people could not bear
these tragedies, some of them returned to Africa. Others under the threats of fear
and panic apostasized, withdrew from the religion of their ancestors, and entered
into that of the tyrants and conquerors.
What Islam had lost in Spain and in western Europe was regained when the
Ottomans conquered Constantinople and established the religion of Muhammad
therein. From there, Islam spread throughout the Balkans into Russia and Poland
and spread over territories many times wider than Spain. From the day of its initial
conquest until now, no religion has ever conquered Islam despite the fact that its
people have fallen under all kinds of tyrannies and unjust governments. Indeed,
reduction of their worldly power has made the Muslims more strongly attached to
their faith, to their Islamic way of life, and to their Islamic hope.
Islam and Christianity
The power with which Islam quickly spread brought it face to face with Christianity
and involved the two religions in a guerre a outrance. Muhammad vanquished
paganism and eliminated it from Arabia just as his early successors pursued it across
Persia, Afghanistan and a good portion of India and eliminated it from these
territories. Later on the successors of Muhammad conquered Christianity in Hirah,
Yaman, Syria, Egypt, and even in the capital of the Christian empire, Constantinople.
Was Christianity then to receive the same fate of extinction which befell paganism
despite the fact that Muhammad had praised it and confirmed the prophethood of its
founder? Were the Arabs, coming out of their arid desert peninsula, destined to
conquer the gardens of Spain, of Byzantium, and all Christendom? "No! Death rather
than such a fate!" Thus the fight continued for many centuries between the followers
of Jesus and the followers of Muhammad. The war was not limited to swords and
guns. It spread out to the fields of debate and controversy where the contenders
contended in the names of Muhammad and Jesus. No means were spared to sway
the community, to arouse the populace and to stir the passions of the people.
The Muslims and Jesus
Islam, however, prevented the Muslims from attacking the person of Jesus. It held
that Jesus was a servant of God endowed with scripture and appointed as prophet. It
also held that Jesus was always blessed; that he was enjoined as long as he lived to
hold prayer and to give zakat[Zakat means the sharing of one's legitimately earned wealth with the
community. It is not equivalent to charity because it is levied under penalty of law, has a definite ratio to wealth
and is, in Islam, institutionalized. It is not a "poor tax" because its uses are not limited to those of the poor but
extend to the general welfare of the community and state. -Tr.]; that his mother was innocent and
that he was neither unjust nor unfortunate. It asserted that Jesus was blessed on the
day of his birth, on the day of his future death as well as on the day of his
resurrection. Many Christians, on the other hand, have attacked the person of
Muhammad and attributed to him the most unbecoming epithets-thereby giving vent
to their resentment and sowing the seeds of hatred and hostility. Despite the
commonly held view that the Crusades have long been finished and forgotten,
fanatic Christian antagonism still continues to rage against Muhammad. The present
situation has not changed except perhaps for the worse. Moved by the same
fanaticism, the missionaries resort to immoral and depraved means in their struggle
against Islam. This fanaticism was never exclusive to the Church. It stirred and
inspired many writers and philosophers in Europe and America who are not related to
the Church.
CHRISTIAN FANATICS AND MUHAMMAD
One may wonder why Christian fanaticism against Islam continues to rage with such
power in an age which is claimed to be the age of light and science, of tolerance and
larger de coeur. This fanaticism is all the more surprising when one remembers that
the early Muslims were overjoyed at the news of the victory of Christianity over
Zoroastrianism, when the armies of Heraclius carried the day against those of
Chosroes. Persia had a dominant influence in South Arabia ever since the Persians
expelled the Abyssinians from Yaman. Chosroes had sent his army in 614 C.E. under
the command of his general named Shahrbaraz [In his book, Dr. Butler says that the name of
this general was Khuriam, that "Shahrbaraz," "Shahrbaraz" and "Shirawazayh" by which this general has been
known in other books are mistranscriptions of the Persian name "Shahr-Wazar," literally "the king's boar" and
signifying as a title "great courage." A figurative representation of this title appeared on the seal of ancient Persia
as well as of Armenia (The Arab Conquest, of Egypt, p. 53.)]
to conquer Byzantium. When their
armies met in Adhri'at and Busra, territories of al Sham close to Arabia, the Persians
inflicted upon the Byzantines heavy losses in lives and destroyed their cities and
orchards. The Arabs, especially the people of Makkah, used to follow the news of this
war with great anxiety. At the time, the two hostile powers were the greatest on
earth. The Arabs adjoined both powers and had territories which fell under the
suzerainty of both. The Makkan idolaters rejoiced at the defeat of the Christians and
celebrated the event. They regarded them as people with a scripture, very much like
the Muslims, and they even attempted to attribute their defeat to their religion. For
the Muslims, it was hard to believe the defeat of the Byzantines for the same reason,
namely that like them they were a people with scripture. Muhammad and his
companions especially hated to see the Zoroastrians victorious. This difference in the
views of the Muslims and the idolaters of Makkah led to open contention between the
two groups. The Muslims were ridiculed for holding such opinions. One of them was
so bold in his show of joy in front of Abu Bakr that the latter, known for his great
calm and friendliness, was prompted to say: "Don't take to joy too soon. The
Byzantines will avenge themselves." When the idolater rejoined, "This is a lie," Abu
Bakr became angry and said: "You are the liar, O Enemy of God: I wager ten camels
that the Byzantines will win against the Zoroastrians within the scope of a year."
When this came to the notice of Muhammad, he advised Abu Bakr to increase the
amount of the wager and to extend its term. Abu Bakr then raised the wager to one
hundred camels and extended the time to nine years. In 625 C.E. Heraclius was
victorious. He defeated Persia and wrenched from it the territory of Syria as well as
the cross of Christ. Abu Bakr won his wager and the prophesying of Muhammad was
confirmed in the following Qur'anic revelation: "The Byzantines have been defeated
in the land nearby. However, they shall win in a few years. To God belongs the
command before and after. Then will the believers rejoice at the victory which God
has sent. God, the Mighty and Merciful, gives His victory' to whomsoever He wishes.
He never fails in His promise. Most men however do not know." [Qur'an, 30:1-7]
The First Principles of the Two Religions
Muslim rejoicing at the victory of Heraclius and his Christian armies was great.
Despite the many controversies that had taken place between the followers of
Muhammad and those who believed in Jesus, their friendly and fraternal
relationships continued to be strong throughout the life of the Prophet. It was
otherwise with the relationships of Muslims and Jews. There had been an armistice
followed by alienation and war with consequences so disastrous and bloody that the
Jews had to be moved out of the Arabian Peninsula altogether. The Qur'an confirms
the bond of friendship between Muslims and Christians and denounces the enmity of
the Jews. It advises the Muslims, "You will find greater enmity to the believers
among those who are Jews and idolaters; but you will find greater friendliness
among those who say, `We are Christians.' For they, especially the monks and
priests among them, do not take to false pride."[Qur'an, 5:82]
Indeed Christianity and Islam entertain the same view of life and ethics. Their view
of mankind and of creation is one and the same. Both religions believe that God
created Adam and Eve, placed them in paradise and commanded them not to listen
to Satan, and that eating of the tree thereby caused them to be discharged. Both
religions believe that Satan is the enemy of mankind who, according to the Qur'an,
refused to prostrate himself to Adam when commanded to do so by God and,
according to Christian scripture, refused to honor the word of God. Satan whispered
to Eve and deceived her, and she in turn deceived Adam. They ate from the tree of
eternal life, discovered their nakedness, and then pleaded to God to forgive them.
God sent them to earth, their descendants enemies of one another, forever open to
the deception of Satan, some of them liable to fall under this deception and others
capable of resisting it to the end. In order to transcend man's war against this
deception, God sent Noah, Abraham, Moses, Jesus and the other prophets,
commissioning every one of them to convey in the tongue of his people a book which
confirms, elaborates, and makes evident the revelations received from his
predecessor-prophet. As Satan is assisted by his helpers among the evil spirits, the
angels praise the Lord and adore Him. Both the good and the evil powers therefore
compete to win mankind until the Day of Judgment when every soul will receive that
which it has earned and when everyone will be responsible for himself alone.
The Difference between Them
Not only has the Qur'an mentioned Jesus and Mary, but it has honored them and presented
them in such light that the readers cannot but feel this fraternal feeling towards Christianity
when they read its verses. It is all the more perplexing, therefore, that the Muslims and
Christians have continued to fight each other century after century. The confusion disappears
however, when we learn that Islam has differed from Christianity in many fundamental
matters which were subjects of strong controversy, without ever leading to hatred and
hostility. Christianity does not acknowledge the prophethood of Muhammad as Islam
acknowledges the prophethood of Jesus. Moreover, Christianity upholds trinitarianism whereas
Islam strongly rejects anything but the strictest monotheism. The Christians apotheosize Jesus
and, in their argument with Muslims, seek confirmation of his divinity in the Qur'anic assertion
that he spoke out in the cradle (19:29-34) and in the many miracles which he alone had been
favored by God to perform. During the early days of Islam, the Christians used to dispute with
the Muslims in the following vein: Doesn't the Qur'an itself, which was revealed to
Muhammad, confirm our view when it says:
"The angels said, `O Mary God announces to you His command that a son will be born to you
whose name shall be the Messiah, Jesus, Son of Mary, and who will be honored in this world
and in the next and be close to God. He will speak as a baby in the cradle and he will be
righteous throughout his long age.' Mary asked: `How can I have a son when no human has
touched me?' The angel answered: `Thus God creates whatever He wills. He commands a
thing to be and it is.' God will teach Jesus the scripture, wisdom, the Torah and the Evangel.
He will send him a prophet of Israel, and charge him with the conveyance of a new revelation
from God. He will confirm him by giving him the power to blow life into birds which he could
fashion out of clay, to give vision to the blind, to heal the leper, to resurrect the dead, and to
prophesy about what the Jews eat and what they hide in their houses-all with God's
permission-that the Jews may believe in him and thereby prove their faith."[Qur'an, 3:45-49]
The Qur'an then did declare that Jesus would resurrect the dead and give vision to the blind
and heal the leper, create birds out of clay and prophesy-all of which are divine prerogatives.
Such was the view of the Christians who, at the time of the Prophet, were disputing and
arguing with him that Jesus was a god besides God. Another group of them apotheosized Mary
on the grounds that she had been the recipient of God's command. The Christian adherents to
this view regarded Mary as a member of a trinity which included the Father, the Son and the
Holy Ghost [Christian scholars have invariably attacked Islam on the ground that it has missed the nature of
trinitarianism. They impute to the Qur'an and to Muhammad the charge of having misunderstood the trinity as consisting of
Father, Mary and Jesus. E.g., Gibb's statement that "the doctrine of the divine Sonship of Jesus is emphatically repudiated, in
terms which betray the crassly anthropomorphic form in which it had been presented or presented itself to the Arabs . . .
Mohammed had no direct knowledge of Christian doctrine" (Gibb, H. A. R., Mohammedanism, London: Oxford U. Press, 1954, p. 45). "A
more serious confusion occurs, however, when Mary, the mother of Jesus, is admitted to the Trinity in the place of the Holy
Spirit-Qur'an 5: 76-79, 116 (Donaldson, D. M., Studies in Muslim Ethics, London: S.P.C.K., 1953, p. 57). Like statements may be read in
Guillaume, A., Islam, Edinburgh, Penguin paperback, 1956, p. 52-53 ; Cragg, K., The Call of the Minaret, New York: Oxford University Press
paperback, 1964, p. 253; etc., etc. These charges are utterly groundless. The Qur'an certainly criticized and condemned
trinitarianism-as in 5:171; 5:73; etc. It has certainly criticized and condemned the doctrine of theotokos or "mother of God" as in 5:7579, 116. These are two distinct criticisms the Qur'an has directed at Christianity. But it has nowhere identified the persons of the
trinity as consisting of God, the Father; Jesus, the son; and Mary, the mother. The Qur'anic position is simply that whoever
and whatever the persons of the trinity may be, trinitarianism and theotokos are blasphemous compromises of divine
trancendence and unity. Combining the two Qur'anic condemnations, some exegetes had regarded "The Mother of God" as
part of "The Trinity." If this is a mistake, it belongs to those exegetes, not to the Qur'an. Even so, it is not necessarily a
mistake. The exegetes' works constitute evidence of the current tenets of faith of their contemporaries; and there is no apriori
evidence that some Near Eastern Christians have not identified the Trinity in these terms. Indeed, there is but one small step
from the Christian assertion that "the Logos took human nature to Himself in the womb of the Virgin Mary-that Godhead and
Manhood were united in the Incarnate logos in one Person," to use Cyril's words, to the assertion that "theotokos" implies the
unity of the mother with the embryo in her womb, and hence that the Incarnation creates a bond between mother & logos
separable only in theory. (See for further detail F. J. Foakes Jackson, The History of the Christian Church to C.E. .461,
London: George Allen & Unwin Ltd., 1st pub. 1891, rep. 1957, pp. 459 ff.) This need not be a mistake; indeed it is quite
probable that some Near Eastern Christians had held such a view, since in this, as well as in many other passages, the Qur'an
is simply reporting what is being heard.].
However, those who held that Jesus and his mother were
divine were but one of the many sects into which Christianity was divided in those days.
Debate of the Christians with the Prophet
The Christians of the Arabian Peninsula debated with Muhammad on the basis of
their diverse views. They argued that Jesus was God, that Jesus was the Son of God,
that Jesus was the third person of the trinity. The apotheosizers of Jesus had
recourse to the foregoing argument. Those who held the view that Jesus was the Son
of God argued that he had no known father, that he had spoken out in the cradle as
no other human had ever done. Those who held that he was the third person of the
trinity argued that God referred to Himself as "We" in His acts of creation, of
commanding and providing, and that this was evidence for His plurality-for otherwise
He would have referred to Himself as "I." Muhammad used to listen to all these
arguments and debate with them in kindness. He never showed in his debates the
hardness and severities which characterized his debates with the associationists[Arabic
mushrikun, those who associated other gods with God.] and the worshipers of idols. Rather, he
argued with them on the basis of revealed scripture and based himself on what could
be deduced there from. God said: "Blasphemous are those who claim that God is
Jesus, the son of Mary. Say, 'Who is capable of anything should God desire to
destroy Jesus, the son of Mary, as well as his mother and all that is on the face of
the earth? To Him alone belongs the dominion of heaven and earth and all that is in
between. He, the Omnipotent, creates what He wills.' Both Jews and Christians claim
that they are the sons of God and His favorite people. Say, 'Why does He then
punish you for your sins? Rather, you are all humans, on a par with all other men He
has created. God forgives whomsoever He wills and punishes whomsoever He wills?
[Qur'an, 5:17-18]. God said: "Blasphemous are those who claim that God is Jesus, the
son of Mary. Jesus said: '0 Children of Israel, worship God alone, your Lord and my
Lord. Whoever associates aught with God, God will exclude from paradise and punish
in hell. Such unjust people will have no helper.' Blasphemous are those who claim
that God is the third person of a trinity. There is no God other than God, the One.
Unless they stop this blasphemy, God will inflict upon them a painful punishment."
[Qur'an, 5:72-73] He, to Whom is the glory, also said: "God asked Jesus, son of Mary:
'Did you ask the people to take you and your mother as two gods beside God?' Jesus
answered: 'Praise be to You alone, I had not said but that which I was commanded
to say. You surely know whether I am guilty of such blasphemy, for You know all
that is in my thoughts, and I know none of what is in Yours. You alone are
omniscient. I did convey to them that which You commanded me to convey, namely,
that they ought to worship God alone, my Lord and their Lord. In their midst, I have
been a witness unto You throughout my life. And when You caused me to die,
knowledge of what they did was Yours for You are the witness of everything. If You
punish them, they are Your creatures and servants: if You choose to forgive them,
You are the Mighty and Wise.?[Qur'an, 5:116-118]
Christianity upholds the trinitarian view and claims that Jesus is the Son of God.
Islam, on the other hand, categorically denies that God could possibly have a son.
"Say," God commands Muhammad, "God is one. God is eternal. He has neither
progeny nor ancestry. He is absolutely without parallel."[Qur'an, 112:1-4] "It is not
possible for God-may He be praised-to take unto Himself a son." [Qur'an, 19:35] "Jesus
is to God as Adam was to Him, a creature made out of dust that had come to be at
God's command." [Qur'an, 3:59] Islam is monotheistic par excellence; the unity of God
it teaches is the most categorical, the clearest, the simplest, and therefore the
strongest. Whatever casts the slightest doubt upon the unity of God is strongly
rejected by Islam and declared blasphemous. "God does not forgive that He be
associated with anyone, but He will forgive anything lesser than that to whomsoever
He wills [Qur'an, 4:48]. Whatever connection Christianity may have had with ancient
religions as far as its trinitarian doctrine is concerned furnished no justification at all
in the eye of Muhammad. The truth is that God is one and unique, that He has no
associates, that He has neither progeny nor ancestry and that He is absolutely
without parallel. It is no wonder therefore that controversy arose between
Muhammad and the Christians of his time, that he debated with them in kindness,
and that revelation confirmed Muhammad with the foregoing Qur'anic corroborations.
The Question of Jesus' Crucifixion
Another problem in which Islam differed from Christianity and which aroused
controversy at the time of the Prophet is that of the crucifixion of Jesus as
atonement for the sins of mankind. The Qur'an clearly denies that the Jews had killed
or crucified the Messiah. It says: "As for the Jews' claim that they killed the Messiah,
Jesus, son of Mary, the Prophet of God, the truth is that they have not killed him, nor
have they crucified him, but that that appeared to them to be the case; whereas
those who contend concerning this matter have no certain knowledge at all but
merely conjecture. None of them is absolutely certain that they killed Jesus. Rather,
God the Mighty and Wise raised Jesus unto Himself." [Qur'an, 4:157-158]
Despite the fact that the idea of the Messiah's sacrifice and his atonement for the
sins of mankind with his own blood is undoubtedly beautiful and the writings it had
inspired are worthy of poetical, moral, and psychological analysis, Islam founded
itself upon the principle that moral guilt is non-transferable and that on the Day of
Judgment justice shall be meted out to each according to his due. This fact rules out
any logical rapprochement between the two doctrines. The logique of Islam is so
precise on this matter and so clear and distinct that the difference between it and
Christianity cannot be composed. The doctrine of sacrificial atonement runs
diametrically counter to that of personal justice. "No father may bear the guilt of his
son, and no son may earn anything for his father." [Qur'an, 31:33]
Byzantines and Muslims
Did any Christians at the time consider this new religion and ponder the possibility of
harmonizing its "unization" [Arabic tawhid, the Islamic doctrine of divine unity. The English
"monotheism" is not specific enough and is applied to Christianity precisely where Islam would charge its
inapplicability. Hence, our new term. -Tr.] of God and their revelation of Jesus? Indeed! And
many of them joined it as a result. The Byzantines, however, whose victory the
Muslims had celebrated and regarded as the victory of the scriptural religions, did
not take the trouble to investigate this new religion. Rather, they looked at it from a
political angle, and worried about their dominion should the new religion carry the
day. They therefore began to attack it and its people and sent an army of a hundred
thousand soldiers (or of two hundred thousand according to another report) against
it. This led to the conquest of Tabuk by the Muslims and the retreat of the Byzantines
in front of the army which rallied around Muhammad to repulse the aggression with
such power and determination as it deserved.
Ever since then, Muslims and Christians have followed a poll of hostility towards each
other; for many centuries victory was on the side of the Muslims, enabling them to
extend their empire from Spain in the west to India and China in the east. Most of
the inhabitants of this empire joined the new faith and adopted its Arabic language.
When history came full cycle, the Christians forced the Muslims from Spain, launched
the Crusades against them, and began to attack their religion and Prophet with
falsehoods, lies, and forgeries. In their prejudice, they forgot the great respect and
honor accorded to Jesus-may God's blessing be upon him-by Muhammad-may God's
blessing be upon him-as the tradition has reported and the Qur'an, the revelation to
Muhammad, has stated.
Christian Scholars and Muhammad
In presenting the views Christian scholars had of Muhammad during the first half of
the nineteenth century, the French Encyclopedie Larousse stated: "Muhammad
remained in his moral corruption and debauchery a camel thief, a cardinal who failed
to reach the throne of the papacy and win it for himself. He therefore invented a new
religion with which to avenge himself against his colleagues. Many fanciful and
immoral tales dominated his mind and conduct. The Life of Muhammad by Bahomet
is an example of this kind of literature. Other books on Muhammad, such as those
published by Renault and Frangois Michel in 1831, illustrate the idea of Muhammad
prevalent in the Middle Ages. In the seventeenth century, Peel looked at the Qur'an
from a historian's point of view. But he refused to divulge his conclusions to his
readers though he acknowledged that the ethical and social system of Muhammad
does not differ from the Christian system except in the theory of punishment and
polygamy."
Emil Dermenghem, the French writer, was one of the few Orientalists who
investigated the life of Muhammad with some objectivity. Quoting some of the
writings of his colleagues, he wrote: "After the war between Islam and Christianity
had been going on for centuries, the misunderstanding naturally increased and we
are forced to admit the most serious ones were on the side of the Occidentals.
Numerous were the Byzantine polemists who covered Islam with their contempt
without taking the trouble to study it (with perhaps the exception of St. John of
Damascus), as well as the writers and minstrels who fought the Saracens with only
ridiculous calumnies. They portrayed Mahomet as a camel-thief, a rake, sorcerer, a
brigand chief, and even as a Roman cardinal furious at not having been elected pope
. . . they showed him as a false god to whom the faithful made human sacrifices.
"The worthy Gilbert de Nogent himself tells us that he (Muhammad) died through
excessive drunkenness and that his corpse was eaten by pigs on a dunghill,
explaining why the flesh of this animal and wine are prohibited . . . .
"The opposition of the two religions had not, in the main, any more serious
foundations than the affirmations of heroic songs portraying Mahomet, the
iconoclast, as a golden-idol, and Mussulman mosques as pantheons filled with
images! The Song of Antioch describes, as if the author had seen it, a massive idol,
Mahom, in gold and silver enthroned on the mosaic seat of an elephant. The Song o f
Roland, which shows Charlemagne's horsemen throwing down Mussulman idols, tells
us that the Saracens worshiped a Trinity composed of Termagant, Mahom and
Apollo. The Roman de Mahomet asserts the Islam permitted polyandry . . . .
"Hate and prejudice were tenacious of life. From the time of Rudolph de Ludheim
(620) until the present, Nicholas de Cuse, Vives, Maracci, Hottinger, Bibliander,
Prideaux, etc. present Mohamet as an impostor, Islam as the cluster of all the
heresies and the work of the devil, the Mussulmans as brutes, and the Koran as a
tissue of absurdities. They declined to treat such a ridiculous subject seriously.
However, Pierre le Venerable, author of the first Occidental treatise against Islam,
made a Latin translation of the Koran in the twelfth century. Innocent III once called
Mahomet Antichrist, while in the Middle Ages he was nearly always merely looked
upon as a heretic. Raymond Lull in the fourteenth century, Guillaume Postel in the
sixteenth, Roland and Gagnier in the eighteenth, the Abbe de Broglie and Renan in
the nineteenth give rather varied opinions. Voltaire, afterwards, amended in several
places the hasty judgment expressed in his famous tragedy. Montesquieu, like Pascal
and Malebranche, committed serious blunders on the religion, but his views of the
manners and customs of the Mussulmans are well-considered and often reasonable.
Le Comte de Boulainvilliers, Scholl, Caussin de Perceval, Dozy, Sprenger,
Barthelemy, Saint-Hilaire de Castries, Carlyle, etc., are generally favorable to Islam
and its Prophet and sometimes vindicate him. In 1876 Doughty nonetheless called
Mahomet `a dirty and perfidious nomad,' while in 1822 Foster declared that
`Mahomet was Daniel's little goat's horn while the Pope was the large one.' Islam
still has many ardent detractors." [Emil Dermenghem, The Life of Mahomet, translated by Arabella
Yorke, New York: The Dial Press, 1930, pp. 119--121.]
What a nether world of degradation have the writers of the West sunk to! What
chronic, centuries-old obstinacy to go astray and to stir hatred and hostility between
men! Many of the afore-mentioned men belonged to the Age of Enlightenment, the
century of science, of free thought and research, and of the establishment of
brotherhood between man and man. Perhaps the gravity of this unfortunate
chronicle is somewhat attenuated by the fact that a number of objective scholars,
mentioned by Dermenghem, have accepted the truthfulness of Muhammad's faith in
the message which God had revealed to him, have commended the spiritual and
moral greatness of Muhammad, his nobility and virtue, or have written about all
these matters in literary and eloquent style. On the whole, however, the West
continued to attack Islam and its prophet in the harshest possible terms. Indeed,
western impertinence has gone so far as to spread Christian missionaries throughout
the Muslim World, to urge them to dig their claws into its body, to dissuade the
Muslims from their religion and to convert them to Christianity.
The Cause of Hostility between Islam and Christianity
We must search for the cause of this stormy hostility and fierce war which
Christianity has been waging against Islam. We believe that western ignorance of the
truth of Islam and of the life of its Prophet constitutes the first cause of this hostility.
Without a doubt, ignorance is one of the most chronic causes of lethargy,
conservatism and prejudice; and it is the most difficult to correct.
Ignorance and Fanaticism
This ignorance is centuries old. Over the years it has set up in the souls of
generations idols of its own whose destruction will require a spiritual strength as
great as that which characterized Islam when it first made its appearance. However,
it is our opinion that there is yet another cause behind this fanaticism of the West
and the terrible war it has waged and still wages against the Muslims, century after
century. We are not here referring to political ambitions, or to the will of states to
subjugate people for the purpose of exploiting them. In our opinion this is the result
and not the cause of the fanaticism which goes beyond science and all its researches.
Christianity Does Not Accord with the Nature of Western Man
This deeper lying cause, we think, is the fact that Christianity-with its call for
asceticism, other-worldliness, forgiveness, and the high personalist values-does not
accord with the nature of western man whose religious life had for thousands of
years been determined by polytheism and whose geographic position had imposed
upon him the struggle against extreme cold and inclement nature. When historical
circumstances brought about his Christianization, it was necessary for him to
interpret it as a religion of struggle and to alter its tolerant and gentle nature.
Thereby western man spoiled the spiritual sequence, completed by Islam, in which
Christianity stood as a link in the chain. This spiritual continuum reconciles the
claims of the body with those of the spirit; it synthesizes in harmony emotion and
reason. It is a system which integrates the individual, indeed mankind, as a natural
part of the cosmos and co-existent with it in its infinity of space and time. In our
view, this spoiling is the cause of the fanaticism of the West vis- is Islam and the
cause of an attitude which Christian Abyssinia found beneath its dignity to adopt
when the Muslims sought its protection at the beginning of the Prophet's career.
It is with reference to this cause that we can explain the exaggerated religiosity of
western man as well as his extremist irreligiosity. For here too western fanatacism
and hostility know neither tolerance nor temperance. Admittedly, history has known
many saints among western men who in their lives have followed the example of
Jesus and his disciples. But it cannot be denied that this same history affirms the life
of the western people to be one of struggle, power, antagonism, and bloody war in
the name of politics or religion. Nor can it be denied that the popes of the Church as
well as the secular rulers have always engaged one another in strife: that one or the
other was one day conqueror and the other vanquished. As secular power emerged
victorious in the nineteenth century, it sought to stamp out the life of the spirit in the
name of science, claiming that the latter should replace religious faith in human
spirituality. Nowadays, after a long struggle, the West has come to realize its error
and the impossibility of what it sought to achieve. Voices are now being heard from
all sides demanding to regain the lost spirituality by looking for it in the new
theosophic and other schools." [Theosophy is a doctrine founded by Madame Plawatzki, of the U.S.A.,
and derived from the religions of India, from Buddhism and Brahmanism especially. It is also called "religion of
wisdom." A society embracing this new faith was founded in America and Madame Plawatzki has been its
president. Branches of this society have arisen in many European countries. As soon as the founder passed away,
the Theosophic Society divided into three main groups. However, they all believe in the unity of being and of life
and observe a kind of Sufi discipline aimed at reaching Nirvana of Buddhism. Such a state is reached only when
the subject achieves, by means of discipline and exercise, a total separation of the spirit from the concerns of
material life and when the soul rises to such heights of holiness and purity that it joins the spirits on high.
Theosophy also calls for universal fraternity among mankind, an order in which race, language and all other
impediments would dissolve away.] Had Christianity accorded with the instinct of strife which
among westerners is the law of life, they would have realized the bankruptcy of
materialism to furnish them with the needed spiritual power. They then would have
returned to the noble Christian religion of Jesus, son of Mary, unless God were to
guide them toward Islam. They would not have needed to emigrate to India and
other places to obtain a necessary spiritual life. Such spirituality is of the essence of
the religion of Jesus, indeed its very nature and being.
Colonialism and Christian Mission against Islam
Western colonialism helped the West to continue its war against Islam and
Muhammad. It encouraged the West to proclaim that Islam is the cause of the
decadence of its adherents and their subjugation by others. Many western scholars
still subscribe to this claim unaware that by doing so they cede the point to the
Makkans who proclaimed thirteen centuries ago that Christianity is responsible for
the shameful defeat of Heraclius and Byzantium by Persia, as well as to anyone who
wishes to make use of the argument to explain Christendom's retreat under the
blows of the Muslims. One fact alone is sufficient to refute such an obvious piece of
falsehood. That is the fact that the civilization of Islam was dominant in, and its
people sovereign over, the whole known world for many centuries; that in the
Muslim world arose greater men of science and knowledge who lived and worked in
an atmosphere of freedom which the West was not to know until very recently. If it
were at all possible to attribute to a religion the decay of its adherents, no such
imputation is possible in the case of Islam which aroused the Bedouins of the Arabian
Peninsula and enabled them to dominate the world.
Islam and the Present State of the Islamic Peoples
Those who impute to Islam responsibility for the decay of the Islamic peoples are
partially right in the fact that there was added to the religion of God much which
neither God nor Hip Prophet would have approved of. Such additions soon became
integral to the religion, and whoever denied them was declared a heretic. Apart from
the doctrine itself, let us take a close look at the biography of the Prophet of Islammay God's blessing be upon him. Most of his biographies have narrated stories which
no reason would accept and which no confirmation of Muhammad's prophethood
needed. It was from such additions that the western Orientalists and critics of Islam,
of its Prophet and of the Muslim peoples, drew their conclusions and formed their
unjust and revolting attacks. After basing themselves on these incoherent
assumptions, they launched further attacks and claimed for what they wrote the
status of modern scientific research. The scientific method demands that events,
people, and heroes be presented objectively, that the author's judgment be given
only in light of the given evidence. The writings of these authors, however, were
dictated by their passion for controversy and vituperation. They were aptly cast in
expressions which deluded their co-religionists into believing that they were
scientific, and that they were made in seeking after truth alone. Nonetheless, God
did grant His peace to a number of contented souls, for among them there were men
of letters, men of science, and other free thinkers who came closer to justice and
fairness.
Conservatism and ljtihad [One of the sources of Islamic law. Creative interpretation of the principles and
precepts of Islam. -Tr.] among the Muslims
A number of 'ulama'[According to Webster, where it is spelled "ulema," "a body of scholars trained in
Moslem religion and law," or "sometimes, erroneously, a Moslem learned man or theologian." -Tr.] in
different circumstances responded to the claims of these western fanatics. The name
of Muhammad 'Abduh shines most in this regard. But they have not observed the
scientific method which the European writers and historians claim to have observed.
Their argument would not have the same power as that of their opponents.
Moreover, the same Muslim scholars-Muhammad 'Abduh above all others-were
accused of heresy and blasphemy-a fact which weakened their argument before the
opponents of Islam. Such accusations as were directed at them left deep impressions
in the hearts of educated Muslim youths. These young men felt that for a group of
Muslim 'ulama' adjudication by reason and logic amounts to heresy, that heresy is
the twin of ijtihad, and that iman[Rational conviction of religious truth, possibly only as a category of
critical natural theology such as Islam provides. Colloquially convertible with "faith." -Tr.] is the twin of
conservatism. Hence their minds panicked, and they rushed to the books of the West
seeking to learn the truth which they believed was not to be found in the books of
Muslim authors. They did not at all consider the books of Christianity and of Christian
history. Instead, they turned to the books of philosophy to quench their burning
thirst for the truth. In western logic and scientific method they sought the light with
which to illuminate their human souls, and the means by which to communicate with
the universe. In the western products of pure philosophy, literature, and allied fields,
these men found many great ideas by which they were deeply impressed. The
methods of their presentation, the precision of their logic and their authors'
candidness in the search for the truth added all the mole to their attractiveness. That
is why our youths' thinking was drawn away from all the religions in general and
from the methods of Islam and its carriers in particular. They were anxious not to
stir a war with conservatism which they were not confident they could win, and they
did not realize that spiritual intercourse with the universe is the necessary requisite
of any human realization of perfection, of that moral power which is strong enough
to withstand the storms.
Western Science and Literature
Our young men were thus drawn away from serious confrontation with the Islamic
message and its carriers. In this they were encouraged by what they observed of.
positive science and positivist philosophy, ruling for them that religious questions are
not subject to logic, that they do not fall within the realm of scientific thinking, and
that the metaphysical assumptions implied in those questions fall outside the realm
of the scientific method. Our men have also observed the clear separation of state
and church in the western countries. They learned that despite the fact that the
constitutions of these countries prescribe that their kings are the protectors of
Protestantism or Catholicism, or that the official religion of the state is Christianity,
the Western states do not mean any more than to subscribe to the public observance
of the feasts and other occasions of the Christian calendar. Hence they were
encouraged to enter into this line of scientific thinking and to derive therefrom, as
well as from the related philosophy, literature and art, all the inspiration possible.
When the time came to transfer their attention from study to practical life, their
occupations pulled them away further from those problems which they could not
solve even at the time of their study. Their minds, therefore, continued to run in
their original courses. They looked at conservatism with contempt and pity and drew
their nourishment from the lifeline of western thought and philosophy. Remembering
this lifeline as the source from which they obtained their nourishment in their youth,
they continued to find therein their intellectual pleasure; their admiration for it was
always growing.
Nevertheless, the Orient stands today in great need of learning from western
thought, literature and art. The present of the Orient is separated from its past by
centuries of lethargy and conservatism which have locked its old healthy mind in
ignorance and suspicion of anything new. Anyone who seeks to dissolve this thick
curtain must needs be assisted by the most modern thinking in the world if he is to
forge anew the link between the live present and the great legacy of the past.
Efforts of Islamic Reform
It is undeniable that we must acknowledge the worthy western achievements in
Islamic and Oriental studies. These have prepared the road for Muslims as well as
Orientals to enter these fields of research with greater promise than was open to
their western colleagues. The Muslims and Orientals are naturally closer to the spirit
of Islam and the Orient which they are seeking to penetrate. As long as the new
leadership in this field has come from the West, it is the Muslim's and Oriental's duty
to look into the products of the West, to correct their mistakes, and to give to the
discipline the proper orientation which will re-establish the unity of the old and the
new. This should not be done merely on paper, for it is a living legacy, spiritual and
mental, which the heirs ought to represent to themselves, to add thereto, and to
illumine with their own vision and understanding of the central realities.
Many of our young men have succeeded in their undertaking of scientific researches
on these lines. The Orientalists have often appreciated their work and complimented
them on their contributions to scholarship.
Western Missionaries and Muslim Conservatives
Scientific cooperation in Islamic between Muslim and Oriental scholars on one hand,
and western scholars on the others, is worthy of great promise. Although it has just
begun to make progress, we yet notice that the Christian missionaries continue their
attacks against Islam and Muhammad with the same ferocity as their predecessors
to whom we have alluded earlier. In this they are encouraged and supported by the
western colonialist powers in the name of freedom of opinion. These very
missionaries were themselves thrown out of their countries by their own
governments because they were not trusted by them to implant true faith in the
hearts of their own co-religionists at home[Dr. Haykal is here referring to France's expulsion of the
Jesuit, Dominican, Franciscan, and other missionary orders. -Tr.]. .Moreover this colonialism assists
the leaders of conservatism among the Muslims. Colonialism in fact has brought
about a coalescence of the two tendencies; on the one hand it confirms the infusion
of Islam with that which is not Islamic, such as the irrational and unrefined
superstitions added to the life of the Prophet; on the other hand, it confirms the
antagonists of Islam in their attacks against these forgeries.
The Idea and Plan of This Book
The circumstances of my life have enabled me to observe all these maneuvers in the
various countries of the Islamic East, indeed throughout the Muslim World, and to
discover their final purpose. The objective of colonialism is to destroy in these
countries the freedom of opinion, the freedom to seek the truth. I have come to feel
that I stand under the duty to foil these maneuvers and spoil their purpose, for they
are certainly harmful to the whole of mankind, not only to Islam and the Orient.
What greater damage could befall humanity than to have its greater half, the half
which has throughout history been the carrier of civilization, to wallow in sterility and
conservatism? It was this consideration which led me at the end of the road of life to
the study of the life of Muhammad, the carrier of the message of Islam and the
target of Christian attacks on one side and of Muslim conservatives on the other. But
I have resolved that this will be a scientific study, developed on the western modern
method, and written for the sake of truth alone.
I began to study the history of Muhammad and to look more closely into the Sirah of
Ibn Hisham, the Tabaqat of Ibn Sa'd, the Maghazi of Waqidi, and the Spirit of Islam
of Sayyid Ameer Ali. Then I took care to study what some orientalists have written
on the subject such as the work of Dermenghem, and also that of Washington Irving.
The winter of 1932 at Luxor provided me with the occasion to begin my writing. At
that time I was quite hesitant to publish my thoughts because I feared the storm
which the conservatives and their followers who believe in superstitions might raise.
But I was encouraged by a number of professors in the Islamic institutions of
learning, many of whom took such care in studying my writing and making pertinent
observations on it that I resolved to follow my scientific treatment of the life of
Muhammad to a conclusion. It was the encouragement of these men that stirred me
to search for the best means by which to analyze the biography of the Prophet.
The Qur'an as the Most Reliable Source
I discovered that the most reliable source of information for the biography of
Muhammad is the Holy Qur'an. It contains a reference to every event in the life of
the Arab Prophet which can serve the investigator as a standard norm and as a
guiding light in his analysis of the reports of the various biographies and of the
Sunnah. As I sought to understand all the Qur'anic references to the life of the
Prophet, Professor Ahmad Lutfi al Sayyid, of Dar al Kutub al Misriyyah, offered me
great assistance by letting me use a topically arranged collection of all the verses of
the Qur'an. While analyzing these verses, I began to realize that it was necessary to
discover the causes and occasions of their revelation. I acknowledge that despite all
the effort I put in that direction I was not always successful. The books of exegesis
sometimes refer to these relations but often overlook them. A1 Wahidi's Asbab al
Nuzul, and Ibn Salamah's al Nasikh Wa al Mansukh treat this matter very precisely
but, unfortunately, very briefly. In these as well as other books of exegesis, I
discovered many facts which helped me in my analysis of the claims various
biographies have made as well as the many other facts worthy of being considered
and investigated by all scholars of the Qur'an and Sunnah.
Candid Advice
As my research progressed I found candid advice coming to me from all directions,
especially from the professors of Islam and the learned men of religion. Dar al Kutub
al Misriyyah and its officers were responsible for the greatest assistance. No
expression of appreciation of their work is adequate. Suffice it here to mention that,
encouraged by his director and other senior officers, Professor 'Abd al Rahim
Mahmud, Editor in the Division of Literature, used often to save me from great
trouble by borrowing for me all the needed books. Whenever I did manage to go to
Dar al Kutub, all the employees were delightfully ready to assist me in my search.
Some of these men were personally known to me and others were not. I referred
many a question which was opaque or presented difficulties to those of my friends
whom I knew would shed some light thereon; and more often than not the confusion
or opaqueness was cleared. This was many times the case with the Grand Shaykh
Muhammad Mustafa al Maraghi, along with my expert friend, Ja'far Pasha Waliy, who
lent me several of his books, such as the Sahih of Muslim and the histories of
Makkah, and who guided me in many problems. Makram 'Ubayd Pasha, another
friend of mine, lent me Sir William Muir's The life of Muhammad and Father
Lammens's Islam. This valuable assistance is all in addition to that which I found in
the writings of the contemporary authors such as Fajr al Islam by Ahmad Amin,
Qisas al Anbiya by 'Abd al Wahhab al Najjar, Fi al Adab al Jahili by Taha Husayn, The
Jews in Arabia by Israel Wolfenson, and many other contemporary works mentioned
in my list of old and new references used in the preparation of this book.
As I progressed in my research more and more complicated problems emerged
which overtaxed my powers. Throughout, the biographies of Muhammad and the
books of exegeses as well as the works of the orientalists have, assisted me in
achieving a measure of certainty of purpose. I found myself compelled to limit my
investigation to the events in the life of Muhammad and to refrain from tackling a
number of side issues connected there-with. Had I allowed myself to indulge in the
discussion of all these problems, I would have needed to write many volumes of this
size or larger. Let me mention in passing that Caussin de Perceval wrote three
volumes under the title Study in Arab History, of which he devoted the first two to
the history and life of the Arab tribes and the third to the history of Muhammad and
his first two successors, Abu Bakr and 'Umar. Likewise, the Tabaqat of Ibn Sa'd
devoted one of its many volumes to the life of Muhammad and all the others to the
lives of his companions. My purpose in this work has never gone beyond the
investigation of the life of Muhammad itself; therefore, I did not allow myself the
liberty to investigate the other problems involved.
Restriction to the Life of Muhammad
Another consideration restricted me to the frontiers of the life of Muhammad-the
greatness, majesty, and brilliance which make his life unique among all others. How
great was Abfi Bakr ! And how great was 'Umar! Each was a great sun eclipsing all
others around him. How great, too, were the first Muslims, the companions of
Muhammad, who are remembered from generation to generation with the greatest
pride. All these men, however, stood beneath Muhammad, reflecting his light and his
glory. It is not easy therefore for the investigator to restrict himself to the life of
Muhammad alone. This is all the more so if the investigation is to follow the modern
scientific method, and thereby present the greatness of that life with all its strength
and moving appeal in a manner which both Muslims and non-Muslims may accept
and admire.
If we were to disregard those foolish fanatics, such as the missionaries and their like,
whose purpose never goes beyond vituperation of Muhammad, we could still find a
clear and distinct respect for greatness in the life of Muhammad in the works of the
western orientalists. In his On Heroes and Hero Worship, Thomas Carlyle devoted a
chapter to Muhammad in which he described the revelation of Muhammad as issuing
from a spark that is divine and holy. He understood Muhammad's greatness and
portrayed it in its whole strength. Likewise, Muir, Irving, Sprenger, and Weil, among
other orientalists, eloquently described the greatness of Muhammad. A lack of vision,
penetration, and critical skill prevented some of them from regarding one point or
another of Muhammad's life as other than blameworthy. It is probable that they had
relied in their investigation on unreliable biographies and books of exegesis of the
Prophet, forgetting that the earliest biography was not written down until two
centuries after Muhammad's death, and that during this time a great number of
Israelitisms and other forgeries were forced into his biography and into his
teachings. Generally, western orientalists acknowledge this fact even though they
attribute to the Prophet materials which the least investigation would reject as
superfluous. The cases of the goddesses of Makkah, of Zayd and Zaynab, of the
wives of the Prophet, constitute examples of such superfluous materials as I have
had the occasion to investigate in this book.
This Book as Mere Beginning of Research
No one should think that research in the life of Muhammad is completed with this
work. It is closer to the truth for me to say that my work is really only the beginning
of scientific research in this field in Arabic and that all my efforts in this regard do
not make my work any more than a mere beginning in the scientific as well as
Islamic undertaking of this grave subject. As many scholars have devoted all their
energies to the study of one period of history, even as Aulard has specialized in the
study of the French Revolution, some scholars and historians ought to devote
themselves to the study of the Age of Muhammad. The life of Muhammad is certainly
worthy of being studied in a scientific and academic manner by more than one
specialist or by more than one competent scholar. I have no doubt that any efforts
spent on such scientific study of this brief period in the history of Arabia and on
investigating the relations of Arabia to other countries during that age will prove
beneficial to mankind as a whole, not merely to Islam or the Muslims. Such a study
will clear many psychological and spiritual problems and prepare them for scholarly
research. It will shed great light on the social moral and legislative life of Arabia and
thus illuminate areas which so far science has been unable to penetrate on account
of the religious conflict between Islam and Christianity. Such a study would dissipate
the futile attempt at westernizing the Orientals or Christianizing the Muslims in a way
that history has proven to be impossible and harmful to the relations of the various
parts of mankind with one another.
Universal Benefits of the Study
Indeed, I would even go further. I would assert that such a study may show the road
to mankind as a whole to the new civilization to which it is currently groping. If
western Christendom is too proud to find the new light in Islam and in its Prophet
but willingly accepts it from Indian theosophy and other religions of the Far East,
then it devolves upon the Orientals themselves, Muslims, Jews or Christians, to
undertake this study in all objectivity and fairness in order to reach and establish the
truth. Islamic thought rests on a methodology that is scientific and modern as
regards all that relates man to nature. In this respect it is perfectly realistic. But it
becomes personalist the moment it leaves nature to consider the relationship of man
to the cosmos as a whole and to his creator. Moreover, in the psychological and
spiritual fields Islamic thought made contributions which science has not yet been
able either to confirm or to deny. Although science may not regard these discoveries
as facts in the scientific sense of the terms, they still remain the constituents of
man's happiness and the determinants of his conduct in the world. What then is life?
And what is man's relation to this world? How shall we explain his concern for life?
What is the common faith which inspires human groups and by which their morale is
raised to high pitch or dissolved? What is being? And what is the unity of being?
What is the place of man in this being and in its unity? These are problems of
metaphysics and a whole literature has arisen around them. Answers far nearer
human understanding and implementation than are usually found in the literature of
metaphysics are found in the life of Muhammad and his teachings. Ever since the
`Abbasi period, Muslim thinkers have spent centuries looking for metaphysical
answers. Likewise western thinkers have spent three centuries, from the sixteenth
through the nineteenth, to lead the West to modern science in the same manner as
the Muslims have done in the past. Once more, science stands today as it stood in
the past as failing to realize human happiness on earth. Such happiness is impossible
to realize unless we resume research for a correct understanding of the personal
relationship of man to the cosmos and to the creator of the cosmos, and unless such
understanding is sought on the basis of a divine unity, which is eternal and
immutable, and with regard to space and time in relation to our short life. The life of
Muhammad provides us with the best example of personalist communion with being
as well as the best materials for a scientific study of this relationship. The same
materials may equally be the object of practical study for those who are endowed
therefore but naturally removed from achieving such communion with God as the
Prophet had achieved. It is most likely that the scientific study, and the practical
study, if felicitously undertaken, may yet shake our world loose from the paganism
into which it has fallen in spite of its religious creeds and scientific doctrines. It may
yet save the world from its present monolatry of wealth that has made all science,
art, and ethics its servants and conscripted all man's powers to do its bidding and
sing its praises. Such hopes may still be far from realization. However, the beginning
of the end of this all-embracing paganism of modern times is clearly distinguishable
under close observance of the current flow of events. Perhaps, these humble
beginnings will grow and become surer of themselves when scholarship has found
answers to these spiritual problems through the study of the life of Muhammad, of
his teachings, of his age, and of the spiritual world revolution which he incepted.
Should such scientific and scholarly research uncover for man his stronger bonds
with the higher reality of the world, it would have then provided the new civilization
with its first foundation.
As I said already, this book is only a mere beginning on this road. It will prove
sufficient reward for me if it should succeed in convincing the reader of the validity of
its assertions, and the scholars and researchers of the need for dedication and
specialization if the final end of the study is to be reached. God will surely reward the
good doers.
Muhammad Husayn Haykal
Preface to the Second Edition
The speed with which the first edition of this work was exhausted has exceeded all
expectations. Ten thousand copies were printed of which one-third were sold before
the book came off the press. The remaining copies were sold during the first three
months following its publication. If this is any indication, the reader must have been
quite interested in its contents. A second printing, therefore, is as imperative as the
reconsideration of those contents.
An Observation
Without a doubt, the title of the book attracted the reader most. The attraction may
also have been due to the method with which the subject was treated. Whatever the
reason, the thought of a second edition has occasioned the question of whether or
not I should allow the book to be reprinted without change or have it corrected,
considering that a need for correction, clarification, or addition has in the meantime
seemed to me evident. Some, whose counsel I certainly value, have advised me to
make the second edition an exact copy of the first in order to achieve equality
between the earlier and later buyers and to allow myself longer time for revision
thereafter. This view almost convinced me. Had I followed it, this second edition
would have been put in the hands of the readers many months ago. But I hesitated
to accept this advice and finally decided in favor of revisions which many
considerations had made necessary. The first of such considerations concerned a
number of observations which Muhammad Mustafa al Maraghi, Grand Shaykh of al
Azhar, had kindly made when he read the first parts of the book as they came from
the press, and kindly decided to write the foreword. When the book made its
appearance, a number of `ulama' and other scholars spoke and wrote about it. Their
observations were all preceded by numerous compliments for the achievement of
this work, indeed more than the book actually deserved. These observations were
based upon the understanding that a book about the Arab Prophet, which is so well
written that it has won their approval and appreciation, ought to be absolutely free of
all shortcomings. It is therefore necessary for me to take them into account and give
them the consideration due.
It was perhaps this very approval and appreciation of the readers which moved them
to make observations on incidental matters related neither to the essence of the
book nor to its main themes. Some of them, for instance, pleaded for further
clarification of certain points. Others called for closer scrutiny of my use of
prepositions. Still others suggested different words better to express the meanings I
intended. A number of them did focus on the themes of the book and therefore
caused me to review what I have written. I certainly wish that this second edition will
come closer to satisfying all these writers and scholars. All this notwithstanding, I
still believe that this book provides no more than a mere beginning in the Arabic
language of such studies using the modern scientific method.
A further consideration caused me to review the first edition. Having read the many
observations made, most of which were not new, I became convinced as I read my
work again that I ought to add, where relevant, a discussion of the points to which
the observations referred in order at least to convince their authors of my point of
view and of the veracity of my arguments. My reconsideration of some of these
points opened new vistas which any student of the biography of the Arab Prophet will
have to study. Although I am proud that the first edition did in fact deal with the
points raised in the reviews, I am more proud yet today to present to the reader this
second edition in which the same points have been treated more fully. No study,
however, can be full or perfect which undertakes the investigation of the life of the
greatest man history has known-the Seal of the Prophets and of the Messengers
from on high-may God's peace and blessing be upon him.
In this edition, I have tried to address myself to a number of observations made
regarding my method of investigation. I have added to the book two new chapters in
which I have dealt with matters which have been only slightly referred to toward the
end of the preface of the first edition. I have also re-edited the work wherever it
needed editing, and added to its various sections and paragraphs such points as my
rethinking has made necessary.
Answering the Followers of Western Orientalists
I want first to address myself to a letter I received from an Egyptian writer. He
claimed that his letter is an Arabic translation of an article he wrote for a German
Orientalists magazine in criticism of this book. I have not published this letter in the
Arabic press because it contains many unfounded attacks; and I thought that its
author had better bear the responsibility of publishing it if he wished to. Nor will I
mention his name here because I believe he will repudiate his old views when he
reads the critical analysis that follows. The substance of the letter is that my The Life
of Muhammad is not a scientific one in the modern sense. He argues that I have
depended upon Arabic sources alone and have not consulted the studies of German
orientalists such as Weil, Goldziher, Noldeke, and others, and have not adopted their
conclusions. The letter also blames me for regarding the Qur'an as a certain
historical document, whereas the investigations of the foregoing orientalists have
proven that it has been tampered with and been changed after the death of
Muhammad in the first century A.H. It reported that these investigations have
discovered that the name of the Prophet is a case in point; that having once been
"Qutham" or "Quthamah," it was later changed to "Muhammad" in order to accord
with the verse, "Jesus said: O Children of Israel, I am the Prophet of God sent to you
to confirm the scripture that is already in my hand and to announce to you the
advent of a prophet after me whose name shall be Ahmad."[Qur'an, 61:6] This
fabrication was deemed desirable in order to forge a link between the Prophet and
the Evangel's announcement of a prophet coming after Jesus. Moreover, the letter
added, the researches of the orientalists have revealed that the Prophet suffered
from epilepsy, that his so called revelations were really effects of his epileptic
attacks; that the symptoms of epilepsy-loss of consciousness, perspiration,
convulsion, foam around the mouth-were all apparent in his case. It was after he
recovered from these fits that he claimed that the revelation had come to him,
recited it to the believers, and claimed that it had come from God.
By itself, this letter is not worthy of attention or investigation. Its author, however, is
a Muslim and an Egyptian. Had he been an orientalists or a missionary, I would have
let him alone to rave as he pleased. What I have said in the preface to the first
edition in this regard is sufficient refutation for such people and views. The author of
this letter, however, is an example of a class of young Muslims who are too ready to
accept what the orientalists say and regard it as true knowledge. It is precisely to
this class of people that I want now to address myself and warn them of the errors in
which the orientalists fall. Some of these orientalists are candid and scholarly despite
their errors. Error nonetheless finds its way into their conclusions either because of
their lack of mastery of the nuances of the Arabic language, or of their prejudice
against religion as such, or Islam in particular, which, in turn, conditions them to
seek to destroy the fundamental basis of religion. Both shortcomings are unworthy of
scholars and it behooves them to seek a remedy therefore. We have seen Christian
thinkers who, moved by this same antagonism, denied that Jesus ever existed in
history; and we have seen others who have gone further and have even written
about the madness of Jesus. The western thinker's innate antagonism to religion was
generated by the struggle between the Church and the state and this led both the
men of science and the men of religion to pull in different directions in order to
wrench power from the other side and seize it for themselves. Islam, on the other
hand, is free of such strife; Muslim scholars, therefore, should not be affected by it
as their western colleagues have been. In most cases, to fall under such a complexus
would vitiate the research. Muslim readers therefore, should watch out more
carefully when they read a religious study by a westerner. They should scrutinize
every claim these studies make for the truth. A large measure of their researches are
deeply affected by this past strife which the men of religion and the men of science
had waged against one another during long centuries.
Dependence upon the Muslim Biographers
The case of the letter from the Egyptian Muslim colleague clearly points to the need
for such care. His first criticism concerned my dependence upon Arabic and Islamic
sources. Of course this is not denied. But I have also consulted the books of the
orientalists mentioned in my list of references. The Arabic sources, however,
constituted my primary sources as they constituted the primary sources for
orientalists before me. That is natural. For these sources, and the Qur'an above all,
were the first ones ever to discuss the life of the Arab Prophet. There is nothing
objectionable if such early historical documents are taken as primary sources for any
modern and scientific biographical study of the Prophet. Noldeke, Goldziher, Weil,
Sprenger, Muir, and other orientalists have all taken the same works as primary
sources for their studies, just as I have done. I have also allowed myself as much
liberty in scrutinizing the reports of these works as they did. And I have also not
omitted to consult some of the early Christian books which the orientalists had
consulted despite the fact that they were products of Christian fanaticism rather than
of scholarly research and criticism. If anybody were to criticize my work on the
grounds that I have allowed myself to differ from some orientalists and have arrived
at conclusions other than their own, he would in fact be calling for intellectual
stagnation-a conservatism not less reactionary or retrogressive than any other
conservatism we have known. It is unlikely that any of the orientalists themselves
agree with such call; for to do so implies approval of religious stagnation. Neither for
me nor for any scholarly student of history is such a stand viable. Rather, I should
ask myself, as well as any other scholar, to scrutinize the work of his colleagues.
Unless he is convinced by clear evidence and incontestable proofs, he should seek
other ways to the truth. To this task I call those of us, particularly the youth, who
admire the researches of the Orientalists. This has also been my task. Mine is the
reward where I have in fact arrived at the truth; and mine is the apology where I
have erred despite my good intentions.
The Orientalists and the Bases of Religion
The aforesaid Muslim Egyptian's letter gives evidence of the western orientalists'
extreme care to destroy the basis of religion. They claim that their researches have
established that the Qur'an is not a historical document devoid of doubt but that it
has been tampered with and edited, and many verses added to it for religious or
political ulterior purposes in the first century after the death of the Prophet of Islam.
I am not questioning the author of the letter from an Islamic point of view but
arguing with him, as it were, as a fellow Muslim, the veracity or otherwise of the
Islamic conviction that the Qur'an is the work of God and that it is impossible for it to
be forged. The stand from which he wrote his letter is clearly that of the orientalists
who hold that the Qur'an is a book written by Muhammad. According to a number of
orientalists, Muhammad wrote the Qur'an in the belief that it was God's revelation to
him; according to others, Muhammad claimed that the Qur'an was the revelation of
God merely in order to prove the genuineness of his message. Let me then address
the author of this letter in his own language assuming that he is one of those free
thinkers who refuse to be convinced except by scientific, apodeictic proof.
The False Charge of Forgery
Our young author depends upon the western orientalists and their views. A number
of these do think of the Qur'an in the manner this young author exemplified. Their
claim is based upon flagrant motives which stand at the farthest possible remove
from science and the scientific method. Suffice it to expose the incoherence of their
arguments that the phrase, "and announcing the advent of a prophet after me whose
name shall be Ahmad"[Qur'an, 61:6] was added to the Qur'an after the death of the
Prophet in order to establish proof of Muhammad's prophethood based upon the
scriptures preceding the Qur'an. Had these orientalists who make this claim truly
sought to serve the purpose of science, they would not have recoursed to this cheap
propaganda that the Torah and the Evangel are truly revealed books. Had they
honored science for its own sake, they would have treated the Qur'an on a par with
the scriptures antecedent to it. Either they would have regarded the Qur'an as sacred
as these scriptures-in which case it would have been natural for it to refer to its
antecedents-or, they would have regarded all these books as they did the Qur'an and
imputed to them the same kind of doubtful nature as they did to it, holding as well
their authors to have forged or written them in satisfaction of ulterior religious or
political purposes. Had the orientalists held such a view, logic would rule out their
claim that the Qur'an had been tampered with and forged for political and religious
purposes. It is inadmissible that the Muslims would have sought such confirmation of
Muhammad's claim to prophethood from these scriptures after Muslim dominion had
been established, the Christian empire vanquished, so many other peoples of the
earth subjugated and, indeed, after the Christians themselves had entered into Islam
en masse. The inadmissibility of these orientalists' claims is demanded by genuine
scientific thought. Furthermore, the claim that the Torah and the Evangel are sacred
whereas the Qur'an is not is devoid of scientific support. Therefore, the claim that
the Qur'an had been tampered with and forged in order to seek confirmation of
Muhammad's prophethood on the basis of the Torah and the Evangel is a piece of
sheer nonsense unacceptable to either logic or history.
Those western orientalists who have made this false claim are very few and belong
to the more fanatic group. The majority of them do believe that the Qur'an which is
in our hands today is precisely the Qur'an which Muhammad had recited to the
Muslims during his lifetime; that it has neither been tampered with nor forged. They
admit this explicitly in their writings while criticizing the method by which the verses
of the Qur'an were collected and its chapters arranged-a matter of discussion which
does not belong here. The Muslim students of the Qur'an did in fact study these
criticisms and exposed their errors. As for our purpose here, suffice it to look at
some orientalists' writing on this subject. Perhaps our young Muslim Egyptian author
would thereby be convinced and, perhaps, he would convince those of his fellows
who think like him.
Muir Rejects the Forgery of the Qur'an
The orientalists have written a great deal on this subject. We can select a passage by
Sir William Muir from his book, The Life of Mahomet, in the hope that those who
claim that the Qur'an has been forged will realize wherein they have erred, to the
detriment of both the truth and their own scholarship. It should be remembered that
our author, Muir, is a Christian, an engage and proud Christian, as well as a
missionary who never misses occasion to criticize the Prophet of Islam or its
scripture.
When he came to speak of the Qur'an and the veracity and precision of its text, he
wrote
"The divine revelation was the cornerstone of Islam. The recital of a passage from it
formed an essential part of daily prayer public and private; and its perusal and
repetition were enforced as a duty and a privilege fraught with religious merit. This is
the universal voice of early tradition, and may be gathered also from the revelation
itself. The Coran was accordingly committed to memory more or less by every
adherent of Islam, and the extent to which it could be recited was one of the chief
distinctions of nobility in the early Moslem empire. The custom of Arabia favoured
the task. Passionately fond of poetry, yet possessed of but limited means and skill in
committing to writing the effusions of their bards, the Arabs had long been
habituated to imprint these, as well as the tradition of genealogical and other tribal
events, on the living tablets of their hearts. The recollective faculty was thus
cultivated to the highest pitch; and it was applied, with all the ardour of an
awakened spirit, to the Coran. Such was the tenacity of their memory, and so great
their power of application, that several of Mahomet's followers, according to early
tradition, could, during his life-time, repeat with scrupulous accuracy the entire
revelation.
"However retentive the Arab memory, we should still have regarded with distrust a
transcript made entirely from that source. But there is good reason for believing that
many fragmentary copies, embracing amongst them the whole Coran, or nearly the
whole, were made by Mahomet's followers during his life. Writing was without doubt
generally known at Mecca long before Mahomet assumed the prophetical office.
Many of his followers are expressly mentioned as employed by the Prophet at Medina
in writing his letters or despatches . . . Some of the poorer Meccan captives taken at
Badr were offered their release on condition that they would teach a certain number
of the ignorant citizens of Medina to write. And although the people of Medina were
not so generally educated as those of Mecca, yet many are distinctly noticed as
having been able to write before Islam. The ability thus existing, it may be safely
inferred that the verses which were so indefatigably committed to memory, would be
likewise committed carefully to writing.
"We also know that when a tribe first joined Islam, Mahomet was in the habit of
deputing one or more of his followers to teach them the Coran and the requirements
of the faith. We are frequently informed that they carried written instructions with
them on the latter point, and they would naturally provide themselves also with
transcripts of the more important parts of the Revelation, especially those upon
which the ceremonies of Islam were founded, and such as were usually recited at the
public prayers. Besides the reference in the Coran to its own existence in a written
form, we have express mention made in the authentic traditions of Omar's
conversion, of a copy of the 20th Sura being used by his sister's family for social and
private devotional reading. This refers to a period preceding, by three or four years,
the emigration to Medina. If transcripts of the revelations were made, and in
common use, at that early time when the followers of Islam were few and oppressed,
it is certain that they must have multiplied exceedingly when the Prophet came to
power, and his Book formed the law of the greater part of Arabia.
"Such was the condition of the text of the Coran during Mahomet's life-time, and
such it remained for about a year after his death, imprinted upon the hearts of his
people, and fragmentary transcripts increasing daily. The two sources would
correspond closely with each other; for the Coran, even while the Prophet was yet
alive, was regarded with a superstitious awe as containing the very words of God; so
that any variations would be reconciled by a direct reference to Mahomet himself,
and after his death to the originals where they existed, or copies from the same, and
to the memory of the Prophet's confidential friends and amanuenses.
"It was not till the overthrow of Moseilama, when a great carnage took place
amongst the Moslems at Yemama, and large numbers of the best reciters of the
Coran were slain, that a misgiving arose in Omar's mind as to the uncertainty which
would be experienced regarding the text, when all those who had received it from
the original source, and thence stored it in their memories, should have passed
away. `I fear,' said he, addressing the Caliph Abu Bakr, `that slaughter may again
wax hot amongst the reciters of the Coran, in other fields of battle; and that much
may be lost therefrom. Now, therefore, my advice is, that thou shouldest give
speedy orders for the collection of the Coran.' Abu Bakr agreed, and thus made
known his wishes to Zeid ibn Thabit, a citizen of Medina, and the Prophet's chief
amanuensis: 'Thou art a young man, and wise; against whom no one amongst us
can cast an imputation; and thou wert wont to write down the inspired revelations of
the Prophet of the Lord. Wherefore now search out the Coran, and bring it together.'
So new and unexpected was the enterprise that Zeid at first shrank from it, and
doubted the propriety, or even lawfulness, of attempting that which Mahomet had
neither himself done nor commanded to be done. At last he yielded to the joint
entreaties of Abu Bakr and Omar, and seeking out the fragments of the Coran from
every quarter, 'gathered it together, from dateleaves, and tablets of white stone, and
from the breasts of men.' By the labours of Zeid, these scattered and confused
materials were reduced to the order and sequence in which we now find them, and in
which it is said that Zeid used to repeat the Coran in the presence of Mahomet. The
original copy prepared by Zeid was probably kept by Abu Bakr during the short
remainder of his reign. It then came into the possession of Omar who . . . committed
it to the custody of his daughter Hap hsa, the Prophet's widow. The compilation of
Zeid, as embodied in this exemplar, continued during Omar's ten years' Caliphate to
be the standard and authoritative text.
"But variety of expression either prevailed in the previous transcripts and modes of
recitation, or soon crept into the copies which were made from Zeid's edition.
Mussulmans were scandalized. The Coran sent down from heaven was ONE, but
where was now its unity? Hodzeifa, who had warred both in Armenia and Adzerbaijan
and had observed the different readings of the Syrians and of the men of Irac,
alarmed at the number and extent of the variations, warned Othman to interpose,
and 'stop the people, before they should differ regarding their Scripture, as did the
Jews and Christians.' The Caliph was persuaded, and to remedy the evil had recourse
again to Zeid, with whom he associated a syndicate of three Coreish. The original
copy of the first edition was obtained from Haphsa's depository, the various readings
were sought out from the different provinces, and a careful recension of the whole
set on foot. In case of difference between Zeid and his coadjutors, the voice of the
latter, as conclusive of the Coreishite idiom, was to preponderate; and the new
collation was thus assimilated exclusively to the Meccan dialect, in which the Prophet
had given utterance to his inspiration. Transcripts were multiplied and forwarded to
the chief cities in the empire, and the previously existing copies were all, by the
Caliph's command, committed to the flames. The old original was returned to
Haphsa's custody.
"The recension of Othman had been handed down to us unaltered. So carefully,
indeed, has it been preserved, that there are no variations of importance-we might
almost say no variations at all-among the innumerable copies of the Coran scattered
throughout the vast bounds of the empire of Islam. Contending and embittered
factions, taking their rise in the murder of Othman himself within a quarter of a
century from the death of Mahomet, have ever since rent the Mahometan world. Yet
but ONE CORAN has been current amongst them; and the consentaneous use by
them all in every age up to the present day of the same Scripture, is an irrefragable
proof that we have now before us the very text prepared by command of the
unfortunate Caliph. There is probably in the world no other work which has remained
twelve centuries with so pure a text. The various readings are wonderfully few in
number, and are chiefly confined to differences in the vowel points and diacritical
signs. But these marks were invented at a later date. They did not exist at all in the
early copies, and can hardly be said to affect the text of Othman.
"Since, then, we possess the undoubted text of Othman's recension, it remains to be
enquired whether that text was, an honest reproduction of Abu Bakr's edition, with
the simple reconcilement of unimportant variations. There is the fullest ground for
believing that it was so. No early or trustworthy traditions throw suspicion upon
Othman of tampering with the Coran in order to support his own claims. The
Sheeahs of later times, indeed, pretend that Othman left out certain Suras or
passages which favoured Ali. But this is incredible ....
"When Othman's edition was prepared, no open breach had taken place between the
Omeyads and the Alyites. The unity of Islam was still complete and unthreatened.
Ali's pretensions were as yet undeveloped. No sufficient object can, therefore, be
assigned for the perpetration by Othman of an offence which Moslems regard as one
of the blackest dye . . . At the time of the recension, there were still multitudes alive
who had the Coran, as originally delivered, by heart; and of the supposed passages
favouring Ali-had any ever existed-there would have been numerous transcripts in
the hands of his family and followers. Both of these sources must have proved an
effectual check upon any attempt at suppression. Fourth: The party of Ali shortly
after assumed an independent attitude, and he himself succeeded to the Caliphate.
Is it conceivable that either Ali, or his party, when thus arrived at power, would have
tolerated a mutilated Coran-mutilated expressly to destroy his claims? Yet we find
that they used the same Coran as their opponents, and raised no shadow of an
objection against it. The insurgents are indeed said to have made it one of their
complaints against Othman that he had caused a new edition to be made, and had
committed the old copies of the sacred volume to the flames; but these proceedings
were objected to simply as unauthorised and sacrilegious. No hint was dropped of
alteration or omission. Such a supposition, palpably absurd at the time, is altogether
an after-thought of the modern Sheeas.
"We may then safely conclude that Othman's recension was, what it professed to be,
namely, the reproduction of Abu Bakr's edition, with a more perfect conformity to the
dialect of Mecca, and possibly a more uniform arrangement of the component partsbut still a faithful reproduction. The most important question yet remains, viz.,
Whether Abu Bakr's edition was itself an authentic and complete collection of
Mahomet's Revelations. The following considerations warrant the belief that it was
authentic and in the main as complete as at the time was possible.
"First.-We have no reason to doubt that Abu Bakr was a sincere follower of Mahomet,
and an earnest believer in the divine origin of the Coran. His faithful attachment to
the Prophet's person, conspicuous for the last twenty years of his life, and his simple,
consistent, and unambitious deportment as Caliph, admit no other supposition.
Firmly believing the revelations of his friend to be the revelations of God himself, his
first object would be to secure a pure and complete transcript of them. A similar
argument applies with almost equal force to Omar and the other agents in the
revision. The great mass of Mussulmans were undoubtedly sincere in their belief.
From the scribes themselves, employed in the compilation, down to the humblest
Believer who brought his little store of writing on stones or palm-leaves, all would be
influenced by the same earnest desire to reproduce the very words which their
Prophet had declared as his message from the Lord. And a similar guarantee existed
in the feelings of the people at large, in whose soul no principle was more deeply
rooted than an awful reverence for the supposed word of God. The Coran itself
contains frequent denunciations against those who should presume to `fabricate
anything in the name of the Lord,' or conceal any part of that which He had revealed.
Such an action, represented as the very worst description of crime, we cannot
believe that the first Moslems, in the early ardour of their faith and love, would have
dared to contemplate.
"Second.-The compilation was made within two years of Mahomet's death. We have
seen that several of his followers had the entire revelation . . . by heart; that every
Moslem treasured up more or less some portions in his memory; and that there were
official Reciters of it, for public worship and tuition, in all countries to which Islam
extended. These formed a living link between the Revelation fresh from Mahomet's
lips, and the edition of it by Zeid. Thus the people were not only sincere and fervent
in wishing for a faithful copy of the Coran : they were also in possession of ample
means for realizing their desire, and for testing the accuracy and completeness of
the volume placed in their hands by Abu Bakr.
"Third.-A still greater security would be obtained from the fragmentary transcripts
which existed in Mahomet's life-time, and which must have greatly multiplied before
the Coran was compiled. These were in the possession, probably, of all who could
read. And as we know that the compilation of Abu Bakr came into immediate and
unquestioned use, it is reasonable to conclude that it embraced and corresponded
with every extant fragment; and therefore, by common consent, superseded them.
We hear of no fragments, sentences, or word intentionally omitted by the compilers,
nor of any that differed from the received edition. Had any such been discoverable,
they would undoubtedly have been preserved and noticed in those traditional
repositories which treasured up the minutest and most trivial acts and sayings of the
Prophet.
"Fourth.-The contents and the arrangement of the Coran speak forcibly for its
authenticity. All the fragments that could be obtained have, with artless simplicity,
been joined together. The patchwork bears no marks of a designing genius or
moulding hand. It testifies to the faith and reverence of the compilers, and proves
that they dared no more than simply collect the sacred fragments and place them in
juxtaposition.
"The conclusion, which we may now with confidence draw, is that the editions of Abu
Bakr and of Othman were not only faithful, but, so far as the materials went,
complete; and that whatever omissions there may have been, were not on the part
of the compilers intentional . . . we may upon the strongest presumption affirm that
every verse in the Coran is the genuine and unaltered composition[Dr. Haykal translated
this term so as to mean "recitation" rather than "composition," in conformity with the Islamic position. -Tr.] of
Mahomet himself.?[Sir William Muir, The Life of Mahomet, London: Smith, Elder and Company, 1878, pp.
551-562]
The Slanderers of Islam
We have quoted Sir William Muir at length. Hence, we do not need to bring further
quotations from the work of Father Lammens, Von Hammer, and other orientalists
who hold this view. All these are absolutely certain that the Qur'an which we recite
today contains all that Muhammad reported in all candidness as having been
revealed to him from his Lord. If a certain group of orientalists do not agree and
insist that the Qur'an is forged without regard to these rational proofs which Muir
had listed and which most orientalists had in fact taken from Muslim historians and
scholars, it is in order to slander Islam and its Prophet. Such is the dictate of hate
and resentment. However clever and adept such orientalists may be in formulating
their slander, they will never be able to pass it as genuine scientific research; nor will
they ever be able to fool any Muslims, except perhaps those young men deluded
enough to think that free research demands of them the denial of their tradition and
the naive acceptance of any nicely presented falsehood and attacks against their
legacy, regardless of the validity or falsity of its premises and assumptions.
We could have quoted these same arguments of Sir William Muir and other
orientalists directly from their primary Muslim sources as written by the scholars of
Islam. But we have preferred to quote them in the words of an Orientalists in order
to show those of our youths who are spellbound by western works that precision in
scientific research and a candid desire to seek the truth are sufficient to lead anyone
to the ultimate facts of history. It was also our intention to show that the
investigator ought to be very exact and precise in his investigation if he is to arrive
at an understanding of his objective unaffected by ulterior motives or prejudice.
Some orientalists undoubtedly arrive at the truth in some cases; others have not
been as fortunate. The research which we have conducted in the writing of this book
has convinced us that as regards the problem which the life of the Prophet poses to
the scholar most of the orientalists have indeed erred.
Proper Methodology
It behooves us here to remember that the researcher should never assert or deny a
thesis until his research and analysis have led him to perfect conviction that he has
actually grasped all there is to know concerning the given problem. Here, the
historian stands in the same predicament as his colleague researcher in the natural
sciences. Such is his duty regardless of whether the material he analyzes is the work
of an Orientalists or that of a Muslim scholar. If we sincerely seek the truth, our duty
is to scrutinize critically all that the Arab and the Muslim scholars have written in the
fields of medicine, astronomy, chemistry and other sciences, and to reject all that
does not hold its ground before the tribunal of science and to confirm that which
does. The search for truth imposes upon us such exactitude in historical matters
even though they may be related to the life of the Prophet-may God's peace and
blessing be upon him. The historian is not a mere reporter. He is also a critic of what
he reports, analyzing it and ascertaining the truth that it contains. There is no
criticism without analytic scrutiny; and science and knowledge constitute the
foundation of such criticism and analysis.
The exacting analysis which we have quoted in the foregoing pages regarding the
Qur'an is not enough. It does not obviate the need to respond to the letter of that
Egyptian Muslim who naively believes all the writings of the orientalists, more
particularly their claim that verses have been added to the Qur'an regarding the
name of the Prophet, that it was once "Qutham" or "Quthamah." This claim is false,
and it is motivated by the same ulterior motive that stands behind the charge of the
forgery of the Qur'an.
Let us then return to the last point in the letter of our young Muslim Egyptian author.
He says that the investigations of the orientalists have established that the Prophet
suffered from epilepsy, that the symptoms of the disease were all present in him and
that he used to lose consciousness, perspire, fall into convulsions and sputter. After
recovering from such seizures, the claim continues, Muhammad would recite to the
believers what he then claimed to be a revelation from God, whereas that was only
an aftereffect of the epileptic fits which he suffered.
The Slander of Epilepsy
To represent the phenomenon of Muhammad's revelations in these terms is, from
the standpoint of scientific research, the gravest nonsense. The fit of epilepsy leaves
the patient utterly without memory of what has taken place. In fact, the patient
completely forgets that period of his life and can recollect nothing that has happened
to him in the meantime because the processes of sensing and thinking come to a
complete stop during the fit. Such are the symptoms of epilepsy as science has
established them. This was not the case at all with the Prophet at the moment of
revelation, for his cognitive faculties used to be strengthened-rather than weakenedand do so to a superlative degree hitherto unknown by the people who knew him
most. Muhammad used to remember with utmost precision what he received by way
of revelation and recited it to his companions without a flaw. Moreover, revelation
was not always accompanied by paroxysms of the body. Much of it took place while
the Prophet was perfectly conscious, during his usual wakefulness. We have
advanced sufficient evidence for this in our discussion of the revelation of the surah
"al Fath" upon return of the Muslims from Makkah to Yathrib after signing the Pact of
Hudaybiyah.[5]
Scientific investigation therefore reveals that the case of Muhammad was not one of
epilepsy. For this reason very few orientalists have upheld this claim and these turn
out to be the same authors who upheld the charge of forgery against the Qur'an.
Obviously, in charging Muhammad with epilepsy, their motivation was not the
establishment of historical fact but the derogation of the Prophet in the eyes of his
Muslim followers. Perhaps, they thought, propagation of such views would cast some
suspicion upon his revelation, for it was precisely the revelation that came as a result
of the so-called epileptic fits. This, of course, makes them all the more blameworthy
and, from the standpoint of science, positively in error.
Return to Science
Had these western orientalists been candid, they would not have presented their
non-scientific claims in the name of science. They did so in order to delude the
ignorant who, ignorant though they be of the symptoms of the epileptic disease, are
prevented by their own naivete from checking the orientalists' claims against the
writings and opinions of the men of the medical sciences. A consultation of medical
literature would have quickly exposed the errors of the orientalists, deliberate or
accidental, and convinced them that in an epileptic fit all the intellectual and spiritual
processes come to an absolute stop. When in a fit, the epileptic patient is either in a
ridiculously mechanical state of motion or on a rampage injurious to his fellow men.
He is utterly unconscious, unknowing of what he himself does, or of what happens to
him, very much like the somnambulant who has no control over his movements
during his sleep and who cannot remember them when he wakes up. A very great
difference separates an epileptic fit from a revelation in which an intense and
penetrating consciousness establishes, in full knowledge and conviction, a contact
with the supernal plenum that enables the prophet to report and convey his
revelation. Epilepsy, on the other hand, stops cognition. It reduces its patient to a
mechanical state devoid of either feeling or sensation. Revelation is a spiritual
heightening with which God prepares His prophet to receive from Him the highest
and apodeictic cosmic truths that he may convey them to mankind. Science may
eventually reach some of these truths and discover the secrets and laws of the
universe. The rest may never become object of human knowledge until existence on
this earth has come to an end. Nonetheless, these truths are apodeictically certain,
furnishing true guidance to the earnest believer though they remain opaque to the
ignorant whose hearts are locked and whose vision is dim.
Incapacity of Science in Some Fields
We would have understood and appreciated the western orientalists having said:
"Revelation is a strange psychic phenomenon inexplicable in terms of contemporary
science." Such a statement would mean that despite its wide scope and penetration,
our science is still unable to explain many spiritual and psychic phenomena of which
revelation is one. This statement is neither objectionable nor strange. Science is still
unable to explain many natural, cosmic phenomena. The nature of the sun, moon,
stars, and planets is still largely a matter for hypothesis. These heavenly bodies are
only some of what the human eye, whether naked or through the telescope, reveals
to us of the cosmos. Many of the inventions of the twentieth century that we
presently take for granted were regarded by our predecessors in the nineteenth
century as pure fiction. Psychic and spiritual phenomena are now subject to careful
scientific study. But they have not yet been subject to the dominion of science so
that it could be made to reveal their permanent role. We have often read about
phenomena witnessed by the men of science and ascertained by them without
explanation in terms coherent with scientific knowledge. Psychology, for instance, is
a science which is not yet certain of the structures of many areas of psychic life. If
this uncertainty is true of everyday phenomena, the demand to explain all the
phenomena of life scientifically must be a shameful and futile exaggeration.
The revelations of Muhammad were phenomena witnessed by his Muslim
contemporaries. The more they heard the Qur'an, the more convinced they became
of the truth of these revelations. Among these contemporaries were many of
extreme intelligence. Others were Jews and Christians who had argued with the
Prophet for a long time before, and they believed in his mission and trusted his
revelation in every detail. Some men of Quraysh had accused Muhammad of magic
and madness. Later, convinced that he was neither a magician nor a madman, they
believed in and followed him. Since all these facts are certain, it is as unscientific to
deny the phenomenon of revelation as it is unworthy of the men of science to speak
of it in derogative terms. The man of science candid in his search for the truth will
not go beyond asserting that his discipline is unable to explain the phenomenon of
revelation according to the materialistic theory. But he will never deny the factuality
of revelation as reported by the companions of the Prophet and the historians of the
first century of Islam. To do otherwise would be to fall under prejudice and betray
the spirit of science.
Slander against Muhammad Is Argumentum ad Hominem
Such obstinate prejudice only proves the determined concern of its author to arouse
suspicion in Islam itself. Such people have been incapable of arguing against Islam
because they had found it sublimely noble, simple, and easy to understand, and
realized that these qualities are the sources of its strength. They hence resort to the
trick of the impotent who shifts attention from the great idea beyond his reach to the
person advocating it. That is the argumentum ad hominem fallacy which every
scholar should seek to avoid. It is natural for men to concern themselves with ideas
and not with the personal circumstances of their authors and advocates. Men do not
give themselves the trouble to investigate the roots of a tree whose fruits they had
found delectable, nor the fertilizer which had helped it to grow, as long as their
purpose is not to plant a similar or better tree. When they analyze the philosophy of
Plato, the plays of Shakespeare, or the paintings of Raphael, and find nothing
objectionable in them, they do not look for blameworthy aspects in the lives of these
great men who constitute humanity's glory and pride. And if they try to fabricate
charges against these persons, they will never succeed in convincing anyone. They
only succeed in betraying themselves and exposing their ulterior motives. Casting
resentment in the form of scientific research does not alter it from being what it is:
namely resentment. Resentment refuses to recognize the truth; and the truth will
always be too proud to allow resentment to be its source or associate. Such is the
case of the orientalists' charges against the person of the Arab Prophet Muhammad,
Seal of the Prophets; and that is why their charges fall to the ground.
That is all I have to say by way of response to those orientalists to whom the letter
of the Egyptian Muslim had referred. Having thus refuted their views, let me now
direct my attention to a number of observations made on the first edition of this
book by the Islamicists at home.
It is my earnest hope that such base charges unworthy of science and unacceptable
to scholars will never be repeated again. Perhaps, hitherto, the orientalists felt
themselves excused on the grounds that they were writing for the consumption of
their fellow Christians and Europeans and that they were actually discharging a
national or religious duty imposed upon them by a patriotism or faith which requires
scholarly form to make its propaganda palatable. Our day, however, is different.
Communication between the various corners of the globe by means of radio
broadcasting and the press has made it possible for anything said or published in
Europe or America today to become known throughout the Orient in that same day
or even the same hour. It is therefore the duty of those who assume the scholarly
profession and the pursuit of truth to tear away from their hearts and eyes every
curtain of national, racial, or religious isolation. They should realize that whatever
they say or write will soon reach the ears of all men throughout the world and will be
subject to universal criticism and scrutiny. The absolute and unconditional truth
should be the objective of every one of us; and let us all take due care to connect
the present reality of mankind with its past, to regard humanity as one great unit
undivided by nationality, race or religion. Let such connection be the bond of free
fraternity in the pursuit of truth, goodness, and beauty, and the noblest ideal that
humanity has ever known. Such a bond is alone capable of guiding humanity in its
quick march toward happiness and perfection.
Observations of Muslim Islamicists
Whereas the naive believers in the exaggerations of the orientalists blame us for
having recourse to the Arabic sources and depending upon them, a number of
Muslim Islamicists blame us for turning to the writings of the orientalists rather than
limiting ourselves to the Islamic biographies and books of Hadith. The latter have
also criticized us for not following the same method as these ancient books.
It was on this basis that some of them made friendly observations in hope of
reaching the fact of the matter in question. Others made observations which betray
such ignorance or prejudice as no scholar would wish to associate himself with. The
former took note of the fact that we have not reported the miracles of Muhammad as
the biographies and Hadith have done. In this regard we wrote in the conclusion of
our first edition: "The Life of Muhammad, therefore, has realized the highest ideals
possible to man. Muhammad-may God's peace and blessing be upon him-was very
careful that the Muslims should think of him as a human to whom revelation came.
He never accepted that any miracle be attributed to him other than his association
with the advent of the Qur'an, and actually told this much to his companions." As
regards the story of the splitting of Muhammad's chest we wrote: "Orientalists as
well as Muslim scholars take their attitude towards this event in the life of
Muhammad on the grounds that Muhammad's whole life was all too human and
noble and that he never resorted to miracles as previous prophets had done, in order
to prove the veracity of his revelation. In taking this attitude, the above mentioned
thinkers rely upon the Arab and Muslim historians who share their view and who
deny any place in the biography of the Arab Prophet to all that is irrational. They
regard their stand as being in perfect accord with the Qur'an's call to man to study
the creation of God and discover therein His immutable laws. They find the claim for
miracles incoherent with the Qur'an's condemnation of the associationists as men
who do not reason, as men who have no faculties with which to reason." Other more
considerate critics criticized us for having mentioned at all the orientalists' attacks
upon the Prophet, though we did so but to refute them. In their opinion, this
procedure does not accord with the veneration due to the person of the Prophet-may
God's blessing be upon him. Lastly, there is the class of prejudiced critics who were
known even before the first edition of this book had appeared and, indeed, even
before my researches had been collected in book form. Their strongest criticism was
that I have given my work the title, "The Life of Muhammad," without joining it to an
invocation of peace and blessing upon him. Such invocations occur frequently in the
course of the book. I had thought, nonetheless, that they would discover their
prejudice once the title page of the first edition came out decorated, as it was, with
the verse: "God and his angels bless the Prophet. O you who believe, invoke God's
peace and blessing upon him and salute him with the salutation of peace.[Qur'an,
33:56] I had also thought that the method used in this book would itself dissolve their
prejudice. By insisting as they did, however, they betrayed their ignorance of Islamic
truths and their satisfaction with the imitation of their ancestors.
Let us begin by answering their false criticism in the hope that neither they nor any
others will repeat it regarding this or any other book. We shall refuse their criticism
by turning to the books of the classical leaders of Islamic knowledge. Everyone will
then realize the free stand Islam has taken vis- is all verbal restrictions and will
then appreciate the hadith, "This religion is indeed sound. Analyze it as you wish, but
gently. You will never find a flaw therein." Abu al Baqa' wrote in his book, AL
Kulliyyat: "Writing the invocation of peace and blessing on Muhammad at the
beginning of a book occurred during the `Abbasi period. That is why the Sahih of al
Bukhari and others are devoid of it." [1574-1624 C.E., great grammarian, court clerk, and qadi who
lived in Safad, Saida, Beirut and Jerusalem.] The majority of the great men of Islamic
knowledge agree that the invocation of peace and blessing upon the Prophet need
not be made by the Muslim more than once in his lifetime. In his book AL Bahr al
Ra?iq, ibn Nujaym wrote: "The religious imperative implied in the divine command,
`Invoke upon him God's peace and blessing,' is that it should be made at least once
in a lifetime whether during or outside the prayer. For no command by itself implies
repetition. On this there is no disagreement." Likewise, al Shafi'i contended with his
colleagues on "whether or not the invocation of God's peace and blessing on the
Prophet is imperative during the prayer or outside of it. Prayer is itself invocation. As
it stands in the above mentioned verse, to invoke God's peace and blessing upon the
Prophet simply means that one should ask God to bless the Prophet and to salute
him the salutation of peace." That is the lesson which the Muslim men of knowledge
and their leaders have taught in this regard. It proves that those who claim that this
invocation is imperative whenever the name of the Prophet is mentioned or written
are simply exaggerating. Had they known the foregoing facts, and that the greatest
traditionists had not written such an invocation regarding the Prophet on the title
pages or beginnings of their collections of hadiths, they would perhaps have avoided
falling into their present error.
Refutation of the Orientalists and Its Method
As to those who claim that it does not become a Muslim scholar to repeat the attacks
of the Orientalists and the missionaries against the Prophet even in order to refute
them, they have really nothing to stand upon except an Islamic emotion which we
salute. From the religious as well as scholarly points of view, they simply have no
argument at all. The Holy Qur'an itself reported much of what the associationists of
Makkah used to say about the Prophet and refuted them with clear and eloquent
argument. The Arabic style of the Qur'an is the highest and its morals the noblest.
[Arabic "adab al Qur'an."]` It mentioned the accusation of the Quraysh that Muhammad
was either possessed or a magician. It said: "We do know that they say that it is
only a man who teaches Muhammad the Qur'an. But the tongue of him to whom
they refer by this insinuation is foreign whereas this Qur'an is in the Arabic tongue,
plain and clear." [Qur'an, 16:103] There are many such statements in the Qur'an.
Moreover, an argument is not scientifically refuted unless it is honestly and precisely
stated. In writing this book, my purpose has been to reach objective truth by means
of scholarly research. And I have written my book so that both Muslims and nonMuslims may read it and be convinced of this objective truth. Such a purpose cannot
be achieved unless the scholar be honest in his pursuit. He should never hesitate to
acknowledge the truth whencesoever it may come.
Biographies and Hadith Books
Let us return to the first criticism the Muslim students of Islam have kindly directed
to our work, namely, that we have not taken into consideration the Islamic
biographies and Hadith books and that we have not followed the same methodology
as these ancient works. It should suffice to say in reply to this criticism that I have
resolved to follow the modern scientific method and to write in the style of the
century and that I have taken this resolution because it is the only proper one in the
eyes of the contemporary world, whether for historiography or any other discipline.
This being the case, ancient methods are ruled out a priori. Between these and the
methods of our agcy there is great difference, the most obvious of which is the
freedom to criticize. Most of the ancient works were written for a religious purpose
and as devotional exercises, whereas contemporary writers are interested only in
scientific analysis and criticism. To say this much concerning my method and work
should be sufficient answer to their criticism. But I see the need for a more detailed
treatment in order to show the reasons why our classical scholars of the past did not,
and those of the present should not, assume in wholesale fashion the veracity of all
that the books of biography and Hadith have brought. It is also my intention to
clarify the reasons why we ought to observe the rules of scientific criticism as closely
as possible in order to guard against all possible errors.
The Difference between These Books
The first of these reasons is the difference of these books in their reporting of events
supposed to have taken place in the life of the Arab Prophet. Those who studied
these books have observed that the miracles and extraordinary events reported
increased or decreased for no reason other than the change in the time when they
were written. The earlier report fewer miracles than the later; and the miracles they
do report are less unreasonable than those reported in later books. The oldest known
biography, namely, that of ibn Hisham for example, has far less material than the
Tarikh of Abu al Fida', than Al Shifa of Qadi `Ayyad and of most later writings. The
same is true of the books of the Hadith. Some of them tell a story and others omit it,
or they report it and point out that it is not trustworthy. The objective researcher
investigating these books must therefore have a standard by which he can evaluate
the various claims. That which agrees with the standard he would find acceptable
and that which does not, he would subject to closer scrutiny wherever possible.
Our ancestors have followed this method in their investigations at times, and they
have omitted doing so at others. An example of their omission is the story of "the
daughters of God." It is told that when the Prophet, under ever-increasing
oppression of Quraysh, recited the Qur'anic surah "al Najm" and arrived at the verse:
"Consider al Lat and al `Uzza ; and Mandt, the third goddess," [Qur'an, 53:19-20] he
added: "Those are the goddesses on high; their intercession with God is worthy of
our prayers." He then went on reciting the surah to its end and when he finished, he
prostrated himself in worship, and Muslims and associationists joined him and did
likewise. This story was reported by ibn Sa'd in his Al Tabaqat al Kubrd without
criticism. It also occurs with little variation in some books of Hadith. Ibn Ishaq,
however, reported the story and judged it as being the fabrication of zindiqs." [Literally
"hypocrite;" as a special name it applied to the Zoroastrians and Manicheans who pretended to embrace Islam
but remained true to their old gods. -Tr.]
In his AL Bidayah wa al Nihayah fi al Tarikh, ibn
Kathir wrote: "They mentioned the story of the goddesses of Makkah, whereas we
have decided to omit it for fear that the uninstructed may naively accept it as truth.
The story was first reported in the books of Hadith." He then reported a tradition
from Bukhari in this regard and qualified it as being "unique to Bukhari, rejected by
Muslim." As for me, I did not hesitate to reject the story altogether and to agree with
ibn Ishaq that it was the fabrication of zindiqs. In analyzing it I brought together
several pieces of evidence. In addition to its denial of the infallibility of the Prophets
in their conveyance of their divine messages, this story must also be subject to
modern scientific criticism.
The Age of These Books
The books of the ancestors should be closely scrutinized and criticized in a scientific
manner because the most ancient of them was written a hundred or more years after
the death of the Prophet. At that time, many political and religious movements were
spreading throughout the Islamic Empire, each of which fabricated all kinds of stories
and hadiths to justify its own cause. The later books, written during even more
turbulent and unsettled times, are more vulnerable. Political struggles caused a great
deal of trouble to the collectors of Hadith because they took utmost care in
scrutinizing these various reports, rejecting the suspicious, and confirming only those
which passed the severest tests. It is sufficient to remember here the travails of al
Bukhari in his travels throughout the Muslim World undertaken for this purpose. He
told us that he had found some six hundred thousand hadiths current, of which only
4,000 he could confirm as true. The ratio is that of one to 150 hadiths. As for Abu
Dawiid, he could confirm 4,800 hadiths out of half a million. Such was the task of all
collectors of hadiths. Nonetheless, many of the hadiths which they had found true
after criticism were found untrue by a number of other scholars under further
criticism. Such was the case of the goddesses. If such is the case of Hadith, despite
all the efforts spent by the early collectors, how trustworthy can the later biographies
of the Prophet be? How can their reports be taken without scientific scrutiny?
Effects of Islamic Political Strife
In fact, the political struggles of the first century of Islam caused the various parties
to invent, and press into their service, a great number of stories and hadiths. No
Hadith has been committed to writing until the last years of the Umawi period. It was
`Umar ibn `Abd al `Aziz who ordered its collection for the first time. The job,
however, was not completed until the reign of al Ma'mun, the time when "the true
hadith was as discernible from the false as a white hair is in the fur of a black bull,"
to borrow the phrase of Daraqutni. The Hadith was not collected in the first century
of Islam perhaps because of the reported command of the Prophet: "Do not write
down anything I say except the Qur'an. Whoever has written something other than
the Qur'an, let him destroy it." Nonetheless, the hadiths of the Prophet were current
in those days and must have been varied. During his caliphate, `Umar ibn al Khattab
once tried to deal with the problem by committing the Hadith to writing. The
companions of the Prophet whom he consulted encouraged him, but he was not quite
sure whether he should proceed. One day, moved by God's inspiration, he made up
his mind and announced: "I wanted to have the traditions of the Prophet written
down, but I fear that the Book of God might be encroached upon. Hence I shall not
permit this to happen." He therefore changed his mind and instructed the Muslims
throughout the provinces: "Whoever has a document bearing a prophetic tradition
shall destroy it." The Hadith therefore continued to be transmitted orally and was not
collected and written down until the period of al Ma'mun.
The Standard of Hadith Criticism
Despite the great care and precision of the Hadith scholars, much of what they
regarded as true was later proved to be spurious. In his commentary on the
collection of Muslim, al Nawawi wrote: "A number of scholars discovered many
hadiths in the collections of Muslim and Bukhari which do not fulfill the conditions of
verification assumed by these men." The collectors attached the greater weight to
the trustworthiness of the narrators. Their criterion was certainly valuable, but it was
not sufficient. In our opinion, the criterion for the Hadith criticism, as well as
standard for materials concerning the Prophet's life, is the one which the Prophet
himself gave. He said: "After I am gone differences will arise among you. Compare
whatever is reported to be mine with the Book of God; that which agrees therewith
you may accept as having come from me; that which disagrees you will reject as a
fabrication." This valid standard is observed by the great men of Islam right from the
very beginning. It continues to be the standard of thinkers today. Ibn Khaldun
wrote: "I do not believe any hadith or report of a companion of the Prophet to be
true which differs from the common sense meaning of the Qur'an, no matter how
trustworthy the narrators may have been. It is not impossible that a narrator
appears to be trustworthy though he may be moved by ulterior motive. If the
hadiths were criticized for their textual contents as they were for the narrators who
transmitted them a great number would have had to be rejected. It is a recognized
principle that a hadith could be declared spurious if it departs from the common
sense meaning of the Qur'an from the recognized principles of the Shari'ah, [The Law of
Islam] the rules of logic, the evidence of sense, or any other self-evident truth." This
criterion, as given by the Prophet as well as ibn Khaldun, perfectly accords with
modern scientific criticism.
True, after Muhammad's death the Muslims differed, and they fabricated thousands
of hadiths and reports to support their various causes. From the day Abu Lu'lu'ah,
the servant of al Mughirah, killed `Umar ibn al Khattab and `Uthman ibn `Affan
assumed the caliphate, the old pre-Islamic enmity of Banu Hashim and Banu
Umayyah reappeared. When, upon the murder of `Uthman, civil war broke out
between the Muslims, `A'ishah fought against `Ali and `Ali's supporters consolidated
themselves into a party, the fabrication of hadiths spread to the point where `Ali ibn
Abu Talib himself had to reject the practice and warn against it. He reportedly said:
"We have no book and no writing to read to you except the Qur'an and this sheet
which I have received from the Prophet of God in which he specified the duties
prescribed by charity." Apparently, this exhortation did not stop the Hadith narrators
from fabricating their stories either in support of a cause they advocated, or of a
virtue or practice to which they exhorted the Muslims and which they thought would
have more appeal if vested with prophetic authority. When the Banu Umayyah firmly
established themselves in power, their protagonists among the Hadith narrators
deprecated the prophetic traditions reported by the party of `Ali ibn Abu Talib, and
the latter defended those traditions and propagated them with all the means at their
disposal. Undoubtedly they also deprecated the traditions reported by `A'ishah,
"Mother of the Faithful." A humorous piece of reportage was given us by ibn `Asakir
who wrote: "Abu Sa'd Isma'il ibn al Muthannaal Istrabadhi was giving a sermon one
day in Damascus when a man stood up and asked him what he thought of the hadith
of the Prophet: 'I am the city of knowledge and 'All is its gate.' Abu Sa'd pondered
the question for a while and then replied: Indeed! No one knows this hadith of the
Prophet except those who lived in the first century of Islam. What the Prophet had
said, he continued, was, rather, "I am the city of knowledge; Abu Bakr is its
foundation; 'Umar, its walls; 'Uthman its ceiling; and 'Ali is its gate.' The audience
was quite pleased with his reply and asked him to furnish them with its chain of
narrators. Abu Sa'd could not furnish any chain and was terribly embarrassed." Thus
hadiths were fabricated for political and other purposes. This wanton multiplication
alarmed the Muslims because many ran counter to the Book of God. The attempts to
stop this wave of fabrication under the Umawis did not succeed. When the 'Abbasids
took over, and al Ma'mun assumed the caliphate almost two centuries after the
death of the Prophet, the fabricated hadiths numbered in the thousands and
hundreds of thousands and contained an unimaginable amount of contradiction and
variety. It was then that the collectors applied themselves to the task of putting the
Hadith together and the biographers of the Prophet wrote their biographies. A1
Waqidi, ibn Hisham and al Mada'ini lived and wrote their books in the days of al
Ma'mun. They could not afford to contradict the caliphate and hence could not apply
with the precision due the Prophet's criterion that his traditions ought to be checked
against the Qur'an and accepted only if they accorded therewith.
Had this criterion, which does not differ from the modern method of scientific
criticism, been applied with precision, the ancient masters would have altered much
of their writing. Circumstances of history imposed upon them the application of it to
some of their writings but not to others. The later generations inherited their method
of treating the biography of the Prophet without questioning it. Had they been true to
history, they would have applied this criterion in general as well as in detail. No
reported events disagreeing with the Qur'an would have been spared, and none
would have been confirmed but those which agreed with the Book of God as well as
the laws of nature. Even so, these hadiths would have been subject to strict analysis
and established only with valid proof and incontestable evidence. This stand was
taken by the greatest Muslim scholars of the past as well as of the present. The
grand Shaykh of al Azhar, Muhammad Mustafa al Maraghi, wrote in his foreword to
this book: "Muhammad-may God's peace and blessing be upon him-had only one
irresistible miracle-the Qur'an. But it is not irrational. How eloquent is the verse of al
Busayri: 'God did not try us with anything irrational. Thus, we fell under neither
doubt nor illusion.' [13]
The late Muhammad Rashid Rida, editor of al Manar, wrote in answer to our critics:
"The most important objection which the Azharis and the Sufis raise against Haykal
concerns the problem of the miracles. In my book, Al Wahy al Muhammadi, I have
analyzed the problem from all aspects in the second chapter and the second section
of the fifth chapter. I have established there that the Qur'an alone is the conclusive
proof of the prophethood of Muhammad-may God's peace and blessing be upon himas well as of the other prophets of their messages and prophecies regarding him. In
our age it is impossible to prove any work of the Prophet except by the Qur'an. From
its standpoint, supernatural events are ipso facto doubtful. Besides the ubiquitous
reports of their occurrence in all ages and places, they are believed in by the
superstitious of all faiths. I have also analyzed the causes of this predeliction for
belief in miracles and distinguished the miraculous from the spiritual and shown the
relationship of both to cosmic laws."[Al Manar, May 3, 1935, p. 793]
In his book, Al Islam wa al Nasraniyyah, Muhammad 'Abduh, the great scholar and
leader wrote: "Islam, therefore, and its demand for faith in God and in His unity,
depend only on rational proof and common sense human thinking. Islam does not
overwhelm the mind with the supernatural, confuse the understanding with the
extraordinary, impose acquiescent silence by resorting to heavenly intervention, nor
does it impede the movement of thought by any sudden cry of divinity. All the
Muslims are agreed, except those whose opinion is insignificant, that faith in God is
prior to faith in prophethood and that it is not possible to believe in a prophet except
after one has come to believe in God. It is unreasonable to demand faith in God on
the ground that the prophets or the revealed books had said so, for it is
unreasonable to believe that any book had been revealed by God unless one already
believed that God exists and that it is possible for Him to reveal a book or send a
messenger."
I am inclined to think that those who wrote biographies of the Prophet agreed with
this view. The earlier generation of them could not apply it because of the historical
circumstances in which they lived. The later generation of them suspended the
principle deliberately on account of their belief that the more miraculous their
portrayal of the Prophet, the more faith this would engender among their audience.
They assumed, quite naively, that the inclusion of these extraneous matters into his
biography achieved a good purpose. Had they lived to our day and seen how the
enemies of Islam had taken their writings as an argument against Islam and its
people, they would have followed the Qur'an more closely and agreed with al
Ghazzali, Muhammad `Abduh, al Maraghi, and all other objective scholars. And had
they lived in our day and age, and witnessed how their stories have alienated many
Muslim minds and hearts instead of confirming their faith, they would have been
satisfied with the indubitable proofs and arguments of the Book of God.
Reports Condemned by Reason and Science
Now that the defect of reports condemned by reason and science has become obvious,
scientific and critical analysis of the materials involved is demanded. This is equally the
demand of Islam and a service to it as well as to the history of the Arab Prophet. It is a
necessary requisite if that history is to illuminate the road of mankind towards high culture
and civilization.
The Qur'an and Miracles
We will quickly agree with the views of the objective Muslim scholars as soon as we compare
a number of narratives from the biography and Hadith books with the Qur'an. The latter told
us that the Makkans had asked the Prophet to perform some miracles if they were to believe
in him; it mentioned specifically their demands, and refuted them. God said
"They said that they will never believe in you unless you cause a fountain to spring forth from
the earth; or create for yourself a garden of big trees and vines and cause abundant streams
of water to run from one side of it to the other, or cause heaven to fall upon them in pieces as
you had claimed, or bring God and His angels before them face to face, or create for yourself
a beauteous palace, or ascend to heaven in front of them. `Nay,' they said to Muhammad,
`we will not believe in your ascension unless you send down upon us a book confirming that
you have done all these things clearly and unequivocally.' Answer: `Praised be my Lord: Have
I ever claimed to be anything but a human and a messenger?' [Qur'an, 17:90-93]
God also said: "They swore their strongest oaths that if they could witness a miracle they
would believe. Answer: `Miracles are God's prerogative, not mine.' But what would convince
you [Muhammad] that they will not believe even if such miracles were to take place? Let their
mind and understanding remain as confused as ever. Let them wander aimlessly in their
misguidance. Indeed, unless of course God wills for them to believe, they will not believe even
if We sent them the angels, caused the dead to speak to them, and placed everything
squarely before them. But most of them are ignorant."[Qur'an, 6:109-111] There is no mention in
the whole Qur'an of any miracle intended to support the prophethood of Muhammad except
the Qur'an, notwithstanding its acknowledge of many of the miracles performed with God's
permission by the prophets preceding Muhammad and description of the many other favors
which God has bestowed upon him. What the Qur'an did report about the Arab Prophet does
not violate any of the laws of nature in the least degree.
The Greatest Miracle
Since this is the logic of the Book of God and is demanded by the advent of His
Prophet, what reason could have caused some of the Muslims of the past, and still
cause some of them in the present, to attribute miracles to Muhammad? It must be
their reading in the Qur'an of miracles performed by prophets preceding Muhammad
and their jumping to the conclusion that such supernatural occurrences are
necessary for prophethood. They thus believed the stories circulating about
Muhammad's miracles despite the fact that they could not find any confirmation of
them in the Qur'an. They mistakenly believed that the more of them they could
muster the more convinced they and their audiences would be of their faith. To
compare the Arab Prophet with his predecessor prophets is to compare the
incomparable. For he was the last of the prophets and the first one sent by God unto
all mankind rather than unto any specific people alone. That is why God desired that
the "miracle" of Muhammad be human and rational, though unmatchable by any
humans or genii. This miracle is the Qur'an itself, the greatest that God permitted.
He-may His glory be praised-willed that His Prophet's mission be established by
rational argument and clear proof. He willed that His religion achieve victory in the
life of His prophet and that men might see in his victory the might and dominion of
God. Had God willed that a material miracle force the conversion of Makkah, the
miracle would have occurred and would have been mentioned in the Qur'an. But
some men do not believe except in that which their reason understands and
corroborates. The proper way to convince them would be to appeal to their
understanding and reason. God made the Qur'an Muhammad's convincing argument,
a miracle of the "illiterate Prophet." He willed that men's entry into Islam and the
sense of their faith in Him be dependent upon true conviction and apodeictic
evidence. A religion thus founded would be worthy of the faith of all men in all times
whatever their race or language.
Should a people convert to Islam today who did not need any miracle beside the
Qur'an, this fact would neither detract from their faith nor from the worth of their
conversion. As long as a people is not itself recipient of a revelation, it is perfectly
legitimate to subject all the reports of such revelation to the closest scrutiny. That
which unquestionable proof confirms is acceptable; the rest may validly be put to
question. To believe in God alone without associate does not need recourse to a
miracle. Nor does it need more than consideration of the nature of this universe
which God created. On the other hand, to believe in the Prophethood of Muhammad
who, by command of God, called men precisely unto such faith, does not need any
miracles other than the Qur'an. Nor does it need any more than the presentation of
the revealed text to consciousness.
Were a people to believe today in this religion without the benefit of any miracle
other than the Qur'an, its faithful would belong to one of the following kinds: the
man whose mind and heart does not oscillate but is guided by God directly to the
object of his faith, as was the case with Abu Bakr who believed without hesitation;
and, the man who does not seek his faith in the miraculous but in the natural (i.e.,
the created world, unlimited in space or time and running perfectly in accordance
with eternal and immutable laws), and whose reason guides him from these laws of
nature to the creator and fashioner thereof. Even if miracles did exist, they would
constitute no problem for either kind of believer who regards them as mere signs of
divine mercy. Many leaders of Islamic knowledge regard this kind of faith as indeed
the highest. Some of them even prescribe that faith should not stand on a foundation
of fear of God's punishment or ambition to win His reward. They insist that it should
be held purely for the sake of God and involve an actual annihilation of self in God.
To Him all things belong; and so do we. To Him, we and all things shall return.
The Believers during the Life of the Prophet
Those who believe today in God and in His Prophet and whose faith does not rest on
miracles are in the same position as those who believed during the life of the
Prophet. History has not reported to us that any one of those early companions had
entered the faith because of a miracle he witnessed. Rather, it was the conclusive
divine argument conveyed through revelation and the superlatively noble life of the
Prophet himself which conduced those men to their faith. In fact, all biographies
mention that a number of those who believed in Muhammad before the Isrd'
abandoned their faith when the Prophet reported to them that he had been
transported during the night from the Mosque of Makkah to the Blessed One of
Jerusalem. Even Suraqah ibn Ju'shum, who pursued Muhammad on the latter's flight
to Madinah in order to capture him dead or alive and win the prize the Makkans had
placed on his head, did not believe despite the miracle which the biographers have
reported to have taken place on his way there. History has not reported a single case
of an associationists who believed in Muhammad because of a miracle performed.
Islam has no parallel to the case of the magicians of Pharaoh whose rods were
swallowed up by that of Moses.' [Qur'an, 26:43-48]
The Goddesses and Tabuk
The classical biographies are not unanimous in their reportage of the so-called
miracles. Many a time their narratives were subject to strong criticism despite their
corroboration by the books of Hadith. We have already referred to the question of
the goddesses in this preface, and we have also treated the problem in detail in the
course of this work. The story of the opening of Muhammad's chest as reported by
Halimah, Muhammad's wet nurse, is equally inconclusive. [18] There is a difference
of opinion concerning Ualimah's reports as well as the age of Muhammad at which
the story has supposedly taken place. Likewise, the reports of the biographies and of
the Hadith concerning Zayd and Zaynab are` devoid of foundation, as we shall have
occasion to see later.[19] Similar disagreement exists as regards the story of the
military expedition to Tabuk (Jaysh al 'Usrah). In his Sahih, Muslim reported from
Mu'adh ibn Jabal that "the Prophet told ibn Jabal and his companions who were
marching to Tabuk: 'Tomorrow, but not before mid-day, you will, with God's leave,
reach the spring of Tabuk. You will not, however, touch its waters until I come.'
When we arrived, we found that two of our men had reached it before us and the
spring had very little water. The Prophet asked the two men whether they had
touched the water of the spring, and they confessed. He-may God's peace and
blessing be upon himcriticized and scolded them as he should. They then filled a
container with water from the spring. Mu'adh said: 'The Prophet of God-may God's
peace and blessing be upon him-washed his face and his hands and poured the
water back into the spring whereupon the spring gushed forth abundantly (he might
have said 'profusely') until all men drank and were satisfied. The Prophet then said:
'If you were to live long enough, O Mu'adh, you would see this place full of
gardens."[The Sahih of Muslim, Istanbul, 1332 A.H., Vol. VII, p. 60.]
In the biographies, on the other hand, the story of Tabuk is told in a different way
without mention of any miracles. Thus we read in Ibn Hisham's The Life of
Muhammad: "When, in the morning, the men discovered they had no water, they
complained to the Prophet-may God's peace and blessing be upon him. He prayed to
God, who then sent a rain cloud. So much rain fell that everybody drank his fill and
filled his skin. Ibn Ishaq said: 'Asim ibn 'Umar ibn Qatadah, reporting from Mahmud
ibn Labid, who in turn was reporting what he heard from some men of the Banu 'Abd
al Ashhal tribe, said: `I said to Mahmud, 'Did these Muslims know that some
hypocrites were among them'? He answered, 'Yes. Sometimes a man would tell a
hypocrite even if he were his brother, father, uncle or fellow tribesman; at other
times he would not be able to differentiate between them.' Mahmud continued: 'A
fellow tribesman told me of a well-known hypocrite who used to accompany the
Prophet of God-may God's peace and blessing be upon him wherever he went, and
who was present at this expedition. After the miracle had taken place, we went to
him and asked: `Are you still in doubt after what you saw with your own eyes?' He
answered, `It was but a passing cloud.'"
Such a wide range of difference as separates the classical accounts of this story
makes it impossible for us to affirm it conclusively. Those who apply themselves to
the study of it should not stop at probable solutions which neither confirm nor deny
the classical reports. Whenever they are confronted by a story not supported by
positive evidence, the least they can do is to discard it. Should other investigators
later on discover the required evidence, the duty of presenting the story with its
proofclaims would devolve upon them.
My Methodology
This is the method which I have followed in my study of the life of Muhammad, the
Prophet of the Islamic mission to mankind. It characterizes my work throughout; for
ever since I decided to undertake this study I resolved that it would be conducted in
accordance with the modern scientific method in all sincerity and for the sake of
truth alone. That is what I announced in the preface of this book and prayed, in the
conclusion of its first edition, that I may have accomplished, thereby paving the way
for deeper and wiser investigations. I had hoped that this and similar studies would
clear for science a number of psychic and spiritual problems and establish facts
which would guide mankind to the new civilization for which it is groping. There is no
doubt that deepening of analysis and extending the scope of the investigation would
unlock many secrets which many people have thought for a long time to lie beyond
scientific explanation. The clearer the understanding mankind achieves of the
psychological and spiritual secrets of the world, the stronger man's relation to the
world will become and, hence, the greater his happiness. Man will then be better
able to rehabilitate himself in the world when he knows its secrets, just as he
became better able to enjoy it when he understood the latent forces of electricity and
radio.
It therefore behooves any scholar applying himself to such a study to address his
work not only to the Muslims but to mankind as a whole. The final purpose of such
work is not, as some of them think, purely religious. Rather, it is, following the
example of Muhammad, that all mankind may better learn the way to perfection.
Fulfillment of this purpose is not possible without the guidance of reason and heart,
and the conviction and certainty they bring when founded on true perception and
knowledge. Speculative thinking based upon imprecise knowledge which is not
conditioned by the scientific method is likely to go astray and point to conclusions far
removed from the truth. By nature, our thinking is deeply influenced by
temperament. Men with equal training and knowledge, common purpose and
resolution, often differ from one another for no reason other than their difference in
temperament. Some are passionate, deeply perceptive, over-hasty in their
conclusions, mystical, stoic, ascetic, inclined towards matter, or utterly conditioned
by it. Others are different, and their views of the world naturally separate them from
one another. As far as artistic expression and practical living are concerned, this
variety of the human kind is a great blessing. It is, however, a curse in the field of
scientific endeavor which seeks to serve the higher benefit of mankind as a whole.
The study of history should search for high ideals within the facts of human life.
Anyone who applies himself to this search should therefore be free from passion and
prejudice. No method succeeds as well in avoiding these pitfalls as the scientific
method, and no method will more surely lead to error than that which uses the
materials of history to propagate a certain view or bends them to corroborate a
certain prejudice.
The Works of Orientalists
Many western Orientalists have been affected in their so-called scientific research by
their preconceptions and passions. The same is true of many Muslim authors as well.
More surprising in both is the fact that each had taken the passionate and prejudiced
propaganda of the other as basic source work, and each had claimed for his writing
the objectivity which belongs to a research done for the sake of truth alone. Neither
realized how deeply affected he was by his own vehement reaction to the
propaganda of the other. Had either party taken the trouble to analyze objectively
the work of the other, the respective claims would have dissolved and crumbled. Had
any author kept his own predelictions at bay, immunizing himself against them by
applying scientific principles, his writings would have had a more lasting effect on his
readers. In this preface I have attempted to expose as briefly as possible some of
the errors of both parties; I hope I have done so with fairness and objectivity.
It is not possible to expect the western Orientalists to carry out their researches in
Islamic matters with such precision and fairness, however sincere and scientific they
may be. It is especially difficult for them to master the secrets of the Arabic language
and to know its usage, its nuances and rules. Moreover, they are inevitably affected
by the history of western Christianity which makes them regard all other religions
with suspicion. The history of the struggle between Christianity and science affects
equally the very few Orientalists who are still Christians. It causes them in their
Islamic studies to fall under the same prejudice which generally characterizes all
their Christian or religious research: namely, that one or the other party's line must
be vindicated against its opposite. The candid Orientalists, however, cannot be
blamed for this. For no man can completely escape the conditioning of his time and
place. Nonetheless, this conditioning vitiates their Islamic researches and clouds
their vision of the truth. All this imposes upon the Muslim scholars, whether in the
religious or other fields of Islamic research, the very grave burden of studying their
legacy with precision and exactitude, according to the scientific method. Assisted as
they are by their mastery of the Arabic language and understanding of Arab life in
general, their researches should convince all or some Orientalists of their errors;
these researchers should also persuade them to accept the new results readily and
with intellectual satisfaction.
The Muslims and Research
Such results will not be easy to achieve, nor are they impossible or altogether
difficult. Patience, perseverance in study and research, sound judgment, and
freethinking are all required. Moreover, this is an extremely grave matter, grave in
its promise for or threat to the future of Islam, as well as mankind. It seems to me
that to undertake it well, one must distinguish between two periods of Muslim
history: the first begins with Muhammad and ends with the murder of `Uthman; the
second begins with the murder of `Uthman and ends with the closing of the gates of
ijtihad. In the first period, Muslim agreement was complete. It stood unaffected by
the conquest of foreign lands, the War of Apostasy, the so-called "differences over
the caliphate." After the murder of `Uthman, disagreement spread among the
Muslims; civil war was declared between `All and Mu'awiyah; insurgence and
rebellion continued; and politics played a serious role even in the religious life itself.
In order to help the reader appreciate this difference, let us compare the principles
implied in the accession speeches of Abu Bakr and al Mansur al `Abbasi. The former
said: "O men! Here I have been assigned the job of ruling over you while I am not
the best among you. If I do well in my job, help me. If I do wrong, redress me.
Truthfulness is fidelity, and lying is treason. The weak shall be strong in my eye until
I restore to them their right, and the strong shall be weak in my eye until I have
dispossessed them of that right. No people give up fighting for the cause of God but
He inflicts upon them abject subjection; and no people give themselves to lewdness
but He envelops them with misery. Obey me as long as I obey God and His Prophet.
But if I disobey God's command or His Prophet, then no obedience is incumbent
upon you. Rise to your prayer so he may have mercy on you." The other said: "O
men! I am the power of God on His earth. I rule you with His guidance and
confirmation. I am the guardian over His wealth and I manage it by His will and in
accordance with His pattern. I disburse from it with His permission, for He has made
me the lock. If He chooses to open me so that you may receive therefrom and be
provided for, He will. And if He chooses to keep me locked, He will . . . ." A
comparison of these two speeches is sufficient to realize the great change which had
taken place in the basic rules of Muslim life in less than two centuries. It was a
change from the rule of shura [Rule. of consultation, or consent. Presently used as equivalent to
representative government or democratic rule.] to that of absolute power derived from divine
right.
Revolts and successive changes of government and political principles were the
cause of the retrogression and decay of the Islamic State. Despite the fact that Islam
and the civilization to which it gave birth continued to blossom two centuries after
the murder of `Uthman, and despite the fact that after the first decay the Islamic
state was energized again to conquer many provinces and kingdoms first by the
Saljuqs and then by the Moghuls, it was during the first period which came to an end
with the murder of `Uthman that the true principles of Islamic public life were
established and crystallized. Therefore, one must look to that period alone if he
seeks certitude regarding these principles. Later on, despite the blossoming of
knowledge and science during the Umawi and especially the `Abbasi periods, these
normative principles were tampered with. and often replaced by others which did not
accord with the spirit of Islam. For the most part, this was done in pursuit of political
shu'ubi reasons. [The Shu'ubiyyah movement (hence the adjective shu'ubi) comprehends all the fissiparous
tendencies of the non-Arab Muslims in the Islamic Empire. The movement was begun in the Umawi period
predominantly by Persians, but it came to include many other national, ethnic, cultural and religious minorities.
The movement fomented the rebellion which brought the Umawi dynasty and period to an end, but it was itself
dissipated with the triumph of Islam and the Arabic language in the succeeding two centuries.]
It was the
insincere converts from Judaism and Christianity as well as the Persians who
propagated these new principles. They had no inhibition against the fabrication of
hadiths and their attribution to the Prophet-may God's peace be upon him-nor
against the fabrication of tales about the early caliphs contrary to what is known of
their biographies and temperament.
None of the materials which have come to us from this late period can be depended
upon without the strictest scrutiny and criticism; none may be scientifically
accredited without subjection to impersonal analysis, absolutely free of prejudice.
The first requirement consists of referring all controversial material concerning the
Arab Prophet to the Qur'an and of discarding all that disagrees therewith. As for the
rest of the period ending with the murder of `Uthman, scientific and critical analysis
should accredit the materials that have come to us and thus enable us to use them
as reference in our analysis of later materials. If we do this with scientific precision,
we may gain a true picture of the genuine principles of Islam and of early Islamic
life. We will grasp the mind and spirit of Islam which achieved such heights of power
and vision that the Arab Bedouins who were caught by it sallied forth into the world
to spread in a few decades the noblest humanism that history has ever known.
Success in this task would lay bare for the benefit of humanity new horizons capable
of leading it to communion with the realm of soul and spirit and the achievement of
happiness and felicity, just as man?s knowledge of electricity and radio and his
resultant communion with the forces of nature have led to his greater enjoyment of
his life on earth. Furthermore, our success in this undertaking would bring to Islam
the same honor which belonged to it in its early history when the Arabs carried forth
its high principles from the Peninsula to the farthest reaches of the earth.
If we are to serve truth, science and humanity, one of our foremost requirements is
to deepen our study of the biography of the Arab Prophet in order to uncover therein
the guidance mankind seeks. The Qur'an is unquestionably the truest and most
reliable source for such a study. It is the book which is absolutely free of error and
which no doubt can penetrate. It is the only book whose text has remained for
thirteen centuries, and will remain for the rest of time, absolutely pure and
unadulterated. The purity of the Qur'anic text is and will forever remain the greatest
miracle of all history. God said of it: "It is We who have revealed it and it is We who
will guard it."[Qur'an, 15:9] The Qur'an will always remain as it once was, the only
miracle of Muhammad. Of all that concerns his life, that is true which accords with
the Qur'an, and that is false which does not. I have attempted to heed this principle
in this elementary study as precisely as I could. In going over the first edition of this
work I praise God and thank Him for His guidance and pray that He will guide and
provide for the continuation of the scientific study of the life of the Prophet.
"Oh God! It is upon You that we depend, to You that we have recourse, and to You
that we shall return.?[Qur'an, 60:40]
Preface to the Third Edition
This edition does not differ from the second except in a few words and phrases as
demanded by clarity or syntactical precision. The changes are unnoticeable except in
verbatim comparison. Hence, there is no need to mention them.
My reticence to undertake more serious emendation of the text is not due to any
judgment on my part that in its second edition the book is perfect. I do not tire of
repeating here what I said in the preface to the first edition, namely, that this book
is merely the beginning of scientific Islamic research in an important field. I have
discussed many problems attendant upon such research in my book Fi Manzil al
Wahy ["At the Locus of Revelation"] written after my pilgrimage and following the
traces of the Prophet through Hijaz and Tihamah. I therefore refer the reader to it.
Preoccupied with other things during the last eight years I have not been able to
pursue my study of the life of the Prophet, of his teaching, and the careers of his
companions, nor to analyze in detail the general assertions of the concluding
chapters of the second edition. But I hope God will grant me the power to do so in a
separate book devoted entirely to the subject. Perhaps, after reading the conclusion
of the present edition, the reader might even share this hope with me.
Finally, I thank God for the appreciation with which this book has been met by
Muslim as well as non-Muslim readers, and for the reviews and announcements of it
in the publications of East and West. I pray Him to guide those who undertake the
continuation of this research that they may be capable of bringing it to its ultimate
purpose of service to the truth.
Arabia before Islam
The Cradle of Human Civilization
The problem of the origin and development of human civilization continues to baffle
the student in modern times. Scholars have long thought that Egypt was the cradle
of civilization six thousand years ago and that the earlier ages consisted of a protohistory of which no scientific knowledge was possible. Today, however, archeologists
have been at work in `Iraq and Syria in the hope of discovering clues regarding the
origins of the Mesopotamian and Phoenician civilizations, of establishing whether
they are anterior or posterior to Egyptian civilization, and of determining the
influence of one upon the other. Whatever the results of archeological research on
this period of history, one fact has never been challenged by any archeological find in
China or the Far East: that is the fact that the cradle of the earliest human
civilization, whether in Egypt, Phoenicia, or Mesopotamia, was connected with the
Mediterranean Sea. It is equally indubitable that Egypt was the first to export its
civilization to Greece and Rome, and that modern civilization is very closely related
to that antiquity. Whatever archeological study of the Far East may reveal
concerning the civilizations of that region, it can hardly establish that any
determining relationship existed between those civilizations and Egypt, Mesopotamia,
and Greece. It is no more questioned whether these ancient civilizations of the Near
East were influenced by the civilization of Islam. Indeed, the latter was the only
civilization which has altered its course as soon as it came into contact with them.
The world civilization of the present which is dominating the four corners of the globe
is a result of the influences of the civilizations of the ancient Near East and that of
Islam upon one another.
The Mediterranean and Red Sea Basins
The civilizations which sprang up several thousand years ago on the shores of the
Mediterranean Sea or in proximity thereto-in Egypt, Mesopotamia and Greecereached heights of achievement which elicit our wonder and admiration today,
whether in the fields of science, industry, agriculture, trade, war, or any other
human activity. The mainspring of all these civilizations which gave them their
strength is religion. True, the figurations of this mainspring changed from the
trinitarianism of ancient Egypt expressed in the myth of Osiris, Isis and Horus, and
representing the continuity of life in death and resurrection and permanence through
generation, to the paganism of Hellas expressed in the sensory representation of
truth, goodness, and beauty. It changed, likewise, in the succeeding periods of decay
and dissolution to levels where the sensory representations of Hellas became gross.
Regardless of these variants, religion has remained the source which has fashioned
the destiny of the world; and it plays the same role in our age. Present civilization
has sometimes opposed religion, or sought to get rid of and discard it; and yet from
time to time, it has inclined towards religion. On the other hand, religion has
continued to court our civilization and, perhaps, one-day, may even assimilate it.
In this environment where civilization has rested for thousands of years on a
religious base, three well-known world religions arose. Egypt saw the appearance of
Moses. He was brought up and disciplined in Pharaoh's house, instructed in the unity
of divine being and taught the secrets of the universe by Pharaoh's priesthood. When
God permitted Moses to proclaim His religion to the people, Pharaoh was proclaiming
to them: "I am your Lord supreme" (Qur'an, 79:24). Moses contended with Pharaoh
and his priesthood until he finally had to emigrate with the children of Israel to
Palestine. In Palestine there appeared Jesus, the spirit and word of God given unto
Mary. When God raised Jesus unto Himself [As in the Qur'anic verse: "As to their saying, 'We did
kill the Messiah, Jesus, Son of Mary, the Apostle of God;' whereas they slew him not, nor crucified him, but it was
made to appear to them as if they did. Those who differ therein are certainly in a state of doubt about it. They
have no definite knowledge thereof but only follow a conjecture. None of them knows for sure that he was killed.
Rather, God raised him unto Himself. God is Mighty and Wise." 4:156-7. -Tr.], his disciples preached his
religion and met in the process the strongest prejudice and opposition. When God
permitted Christianity to spread, the Emperor of Rome [The term "al Rum" used in pre-Islamic
(Qur'an, 30:2) times, as well as later, refers to Rome, the Roman Empire and the East Roman Empire or
Byzantium. Arab historians say "Roman" when they mean "Byzantine." -Tr.], then sovereign of the
world converted to the new faith and adopted its cause. The Roman Empire followed,
and the religion of Jesus spread through Egypt, Syria, and Greece. From Egypt it
spread to Abyssinia, and for centuries it continued to grow. Whoever sought Roman
protection or friendship joined the ranks of the new faith.
Christianity and Zoroastrianism
Facing this Christian religion which spread by Roman influence and power, stood the
religion of Persia supported by the moral power of India and the Far East. The
civilization of Egypt, extending to Phoenicia and that of Mesopotamia had for many
ages separated the East from the West and prevented any grave confrontation of
their ideologies and civilizations. The entry of Egypt and Phoenicia into Christianity
dissolved this barrier and brought the Christianity of the West and the
Zoroastrianism of the East face to face. For centuries east and West confronted each
other without intermingling between their religions. Each felt such fear of the other
party's religion that a moral barrier came to replace the old barrier provided by the
ancient Near Eastern civilizations. Each was thus compelled to direct its religious
expansion to its own hinterland, away from the other's territory. Despite the
numerous wars they fought, each exhausted its power without being able to confront
the other on the religious or civilizational level. Although Persia conquered and ruled
Syria and Egypt and the approaches of Byzantium, its kings never thought of
spreading their religion or of converting the Christians. On the contrary, the
conquerors respected the religions of the conquered and assisted them in
reconstructing the temples which war had ravished. They granted them the liberty of
upholding their religious rituals. The farthest the Persians had gone in infringing on
their subjects' religion was to seize the "Holy Cross" and to keep it in Persia. When
the tables were turned and the Byzantines won, they took the cross back. Thus the
spiritual conquests of the West were restricted to the West, and those of the East
were restricted to the East. The moral barrier separated them as decisively as the
geographic civilizational one had done. Spiritually speaking, the two paths were
equivalent and their equivalence prevented any clash between them.
Byzantium, the Heir of Rome
This situation remained without significant change until the sixth century of the
Christian era. In the meantime, competition between the East and West Roman
empires was intensified. Rome, which had ruled the West as far as Gaul and England
for many generations, and which looked proudly back to the age of Julius Caesar,
began to lose its glory gradually. The glory of Byzantium was increasing and, after
the dissolution of Roman power following the raids of the Vandals and their conquest
of Rome itself [476 C.E.], it became in fact the only heir of the wide Roman World.
Naturally, these events were not without influence on Christianity, which arose in the
lap of Rome where the believers in Jesus had suffered tyranny.
Christian Sects
Christianity began to divide into various sects, and every sect began in turn to divide
into factions, each of which held a different opinion concerning the religion and its
principles and bases. In the absence of commonly held principles, in terms of which
these differences could be composed, the various sects became antagonistic toward
one another. Their moral and mental backwardness transformed the opposing
doctrines into personal antagonisms protected by blind prejudice and deadening
conservatism. Some of them denied that Jesus ever had a body other than a ghostly
shadow by which he appeared to men. Others regarded the person and soul of Jesus
as related to each other with such extraordinary ties that only the most fastidious
imagination could grasp what they meant. While some worshiped Mary, others
denied that she remained a virgin after the birth of Christ. Thus the controversies
dividing the followers of Jesus were typical of the dissolution and decadence affecting
any nation or age; that is to say, they were merely verbal disputes arising from the
assignment to words of secret and esoteric meanings removed from their
commonsense connotations, oppugnant to reason and tolerated only by futile
sophistry.
One of the monks of the Church wrote describing the situation of his day: "The city
and all its precincts were full of controversy-in the market place, in the shops of
apparel, at the changers, in the grocery stores. You ask for a piece of gold to be
changed at the changers and you find yourself questioned about that which in the
person of Jesus was created and that which was not created. You stop at the bakery
to buy a loaf of bread and ask concerning the price, only to find the baker answer:
?Will you agree that the Father is greater than the Son and the Son is subordinate to
the Father?? You ask your servant about your bath, whether or not the water is
warm, and your servant answers you: ?The Son was created from nothing.??
The decay which befell Christianity and caused it to split into factions and sects did
not shake the political foundations of the Imperium Romanum. The Empire remained
strong and closely knit while the sects disputed their differences with one another
and with the councils, which were called from time to time to resolve them. For some
time at least no sect had enough power to coerce the others into agreement. The
Empire protected them all and granted them the freedom to argue their doctrines
with one another, a measure which increased the civil power of the Emperor without
reducing his religious prestige. Each faction sought his sympathy and
encouragement; indeed, each claimed that the emperor was its patron and advocate.
It was the cohesion of the Empire which enabled Christianity to spread to the
farthest reaches of imperial authority. From its base in Roman Egypt, Christianity
thus reached to independent Abyssinia and thence to the Red Sea which it then
invested with the same importance as the Mediterranean. The same imperial
cohesion also enabled Christianity to move from Syria and Palestine once it had
converted their people to the adjoining Arab tribe of Ghassan and the shores of the
Euphrates. There it converted the Arabs of Hirah, the Banu Lakhm, and Banu
Mundhir who had migrated thence from the desert but whose history has been
divided between independence and Persian tutelage.
The Decay of Zoroastrianism
In Persia, Zoroastrianism was attacked by the same kind of decay. Although fire
worship continued to give the various factions a semblance of unity, the religion and
its followers divided into sects which contended with one another. Apparently
unaffected by the religious controversy around the divine personifications and the
meanings behind them, the political structure of the land remained strong. All sects
sought the protection of the Persian emperor, and the latter readily gave it to them if
only to increase his own power and to use them one against the other wherever a
political gain for him was to be made or a political threat from any one section was to
be avoided. The two powers, Christianity and Zoroastrianism, the West and the East,
each allied with a number of smaller states which it held under its influence,
surrounded the Arabian Peninsula at the beginning of the sixth century C.E. Each
entertained its own ideas of colonialism and expansion. In each camp, the men of
religion exerted great efforts to spread the faith anti doctrine in which they believed.
This proselytizing notwithstanding, the Arabian Peninsula remained secure against
conquest except at the fringes. Like a strong fortress it was secure against the
spread of any religious call, whether Christian or Zoroastrian. Only very few of its
tribes had answered the call, and they did so in insignificant numbers-a surprising
phenomenon in history. To understand it we must grasp the situation and nature of
Arabia and the influence that nature had exerted upon the lives, morals and thought
of its people.
The Geographic Position of the Peninsula
The Arabian Peninsula has the shape of an irregular rectangle. On the north it is
bounded by Palestine and the Syrian desert; on the east by the kingdom of al Hirah,
the Euphrates and Tigris and the Persian Gulf; on the south by the Indian Ocean and
the Gulf of `Adan; and to the west by the Red Sea. The natural isolation of the
Peninsula combined with its size to protect it against invasion. The Peninsula is over
a thousand kilometers long and as wide. Moreover, this vast expanse is utterly
uncultivable. It does not have a single river nor a dependable rainy season around
which any agriculture could be organized. With the exception of fertile and rainy
Yaman in the southwest, the Peninsula consists of plateaus, valleys and deserts
devoid of vegetation and an atmosphere so inclement that no civilization could
prosper therein. The Arabian Peninsula allows only desert life; and desert life
demands continuous movement, adoption of the camel as means of transportation,
and the pursuit of thin pasture which is no sooner discovered than it is exhausted
and another movement becomes imperative. These well sought-after pastures grow
around springs whose waters have collected from rainfall on the surrounding rocky
terrain, allowing a scarce vegetation to grow in the immediate vicinity.
Except Yaman the Arabian Peninsula Is Unknown
In a country such as this, or such as the Sahara of Africa, it is natural that no people
would seek to dwell and that it have a scarce population. It is equally natural that
whoever settles in such a desert has done so for the sake of the refuge the desert
provides and that he entertains no purpose beyond survival. The inhabitants of the
oasis, on the other hand, may envision a different purpose. But the oases
themselves remain unknown to any but the most daring adventurer prepared to
venture into the desert at the risk of his own life. Except for Yaman, the Arabian
Peninsula was literally unknown to the ancient world.
The geographic position of the Peninsula saved it from de-population. In those
ancient times, men had not yet mastered navigation and had not yet learned to
cross the sea with the confidence requisite for travel or commerce. The Arabic
proverbs which have come down to us betray the fact that men feared the sea as
they feared death. Trade and commerce had to find another road less dangerous
than the sea. The most important trade route was that which extended from the
Roman Empire and other territories in the west to India and other territories in the
east. The Arabian Peninsula stood astride the two roads connecting east and West,
whether by way of Egypt or by way of the Persian Gulf. Its inhabitants and masters,
namely the Bedouins, naturally became the princes of the desert routes just as the
maritime people became princes of the sea-lanes when sea communications replaced
land communications. It was equally natural that the princes of the desert would
plan the roads of caravan so as to guarantee the maximum degree of safety, just as
the sea navigators were to plan the course of ships away from tempests, and other
sea dangers. ?The course of the caravan,? says Heeren, ?was not a matter of free
choice, but of established custom. In the vast steppes of sandy desert which the
caravans had to cross, nature had sparingly allotted to the traveler a few scattered
places of rest where, under the shade of palm trees and beside cool fountains, the
merchant and his beast of burden might refresh themselves. Such places of repose
became entrepots of commerce and, not infrequently, sites of temples and
sanctuaries under the protection of which the merchant pursued his trade and to
which the pilgrim resorted."[Heeren's Researches: Africa, Vol. I, p. 23, quoted by Muir, op. cit., pp. iiiii.]
The Two Caravan Routes
The Arabian Peninsula was crisscrossed with caravan routes. Of these, two were
important. The first ran alongside the Persian Gulf, then alongside the Tigris [Perhaps
the author meant the Euphrates, for it is hard to see why a west-bound caravan should travel alongside the
Tigris. -Tr.]
and then crossed the Syrian Desert towards Palestine. It was properly
called "the eastern route." The other route ran along the shore of the Red Sea and
was properly called "the western route." On these two main routes, world trade ran
between east and West carrying products and goods in both directions. These two
routes provided the desert with income and prosperity. The peoples of the West,
however, lived in total ignorance of the routes which their own trade took. None of
them, or of their eastern neighbors, ever penetrated the desert territory unless it be
the case of an adventurer who had no concern for his own life. A number of
adventurers perished in trying the desert labyrinth in vain. The hardships which such
travel entailed were unbearable except to those who had been accustomed to desert
life from a tender age. A man accustomed to the luxuries of town living cannot be
expected to bear the discomfort of these barren mountains separated from the Red
Sea only by the narrow passages of Tihamah [The narrow plain alongside the East coast of the
Red Sea, separating the latter from the Hijaz mountain chain and the desert beyond. -Tr.], and leading
through naked rocks to the apparently infinite expanse of most arid and desolate
desert. A man accustomed to a political order guaranteeing the security of all
inhabitants at all times cannot be expected to bear the terror and lawlessness of the
desert, devoid as it is of political order, and whose inhabitants live as utterly
independent tribes, clans nay individuals except where their relations to one another
come under the jurisdiction of tribal law, or some ad hoc convention of a strong
protector. The desert had never known any urban order such as we enjoy in our
modern cities. Its people lived in the shadow of retributive justice. They repelled
attack by attack, and they sought to prevent aggression by the fear of counteraggressions. The weak had no chance unless somebody took them under protection.
Such a life does not encourage anyone to try it, nor does it invite anyone to learn of
it in any detail. That is why the Arabian Peninsula remained an unknown continent
throughout the world until the circumstances of history permitted its people, after
the advent of Muhammad, may God's peace and blessing be upon him, to migrate
and thus tell about their country and give the world the information it lacked.
The Civilization of Yaman
The only exception to this universal ignorance of the Arabian Peninsula concerns Yaman and the
coastline of the Persian Gulf and Arabian Sea. This exception is not due merely to their near
location to the sea and ocean but to their radical difference from the rest of the Arabian
Peninsula. Rather than being a barren desert profitless to befriend, explore, or colonize, these
lands were fertile and had well-defined seasons with a fair amount of rainfall. They had an
established civilization with many urban centers and long-lasting temples. Its people, the Banu
Himyar, were well endowed and intelligent. They were clever enough to think of ways of saving
rain water from running down to the sea and of making good use of it. They built the dam of
Ma'rib and thereby changed the course which water would have naturally followed to courses
such as settled life and intensive agriculture required. Falling on high mountains, rain water
would gather in a 400 meters wide valley flanked by two mountains east of the city of Ma'rib. It
would then divide into many streams and spread over a wide plain that is very much like the Nile
in the dam area in Upper Egypt. As their technological and administrative skill developed, the
people of Yaman constructed a dam at the narrowest point between the two mountains with
gates which allowed controlled distribution of water. By putting the resources of their country to
good use, they increased the fertility of the land and the prosperity of the people. What has so
far been discovered-and is still being discovered-by way of remains of this Himyari civilization in
Yaman, proves that it had reached an impressive height and was strong enough to withstand not
only a number of great political storms but even war.
Judaism and Christianity in Yaman
This civilization founded upon agricultural prosperity and settled life, brought upon Yaman great
misfortune, unlike the desert whose barrenness was for it a sort of protector. Sovereigns in their
own land, Banu Himyar ruled Yaman generation after generation. One of their kings, Dhu Nuwas,
disliked the paganism of his people and inclined toward the Mosaic religion. In time, he was
converted to this faith by the Jews who had migrated to Yaman. Historians agree that it was to
this Himyari king that the Qur'an referred in the "story of the trench," reported in the following
verses
"Cursed be the fellows of the trench who fed the fire with fury, sat by it and witnessed the
burning of the believers whom they threw therein. They executed the believers only because the
latter believed in God, the Almighty, the Praiseworthy." [Qur'an, 85:5-9]
The story is that of a pious Christian, Qaymiyun by name, who emigrated from Byzantium,
settled in Najran, and converted the people of that city by his piety, virtue, and good example.
When the news of the increasing converts and widening influence of Christianity reached Dhu
Nuwas, he went to Najran and solemnly warned its people that they must either convert to
Judaism or be killed. Upon their refusal to apostasize, the king dug a wide trench, set it on fire,
and threw them in. Whoever escaped from the fire was killed by the sword. According to the
biographies, twenty thousand of them perished in this manner. Some nonetheless escaped,
sought the Byzantine Emperor Justinian and asked for his help against Dhu Nuwas. Byzantium
was too far from Yaman to send any effective assistance. Its emperor therefore wrote to the
Negus of Abyssinia to avenge the Christians of Yaman. At the time-the sixth century C.E.Abyssinia was at the height of its power, commanding a wide sea trade protected by a strong
maritime fleet and imposing its influence upon the neighboring countries [This fact is confirmed by most
historians in a number of works of history and reference. It is confirmed by the Encyclopedia Britannica and the Historian's
History of the World. In his book, The Life of Muhammad, Dermenghem accepts it as true. Al Tabari reports from Hisham ibn
Muhammad that when the Yamani Christians solicited the Negus's assistance against Dhu Nuwas, informed him of what the
Jewish King did to the Christians and showed him a partially burnt Evangel, the Negus said: "My men are many but I have no
ships. I shall write to the Byzantine Emperor to send me ships with which to carry the men over to Yaman." The Negus wrote to
the Byzantine Emperor and sent him the partially burned Evangel. The Emperor responded by sending many ships. Al Tabari
adds: "Hisham ibn Muhammad claims that when the ships arrived, the Negus sent his army therein and landed them on the
shores of Mandib" (A1 Tabari, ibn Jarir, Tarikh al Rusul wa al Muluk, Cairo: A1 Matba'ah al Husayniyyah, Vol, II, pp. 106, 108).].
The Abyssinian kingdom was the ally of the Byzantine Empire and the protagonist of Christianity
on the Red Sea just as the Byzantine Empire was its protagonist on the Mediterranean. When the
Negus received the message of the Byzantine emperor, he sent with the Yamani, who carried the
emperor's message to him, an Abyssinian army under the command of Aryat? One of the officers
of this expeditionary force was Abraha al Ashram [Literally, "the man with the cut lip."]. Aryat conquered
Yaman and ruled it in the name of the Negus of Abyssinia. Later on he was killed and succeeded
by Abraha, "the general with the elephant," who sought to conquer Makkah and destroy the
Ka'bah but failed, as we shall see in the next chapter. [Some historians give a different explanation of the
conquest of Yaman by Abyssinia. They claim that trade moved along connected links between Abyssinia, Yaman, and Hijaz; that
Abyssinia then had a large commercial fleet operating on the shores of the Red Sea. The Byzantines were anxious to conquer
Yaman in order to reap some of its produce and wealth. Anxious to conquer Yaman for Byzantium, Aelius Gallus, Governor of
Egypt, equipped and prepared the army on the shore of the Red Sea, sent it to Yaman, and occupied Najran. The Yamanis put up
a stiff resistance and were helped by the epidemic which ravaged the expeditionary force and compelled a withdrawal to Egypt. A
number of other attempts to conquer Yaman were made by the Byzantines, but none of them succeeded. It was this long history
of conflict which opened the eyes of the Negus and prompted him to avenge his fellow Christians against the Yamani Jews; it also
explains why he prepared the army of Aryat, sent it to conquer Yaman (525 c.E.). -Tr. The Abyssinians ruled the country until the
Persians forced them out of the Peninsula.]
The successors of Abraha ruled Yaman tyrannically. Seeking relief from the yoke the Himyari
Sayf ibn Dhu Yazan approached the Byzantine emperor complaining against the Abyssinians and
pleading for a Byzantine governor to be sent to establish justice. He was turned down because of
the alliance between Byzantium and Abyssinia. Disappointed, he stopped on his way back at the
court of Nu'man ibn al Mundhir, Viceroy of Chosroes for al Hirah and surrounding lands of `Iraq.
Conquest and Rule of Yaman by Persia
When al Nu'man entered the audience hall of Chosroes, he was accompanied by Sayf
ibn Dhu Yazan. Chosroes received them at his winter residence, sitting on the throne
of Darius in the great iwan decorated with the pictures of the Zodiac. The throne was
surrounded with a curtain made of the most precious furs which served as
background for golden and silver chandeliers filled with warm water and for his
golden and silver crown filled with rubies, beryls and pearls which, being too heavy
to rest on his head, was attached to the ceiling by a golden chain. His clothes were
of a golden weave, and he decorated himself with gold. So brilliant was this spectacle
that any person was seized with awe at the mere sight of it. Surely, such was the
case of Sayf ibn Dhu Yazan. When he came back to himself and felt reassured, he
was asked by Chosroes about his mission and told the emperor the story of
Abyssinia's conquest and tyrannous rule. Chosroes hesitated at the beginning, but
then decided to send to Yaman an army under the command of Wahriz, one of the
noblest and bravest commanders of Persia. The Persian army arrived in Yaman,
vanquished the Abyssinians and expelled them after a rule of seventy-two years.
Yaman remained under Persian rule until the advent of Islam and the succeeding
entry of all Arab countries into the religion of God as well as into the Islamic Empire.
Cyrus's Rule of Persia
The Persians who ruled Yaman did not come directly under the authority of the
Persian Emperor, particularly after Cyrus had killed his father Chosroes and
succeeded to his throne. The new emperor seemed to think that the whole world ran
according to his wishes and that the kingdoms of the world existed only to fill his
treasury and to increase his affluence and luxury. Because he was a young man, he
neglected most of the affairs of state in order to devote himself to his pleasures and
pastimes. The pageantry of his hunting trips was greater than any imagination could
possibly conceive. He used to go out surrounded by a whole troop of youthful princes
clad in red, yellow, and violet; carriers of falcons and servants held back their
muzzled panthers, perfume carrying slaves, fly fighters and musicians. In order to
give himself a feeling of spring in the midst of winter, he used to sit surrounded by
the members of his house on an immense carpet on which were drawn the roads and
highways of the kingdom, the orchards, and gardens full of flowers, the forests and
greenwoods and the silvery rivers all in a state of blossoming spring. Despite Cyrus's
extravagance and addiction to pleasure, Persia maintained its glory and strong
resistance to Byzantium and prevented the spread of Christianity further east. It was
clear, however, that the accession of Cyrus to the throne was the beginning of the
decline of this empire and a preparation for its conquest by the Muslims and the
spread of Islam therein.
Destruction of the Dam of Ma'rib
The conflict of which Yaman had been the theatre ever since the fourth century C.E.
influenced the distribution of population in the Arabian Peninsula. It is told that the
dam of Ma'rib, by means of which the Himyaris changed the course of nature to
benefit their country, was destroyed by the great flood, "Sayl al Arim," with the
result that large sections of the inhabitants had to migrate. Apparently the
continuing political conflicts so distracted men and governments from attending to
the repair and maintenance of the dam that when the flood came it was incapable of
holding the water. It is also told that the shift in population was due to the fact that
the Byzantine emperor, realizing the threat to his trade by the conflict with Persia
over Yaman, built a fleet of ships to ply the Red Sea and thereby avoid the caravan
routes of Arabia. Historians agree on the historicity of the immigration of the Azd
tribes from Yaman to the north but disagree in explaining it. Some attribute it to the
loss of trade, and others to the destruction of the dam of Ma'rib and the resultant
loss in food production. Whatever the explanation, the historicity of the event is
beyond doubt. It was at the root of the blood relation of the Yamanis with the
northern Arabs and their involvement in the history of the north. Even today the
problem is still far from solved.
The Social Order of the Peninsula
As we have just seen, the political order of Yaman was disturbed because of the
geographic circumstances of that country and the political wars of conquest of which
it had been the object. Per contra, the Arabian Peninsula was free from any such
disturbances. Indeed, the political system known in Yaman, as well as any other
political system-whatever the term may mean or may have meant to the civilized
peoples of old-was literally unknown in the areas of Tihamah, Hijaz, Najd, and other
wide spaces constituting the Arabian Peninsula. The sons of the desert were then, as
most of them are today, nomads who had no taste for settled life and who knew no
kind of permanence other than perpetual movement in search of pasture and
satisfaction of the wish of the moment. In the desert, the basic unit of life is not the
state but the tribe. Moreover, a tribe which is always on the move does not know of
any universal law nor does it ever subject itself to any general political order. To the
nomad, nothing is acceptable that falls short of total freedom for the individual, for
the family, and for the tribe as a whole. Settled land farmers, on the other hand,
agree to give up part of their freedom, whether to the group as a whole or to an
absolute ruler, in exchange for peace, security, and the prosperity which order
brings. But the desert man who disdains the prosperity and security of settled life
and derides the comforts of urban living cannot give any of his freedom for such
"gains." Neither does he accept anything short of absolute equality with all the
members of his tribe as well as between his tribe and other tribes. Naturally, he is
moved like all other men by the will to survive and to defend himself, but such will
must accord with the principles of honor and integrity demanded by the free life of
the desert. Therefore, the desert people have never suffered with patience any
injustice inflicted upon them but resisted it with all their strength. If they cannot
throw off the injustice imposed upon them, they give up the pasture and move out
into the wide expanse of the desert. Nothing is easier for them than recourse to the
sword whenever a conflict seems insoluble under the conventional desert rules of
honor, nobility, and integrity. It was these very conditions of desert living which led
to the cultivation and growth of the virtues of hospitality, bravery, mutual assistance,
neighbor protection, and magnanimity. It is not by accident that these virtues are
stronger and more popular in the desert and weaker and more scarce in the cities.
For the above-mentioned economic reasons neither Byzantium nor Persia entertained
any ideas of conquering the Arabian Peninsula with the exception of Yaman. For they
know that the people of the Peninsula would prefer emigration to the life of
subjection and that they would never yield to any established authority or order.
These nomadic characteristics influenced in large measure the few small towns which
grew up in the Peninsula along the caravan routes. To these centers the traders used
to come in order to rest. In them they found temples wherein to give thanks to the
gods for bringing them safely through their travels and for safeguarding their goods
while in transit. Such were Makkah, Ta'if, Yathrib, and others scattered between the
mountains of the west coastland and the desert sands. In their order and
organization these towns followed the pattern and laws of the desert. Indeed, their
being closer to the desert than they were to civilized life was reflected in the system
of their tribes and clans, in their morals and customs, and in their strong resistance
to any imposition upon their freedom, despite the fact that settled life had somewhat
restricted their movements in comparison with their desert cousins. We shall witness
more of this in the coming chapters when we talk about Makkah and Yathrib.
Arab Paganism and Its Causes
This state of nature and the moral, political, and social order it implied were equally
consequential for religion. Was Yaman influenced by Byzantine Christianity or Persian
Zoroastrianism, and did it influence in turn the Arabian Peninsula? It would seem so,
especially in the case of Christianity. The missionaries of Christianity were as active
in those days as they are today. Moreover, unlike the life of the city, desert life is
especially conducive to the rise of religious consciousness. In the desert, man is in
constant touch with the universe as a whole. He senses the infinity of existence in all
its forms and is thereby prompted to order his relationship with the infinite. The city
man, on the other hand, is distracted from the consciousness of infinity by his
constant occupation. He is protected from the angst and dread such consciousness of
the infinite brings by the group to which he gave up part of his freedom. His
submission to political authority and the consequent security arising from this
submission prevent him from establishing a direct contact, beyond the civil power,
with the spiritual powers of the world, and weaken his speculative thinking about
them. In the case of the desert man, on the other hand, nothing impedes his
speculation over religious meanings and problems to which the life of the desert
naturally leads.
And now we may ask, did Christianity, with all its missionary activity, benefit from
these circumstances to spread and propagate itself? Perhaps it would have done so
had it not been that other factors went into play and enabled the Peninsula as a
whole to preserve its paganism, the religion of its ancestors. Only a very few tribes
therefore responded favorably to the Christian call.
Christianity and Judaism
The greatest civilization of the day stood in the basins of the Mediterranean and the
Red Sea. The religions of Christianity and Judaism divided this civilization, and
though they were not at war with each other, they were surely not friendly to each
other. The Jews then remembered, as they still do, the rebellion Jesus had launched
against their religion. As much as they could, therefore, they worked secretly to stop
the flow of Christianity, the religion which forced them out of the Promised Land and
assumed the Roman color as its own throughout the Empire. There were large
communities of Jews living in Arabia, and a good number of them had settled in
Yaman and in Yathrib. Zoroastrianism, on the other hand, was anxious to prevent
Christianity from crossing the Euphrates. Hence, it lent its moral support to
paganism while overlooking, or being mindful of, it?s spiritual and moral
degradation. The fall of Rome and the passing of its power under all forms of
dissolution encouraged the multiplication of sects in Christianity. These were not only
becoming numerous and varied but were also fighting desperately with one another.
Indeed, the Christian sects fell from the high level of faith to that of controversy
regarding forms, figures, and words which related to the holiness of Mary and her
priority to her son, the Christ. The sectarian controversies of Christianity betray the
level of degradation and decay to which Christian thought and practice had sunk. It
takes a truly decadent mind to discard content in favor of external form, to attach so
much importance to externalities that the essence disappears under their opaque
weight. And that is precisely what the Christian sects did.
The subjects under controversy varied from place to place; the Christians of al Sham
[Al Sham refers to the lands otherwise known as Syria, Lebanon, Palestine, and Jordan. -Tr.] disputed other
questions than those of Hirah or Abyssinia. In their contact with the Christians, the
Jews did nothing to calm the raging controversies or to temper the generated
antagonism. The Arabs, on the other hand, were on good terms with the Christians
of Damascus and Yaman with whom they came into contact during the winter and
summer caravan trips, as well as with the Abyssinian Christians who visited them
from time to time. It was natural for them to refrain from taking sides with any
Christian party against another. The Arabs were happy with their paganism,
contented to follow in the footsteps of their ancestors, and prepared to leave both
Christians and Jews alone as long as these were not interfering with their religion.
Thus, idol worship continued to flourish among them and even spread to the centers
inhabited by their Christian and Jewish neighbors, namely Najran and Yathrib. The
Jews of Yathrib tolerated idol worship, coexisted with it, and finally befriended it as
the trade routes linked them to the pagan Arabs with mutually beneficial relations.
The Spread of Paganism
Perhaps the desperate struggle of the Christian sects against one another was not
the sole cause of why the Arabs remained pagan. Varieties of paganism were still
adhered to even by the people who had converted to Christianity. Egyptian and
Greek paganism was quite apparent in the ideologies and practices of many Christian
sects. Indeed, they were apparent in some of the views of orthodox Christianity
itself. The school of Alexandria and its philosophy still enjoyed a measure of
influence, though it was naturally reduced from that which it enjoyed during the time
of the Ptolemies, at the beginning of the Christian era. At any rate, this influence was
deeply imbedded in the consciousness of the people, and its brilliant logic, though
sophistic in nature, still exercised appeal for a polytheistic paganism of human deities
so close and lovable to man. It seems to me that polytheism has been the strongest
appeal of paganism to weak souls in all times and places. The weak soul is by nature
incapable of rising high enough to establish a contact with total being and, in a
supreme moment of consciousness, to grasp the unity of total being represented in
that which is greater than all that exists, in God, the Lord of Majesty. The weak soul
therefore stops at one of the differentiated phenomena of total being, like the sun or
the moon or the fire, and awkwardly withdraws from rising beyond it to the unity of
being itself.
What poverty of spirit characterizes those souls who, arrested by their grasp of a
confused, insignificant little meaning of total being in an idol, commune with that
object and wrap it with a halo of sanctity! We still witness this phenomenon in many
countries of the world despite all the claims this modern world makes for its
advances in science and civilization. Such is what the visitors see at St. Peter's
cathedral in Rome where the foot of a statue of a certain saint is physically worn out
by the kisses which the saint's worshipers proffer to it, so that the church has to
change it for a new foot every now and then. If we could keep this in mind, we would
excuse those Arabs whom God had not yet guided to the true faith. We would be less
quick to condemn them for their continued idolatry and following in the footsteps of
their ancestors when we remember that they were the witnesses of a desperate
struggle of Christian neighbors against one another who had not yet liberated
themselves completely from paganism. How can we not excuse them when pagan
conditions are still with us and seem to be inextricably rooted in the world? How can
we not excuse the pre-Islamic Arabs when paganism is still evident in the idolatrous
practices of so many Muslims of the present world despite the fact that Islam, the
one unflinching enemy of paganism that had once succeeded in sweeping away
every other worship besides that of God, the Lord of majesty, is their professed
religion?
Idol Worship
In their worship of idols, the Arabs followed many ways difficult for the modern
researcher to discover and understand. The Prophet destroyed the idols of the
Ka'bah and commanded his companions to destroy all idols wherever they might be.
After they destroyed the idols' physical existence, the Muslims launched a campaign
against the very mention of idols and sought to wipe them out from history,
literature, and, indeed, from consciousness itself. The evidence the Qur'an gives for
the existence of idolatry in pre-Islamic times as well as the stories which circulated in
the second century A.H. concerning idolatrous practices, prove that idolatry once
enjoyed a position of tremendous importance. The same evidence proves that it was
of many kinds, that idolatrous practices were of great variety and that idols differed
widely in the degree of sacralization conferred upon them. Every tribe had a different
idol which it worshiped. Generally, objects of worship belonged to three genres:
metal and wooden statues, stone statues, and shapeless masses of stone which one
tribe or another consecrated because its origin was thought to be heavenly, whereas
in reality it was only a piece of volcanic or meteoric rock. The most finely made
statues were those which belonged to Yaman. No wonder for the Yamanis were more
advanced in technology than the people of Hijaz, Najd, or Kindah. The classical
works on pre-Islamic idols, however, did not report to us that any fine statues
existed anywhere, except perhaps what they reported concerning Hubal, namely that
it was made out of carnelian in the likeness of man, that its arm once broke off and
was replaced by another contributed by Quraysh and made of solid gold. Hubal was
the greatest member of the Arab pantheon and resided in Makkah, inside the Ka'bah.
Pilgrims came to its shrine from all corners. Still unsatisfied by these great idols to
which they prayed and offered sacrifices, the Arabs used to adopt other statues or
sacred stones for domestic worship and devotion. They used to circumambulate the
"holy" precincts of these gods both before leaving on a trip and upon returning
home. They often carried their idols with them when they traveled, presuming that
the idol had permitted its worshiper to travel. All these statues, whether in the
Ka'bah, around it or scattered around the tribes or the provinces, were regarded as
intermediaries between their worshipers and the supreme god. They regarded the
worship of them as a means of rapprochement with God even though in reality that
same worship had caused them to forget the true worship of God.
Makkah's Place in Arabia
Despite the fact that Yaman was the most advanced province in the Arabian Peninsula and the
most civilized on account of its fertility and the sound administration of its water resources, its
religious practices never commanded the respect of the inhabitants of the desert. Its temples
never constituted a single center of pilgrimage. Makkah, on the other hand, and its Ka'bah, the
house of Isma'il, was the object of pilgrimage ever since Arab history began. Every Arab sought
to travel to it. In it the holy months were observed with far more ado than anywhere else. For
this reason, as well as for its distinguished position in the trade of the Peninsula as a whole, it
was regarded as the capital. Further, it was to be the birthplace of Muhammad, the Arab
Prophet, and became the object of the yearning of the world throughout the centuries. Its
ancient house was to remain holy forever. The tribe of Quraysh was to continue to enjoy a
distinguished and sovereign position. All this was to remain so forever despite the fact that the
Makkans and their city continued to lead a life closer to the hardness of bedouin existence which
had been their custom for many tens of centuries.
Makkah, the Ka'bah, and the Quraysh
Geographic Position of Makkah
About eighty kilometers east of the shore of the Red Sea a number of mountain chains run from
north to south paralleling the shore line and dovetailing with the caravan route between Yaman
and Palestine. These chains would completely enclose a small plain, were it not for three main
outlets connecting it with the road to Yaman, the road to the Red Sea close to the port town of
Juddah and the road leading to Palestine. In this plain surrounded by mountains on all sides
stands Makkah. It is difficult to trace its origins. In all likelihood these origins lie thousands of
years in the past. It is certain that even before Makkah was built the valley on which it stands
must have been used as a resting point for the caravan routes. Its number of water springs
made it a natural stopping point for the caravans going south to Yaman as well as for those
going north to Palestine. Isma`il, son of Ibrahim, was probably the first one to dwell there
permanently and establish it as a permanent settlement after it had long been a resting station
for transient caravans and a market place in which the northbound and southbound travelers
exchanged their goods.
Ibrahim-May God's Peace be upon Him
Granted that Isma'il was the first to make of Makkah a permanent habitat, the history of the city
before Isma'il is rather obscure. Perhaps it can be said that Makkah was used as a place of
worship even before Isma'il had migrated there. The story of the latter's migration to Makkah
demands that we summarize
the story of his father, Ibrahim-may God's peace be upon him. Ibrahim was born in 'Iraq to a
father whose occupation was carpentry and the making and selling of statues for worship. As
Ibrahim grew up and observed his father making these statues out of pieces of wood, he was
struck by his people's worship and consecration of them. He doubted these deities and was
troubled by his doubt. One day he asked his father to explain how he could worship that which
his hand had wrought. Unsatisfied by his father's answer, Ibrahim talked about his doubts to his
friends, and soon the father began to fear the consequences for the security of his son as well
as for his own trade. Ibrahim, however, respected his own reason too much to silence its voice.
Accordingly, he sought to convince his people of the futility of idol worship with argument and
proof. Once he seized the opportunity of the absence of worshipers from the temple and
destroyed all the statues of the gods but that of the principal deity. When he was accused in
public of this crime he was asked: "Was it you Ibrahim, who destroyed our gods?" He answered:
"No, rather, it was the principal god who destroyed the other gods. Ask them, for they would
speak, wouldn't they?"[Qur'an, 21:62-63]. Ibrahim's destruction of the idols came after he had long
pondered the error of idol worship and searched earnestly for a worthier object of devotion.
"When the night came, and Ibrahim saw the star rise, he took it to be the true God. Soon,
however, the star set and Ibrahim was disappointed. 'How could a veritable God set and
disappear?' he asked himself. He then observed the moon shining brilliantly and thought: 'That
is my Lord.' But when it too set, he was all the more disappointed and thought: 'Unless God
guides me truly, I shall certainly go astray.' Later on Ibrahim observed the sun in its brilliant
and dazzling glory and he thought: 'This finally must be my Lord, for it is the greatest of all.' But
then it too set and disappeared. Ibrahim was thus cured of the star worship common among his
people. `I shall devote myself,' he therefore resolved, 'to Him Who has created the heavens and
the earth, I shall dedicate myself as a hanif and not be an idol worshiper.? [Qur'an, 6:76-79]
Ibrahim and Sarah in Egypt
Ibrahim did not succeed in liberating his people from paganism. On the contrary,
they punished him by throwing him into the fire. God rescued him by allowing him to
run away to Palestine together with his wife, Sarah. From Palestine he moved on to
Egypt, which was then ruled by the Hyksos or Amalekite kings. Sarah was a beautiful
lady, and as the Hyksos kings were in the habit of taking into their households any
beautiful married women they met, Ibrahim therefore pretended that Sarah was his
sister and hence unmarried so that the king might not take her away and kill him in
the process. The king, however, did take her and later realized that she was married.
He returned her to Ibrahim, blamed him for his lie, and gave him a number of gifts,
one of which was a slave girl by the name of Hagar. [Haykal here reports a typical case of
Israelitism in the Muslim tradition. With little variation the story of Genesis had passed into Muslim legends
through Jewish converts to Islam. -Tr.] As Sarah remained barren after many years of married
life, she urged her husband to go into Hagar. After Ibrahim did so, Hagar soon bore
him his son Isma'il. Later on, after Isma'il became a youth, Sarah bore a son who
was called Ishaq.
Who Was the Sacrificial Son?
Historians of this period disagree on the matter of Ibrahim's sacrifice of Isma'il. Did
the event take place before the birth of Ishaq or thereafter? Did it take place in
Palestine or in the Hijaz? Jewish historians insist that the sacrificial son was Ishaq,
not Isma'il. This is not the place to analyze this issue. In his book Qisas al Anbiyd',
Shaykh `Abd al Wahhab al Najjar concluded that the sacrificial son was Isma'il. His
evidence was drawn from the Qur'an itself where the sacrificial son is described as
being Ibrahim's unique son, which could only be Isma'il, and only as long as Ishaq
was not yet born [Genesis 22:2 also calls Isaac Abraham's "only son," thus corroborating the claim and
making the Bible's declaration of Isaac as the sacrificial son a very likely emendation of the Biblical text. -Tr.].
For with the birth of Ishaq, Ibrahim would have no "unique" son but two, Isma'il and
Ishaq. But to accede to this evidence implies that the sacrifice should have taken
place in Palestine [Unfortunately, Haykal has not shown how this implication follows from the claim in favor
of Isma'i1. -Tr.]. This would equally be true in case the sacrificial son was Ishaq, for the
latter remained with his mother Sarah in Palestine and never left for the Hijaz. On
the other hand, the report which makes the sacrifice take place on the mountain of
Mina near Makkah identifies the sacrificial son as Isma'il. The Qur'an did not mention
the name of the sacrificial son, and hence Muslim historians disagree in this regard.
The Qur'anic Version of the Sacrifice
The story of the sacrifice is that Ibrahim saw in a dream God commanding him to
sacrifice his son to Him. In the morning he took his son and went out to fulfill the
command. "When they reached the destination Ibrahim said to his son: `My son, I
saw in a dream God commanding me to sacrifice you. What will you say?' His son
answered: `Fulfill whatever you have been commanded; by God's will you will find
me patient.' When Ibrahim threw his son on the ground for the sacrifice and both
had acquiesced to the commandment, God called out to him: `O Ibrahim, you have
fulfilled the commandment. We shall reward you as We reward the virtuous. You
have manifestly succeeded in your travail.' We ransomed him with a worthy animal
to sacrifice."[Qur'an, 37:102-107]
The Historians' Version
Some historians tell this story in more dramatic way. The beauty of some versions
justifies a brief pause despite the fact that the story itself does not belong in this
apercu of Makkan history. It is told, for instance, that when Ibrahim saw in his
dream that he should sacrifice his son and ascertained that that was God's
commandment, he asked his son to take a rope and a knife and to go ahead of him
to a nearby hill in order to collect some wood for fuel. The boy complied with his
father's request. Satan took the guise of a man, came to Isma'il's mother and
said:"Do you know where Ibrahim is taking your son?" She answered: "Yes, they
both went to collect some wood." Satan said:"By God, he did not take him except to
sacrifice him." The mother answered, "Not at all! His father is even more loving and
gentler to him than me." Satan said: "But he claims that God has commanded him to
do so." The mother answered: "If God has thus commanded him then so let it be."
Thus Satan lost the first round. He ran to the son as he was following his father and
repeated to him the same temptations he offered to his mother. But the son
answered in exactly the same way as his mother did. Satan then approached
Ibrahim and told him that what he saw in his dream was only a Satanic illusion that
he may kill his son and grieve there at the rest of his days. Ibrahim dismissed him
and cursed him. Iblis (Satan) returned maddened and frustrated at his failure to
dissuade Ibrahim, his wife, and his son from fulfillment of God's command. The same
storytellers also report that Ibrahim divulged his dream to his son and asked for his
opinion. They report the son as answering: "O father, do what you are commanded
to do." A still more fanciful version of the story reports the son as saying: "O father,
if you want to kill me, then bind me tight that I may not move and splatter you with
my blood and thus reduce my own reward for the fulfillment of God's command. I
know that death is hard, and I am not certain I will stay still when it comes.
Therefore sharpen your blade that you may finish me quickly. Lay me face down
rather than on my side, for I fear that if you were to witness my face as you cut my
throat you would be moved by compassion for me and fail to complete that which
God had asked you to do. And if you see fit to return my shirt to my mother that she
may remember me therewith and, perhaps, find some consolation, please do so.'
Ibrahim answered: `My son, you are the best help in the fulfillment of God's
command.' As he prepared for the sacrifice, bound the child, and laid him down,
Ibrahim was called to stop. For he had given evidence of his obedience to God's
command, and the son was ransomed with a sheep which Ibrahim found close by
and which he killed and burnt."
That is the story of the sacrifice. It is the story of submission to God and His decree
as well as of the fulfillment of His commandment.
Ibrahim, Isma'il, and Hagar's Trip to the Valley of Makkah
Ishaq grew up in the company of his brother Isma'il. The father loved both equally,
but Sarah was not pleased with this equation of her son with the son of the slave girl
Hagar. Once, upon seeing Isma'il chastising his younger brother, she swore that she
would not live with Hagar nor her son. Ibrahim realized that happiness was not
possible as long as the two women lived in the same household; hence, he took
Hagar and her son and traveled south until they arrived to the valley of Makkah. As
we said earlier, the valley was a midway place of rest for caravans on the road
between Yaman and al Sham. The caravans came in season, and the place was
empty at all or most other times. Ibrahim deposited Isma'il and his mother there and
left them some sustenance. Hagar built a little hut in which she settled with her son
and whereto Ibrahim returned when he came. When water and provisions were
exhausted, Hagar set out to look for food, but she could not find any. As the
storytellers put it, she ran towards the valley seeking water and, not finding any,
would run in another direction. After running to and fro seven times between Safa
and Marwah, she returned in despair to her son. But what surprise when she found
him! Having scratched the surface of the earth with his foot, he uncovered a water
fountain which sprung under his feet. Hagar drank and gave Isma'il to drink until
they were both satisfied. She then closed in the spring that its water might not be
lost in the sand. Thereafter the child and his mother lived in Makkah. Arab travelers
continued to use the place as a rest stop, and in exchange for services they rendered
to the travelers who came with one caravan after another, Hagar and Isma'il were
sufficiently provided for.
Subsequently a number of tribes liked the fountain water of Zamzam sufficiently to
settle nearby. Jurhum was the first such tribe to settle in Makkah. Some versions
assert that Jurhum was already settled in Makkah even before Hagar and her son
arrived there. According to other reports, no tribes settled in Makkah until Zamzam
had sprung forth and made life possible in this otherwise barren valley and hence,
after Isma'il's advent. Isma'il grew up, married a girl from the tribe of Jurhum and
lived with this tribe in the same area where he built the holy temple. Thereafter, the
city of Makkah arose around the temple. It is also told that Ibrahim once took leave
of Sarah to visit Isma'il and his mother. When he inquired about the house of Isma'il
and found it, he asked Isma'il's wife, "Where is your husband?" She answered, "He
went out to hunt." He then asked her whether she had any food or drink to give him.
She answered in the negative. Before he turned back, Ibrahim asked her to convey
to her husband a message. "Give him my greetings," he said, "and tell him that he
should change the threshold of his house." When Isma'il's wife related to her
husband his father's message, he divorced her and married a girl from the Jurhum
tribe, the daughter of Mudad ibn `Amr. This second wife knew well how to entertain
Ibrahim when he came to visit his son a second time later. At the end of his second
visit, Ibrahim asked Isma'il's wife to greet her husband for him and to tell him, "Now
the threshold of your house is straight." Twelve sons were born to Isma'il from this
marriage with the Jurhum girl. These were the ancestors of the twelve tribes of
Arabized or Northern Arabs. On their mother's side these were related through
Jurhum to the Arabizing Arabs, the sons of Ya'rub ibn Qahtan. They were also related
to Egypt through their grandmother on their father's side, Hagar, which was a close
relation indeed. Through their grandfather Ibrahim, they were related to `Iraq and to
Palestine, his old and new abodes.
Discussion of the Story
Despite disagreement on details, the main theme of this story which history had
brought down to us, namely the emigration of Ibrahim and Isma'il to Makkah, is
backed by an almost complete consensus on the part of the historians. The
differences center on whether, when Hagar arrived with Isma'il in the valley of
Makkah, the springs were already there and whether the tribe of Jurhum had already
occupied the place and had welcomed Hagar when Ibrahim brought her and her son
to live in their midst. When Isma'il grew up, he married a Jurhum girl and had
several sons from her. It was this mixture of Hebrew, Egyptian and Arab blood that
gave to Isma'il's descendants resoluteness, courage, and all the virtues of the native
Arabs, the Hebrews, and the Egyptians combined. As for the detail regarding Hagar's
difficulty when she ran out of water and of her running to and fro between Safa and
Marwah and the way, in which Zamzam sprang forth, all these are subject to debate.
Sir William Muir, for instance, doubts the whole story of Ibrahim and Isma'il's trip to
Hijaz and denies it altogether. He claims that it is one of the Israelitisms which the
Jews had invented long before Islam in order to strike a link with the Arabs by
making them descendents of Ibrahim, now father of all. Since the Jews regarded
themselves as descendants of Ishaq, they would become the cousins of the Arabs
and therefore entitled to Arab hospitality if the Arabs were declared the sons of
Ishaq's brother, namely Isma'il. Such a theme, if properly advocated, was probably
thought to help establish Jewish trade in the Peninsula. In making this claim, Muir
assumed that the religious situation in Arabia was far removed from the religion of
Abraham. The former was pagan whereas Ibrahim was a Hanif and a Muslim. For our
part, we do not think that this is sufficient reason to deny a historical truth. Our
evidence for the paganism of the Arabs is centuries later than the arrival of Ibrahim
and Isma'il to the scene. It cannot therefore constitute any proof that at the time of
Ibrahim's arrival to Hijaz and his building of the Ka'bah with his son Isma'il that the
Arabs were pagan. Neither would Sir William's claims be corroborated had the
religion of the Arabs been pagan at the time. Ibrahim's own people, whom he tried
to bring forth to monotheism without success, were also idol worshipers. Had
Ibrahim called the Arabs to monotheism, as he did his own people earlier, and not
succeeded, and the Arabs remained idol worshipers, they would not have acquiesced
to Ibrahim's coming to Makkah nor in his son's settlement there. Rather, logic would
here corroborate the report of history. Ibrahim, the man who left `Iraq to escape
from his people and traveled to Palestine and to Egypt, was a man who knew how to
travel and was familiar with desert crossing. The road between Palestine and Makkah
was one trodden by the caravans for ages. There is, therefore, no reason to doubt a
historical event which consensus has confirmed, at least in its general themes.
Sir William Muir and others who shared his view claim that it is possible that a
number of the descendants of Ibrahim and Isma`il had moved to the Arabian
Peninsula after they had settled in Palestine and that the blood relationship had
developed after their arrival to Arabia. That is a fine opinion indeed! But if it is
possible for the sons of Ibrahim and Isma'il to do such a thing, why should it not
have been possible for the two men, Ibrahim and Isma'il personally, only a
generation or two earlier? How can we deny a confirmed historical tradition? And
how can we doubt an event which the Qur'an, as well as a number of other old
scriptures, has mentioned?
Ibrahim and Isma'il's Construction of the Ka'bah
Together Ibrahim and Isma'il laid down the foundations and built the holy temple. "It
was the first house built for public worship in Makkah. It still stands as a blessing
and guidance to mankind. In it are manifest signs; that is the house of Ibrahim.
Whoever enters it shall be secure."[Qur'an, 3:96-97] God also says: "For We made the
house a refuge and a place of security for the people. We commanded them to take
the house of Ibrahim as a place of worship and We have commanded Ibrahim and
Isma`il to purify My house for pilgrims and men in retreat, for those who kneel and
prostrate themselves in prayer. When Ibrahim prayed, `0 Lord, make this town a
place of security and give its people of Your bounty, those of them who have
believed in God and in the day of judgment,' God answered: 'Yea, even those who do
not believe will enjoy my security and bounty for a while before I inflict upon them
the punishment of fire and the sad fate they deserve.' As Ibrahim and Isma'il laid the
foundations and raised the walls of the house, they prayed: 'O Lord, bless our work;
for You alone are all hearing and all-knowing.'[Qur'an, 2:125-127]
Religious Development in Arabia
How did it happen that Ibrahim built the house as a place of refuge and security for
the people so that the believers in God alone might use it for prayer, and then it
became a pantheon full of statues for idol worship? What were the conditions of
worship after Ibrahim and Isma'il? In what form and with what ritual was worship
conducted in the holy house? When were these conditions and forms superceded by
paganism? In vain do we turn the pages of history books looking for answers to
these questions? All we find therein are presumptions which their authors think are
reports of facts. The Sabeans were star worshipers, and they enjoyed great
popularity and prestige in Arabia. As the reports go, the Sabeans did not always
worship the stars for their own sake. At one time it is said that they had worshiped
God alone and venerated the stars as signs of His creation and power. Since the
majority of people were neither endowed nor cultivated enough to understand the
transcendent nature of the Godhead, they confused the stars with God and took
them as gods. Some of the volcanic or meteoric stones appeared to men to have
fallen from heaven and therefore to be astral in nature. Consequently, they were
taken as hierophanies of the astral divinities and sanctified as such. Later on they
were venerated for their own sake, and then worshipped as divinities. In fact, the
Arabs venerated these stones so much that not only did they worship the black stone
in the Ka'bah, but they would take one of the stones of the Ka'bah as a holy object in
their travels, praying to it and asking it to bless every move they made. Thus all the
veneration and worship due to the stars, or to the creator of the stars, were now
conferred upon these stones. It was in a development similar to this that paganism
was established in Arabia, that the statues were sanctified, and that sacrifices were
made to them.
This is the picture which some historians give of religious development in Arabia
after Ibrahim dedicated the Ka'bah to the worship of God. Herodotus, father of
written history, mentions the worship of al Lat in Arabia; and Diodorus, the Sicilian,
mentions the house of Makkah venerated by the Arabs. Their two witnesses point to
the antiquity of paganism in the Peninsula and therefore to the fact that the religion
of Ibrahim was not always observed there.
The Arab Prophets
During these long centuries many prophets called their tribes to the worship of God
alone. The Arabs gave them little hearing and continued with their paganism. Hud
was one of those prophets sent to the tribe of 'Ad which lived in the north of
Hadramawt. Few tribesmen responded to his call. The majority were too proud to
relinquish their old ways and they answered, "O Hud! You brought us no sign. We
cannot relinquish our gods just because you tell us to. We shall not believe" [Qur'an,
11:53]. Hud kept on calling for years, but the more he called the more obstinate they
became. Similarly, Salih arose in the tribe of Thamud who lived in al Hijr between
Hijaz and al Sham, this side of Wadi al Qura and to the southeast of the land of
Madyan, close to the Gulf of `Aqabah. His call bore no more fruit than Hud's.
Shu'ayb arose among the people of Madyan who then lived in the Hijaz. He called
them to the worship of God alone, but they refused to hear and they perished as the
people of 'Ad and Thamud before them. The Qur'anic narratives told us about the
stories and missions of other prophets who called men unto God alone, and of their
peoples' obstinacy and pride, their continued paganism, their worship of the idols of
the Ka'bah, and their pilgrimage to the Ka'bah from every corner of the Arabian
Peninsula. All this is implied in God's statement, "And We inflict no punishment on
anyone until We have sent them a prophet to warn them"[ Qur'an, 17:15]
Offices of the Ka'bah
Ever since its establishment, the Ka'bah gave rise to a number of offices such as
those which were held by Qusayy ibn Kilab when he took over the kingship of
Makkah, in the middle of the fifth century C.E. His offices included hijabah, siqayah,
rifadah, nadwah, liwa' and qiyadah. Hijabah implied maintenance of the house and
guardianship over its keys. Siqayah implied the provision of fresh water-which was
scarce in Makkah-as well as date wine to all the pilgrims. Rifadah implied the
provision of food to the pilgrims. Nadwah implied the chairmanship of all
convocations held. Qiyadah implied the leadership of the army at war. Liwa was the
flag which, hoisted on a spear, accompanied the army whenever it went out to meet
the enemy and, hence, it meant a secondary command in times of war. All these
offices were recognized as belonging to Makkah, indeed to the Ka'bah, to which all
Arabs looked when in worship. It is more likely that not all of these offices developed
at the time when the house was constructed but rather that they arose one after the
other independently of the Ka'bah and its religious position, though some may have
had to do with the Ka'bah by nature.
At the building of the Ka'bah, Makkah could not have consisted, even at best, of
more than a few tribes of `Amaliq and Jurhumis. A long time must have lapsed
between Ibrahim and Isma'il's advent to Makkah and their building of the Ka'bah on
the one hand, and the development of Makkah as a town or quasi-urban center on
the other. Indeed, as long as any vestiges of their early nomadism lingered in the
mind and customs of the Makkans, we cannot speak of Makkah as urban. Some
historians would rather agree that Makkah had remained nomadic until the kingship
of Qusayy in the middle of the fifth century C.E. On the other hand, it is difficult to
imagine a town like Makkah remaining nomadic while her ancient house is venerated
by the whole surrounding country. It is historically certain that the guardianship of
the house remained in the hands of Jurhum, Isma'il's in-laws, for continuous
generations. This implies continuous residence near the Ka'bah-a fact not possible
for nomads bent on movement from pasture to pasture. Moreover, the well
established fact that Makkah was the rendezvous of the caravans traveling between
Yaman, Hirah, al Sham and Najd, that it was connected to the Red Sea close by and
there from to the trade routes of the world, further refutes the claim that Makkah
was merely a nomad's campsite. We are therefore compelled to acknowledge that
Makkah, which Ibrahim called "a town" and which he prayed God to bless, had
known the life of settlement many generations before Qusayy.
Ascendancy of Quraysh
After their conquest of the `Amaliq, the tribe of Jurhum ruled Makkah until the
regime of Mudad ibn `Amr ibn al Harith During these generations, trade had
prospered so well that the tribe of Jurhum waxed fat and forgot that they were really
living in a desolate place and that they ought to work very hard to keep their
position. Their neglect led to the drying up of the Zamzam spring; furthermore, the
tribe of Khuza'ah had even thought of conquering Makkah and establishing their
authority over its whole precinct.
Mudad's warning to his people did not stop their indulgence and carelessness.
Realizing that his and his tribe's power was on the decline and would soon be lost, he
dug a deep hole within the well of Zamzam in which he buried two golden gazelles
and the treasure of the holy house, with the hope that he would return some day to
power and reclaim the treasure. Together with the Jurhum tribe and the descendants
of Isma'il he withdrew from Makkah in favor of the tribe of Khuza'ah, who ruled it
from generation to generation until the advent of Qusayy ibn Kilab, the fifth
grandfather of the Prophet.
Qusayy ibn Kilab (circa 480 C.E)
Fatimah, daughter of Sa'd ibn Sayl, mother of Qusayy, married Kilab and gave him
two sons, Zuhrah and Qusayy. Kilab died when Qusayy was an infant. Fatimah then
married Rabi'ah ibn Haram who took her with him to al Sham where she gave birth
to a son called Darraj. Qusayy grew up knowing no other father than Rabi'ah. When
a quarrel broke out between Qusayy and some members of the Rabi'ah tribe, they
reproached him as they would a foreigner and betrayed the fact that they never
regarded him as one of their own. Qusayy complained to his mother and related to
her the reproach he heard. Her answer was as defiant as it was proud. "O my son,"
she said, "your descendance is nobler than theirs, you are the son of Kilab ibn
Murrah, and your people live in the proximity of the holy house in Makkah." This was
the cause of Qusayy's departure from al Sham and return to Makkah. His seriousness
and wisdom soon won him the respect of the Makkans. At the time, the guardianship
of the holy house was in the hands of a man of the Khuza'ah tribe called Hulayl ibn
Hubshiyyah, a very wise man with deep insight. Soon Qusayy asked for and married
Hubba, daughter of Hulayl. He continued to work hard at his trade and acquired
much affluence, great respect, and many children. When his father-in-law died, he
committed the keys of the Ka'bah to Hubba, wife of Qusayy. But the latter
apologized and committed the keys to Abu Ghibshan, a man from Khuza'ah. Abu
Ghibshan, however, was a drunkard and one day he exchanged the keys of the
Ka'bah for a jug of wine from Qusayy. The Khuza'ah tribe realized that it was in
danger should the guardianship of the Ka'bah remain in the hands of Qusayy whose
wealth and influence were always increasing and around whom the tribe of Quraysh
was now rallying. They therefore thought to dispossess him of his guardianship.
Qusayy called upon the Quraysh tribe to help him and, with the concurrence of a
number of tribes from the surrounding area, he was judged the wisest and the
mightiest and confirmed in his guardianship. When the tribe of Khuza'ah had to
evacuate, Qusayy combined in his person all the offices associated with the holy
house and became king over the Quraysh.
Construction of Permanent Residences in Makkah
Some historians claim that Makkah had no constructed houses other than the Ka'bah
until Qusayy became its king because neither Khuza'ah nor Jurhum wanted to raise
any other construction besides the holy house and neither one spent his life outside
of the holy area in the open desert. They added that upon his assumption of the
kingship of Makkah, Qusayy commanded his people, the Quraysh tribe, to build their
residences in the vicinity of the holy house. They also explained that it was Qusayy
who built the house of Nadwah where the elders of Makkah met under his
chairmanship in order to run the affairs of their city, for it was their custom not to
allow anything to happen without their unanimous approval. No man or woman of
Makkah married except in the Nadwah and with the approval of the Quraysh elders.
According to this view, it was the Quraysh that built, at the command of Qusayy,
their houses around the Ka'bah, leaving sufficient space for circumambulation of the
holy house. Their residences in the vicinity were spaced so as to leave a narrow
passage to the holy house between every two houses.
The Descendants of Qusayy
Although 'Abd al Dar was the eldest of Qusayy's children, his brother 'Abd Manaf was
more famous and more respected by the people. As Qusayy grew old and weak and
became unable to carry out the duties of his position, he delegated the hijabah to
'Abd al Dar and handed over to him the keys of the holy house. He also delegated to
him the siqayah, the Liwa, and the rifadah. [For definitions of these terms, see pp. 31-32] The
rifadah implied a contribution the tribe of Quraysh used to levy from every member
to help Qusayy in the provision of food for pilgrims incapable of procuring
nourishment on their own. Qusayy was the first to impose the rifadah on the
Quraysh tribe; and he incepted this practice after he rallied the Quraysh and
dislodged the tribe of Khuza'ah from Makkah. At the time the rifadah was imposed,
Qusayy said, "O people of Quraysh! You are the neighbors of God and the people of
His house and temple. The pilgrim is the guest of God and visitor of His house. Of all
guests that you receive during the year, the pilgrim is the most worthy of your
hospitality. Provide for him food and drink during the days of pilgrimage."
The Descendants of `Abd Manaf
`Abd al Dar discharged the new duties incumbent upon him as his father had
directed. His sons did likewise after him but could not match the sons of 'Abd Manaf
in honor and popular esteem. Hence, Hashim, `Abd Shams, al Muttalib and Nawfal,
the sons of `Abd Manaf, resolved to take over these privilege from their cousins. The
tribe of Quraysh stood divided into two factions, each supporting one of the
contestants. The descendants of 'Abd Manaf concluded the Hilf al Mutayyibbin, a
treaty so called because the covenantors dipped their hands in perfume as they
swore allegiance to its new terms. The descendants of 'Abd al Dar, for their part,
entered into another treaty called Hilf al Ahldf [literally, the alliance of the allies-Tr.],
and the stage was set for a civil war which could have dissolved the Quraysh tribe. A
peace was reached, however, under which the descendants of 'Abd Manaf were
granted the siqayah and rifadah, and the descendents of 'Abd al Dar kept the
hijabah, the liwa', and the nadwah [For definitions of these terms, see pp. 31-32]. Thereafter
the two parties lived in peace until the advent of Islam.
Hashim (646 C.E.)
Hashim was the leader of his people and a prosperous man. He was in charge of the
siqayah and the rifadah. In the discharge of his duties he called upon every member
of the Quraysh to make a contribution for use in providing food for the pilgrims. Like
his grandfather Qusayy, he argued with his contemporaries that the pilgrims and
visitors to the house of God are God's guests and, therefore, worthy of their
hospitality. He discharged his duties well and provided for all the pilgrims during the
time of their pilgrimage in Makkah.
Makkan Affluence and Prosperity
Hashim did for the people of Makkah more than his duty demanded. In a year of
drought he was generous enough to provide food for the whole population and
turned the occasion into one of joy. It was he who regulated and standardized the
two main caravan trips of the Makkan traders, the winter trip to Yaman, and the
summer trip to al Sham. Under his good ordering and wise leadership Makkah
prospered and its position rose throughout the Peninsula. It soon became the
acknowledged capital of Arabia. From this position of influence the descendents of
`Abd Manaf concluded peace treaties with their neighbors. Hashim went in person to
Byzantium and to the neighboring tribe of Ghassan to sign a treaty of friendship and
good neighborliness. He obtained from Byzantium permission for the tribe of
Quraysh to move anywhere in the territories of al Sham in peace and security. 'Abd
Shams, on the other hand, concluded a treaty of trade with the Negus of Abyssinia
and Nawfal and al Muttalib, both a treaty of friendship with Persia and a trade treaty
with the Himyaris of Yaman. The glory of Makkah increased with its prosperity. The
Makkans became so adept in trade that nobody could compete with them. The
caravans came to Makkah from all directions, and the goods were exported in two
big convoys in summer and winter. Surrounding Makkah all kinds of markets were
built to deal with all the attendant business. This experience developed in the
Makkans competence in business affairs as well as adeptness in the administration of
the calendar and interest in financing.
Hashim remained the uncontested chief of Makkah throughout his life. Nobody
thought of competing with him in this regard. His nephew, however, Umayyah ibn
`Abd Shams, did entertain such ideas but he lost and chose to live in exile in al
Sham for ten full years. On one of his trips to al Sham, Hashim stopped in Yathrib
where he saw a woman of noble birth engaging in business with some of her agents.
That was Salma, daughter of `Amr of the Khazraj tribe. Hashim fell in love with her
and inquired whether she was married. When he learned that she was a divorced
woman, but a very independent person, he asked her directly to marry him. As his
position and prestige were known to her, she accepted. She lived with him in Makkah
for a while before she returned to Madinah where she gave birth to a son called
Shaybah, whom she kept with her in Yathrib. [The author is using the pre-Islamic and Islamic
names of the same city interchangeably. Pre-Islamic "Yathrib" had, upon the Prophet's emigration thereto and
the establishment therein of the first Islamic polity, become "Madinah al Nabi" (literally, the city of the Prophet)
and "Madinah" for short. -Tr.]
Al Muttalib
Several years later Hashim died on one of his trips and was buried in Gaza. His
brother, al Muttalib, succeeded him in his posts. Though al Muttalib was younger
than `Abd Shams, he was well esteemed by the people. The Quraysh used to call
him "Mr. Abundance" for his generosity and goodness. Naturally, with such
competence and prestige as al Muttalib enjoyed, the situation in Makkah continued
to be prosperous and peaceful.
One day al Muttalib thought of his nephew Shaybah. He went to Yathrib and asked
Salma to hand the child over now that he had become fully grown. On return to
Makkah, al Muttalib allowed the young man to precede him on his camel. The
Quraysh thought that he was a servant of al Muttalib and called him so, namely `Abd
al Muttalib. When al Muttalib heard of this he said, "Hold it, Fellow Tribesmen. This
man is not my servant but my nephew, son of Hashim, whom I brought back from
Yathrib." The title `Abd al Muttalib was so popular, however, that the young man's
old name, Shaybah, was forgotten.
Abd al Muttalib (495 C.E.)
When al Muttalib sought to return to his nephew the wealth which Hashim left
behind, Nawfal objected and seized the wealth. `Abd al Muttalib waited until he grew
and then asked for the support of his uncles in Yathrib against his uncles in Makkah.
Eighty Khazraj horsemen arrived from Yathrib ready to give him the military support
he needed in order to reclaim his rights. Nawfal refused to fight and returned the
seized wealth. `Abd al Muttalib then was assigned the offices which Hashim
occupied, namely the siqayah and the rifadah, after al Muttalib passed away. He
experienced no little difficulty in discharging the requisite duties because at that time
he had only one son, al Harith. As the well of Zamzam had been destroyed, water
had to be brought in from a number of sub-sidiary wells in the outskirts of Makkah
and placed in smaller reservoirs near the Ka'bah. Plurality of descendants was an
asset in the execution of such a task as this but `Abd al Muttalib had only one son,
and the task nearly exhausted him. Naturally, he gave the matter a good deal of
thought.
The Redigging of Zamzam
The Makkans still had memories of the Zamzam well which was filled with dirt by
Mudad ibn `Amr of the Jurhum tribe a few hundred years back and wished that it
could be reactivated. This matter concerned `Abd al Muttalib more than anyone else,
and he gave it all his attention. Suffering under his duties, he thought so much about
the matter that he even saw in his dreams a spirit calling him to re-dig the well
whose waters sprang under the feet of his ancestor, Isma'il. But no one knew where
the old well stood. Finally, after much investigation, `Abd al Muttalib was inspired to
try the place between the two idols, Isaf and Na'ilah. Helped by his second son al
Mughirah, he dug at the place until water sprang forth and the two golden gazelles
and swords of Mudad of the Jurhum tribe appeared. The Quraysh wanted to share his
find with `Abd al Muttalib. After objecting, he finally came to an agreement with
them to determine the rightful ownership of the treasure by the drawing of lots
among three equal partners, namely the Ka'bah, the Quraysh, and himself. The
divinatory arrows were drawn near the idol Hubal within the Ka'bah, and the result
was that the Quraysh lost completely, `Abd al Muttalib won the swords, and the
Ka'bah won the two gazelles. `Abd al Muttalib ordered his part, namely the swords,
reforged as a door for the Ka'bah, and placed the two golden gazelles within the holy
house as a decoration. Now that the Zamzam water was close by, `Abd al Muttalib
performed his siqayah duties with ease.
The Vow and Its Fulfillment
`Abd al Muttalib realized the limitations, which his lack of children imposed upon
him. He vowed that should he be given ten sons to grow to maturity and to help him
in his task he would sacrifice one of them to God near the Ka'bah. `Abd al Muttalib's
wish was to be fulfilled: he had ten fully-grown sons. When he called them to assist
him in the fulfillment of his vow, they accepted. It was agreed that the name of each
one of them would be written on a divinatory arrow, that the arrows would be drawn
near Hubal within the Ka'bah and that he whose name appeared on the drawn arrow
would be sacrificed. It was then customary among the Arabs whenever they faced an
insoluble problem to resort to divination by means of arrows at the foot of the
greatest idol in the area. When the arrows were drawn it was the arrow of 'Abdullah,
the youngest son of 'Abd al Muttalib and the most beloved, that came out. Without
hesitation 'Abd al Muttalib took the young man by the hand and prepared to sacrifice
him by the well of Zamzam between the idols of Isaf and Na'ilah. 'Abd al Muttalib
insisted upon the sacrifice, but the whole of Quraysh insisted that 'Abdullah be
spared and that some kind of indulgence be sought from the god Hubal. Finally, in
answer to 'Abd al Muttalib's inquiry as to what should be done to please the gods, al
Mughirah ibn 'Abdullah al Makhzumi volunteered the answer, "Perhaps the youth can
be ransomed with wealth; in that case, we shall be pleased to give up all the
necessary wealth to save him." After consultation with one another, they decided to
consult a divineress in Yathrib renowned for her good insight. When they came to
her, she asked them to wait until the morrow; upon their return she asked, "What, in
your custom, is the amount of a man's blood wit?" "Ten camels," they answered. She
said, "Return then to your country and draw near your god two arrows, one with the
name of the youth and the other with the term 'ten camels.' If the arrow drawn is
that of the youth, then multiply the number of camels and draw again until your god
is satisfied. They accepted her solution and drew the divinatory arrows which they
found to converge on 'Abdullah. They kept multiplying the number of camels until
the number reached one hundred. It was then that the camels' arrow was drawn.
The people were satisfied and told 'Abd al Muttalib, who stood nearby in terror, "Thus
did your god decide, O 'Abd al Muttalib." But he answered, "Not at all! I shall not be
convinced that this is my god's wish until the same result comes out three times
consecutively." The arrows were drawn three times, and in all three it was the
camels' arrow that came out. 'Abd al Muttalib then felt sure that his god was
contented, and he sacrified the one hundred camels.
In this way the books of biography have reported to us some of the customs of the
Arabs and of their religious doctrines. In this way they have informed us of the
Arabs' adherence to these doctrines and of their loyalty and devotion to their holy
house. In confirming this custom al Tabari reports that a Muslim woman had once
vowed to sacrifice one of her sons. She sought the advice of `Abdullah ibn `Umar
without much avail. She went to `Abdullah ibn al 'Abbas who advised her to sacrifice
one hundred camels after the example of `Abd al Muttalib. But when Marwan, the
governor of Madinah, knew of what she was about, he forbade her to do it, holding
to the Islamic principle that no vow is valid whose object is illegitimate.
The Year of the Elephant (570 C.E.)
The respect and esteem which Makkah and her holy house enjoyed suggested to some distant
provinces in Arabia that they should construct holy houses in order to attract some of the people
away from Makkah. The Ghassanis built such a house at al Hirah. Abrahah al Ashram built another in
Yaman. Neither of them succeeded, however, in drawing the Arabs away from Makkah and its holy
house. Indeed, Abrahah took a special care to decorate the house in Yaman and filled it with such
beautiful furniture and statues that he thought that he could draw thereto not only the Arabs but the
Makkans themselves. When later he found out that the Arabs were still going to the ancient house,
that the inhabitants of Yaman were leaving behind the newly built house in their own territory and
did not regard the pilgrimage valid except in Makkah, he came to the conclusion that there was no
escape from destroying the house of Ibrahim and Isma'il. The viceroy of the Negus therefore
prepared for war and brought a great army for that purpose from Abyssinia equipped with a great
elephant on which he rode. When the Arabs heard of his war preparations, they became quite upset
and feared the impending doom of Makkah, the Ka'bah, its statues, and the institution of pilgrimage.
Dhu Nafar, a nobleman from Yaman, appealed to his fellow countrymen to revolt and fight Abrahah
and thus prevent him from the destruction of God's house. Abrahah, however, was too strong to be
fought with such tactics: Dhu Nafar as well as Nufayl ibn Habib al Khath'ami, leader of the two tribes
of Shahran and Nahis, were taken prisoners after a brief but gallant fight. On the other hand, the
people of al Ta'if, when they learned that it was not their house that he intended to destroy,
cooperated with Abrahah and sent a guide with him to show him the way to Makkah.
Abrahah and the Ka'bah
Upon approaching Makkah, Abrahah sent a number of horsemen to seize whatever there was of
Quraysh's animal wealth in the outskirts. The horsemen returned with some cattle and a hundred
camels belonging to `Abd al Muttalib. The Quraysh and other Makkans first thought of holding their
ground and fighting Abrahah, but they soon realized that his power was far superior to theirs.
Abrahah sent one of his men, Hunatah al Himyari to inform `Abd al Muttalib, chief of Makkah, that
Abrahah had not come to make war against the Makkans but only to destroy the house and that
should the Makkans not stand in his way, he would not fight them at all. When 'Abd al Muttalib
declared the intention of Makkah not to fight Abrahah, Hunatah invited `Abd al Muttalib and his sons
and some of the leaders of Makkah to Abrahah's encampment in order to talk to Abrahah directly.
Abrahah received `Abd al Muttalib well and returned his seized camels. But he refused to entertain
any suggestion of saving the Ka'bah from destruction as well as the Makkans' offer to pay him onethird of the yearly crop of the Tihamah province. The conference therefore came to no conclusion,
and `Abd al Muttalib returned to Makkah. He immediately advised the Makkans to evacuate the city
and withdraw to the mountains and thus save their own persons.
It was certainly a grave day on which the Makkans decided to evacuate their town and leave it an
open city for destruction by Abrahah. `Abd al Muttalib and the leaders of the Quraysh grasped the
lock of the door of the Ka'bah and prayed to their gods to stop this aggression against the house of
God. As they left Makkah, and Abrahah prepared to send his terrifying and formidable army into the
city to destroy the house, smallpox spread within its ranks and began to take its toll. The epidemic
attacked the army with unheard of fury. Perhaps the microbes of the disease were carried there by
the wind from the west. Abrahah himself was not spared; and terrified by what he saw, he ordered
the army to return to Yaman. Attacked by death and desertion, Abrahah's army dwindled to almost
nothing, and, by the time he reached San'a', his capital in Yaman, he himself succumbed to the
disease. This phenomenon was so extraordinary that the Makkans reckoned time with it by calling
that year "The Year of the Elephant." The Qur'an had made this event immortal when it said,
"Consider what your Lord had done to the people of the elephant. Did he not undo their evil plotting?
And send upon them wave after wave of flying stones of fire? And made their ranks like a harvested
cornfield trodden by herds of hungry cattle?? [Qur'an, 105:1-5]
The Position of Makkah after the Year of the Elephant
This extraordinary event enhanced the religious position of Makkah as well as her
trade. Her people became more committed than ever to the preservation of their
exalted city and to resist every attempt at reducing it.
Makkan Luxury
The prosperity, affluence, and luxury which Makkah provided for its citizens, like an
island in a large barren desert, confirmed the Makkans in their parochial zeal. The
Makkans loved their wine and the revelry it brought. It helped them satisfy their
passionate search for pleasure and to find that pleasure in the slave girls with which
they traded and who invited them to ever-increasing indulgence. Their pursuit of
pleasure, on the other hand, confirmed their personal freedom and the freedom of
their city, which they were prepared to protect against any aggressor at any cost.
They loved to hold their celebrations and their drinking parties right in the center of
the city around the Ka'bah. There, in the proximity of three hundred or more statues
belonging to about three hundred Arab tribes, the elders of the Quraysh and the
aristocracy of Makkah held their salons and told one another tales of trips across
desert or fertile land, tales of the kings of Hirah on the east or of Ghassan on the
west, which the caravans and the nomads brought back and forth. The tribes carried
these tales and customs throughout their areas with great speed, efficiency, and
application. Makkan pastimes consisted of telling these stories to neighbors and
friends and of hearing others, of drinking wine, and of preparing for a big night
around the Ka'bah or in recovering from such a night. The idols must have witnessed
with their stone eyes all this revelry around them. The revelers were certain of
protection since the idols had conferred upon the Ka'bah a halo of sanctity and
peace. The protection, however, was mutual, for it was the obligation of the Makkans
never to allow a scripturist, [Literally, "man with a book or scripture," following the Qur'anic appellation
for Jews and Christians, "People of the Book," or "scripturists."] i.e., Christian or Jew, to enter
Makkah except in the capacity of a servant and under the binding covenant that he
would not speak in Makkah either of his religion or of his scripture. Consequently,
there were neither Jewish nor Christian communities in Makkah, as was the case in
Yathrib and Najran. The Ka'bah was then the holy of holies of paganism and securely
protected against any attack against its authorities or sanctity. Thus Makkah was as
independent as the Arab tribes were, ever unyielding in its protection of that
independence which the Makkans regarded as worthier than life. No tribe ever
thought of rallying with another or more tribes in order to form a union with superior
strength to Makkah, and none ever entertained any idea of conquering her. The
tribes remained separated, leading a pastoral nomadic existence but enjoying to the
full the independence, freedom, pride, and chivalry, as well as the individualism
which the life of the desert implied.
The Residences of Makkah
The houses of the Makkans surrounded the Ka'bah and stood at a distance from it
proportionate to the social position, descendance, and prestige these inhabitants
enjoyed. The Qurayshis were the closest to the Ka'bah and the most related to it on
account of the offices of sidanah and siqayah' ["Siddnah" is synonymous to "hijabah." For a
definition of this and "siqayah," see pp. 31-32] which they held. On this account no honorific
title was withheld from them, and it was for the sake of these titles that wars were
fought, pacts concluded, and treaties covenanted. The texts of all Makkan treaties
and pacts were kept in the Ka'bah so that the gods who undoubtedly, were taken as
witnesses thereto, might punish those covenanters who violated their promises.
Beyond these stood the houses of the less important tribes, and further still stood
the houses of the slaves, servants and those without honor. In Makkah the Jews and
Christians were slaves, as we said earlier. They were therefore allowed to live only in
these far away houses on the edge of the desert. Whatever religious stories they
could tell regarding Christianity or Judaism would be too far removed from the ears
of the lords and nobles of Quraysh and Makkah. This distance permitted the latter to
stop their ears as well as their conscience against all serious concern. Whatever they
heard of Judaism or Christianity they obtained from a monastery or a hermitage
recluse in the desert which lay on some road of the caravans.
Even so, the rumors circulating at the time about the possible rise of a prophet
among the Arabs caused them great worry. Abu Sufyan one day strongly criticized
Umayyah ibn Abu al Salt for repeating such Messianic stories as the monks
circulated. One can imagine Abu Sufyan addressing Umayyah in some such words as
these, "Those monks in the desert expect a Messiah because of their ignorance of
their own religion. Surely they need a prophet to guide them thereto. As for us, we
have the idols right here close by, and they do bring us close to God. We do not need
any prophet, and we ought to combat any such suggestion." Fanatically committed
to his native city as well as to its paganism, it was apparently impossible for Abu
Sufyan to realize that the hour of guidance was just about to strike, that the
prophethood of Muhammad-may God's blessing be upon him-had drawn near, and
that from these pagan Arab lands a light was to shine over the whole world to
illuminate it with monotheism and truth.
`Abdullah ibn `Abd al Muttalib
`Abdullah ibn `Abd al Muttalib was a handsome young man admired by the
unmarried women of his town. They were fascinated by the story of ransom and the
hundred camels which the god Hubal insisted on receiving in his stead. But fate had
already prepared `Abdullah for the noblest fatherhood that history had known, just
as it had prepared Aminah, daughter of Wahb, to be mother to the son of `Abdullah.
The couple were married and, a few months after their marriage, `Abdullah passed
away. None could ransom him from this later fate. Aminah survived him, gave birth
to Muhammad, and joined her husband while Muhammad was still an infant.
Following is a geneological tree of the Prophet with approximate birth dates.
----------------------|
|
|
|
'Abd al 'Uzza
|
|
Asad
|
Khuwaylid
|
---------------|
|
al 'Awwam
Khadijah
|
al Zubayr
---------|
Hamzah
Qusayy
(400 C.E)
---------|
-------------------------------------------------------|
'Abd Manaf
(430 C.E.)
|
------------ ------------------- ----------|
|
|
Hashim
al Muttalib
Nawfal
(464 C.E.)
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
'Abd al Muttalib
(497 C.E.)
|
-------------------- ------------------- ----------------------|
|
|
|
|
'Abdullah
(545 C.E.)
al 'Abbas
Abu Lahab Abu Talib al Harith
|
|
---------Muhammad (pbuh) ---------------------(570 C.E.)
|
|
|
Uqayl
---------|
al Hasan
'Ali
|
-----------
------------|
'Abd al Dar
|
|
|
'Abd Shams
|
|
Umayyah
|
|
Harb
|
Abu Sufyan
|
Mu'awiyah
Ja'far
-----------|
al Husayn
Muhammad: From Birth to Marriage
The Marriage of `Abdullah and Aminah
`Abd al Muttalib was seventy years old or more when Abraha arrived in Makkah to
destroy the ancient house. His son `Abdullah was twenty-four years of age and was
hence ready for marriage. His father chose for him Aminah, daughter of Wahb ibn
`Abd Manaf ibn Zuhrah, the chief of the tribe of Zuhrah as well as its eldest and
noblest member. `Abd al Muttalib took his son and went with him to the quarter of
the tribe of Zuhrah. There, he sought the residence of Wahb and went in to ask for
the hand of Wahb's daughter for his son. Some historians claim that `Abd al Muttalib
went to the residence of Uhayb, uncle of Aminah, assuming that her father had
passed away and that she was under the protection of her uncle. On the same day
that `Abdullah married Aminah, his father `Abd al Muttalib married a cousin of hers
named Halah. It was thus that the Prophet could have an uncle on his father's side,
namely Hamzah, of the same age as he.
As was the custom in those days, `Abdullah lived with Aminah among her relatives
the first three days of the marriage. Afterwards, they moved together to the quarter
of `Abd al Muttalib, and soon he was to be called on a trading trip to al Sham. When
he left, Aminah was pregnant. A number of stories circulated telling of `Abdullah's
marriage with other women besides Aminah and of many women's seeking to marry
`Abdullah. It is not possible to ascertain the truth of such tales. What is certainly
true is that `Abdullah was a very handsome and strong young man; and it is not at
all surprising that other women besides Aminah had wished to marry him. Such
women would have at least temporarily given up hope once `Abdullah's marriage to
Aminah was announced. But who knows! It is not impossible that they may have
waited for his return from al Sham hoping that they might still become his wives
along with Aminah. `Abdullah was absent for several months in Gaza. On his way
back he stopped for a longer rest at Madinah, where his uncles on his mother's side
lived, and was preparing to join a caravan to Makkah when he fell ill. When the
caravan reached. Makkah his father was alerted to `Abdullah's absence and disease.
`Abd al Muttalib immediately sent his eldest son al Harith to Madinah in order to
accompany 'Abdullah on the trip back to Makkah after his recovery. Upon arriving at
Madinah, however, al Harith learned that `Abdullah had died and that he had been
buried in Madinah a month after the start of that same caravan to Makkah. Al Harith
returned to Makkah to announce the death of `Abdullah to his aged father and his
bereaved wife Aminah. The shock was tremendous, for `Abd al Muttalib loved his son
so much as to have ransomed him with a hundred camels, a ransom never equaled
before.
`Abdullah left five camels, a herd of sheep, and a slave nurse, called Umm Ayman,
who was to take care of the Prophet. This patrimony does not prove that `Abdullah
was wealthy, but at the same time it does not prove that he was poor. Furthermore,
`Abdullah was still a young man capable of working and of amassing a fortune. His
father was still alive and none of his wealth had as yet been transferred to his sons.
The Birth of Muhammad (570 C.E.)
There was nothing unusual about Aminah's pregnancy or delivery. As soon as she
delivered her baby, she sent to `Abd al Muttalib, who was then at the Ka'bah,
announcing to him the birth of a grandson. The old man was overjoyed at the news
and must have remembered on this occasion his loved one `Abdullah. He rushed to
his daughter-in-law, took her newborn in his hands, went into the Ka'bah and there
called him "Muhammad." This name was not familiar among the Arabs, but it was
known. He then returned the infant to his mother and awaited by her side for the
arrival of wet nurses from the tribe of Banu Sa'd in order to arrange for one of them
to take care of the new born, as was the practice of Makkan nobility.
Historians have disagreed about the year of Muhammad's birth. Most of them hold
that it took place in "the Year of the Elephant," i.e. 570 C.E. Ibn 'Abbas claims that
Muhammad was born on "the Day of the Elephant." Others claim that he was born
fifteen years earlier. Still others claim that he was born a few days, months, or
years, after "the Year of the Elephant." Some even assert that Muhammad was born
thirty years and others seventy years later than "the Year of the Elephant."
Historians have also differed concerning the month of Muhammad's birth although
the majority of them agree that it was Rabi` al Awwal, the third month of the lunar
year. It has also been claimed that he was born in Muharram, in Safar, in Rajab, or
in Ramadan. Furthermore, historians have differed as to the day of the month on
which Muhammad was born. Some claim that the birth took place on the third, of
Rabi` al Awwal; others, on the ninth; and others on the tenth. The majority,
however, agree that Muhammad was born on the twelfth of Rabi` al Awwal, the
claim of ibn Ishaq and other biographers. Moreover, historians disagreed as to the
time of day at which Muhammad was born, as well as to the place of birth. Caussin
de Perceval wrote in his book on the Arabs that after weighing the evidence, it is
most probable that Muhammad was born in August, 570 C.E., i.e. "the Year of the
Elephant," and that he was born in the house of his grandfather `Abd al Muttalib in
Makkah. On the seventh day after Muhammad's birth, `Abd al Muttalib gave a
banquet in honor of his grandson to which he invited a number of Quraysh tribesmen
and peers. When they inquired from him why he had chosen to name the child
Muhammad, thus changing the practice of using the ancestors' names, `Abd al
Muttalib answered: "I did so with the wish that my grandson would be praised by
God in heaven and on earth by men."
Muhammad's Nurses
Aminah waited for the arrival of the wet nurses from the tribe of Banu Sa'd to choose
one for Muhammad, as was the practice of the nobles of Makkah. This custom is still
practiced today among Makkan aristocracy. They send their children to the desert on
the eighth day of their birth to remain there until the age of eight or ten. Some of
the tribes of the desert have a reputation as providers of excellent wet nurses,
especially the tribe of Banu Sa'd. At that time, Aminah gave her infant to
Thuwaybah, servant of Muhammad's uncle Abu Lahab, who nursed him for a while as
she did his uncle Hamzah later on, making the two brothers-in-nursing. Although
Thuwaybah nursed Muhammad but a few days, he kept for her great affection and
respect as long as she lived. When she died in 7 A.H. Muhammad remembered to
inquire about her son who was also his brother-in-nursing, but found out that he had
died before her.
The wet nurses of the tribe of Banu Sa'd finally arrived at Makkah to seek infants to
nurse. The prospect of an orphan child did not much attract them since they hoped
to be well rewarded by the father. The infants of widows, such as Muhammad, were
not attractive at all. Not one of them accepted Muhammad into her care, preferring
the infants of the. living and of the affluent.
Halimah, Daughter of Abu Dhu'ayb
Having spurned him at first as her colleagues had done before her, Halimah al
Sa'diyyah, daughter of Abu Dhu'ayb, accepted Muhammad into her charge because
she had found no other. Thin and rather poor looking, she did not appeal to the
ladies of Makkah. When her people prepared to leave Makkah for the desert, Halimah
pleaded to her husband al Harith ibn `Abd al `Uzza, "By God it is oppressive to me
to return with my friends without a new infant to nurse. Surely, I should go back to
that orphan and accept him." Her husband answered; "there would be no blame if
you did. Perhaps God may even bless us for your doing so." Halimah therefore took
Muhammad and carried him with her to the desert. She related that after she took
him, she found all kinds of blessings. Her herd became fat and multiplied, and
everything around her seemed to prosper.
In the desert Halimah nursed Muhammad for two whole years while her daughter
Shayma' cuddled him. The purity of desert air and the hardness of desert living
agreed with Muhammad's physical disposition and contributed to his quick growth,
sound formation, and discipline. At the completion of the two years, which was also
the occasion of his weaning, Halimah took the child to his mother but brought him
back with her to the desert to grow up away from Makkah and her epidemics.
Biographers disagree whether Halimah's new lease on her charge was arranged after
her own or Aminah's wishes. The child lived in the desert for two more years playing
freely in the vast expanse under the clear sky and growing unfettered by anything
physical or spiritual.
The Story of Splitting Muhammad's Chest
It was in this period and before Muhammad reached the age of three that the
following event is said to have happened. It is told that Muhammad was playing in a
yard behind the encampment of the tribe with Halimah's son when the latter ran
back to his parents and said, "Two men dressed in white took my Qurayshi brother,
laid him down, opened his abdomen, and turned him around." It is also reported that
Halimah said, -"my husband and I ran towards the boy and found him standing up
and pale. When we asked what happened to him, the boy answered, "Two men
dressed in white came up to me, laid me down, opened my abdomen and took
something I know not what away." The parents returned to their tent fearing that
the child had become possessed. They therefore returned him to Makkah to his
mother. Ibn Ishaq reported a hadith issuing from the Prophet after his commission
confirming this incident. But he was careful enough to warn the reader that the real
reason for Muhammad's return to his mother was not the story of the two angels
but, as Halimah was to report to Muhammad's mother later on, the fact that a
number of Abyssinian Christians wanted to take Muhammad away with them once
they had seen him after his weaning. According to Halimah's report, the Abyssinians
had said to one another, "Let us take this child with us to our country and our king,
for we know he is going to be of consequence." Halimah could barely disengage
herself from them and run away with her protege. This story is also told by al Tabari,
but he casts suspicion on it by reporting it first at this early year of Muhammad's age
as well as later, just before the Prophet's commission at the age of forty.
Orientalists and many Muslim scholars do not trust the story and find the evidence
therefore spurious. The biographies agree that the two men dressed in white were
seen by children hardly beyond their second year of age which constitutes no witness
at all and that Muhammad lived with the tribe of Banu Sa'd in the desert until he was
five. The claim that this event had taken place while Muhammad was two and a half
years old and that Halimah and her husband returned the child to his mother
immediately thereafter contradicts this general consensus. Consequently, some
writers have even asserted that Muhammad returned with Halimah for the third
time. The Orientalist, Sir William Muir, refuses even to mention the story of the two
men in white clothes. He wrote that if Halimah and her husband had become aware
of something that had befallen the child, it must have been a sort of nervous
breakdown, which could not at all have hurt Muhammad's healthy constitution.
Others claim that Muhammad stood in no need of any such surgery as God had
prepared him at birth for receiving the divine message. Dermenghem believes that
this whole story has no foundation other than the speculative interpretations of the
following Qur'anic verses
"Had we not revived your spirit [literally, "opened your chest"] and dissipated your
burden which was galling your back."[Qur'an, 94:1-3]
Certainly, in these verses the Qur'an is pointing to something purely spiritual. It
means to describe a purification of the heart as preparation for receipt of the divine
message and to stress Muhammad's over-taxing burden of prophethood.
Those Orientalists and Muslim thinkers who take this position vis- is the foregoing
tradition do so in consideration of the fact that the life of Muhammad was human
through and through and that in order to prove his prophethood the Prophet never
had recourse to miracle-mongering as previous prophets had done. This finding is
corroborated by Arab and Muslim historians who consistently assert that the life of
the Arab Prophet is free of anything irrational or mysterious and who regard the
contrary as inconsistent with the Qur'anic position that God's creation is rationally
analyzable, that His laws are immutable, and that the pagans are blameworthy
because they do not reason.
Muhammad in the Desert
Until the fifth year of his life Muhammad remained with the tribe of Banu Sa'd
inhaling with the pure air of the desert the spirit of personal freedom and
independence. From this tribe he learned the Arabic language in its purest and most
classical form. Justifiably, Muhammad used to tell his companions, "I am the most
Arab among you, for I am of the tribe of Quraysh and I have been brought up among
the tribe of Banu Sa'd ben Bakr." ["Most Arab among you" (Arabic, "a`rabukum") could well have
been rendered "most eloquent among you." To be an Arab, or "to arabize" means to speak forth eloquently in
Arabic, without stammering or grammatical mistakes, and with literary beauty. Urubah or Arabness is always
something which admits of many degrees, the more Arab being always the man in better command of the Arabic
language, Arabic diction, style, letters and all forms of literary beauty. Ya'rub, (literally, "he arabizes" or "speaks
eloquent Arabic") was the n: me of the first Arab King, whom legend declares to be the first to have spoken in
Arabic. As far as history goes, the Arabs have regarded the desert Arabic purer and more classical and beautiful
than that of the towns; the tribes were graded in Urubah according to their racial purity as means for the
preservation of the purity of Arabic. Hence, the Prophet's statement. -Tr.]
These five years exerted upon Muhammad a most beautiful and lasting influence, as
Halimah and her people remained the object of his love and admiration all the length
of his life. When, following his marriage with Khadijah a drought occurred and
Halimah came to visit Muhammad, she returned with a camel loaded with water and
forty heads of cattle. Whenever Halimah visited Muhammad, he stretched out his
mantle for her to sit on as a sign of the respect he felt he owed her. Shayma',
Halimah's daughter, was taken captive by the Muslim forces along with Banu
Hawazin after the seige of Ta?if. When she was brought before Muhammad, he
recognized her, treated her well, and sent her back to her people as she wished.
The young Muhammad returned to his mother after five years of desert life. It is
related that when Halimah brought the boy into Makkah, she lost him in the outskirts
of the city. 'Abd al Muttalib sent his scouts to look for him and he was found with
Waraqah ibn Nawfal. [Waraqah ibn Nawfal was a hanif (an ethical monotheist of pre-Islamic times). He
was the relation of the Prophet's wife, Khadijah, from whom she sought advice regarding Muhammad's reports
about revelation. (See p. 77.)] 'Abd al Muttalib took his grandson under his protection, and
made him the object of great love and affection. As lord of Quraysh and master of
the whole of Makkah, the aged leader used to sit on a cushion laid out in the shade
of the Ka'bah. His children would sit around that cushion, not on it, in deference to
their father. But whenever Muhammad joined the group, 'Abd al Muttalib would bring
him close to him and ask him to sit on the cushion. He would pat the boy's back and
show off his pronounced affection for him so that Muhammad's uncles could never
stop him from moving ahead of them to his grandfather's side.
Orphanhood
The grandson was to become the object of yet greater endearment to his
grandfather. His mother, Aminah, took him to Madinah in order to acquaint him with
her uncles, the Banu al Najjar. She took with her on that trip Umm Ayman, the
servant left behind by her husband 'Abdullah. In Madinah, Aminah must have shown
her little boy the house where his father died as well as the grave where he was
buried. It was then that the boy must have first learned what it means to be an
orphan. His mother must have talked much to him about his beloved father who had
left her a few days after their marriage, and who had met his death among his
uncles in Madinah. After his emigration to that city the Prophet used to tell his
companions about this first trip to Madinah in his mother's company. The traditions
have preserved for us a number of sayings, which could have come only from a man
full of love for Madinah and full of grief for the loss of those who were buried in its
graves. After a stay of a month in Yathrib, Aminah prepared to return to Makkah with
her son and set out on the same two camels, which carried them thither. On the
road, at the village of Abwa? [A village located between Madinah and Jahfah, twenty-three miles south
of Madinah.] Aminah became ill, died, and was buried. It was Umm Ayman that brought
the lonely and bereaved child to Makkah, henceforth doubly confirmed in
orphanhood. A few days earlier he must have shared his mother's grief as she told
him of her bereavement while he was yet unborn. Now he was to see with his own
eyes the loss of his mother and add to his experience of shared grief that of a grief
henceforth to be borne by him alone.
The Death of `Abd al Muttalib
The doubled orphanhood of Muhammad increased `Abd al Muttalib's affection for
him. Nonetheless, his orphanhood cut deeply into Muhammad's soul. Even the
Qur'an had to console the Prophet reminding him, as it were, "Did God not find you
an orphan and give you shelter and protection? Did He not find you erring and guide
you to the truth?" [Qur'an, 93:6-7] It would have been somewhat easier on the
orphaned boy had `Abd al Muttalib lived longer than he did, to the ripe age of eighty
when Muhammad was still only eight years old. The boy must have felt the loss just
as strongly as he had felt that of his mother. At the funeral Muhammad cried
continuously; thereafter, the memory of his grandfather was ever present to his
mind despite all the care and protection which his uncle Abu Talib gave him before
and after his commission to prophet hood. The truth is that the passing of `Abd al
Muttalib was a hard blow to the whole clan of Banu Hashim, for none of his children
had ever come to enjoy the respect and position, the power, wisdom, generosity,
and influence among all Arabs as he had. `Abd al Muttalib fed the pilgrim gave him
to drink, and came to the rescue of any Makkan in his hour of need. His children, on
the other hand, never achieved that much. The poor among them were unable to
give because they had little or nothing and the rich were too stingy to match their
father's generosity. Consequently, the clan of Banu Umayyah prepared to take over
the leadership of Makkah, till then enjoyed by Banu Hashim, undaunted by any
opposition the latter might put forth.
Under Abu Talib's Protection
The protection of Muhammad now fell to Abu Talib, his uncle. Abu Talib was not the
eldest of the brothers. A1 Harith was the eldest but he was not prosperous enough to
expand his household responsibilities. A1 `Abbas, on the other hand, was the richest
but he was not hospitable: he undertook the siqayah alone and refused to assume
responsibility for the rifadah. Despite his poverty, Abu Talib was the noblest and the
most hospitable and, therefore, the most respected among the Quraysh. No wonder
that the protection of Muhammad devolved upon him.
The First Trip to al Sham
Abu Talib loved his nephew just as `Abd al Muttalib had done before him. He loved
him so much that he gave him precedence over his own children. The uprightness,
intelligence, charity, and good disposition of Muhammad strengthened the uncle's
attachment to him. Even when Muhammad was twelve years old, Abu Talib did not
take him along on his trade trips thinking that he was too young to bear the hardship
of desert travel. It was only after Muhammad's strong insistence that Abu Talib
permitted the child to accompany him and join the trip to al Sham. In connection
with this trip which he took at an early age, the biographers relate Muhammad's
encounter with the monk Bahirah at Busra, in the southern region of al Sham. They
tell how the monk recognized in Muhammad the signs of prophethood as told in
Christian books. Other traditions relate that the monk had advised Abu Talib not to
take his nephew too far within al Sham for fear that the Jews would recognize the
signs and harm the boy.
On this trip Muhammad must have learned to appreciate the vast expanse of the
desert and the brilliance of the stars shining in its clear atmosphere. He must have
passed through Madyan, Wadi al Qur'a, the lands of Thamud, and his attentive ears
must have listened to the conversation of the Arabs and desert nomads about the
cities and their history. On this trip, too, Muhammad must have witnessed the
luscious green gardens of al Sham which far surpassed those of Ta'if back at home.
These gardens must have struck his imagination all the more strongly as he
compared them with the barren dryness of the desert and of the mountains
surrounding Makkah. It was in al Sham that he came to know of Byzantine and
Christian history and heard of the Christians' scriptures and of their struggle against
the fire worshipping Persians. True, he was only at the tender age of twelve, but his
great soul, intelligence, maturity, power of observation, memory and all the other
qualities with which he was endowed in preparation for his prophet hood enabled him
at an early age to listen perceptively and to observe details. Later on he would
review in memory all that he had seen or heard and he would investigate it all in
solitude, asking himself, "what, of all he has seen and heard, is the truth?"
In all likelihood, Abu Talib's trip to al Sham did not bring in much income. He never
undertook another trip and was satisfied to remain in Makkah living within his means
and taking care of his many children. Muhammad lived with his uncle, satisfied with
his lot. There, Muhammad grew like any other child would in the city of Makkah.
During the holy months he would either remain with his relatives or accompany them
to the neighboring markets at `Ukaz, Majannah, and Dhu al Majaz. There he would
listen to the recitations of the Mudhahhabat and Mu'allaqat [At the yearly market of 'Ukaz
(near Makkah), held during the holy months, poets from all tribes competed with one another in poetry. They
recited their compositions in public and the greatest was given the prize of having his composition written down
and "hung" on the walls of the Ka'bah. According to al Mufaddal (d. 189 A.Ii./805 c.E.), Imru' al Qays (d. 560
C.E.), Zuhayr (d. 635 C.E.), al Nabighah (d. 604 C.E.), al A'sha (d. 612 C.E.), Labid (d. 645 C.E.),'Amr ibn
Kulthum (d. 56' C.E.) and Tarafah (d. 565 C.E.) were authors of the greatest poems of preIslamic days, accorded
this special honor. Hence, their name "al mu'allaqda," literally "the hanging poems." Other early historians of
Arabic literature claimed that the mu'allaqat were eight, adding to the seven above-mentioned a poem of
'Antarah. Other pre-Islamic and early Islamic (up to 50 A.H./672 C.E.) poems, numbering 42 in all, were divided
into six groups of seven poems each-the whole of pre-Islamic poetry adding up to seven groups of seven poems
each-arranged according to their literary merit, poetic eloquence and force. They included: al mujamharat by
'Ubayd, 'Antarah, 'Adiyy, Bishr and Umayyah, al muntaqayat (literally, "the selected poems") by al Musayyib, al
Muraqqash, al Mutalammis, 'Urwah, al ' Muhalhil, Durayd and al Mutanakhkhil; al mudhahhabat (literally, "The
golden poems," or "written in gold") by 4assan ibn Rawahah, MAU, Qays ibn al Khatim, Uhayhah, Abu Qays ibn al
Aslat and 'Amr ibn Umru' al Qays; al mashubat (literally, "the poems touched by Islam as well as pre-Islamic
unbelief"), al malhamat (literally, "the epic poems"). For further details, see any literary history of the Arabs, or
Muhammad 'Abd al Mun'im Khafaji, al Hayah al Adabiyyah fi al 'Asr al Jahili, Cairo: Maktabat al Husayn al
Tijariyyah, 1368/1949. -Tr.]
poems and be enchanted by their eloquence, their erotic
lyricism, the pride and noble lineage of their heroes, their conquests, hospitality, and
magnanimity. All that the visits to these market places presented to his
consciousness, he would later review, approve of, and admire or disapprove of and
condemn. There, too, he would listen to the speeches of Christian and Jewish Arabs
who strongly criticized the paganism of their fellow countrymen, who told about the
scriptures of Jesus and Moses, and called men to what they believed to be the truth.
Muhammad would review and weigh these views, preferring them to the paganism of
his people, though not quite convinced of their claims to the truth. Thus
Muhammad's circumstances exposed him at a tender age to what might prepare him
for the great day, the day of the first revelation, when God called him to convey His
message of truth and guidance to all mankind.
The Fijar War
Just as Muhammad learned the routes of the caravans in the desert from his Uncle
Abu Talib, and just as he listened to the poets and the orators in the markets around
Makkah during the holy months, he learned how to bear arms. In the Fijar War
[Literally, "the immoral war." -Tr.] he stood on the side of his uncle. The war was so-called
because, unlike other wars, it was fought during the holy months. Arabia stood then
under the convention that during the holy months no tribe should undertake any
hostile activity against another; the general peace permitted the markets of `Ukaz
between Ta'if and Makkah, of Majannah and Dhu al Majaz in the proximity of `Arafat,
to be held and to prosper. On these market occasions, men were not restricted to
trade. They competed with one another in poetry and debated, and they performed a
pilgrimage to their gods in the Ka'bah. The market at `Ukaz was the most famous in
Arabia. There, the authors of the Mu'allaqat poems recited their poetry. Quss
exercised his oratory [Quss ibn Sa'idah al Iyadi, Archbishop of Najran.], and Jews, Christians and
pagans spoke freely each about his faith in the peace and security that the holy
months provided.
In violation of the holiness of such months, al Barrad ibn Qays al Kinani stealthily
attacked `Urwah al Rahhal ibn `Utbah al Hawazini and killed him. Every year at this
time, al Nu'man ibn al Mundhir, King of Hirah, used to send a caravan to `Ukaz to
bring thither a load of musk and to take hence a load of hides, ropes, and brocade
from Yaman. A1 Barrad al Kinani offered his services to guide the caravan as it
passed through the lands of his tribe, namely Kinanah. `Urwah al Hawazini did
likewise and offered to guide the caravan through the Hijaz on the road of Najd. King
al Nu'man chose `Urwah and rejected the offer of al Barrad. The latter, enraged with
jealously, followed the caravan, committed his crime, and ran away with the caravan
itself. A1 Barrad then informed Bishr ibn Abu Hazim that the tribe of Hawazin would
avenge the murder of `Urwah from Quraysh because the crime took place within the
area under Quraysh jurisdiction. Indeed, members of the tribe of Hawazin followed
members of the tribe of Quraysh and caught up with them before the latter entered
the holy sanctuary. Hawazin, not yet satisfied, warned that they would make war
next year at `Ukaz. This war continued to rage between the two parties for four
consecutive years. It ended in reconciliation and a peace treaty, very much the kind
of arrangement usually met with in the desert. The tribe with the lesser number of
casualties would pay the other tribe the blood wit of the victims making up the
difference. In the arrangement between Quraysh and Hawazin, the former paid the
latter the blood wit of twenty men. Henceforth, al Barrad became the exemplar of
mischief. History has not established the age of Muhammad during the Fijar War.
Reports that he was fifteen and twenty years old have circulated. Perhaps the
difference is due to the fact that the Fijar War lasted at least four years. If
Muhammad saw its beginning at the age of fifteen, he must have been close to
twenty at the conclusion of the peace.
There is apparent consensus as to the kind of participation that Muhammad had in
this war. Some people claim that he was charged with collecting the arrows falling
within the Makkan camp and bringing them over to his uncle for re-use against the
enemy. Others claim that he himself participated in the shooting of these arrows.
Since the said War lasted four years, it is not improbable that both claims are true.
Years after his commission to prophet hood, Muhammad said, "I had witnessed that
war with my uncle and shot a few arrows therein. How I wish I had never done so!"
The Alliance of Fudul
Following the Fijar War, the Quraysh realized that their tragedy and deterioration as
well as all the loss of Makkah's prestige in Arabia which they entailed ever since the
death of Hisham and `Abd al Muttalib were largely due to their disagreement and
internal division. They realized that once they were the unquestioned leaders of
Arabia, immune to all attacks, but that every tribe was now anxious to pick a fight
with them and deprive them of what was left of their prestige and authority. With
this recognition, al Zubayr ibn `Abd al Muttalib called together the houses of Hashim,
Zuhrah, and Taym and entertained them at the residence of `Abdullah ibn Jud'an. At
his request and appeal, they covenanted together, making God their witness, that
they will henceforth and forever stand on the side of the victim of injustice.
Muhammad attended the conclusion of this pact, which the Arabs called the Alliance
of Fudul, [Literally, "the alliance for charity." -Tr.] and said, "I uphold the pact concluded in
my presence when ibn Jud'an gave us a great banquet. Should it ever be invoked, I
shall immediately rise to answer the call."
In the Fijar War, hostilities were waged only during a few days every year. During
the rest of the year the Arabs returned to their normal occupations. Neither losses in
property nor in life were grave enough to change the Makkans' daily routines of
trade, usury, wine, women, and other kinds of entertainment. Was this Muhammad's
daily routine as well? Or did his poverty and dependence upon his uncle for
protection force him to stay away from the luxury and extravagance of his
contemporaries? That he kept away from these indulgences is historically certain.
That he did so not on account of his poverty is equally certain. The debauchees of
Makkah who were hardly capable of providing for themselves the immediate needs of
the day could still afford their life of turpitude. Indeed, some of the poorest among
them could outdo the nobles of Makkah and the lords of Quraysh. Rather, the soul of
Muhammad was far too possessed by his will to learn, to discover, and to know, to
incline towards any such depravities. His having been deprived as a boy of the
learning, which was the privilege of the rich, made him all the more anxious to learn
on his own. His great soul whose light was later to fill the world and whose influence
was to fashion history was so involved in its will to perfection that Muhammad could
only turn away from the recreative pursuits of his fellow Makkans. As one already
guided by the truth, Muhammad's mind was always turning towards the light of life
evident in every one of its manifestations in the world. His constant preoccupation
was with the discovery of the underlying truth of life, the perfection of its inner
meaning. Ever since he was a youth his conduct was so perfect, manly, and truthful
that all the people of Makkah agreed to call him "al Amin", or "the truthful", "the
loyal."
Muhammad as Herdsman
Muhammad's occupation as herdsman during the years of his youth provided him with plenty of
leisure to ponder and to contemplate. He took care of his family and neighbors' herds. Later, he used
to recall these early days with joy, and say proudly that "God sent no prophet who was not a
herdsman . . . Moses was a herdsman; David was also a herdsman; I, too, was commissioned to
prophet hood while I grazed my family's cattle at Ajyad." The intelligent sensitive herdsman would
surely find in the vastness of the atmosphere during the day and in the brilliance of the stars during
the night fair enticement to thinking and contemplation. He would try to penetrate the skies, to seek
an explanation for the manifestations of nature around him. If he were profound enough, his
thoughts would bring him to realize that the world around him is not quite separate from the world
within him. He would ponder the fact that he takes the atmosphere into his lungs that without it he
would die. He would realize that the light of the sun revives him, that that of the moon guides him,
and that he is not without relation to the heavenly bodies of the high and immense firmament. He
would ponder the fact that these heavenly bodies are well ordered together in a precise system in
which neither sun overtakes the moon nor night overtakes the day. If the security of this herd of
animals demanded his complete and constant attention, if it were to be safeguarded against attack
by the wolf and loss in the desert dunes, what supreme attention and what perseverence were
needed to guard the order of the universe in all its detail! Such speculative thought can indeed divert
man from preoccupation with worldly cares and passions; it can pull him beyond their apparent
persuasiveness and appeal. Thus, in all his deeds, Muhammad never allowed anything to detract
from his reputation, but answered to every expectation to which his nickname "al Amin" gave rise.
Further evidence to this effect may be found in the reports Muhammad made about this early period
of his life. It is said that while he was a herdsman he had a companion whom he asked to take over
his duties while he spent the night in town in some recreation as other youths were wont to do in
those days. Before he reached his destination, however, Muhammad's attention was arrested by a
wedding in one of the houses on the way. He stopped there to listen to the sounds emanating from
the house and fell asleep. He came back to Makkah on another occasion for the same purpose, and
again on the way his attention was arrested by the sound of beautiful music. He sat down on the
street to listen, and again fell asleep. The temptations of Makkah had no power over the disciplined
soul of Muhammad whose prime concern was contemplation. This is not surprising. Far lesser men
than Muhammad have also overcome these temptations. He led a life far removed from vice and
immorality, and found his pleasures in immersing himself in thought and contemplation.
The Life of Thought and Contemplation
The life of thought is satisfied with very little of the world's wealth and pleasure.
Herding cattle and goats never brings much material return, anyway. Material return,
however, did not concern Muhammad, for he regarded the world stoically and
avoided, often with ascetic detachment, pursuing anything beyond the barest needs
of survival. Did he not say, "We are a people who do not eat until we become
hungry, a people who when sitting to eat would never eat their fill?" Was he not
known throughout his life to call men to a life of hardness and himself to lead a life
of stoic self-denial? Those who long after wealth and strive hard to obtain it satisfy
passions which Muhammad never knew. Muhammad's greatest spiritual pleasure was
that of beholding the beauty of the universe and responding to its invitation to
ponder and to admire. Such pleasure is known only to the very few, but it was
Muhammad's nourishment ever since he was a young child, and it was his only
consolation when life began to try him with the unforgettably cruel misfortunes of
the death of his father, of his mother, and of his grandfather. Spiritual and
intellectual pleasures are free. Their pursuit demands no wealth but requires the
moral tautness to direct one's gaze inward, to penetrate one's very essence. Even if
Muhammad had never been called to prophet hood, his soul would never have
allowed him to waste his energy in the pursuit of wealth. He would have been happy
to remain as he was namely, a herdsman-but he would have been a herdsman
whose soul encompassed the whole universe and was in turn encompassed by that
universe as if he were the very center of it.
Khadijah
As we have said earlier, Muhammad's uncle, Abu Talib, was poor and had many
mouths to feed. It was necessary that he find for his nephew a higher paying job
than herdsmanship. One day he heard that Khadijah, daughter of Khuwaylid, was
hiring men of the Quraysh tribe to work for her in her trade. Khadijah was a
tradeswoman of honor and great wealth. She used to hire men to bid and compete in
the market on her behalf and rewarded them with a share of the profits. Being of the
tribe of Banu Asad and having married twice within the tribe of Banu Makhzum, she
had become very rich. Her father Khuwaylid and other people whom she trusted
used to help her administer her large wealth. She had turned down several noblemen
of Quraysh who asked for her hand, believing that they were after her wealth. Bound
to a life of solitude, she had given all her energy to the development of her business.
When Abu Talib learned that she was preparing a caravan to send to al Sham, he
called his nephew, who was then twenty-five years of age, and said to him, "My
nephew, I am a man devoid of wealth and possessions. The times have been hard on
us. I have heard that Khadijah has hired a man to do her trade for a remuneration of
two young camels. We shall not accept for you a remuneration as little as that. Do
you wish that I talk to her in this regard?" Muhammad answered, "let it be as you
say my uncle." Abu Talib went to Khadijah and said, "0 Khadijah, would you hire
Muhammad? We have heard that you have hired a man for the remuneration of two
young camels, but we would not accept for Muhammad any less than four." Khadijah
answered: "Had you asked this for an alien or a hateful man, I would have granted
your request. How then can I turn you down when your request is in favor of a dear
relative?" Abu Talib returned to Muhammad and told him the news, adding, "That is
a true grace from God."
Muhammad in the Employ of Khadijah
On his first trip in the employ of Khadijah, Muhammad was accompanied by
Maysarah, her slave, who was also recommended to Muhammad by his uncle. The
caravan made its way to al Sham, passing through Wad! Al Zahran, Madyan and
Thamud as well as those spots through which Muhammad had passed once before
with his uncle Abu Talib when he was twelve years old. This trip must have recalled
to Muhammad the memory of his first trip in that area. It furnished more grist for his
thinking and contemplating as he came to know more of the doctrines and rituals of
the people of al Sham. When he arrived at Busrah, he came into contact with Syrian
Christianity and talked to the monks and priests, some of whom were Nestorians.
Perhaps those very priests or some others discussed with him the religion of Jesus
which had by then divided itself into several sects and parties. Muhammad's
adeptness and loyalty enabled him to make great gains for Khadijah-indeed more
than anyone had done before! -And his loyalty and gentleness had won for him the
love and admiration of the slave, Maysarah. When the time came for them to return,
Muhammad bought on behalf of Khadijah all that she had asked him to buy of the
products of al Sham.
When the caravan had returned to al Zahran near Makkah, Maysarah said to
Muhammad, "Run to Khadijah, O Muhammad, and bring to her the news of your
success. She will reward you well." Muhammad galloped on his camel toward the
residence of his employer and arrived there about noon. Khadijah happened to be in
an upper story of her house, saw Muhammad coming, and prepared to receive him.
She listened to his report which he must have rendered in his very eloquent style
about his trip, the successes he achieved in his trade, and the goods he had
imported from al Sham. She must have been well pleased with her new employee.
Later on, Maysarah arrived and reported to her about Muhammad, his gentle
treatment of him and his loyalty to her that confirmed what she had already known
of Muhammad's virtue and superiority over the other youths of Makkah. Shortly,
despite her forty years of age and the indifference with which she rejected the offers
of the noblest of Quraysh, her satisfaction with her employee was to turn into love.
She desired to marry this youth whose eloquence and looks had made such a.
profound impression upon her. According to one version, she intimated her desire to
her sister, and according to another, to her friend Nufaysah, daughter of Munyah.
Nufaysah approached Muhammad and said, "What prevents you from getting
married?" Muhammad answered; "I have no means with which to afford it." She
said, "What if you were excused from providing such means and were called by a
person of beauty, wealth, status and honor; what would be your response?" He
answered, "Who can such a person be?" She said, "Khadijah." Muhammad wondered,
"How could that be?" He too had felt inclined toward Khadijah but he never allowed
himself to entertain the idea of marrying her. He knew of her rejection of the noblest
and wealthiest men of Quraysh. When, therefore, Nufaysah reported to him in
answer to his question, "I shall arrange it," he hastened to declare his acceptance.
Soon Khadijah appointed the hour at which the uncles of Muhammad could find her
people at her home and thus arrange for the completion of the marriage. It was her
uncle, `Umar ibn Asad, who gave her away as her father Khuwaylid had died before
the Fijar War. This fact disproves the claim that Khadijah's father did not agree to
the marriage and that his daughter had given him wine in order to extract such
agreement from him.
Here a new page in the life of Muhammad begins. It is the page of married and
family life which had brought great happiness to him as well as to Khadijah. It was
also a page of fatherhood in which he was to suffer the loss of children even as
Muhammad had in his childhood suffered the loss of parents.
From Marriage to Prophethood
Muhammad married Khadijah and gave her a dowry of twenty young camels. He
moved to her house and thus began a new chapter in the life of both. Muhammad
offered Khadijah the love of a man of twenty-five, though not the raging passion of
youth which is as quickly kindled as cooled or put off. Khadijah gave him sons as well
as daughters. The sons, namely al Qasim and `Abdullah, died in childhood to the
great grief of their father. The daughters survived and constantly remained the
object of Muhammad's love and compassion just as he was the object of their love
and devotion.[Most of the scholars who have investigated the geneological descendents of Muhammad and
his family agree that the sons of the Prophet-may God's peace and blessing be upon him-given him by Khadijah
were two: al Qasim and 'Abdullah, who was also called "the pure" and "the good." It has also been reported that
his sons were three or even four.]
Muhammad's Qualities
Muhammad was handsome of face and of medium build, and neither conspicuously
tall nor inconspicuously short. He had a large head, very black thick hair, wide
forehead, heavy eyebrows, and large black eyes with a slight redness on their sides
and long eyelashes to add to their attractiveness. He had a fine nose, well-spaced
teeth, a thick beard, a long handsome neck, wide chest and shoulders, light colored
skin, and thick palms and feet. He walked resolutely with firm steps. His appearance
was always one of deep thought and contemplation. In his eyes there lurked the
authority of a commander of men. It is no wonder that Khadijah combined love for
him with obedience to his wishes or that she soon excused him from having to
administer her trade and took over its reins as she had done before marriage in
order to give him leisure to pursue a life of contemplation.
Aided by a marriage which complemented his geneological honor and provided amply
for his needs, Muhammad spent his days respected and loved by all the people of
Makkah. His family life, numerous offspring, along with the ample provisions he now
enjoyed, kept him from falling in public esteem. On the other hand, Muhammad had
not withdrawn from society, from participating in the public life of Makkah as he did
before. His new status added to his prestige among his peers as well as strengthened
his already great modesty. Despite his great intelligence and outstanding ability, he
listened well and attentively to anyone who spoke to him, never turning his face
away from his interlocutor. Whosoever addressed him, Muhammad was never
satisfied to lend his ear alone but turned to him with all his being. He spoke little,
listened much, and inclined only to serious conversation though he did not refuse to
share a joke. He always spoke the truth. Sometimes he would laugh until one could
see his molars, but his anger could never be recognized except by perspiration
between his eyebrows. His anger and fury were always sublimated, and his
magnanimity, candidness, and loyalty knew no bounds. He loved to do the good, and
was charitable, hospitable, and friendly, as well as resolved and strong willed. Once
resolved on a course of action, he was persevering and knew no hesitancy. Whoever
came into contact with him was deeply impressed by all these qualities; whoever saw
him would immediately fear him; and whoever had anything to do with him, loved
him. All these qualities helped strengthen the bond of loyalty, truthfulness, and love
which united him to Khadijah.
Reconstruction of the Ka'bah
We have said that Muhammad did not withdraw from the people of Makkah or from
participating in the public life of the city. At the time, the Makkans were preoccupied
with the rebuilding of the Ka'bah after a sudden flood had shaken its foundation and
cracked its walls. The Ka'bah had for some time been the concern of the Quraysh. It
had no ceiling and the treasures it housed were exposed to robbery. The Makkans
were afraid, however, that a rebuilding of the Ka'bah with doors and ceilings might
bring upon them a curse. The Ka'bah was girded by a series of superstitions
designed to frighten the people from ever altering anything that pertained to it. Any
such change would have been regarded as forbidden innovation and anathema.
When the floods cracked its walls, it was imperative to do something about it despite
fear and hesitancy. Coincidentally, a ship coming from Egypt belonging to a
Byzantine trader called Pachomius was washed ashore. Pachomius was a builder by
trade and knew something of carpentry. When Quraysh heard of him, al Walid ibn al
Mughirah headed a delegation of Makkans to Juddah to negotiate with him. They
bought from him the ship and commissioned him to come with them to Makkah and
help them in the building of the Ka'bah. Pachomius accepted. In Makkah, there
resided another Coptic man who knew something of carpentry. They asked him to
assist Pachomius and the work began.
Wrecking and Rebuilding the Ka'bah
To every one of the four clans of Makkah fell the duty of wrecking and rebuilding one
of the four walls of the Ka'bah. No one, however, volunteered to begin the work of
wrecking for fear of punishment by its gods. Al Walid ibn al Mughirah, approaching
his task with strong premonitions, prayed to the gods before pulling down part of the
Yamani wall assigned to his tribe. The rest waited in order to see what would befall al
Walid as a result of his deed. When the morning came and nothing had happened to
him, they took courage and began their work. Like the rest, Muhammad carried
stones back and forth, and the wrecking continued until the Ka'bah was leveled.
Below the walls green stones were found which the Makkans were unable to shake
loose. They decided to use them as foundation on which to build the new walls. From
the neighboring mountains, they carried stones of blue granite. As the walls rose
from the ground and the time came to place the sacred black stone in its place in the
east wall, they differed as to who would have the honor of laying it in place.
Competition was so keen that it almost led to a new civil war. The descendents of
`Abd al Dar and of `Adiyy allied themselves together and swore that none would rob
them of this honor. They were so serious in their resolution that members of the clan
of Banu `Abd al Dar brought a bowl full of blood in which they dipped their hands in
confirmation of their solemn oath. For this act they were later called "the blood
mongers". When Abu Umayyah, son of Mughirah al Makhzumi saw what happened,
he took advantage of his power and prestige and said to the Makkans, "While we are
all standing here, let the first one to pass through the gate of al Suffah be our
arbitrator in this dispute." The first one to pass through the gate was Muhammad.
When they beheld him they said, "There goes al Amin. We shall agree with his
verdict." Realizing, as he listened to them, that the contenders had worked
themselves up into a passion, Muhammad thought for a moment and said, "bring me
a robe." He took the robe they brought, spread it on the ground, and placed the
black stone on it and then said, "Let the elders of each clan hold onto one edge of
the robe." They all complied and together carried the stone to the site of
construction. There, Muhammad picked up the stone and laid it in its place by
himself. Bloodshed was thus averted and the dispute was solved. The Quraysh
completed the building of the Ka'bah, raising its walls to a height of eighteen cubits.
In order to make it more defensible, they raised its entrance above ground level.
Inside the Ka'bah, they erected two parallel rows of three pillars each to support the
ceiling and built a stairway on its north side leading to the roof. Hubal, the idol, was
placed inside the Ka'bah together with all the treasures whose security concerned
the Makkans.
There is disagreement about the age of Muhammad at the time of the rebuilding of
the Ka'bah and of his arbitration between the Quraysh clans concerning the black
stone. While some claimed that he was twenty-five years old, Ibn Ishaq reported him
to be thirty-five. Regardless which of the two claims is true, the acceptance by the
Quraysh of his arbitration and verdict as well as his taking over the stone with his
own hands and laying it down first on the robe and then in its place in the wall all
this proves the very high prestige Muhammad enjoyed among all Makkans as well as
appreciation by his fellow countrymen for his objectivity and candidness of purpose.
Dissolution of Authority in Makkah and Its Effects
The foregoing dispute between the clans, the alliance of "the blood mongers," and
the recourse to arbitration by the first man to pass through the gates of al Suffah, all
proved that public power and authority in Makkah had by that time dissolved and
that none of the absolute power of Qusayy, Hashim, or `Abd al Muttalib had passed
to any Makkan. Undoubtedly, this dissolution was furthered by the power struggle
between Banu Hashim and Banu Umayyah after the death of `Abd al Muttalib. Such
dissolution of public power and authority was bound to harm the city sooner or later
were it not for the sanctified status of the ancient house and the awe and reverence
it commanded in the hearts of all Arabs. Nonetheless, a natural consequence of
political dissolution was the noticeable increase in the liberty of many to speak out
their religious and other views. It was equally evident in the boldness of Jews and
Christians, hitherto living in fear, publicly to criticize Arab idolatry. This dissolution of
public power also contributed to the gradual disappearance among large numbers of
Qurayshis of their old veneration of the idols, though their elders continued at least
to appear to respect them. Anxious to safeguard the old ways, the elders held that to
stabilize the situation and to prevent further deterioration of Makkan unity, idol
worship in the Ka'bah might preserve for Makkah its place in the trade relations and
religious life of Arabia. In fact, Makkah continued to benefit from this position of
religious eminence, and its commerce continued to prosper. In the hearts of the
Makkans themselves, however, Makkan prosperity could not for long impede the
deterioration and final disappearance of idol worship.
Dissolution of Idol Worship
It is reported that one day the Quraysh tribe convened at a place called Nakhlah to
celebrate the day of the goddess al `Uzza. Four Qurayshis failed to show up and
participate in this sacrament: namely, Zayd ibn `Amr, `Uthman ibn al Huwayrith,
`Ubayd Allah ibn Jahsh and Waraqah ibn Nawfal. They are reported to have
addressed one another in these words, "Mark well these words! By God, the people
are unworthy and surely misguided. As for us, we shall circumambulate no stone
which neither hears nor sees, which is capable of neither harm nor good and on
which the blood of sacrifice runs. O people, seek for yourselves a religion other than
this!" Waraqah joined Christianity, and it is reported that he translated into Arabic
some of the contents of the Evangels. `Ubayd Allah ibn Jahsh remained a man
without religion until he joined Islam and emigrated with his fellow Muslims to
Abyssinia. There it is reported that he joined Christianity and died a Christian. His
wife Umm Habibah, daughter of Abu Sufyan, remained a Muslim. She returned to
Madinah and became one of the wives of the Prophet and a "Mother of the
Faithful?[Title given to each of the wives of the Prophet.]. As for Zayd ibn `Amr, he separated
himself from his wife and from his uncle al Khattab, lived for a while in al Sham and
`Iraq and returned to Arabia without ever joining either Judaism or Christianity. He
also separated himself from Makkan religion and avoided the idols. Leaning on the
walls of the Ka'bah he used to pray, "O God! If I knew in which form you preferred to
be worshipped, I would surely worship you in that form." Finally, as for `Uthman ibn
al Huwayrith, a relative of Khadijah, he traveled to Byzantium, became a Christian
and, for some time, achieved a position of eminence in the imperial court. It is said
that he sought to subjugate Makkah to Byzantium and to get himself appointed as
the emperor's viceroy. The Makkans finally banished him from Makkah. He joined the
Ghassanis in al Sham. From there he sought to cut off the trade route of Makkah,
but the Makkans undid his schemes by sending all sorts of gifts to the Ghassani
court. There, ibn al Huwayrith died by being poisoned.
Muhammad's Sons
The years passed while Muhammad participated in the public life of Makkah and
found in Khadijah, the loving woman who gave him many children, the best of all
woman companions. She gave him two sons, al Qasim and 'Abdullah the last of
whom was nicknamed al Tahir and al Tayyib-and four daughters, Zaynab, Ruqayyah,
Umm Kulthum and Fatimah. Hardly anything is known of al Qasim and `Abdullah
except that they died before the coming of Islam, while still infants. Undoubtedly
their loss caused their parents great grief and affected them deeply. As their mother,
Khadijah must have received a permanent wound at their loss. She must have
turned to her idols, inquisitively asking why the gods did not have mercy on her, and
why they did not prevent her happiness from repeated shipwreck by the loss of her
children. Certainly, Muhammad must have shared her grief and unhappiness. It is
not difficult for us to imagine the depth of their tragedy in an age when daughters
used to be buried alive and male descendants were sought after as the substance of
life itself indeed more. Sufficient proof of this grief is the fact that Muhammad could
not last long without a male heir. When he saw Zayd ibn Harithah offered for sale, he
asked Khadijah to buy him; no sooner was the new slave bought than Muhammad
manumitted and adopted him as a son. He was called Zayd ibn Muhammad, lived
under his protection, and became one of his best followers and companions. There
was yet more grief ahead for Muhammad when his third son Ibrahim passed away in
the Islamic period, after Islam had prohibited the burial of live daughters and
declared paradise to stand under the feet of mothers. It is not surprising, therefore,
that Muhammad's losses in his children should leave their deep mark upon his life
and thought. He must, have been quite shocked when on each of these tragic
occasions, Khadijah turned to the idols of the Ka'bah, and sacrificed to Hubal, to al
Lat, al `Uzza, and Manat in the hope that these deities would intercede on her behalf
and prevent the loss of her children. But Muhammad must have then realized the
vanity and futility of these hopes and efforts in his tragic bereavement and great
sorrow.
Muhammad's Daughters
Muhammad took care to marry his daughters to good husbands. He married Zaynab,
the eldest, to Abu al `As ibn al Rabi` ibn `Abd Shams, whose mother was Khadijah's
sister, and who was an upright and successful citizen. This marriage proved a happy
one despite the separation of the two spouses following Zaynab's emigration to
Madinah after Islam; as we shall see later [3]. He married Ruqayyah and Umm
Kulthum to `Utbah and `Utaybah, the sons of his Uncle Abu Lahab. These marriages
did not last, for soon after the advent of Islam, Abu Lahab ordered his two sons to
divorce their wives. It was `Uthman that married both of them one after the other.
Fatimah, who was still a child, did not marry 'Ali until after Islam.
Still, Muhammad's life during these years was one of well being, peace, and security.
Were it not for the loss of his sons, it would have been a very happy one blessed
with progeny and Khadijah's constant love and loyalty. During this period it was
natural for Muhammad to allow his soul to wander, his mind and imagination to
contemplate and to listen to the Makkan dialogue concerning their religion, to Jews
and Christians concerning theirs, as well as to the tatter's critique of Makkan religion.
He could afford to give these problems his time and energy and to concern himself
with them far more than could his compatriots. Endowed with such penetrating
insight and prepared for conveying the divine message to mankind and ready for
guiding their spiritual life to the true path, Muhammad could not enjoy his peace and
security while men sank in misguidance and untruth. It was necessary for such a
soul as he had to seek the truth perennially and everywhere, for only by such
seeking and soul searching would it receive that which God was about to reveal.
Despite this keen and noble obsession with the spiritual, this natural impulsion to
religion, Muhammad never sought to become a priest nor a wise counselor, such as
Waraqah ibn Nawfal and others were, to whom men ran for advice. Rather he sought
first to convince himself of the truth, not to pass it on to others. Consequently, he
spent long intervals alone, completely absorbed in his thoughts and meditation, and
hardly ever given to communicating his ideas to anyone.
The Arabs' Annual Retreat
It was Arabia's custom at the time for the pious and thoughtful to devote a period of
each year to a retreat of worship, asceticism, and prayer. They would seek an empty
place far away from their people where they could concentrate on their prayers and
genuinely seek a new level of seriousness, wisdom, and ethical goodness through
meditation. This practice was called tahannuth or tahannuf. Therein Muhammad
found the best means of satisfying his will to thinking and meditating. In its solitude
he could find a measure of spiritual detachment and peace that would enable his
consciousness to screen the whole universe for inspiration and to pursue his thought
where it might lead. At the head of Mount Hira', two miles north of Makkah,
Muhammad discovered a cave whose perfect silence and total separation from
Makkah made of it a perfect place for retreat. In that cave Muhammad used to spend
the whole month of Ramadan. He would satisfy himself with the least provisions,
carried to him from time to time by a servant, while devoting himself uninterruptedly
to his spiritual pursuits in peace, solitude and tranquility. His devotion often caused
him to forget himself, to forget his food, and, indeed, to forget the whole world
around him. At these moments the very world and existence must have appeared to
him like a dream. Through his mind he would turn the pages of all that he had heard
and learned, and his search could only whet his appetite for the truth.
Groping after Truth
Muhammad did not hope to find the truth he sought in the narratives of the rabbis or
the scriptures of the monks but in the very world surrounding him, in the sky and its
stars, moon, and sun, and in the desert with its burning air under the brilliant sun-its
impeccable purity enclosed by the light of the moon or that of the stars in the balmy
night, in the sea with its countless waves, and in all that which underlies this
existence and constitutes its unity of being. It was in the world that Muhammad
sought to discover the supreme truth. He sought to unite his soul to it, to penetrate
it, and to grasp the secret of its being. He did not take much thought to realize that
his peoples' understanding of the nature of this world, of their religiosity and
devotion, was all false. Their idols were mere stones-speechless, thoughtless, and
powerless. Hubal, al Lat, and al `Uzza, as well as every one of these idols and
statues inside or around the Ka'bah, had never created even so much as a fly and
never did Makkah any good. Where was to be found the truth in this vast universe of
infinite skies and stars? Is it in the brilliant stars which give men their light and
warmth and sends them rain ? Is it in their water, the light and warmth as sources of
life to all mankind throughout the world? No! For all these are creatures like the
earth itself. Is the truth then behind the sky and their stars, in the boundless space
beyond? But what is space? And what is this life which is today and is gone
tomorrow? What is its origin and source? Is this world and our presence therein all a
mere accident? The world and its life have, however, immutable laws which cannot
be the product of circumstances. Men do good and they do evil. But do they do it
willingly and deliberately, or is their action a mere instinct which they are powerless
to control? It was of such spiritual and psychological problems that Muhammad
thought during his solitary retreat in the cave of Hira', and it was in the totality of
spirit and life that he sought to discover the truth. His ideas filled his soul, his heart,
his consciousness, indeed all his being. This paramount occupation diverted him from
the commonplace problems of everyday. When at the end of Ramadan, Muhammad
returned to Khadijah, his perturbed thoughts showed on his face and caused
Khadijah to inquire whether he was well.
In his devotions during that retreat, did Muhammad follow any one of the known
religious schools? That is a question on which scholars disagree. In his Al Kamil fi al
Tarikh, ibn Kathir reported some of the current views in answer to this question.
Some claimed that Muhammad followed the law of Noah; others, the law of Ibrahim;
others, the law of Moses; others the law of Jesus. Others claimed that Muhammad
had followed every known law and observed it. Perhaps this last claim is nearer to
the truth than the others, for it agrees with what we know of Muhammad's constant
search for answers and for ways to the truth.
The True Vision
Whenever the year revolved and the month of Ramadan arrived, Muhammad would
return to the cave of Hira' for meditation with a soul yet more ripe and more
concerned. After years of preoccupation with such problems, Muhammad began to
see in his dream visions of the truth he sought. Contrasted with these visions, the
illusory character of this life and the vanity of its ornaments became especially
apparent. He had become perfectly convinced that his people had gone utterly astray
and that their spiritual lives had been corrupted by their idols and the false beliefs
associated with them. He was also convinced that neither the Jews nor the Christians
had anything to offer that would save his people from their misguidance. Some truth
there certainly was in the claims of both Judaism and Christianity, but there was also
a fair measure of falsehood and illusion, of outright paganism, which could not
possibly agree with the simple absolute truth beyond all the barren dialectics and
futile controversies in which Christians as well as Jews indulged. This simple absolute
truth is God, Creator of the universe, other than Whom there is no God. The truth is
that God is Lord of the universe, that He is the Compassionate and the Merciful, and
that men are responsible for their deeds. "Whoever will do an atom's weight of good,
will be rewarded therefore on the Day of Judgment; and whoever does an atom's
weight of evil, will like-wise be punished therefor? [Qur'an, 29:7-8]. The truth is that
paradise and hell are true; that those who worship other gods than God shall dwell in
hell and suffer eternal punishment.
When Muhammad retreated into the cave of Hira' as he approached the fortieth year
of his age, his soul was fully convinced of the vision of truth he had seen. His mind
was cleansed of all illusion and falsehood. His soul was well disciplined by the search
for truth and devotion to it. His whole being was now oriented toward the eternal
truth, and his whole life was devoted to the pursuit of its path. He had prayed with
all his power that God might deliver his people from their misguidance and error. In
his retreat he prayed day and night and fasted long periods. He would come down
from the cave for a stroll on the desert highway and then return to his retreat,
always rethinking, contemplating and reconsidering. This continued for six whole
months while Muhammad was unable to tear himself away. Naturally he was scared,
and intimated to his wife, Khadijah, the fear that he might even be possessed by an
evil spirit. His loving and loyal wife reassured him, reminding that he was al Amin"
[i.e., the faithful], that evil spirits could not approach him precisely because of his
faith and strong morality. It had never occurred to either that God was preparing His
chosen one by means of all these spiritual exercises for a truly great day, the day of
the great news, the day of the first revelation. It did not occur to them that God was
preparing His Prophet for prophet hood.
The Beginning of Revelation (610 C.E.)
One day, while Muhammad was asleep in the cave, an angel approached with a
sheet in his hand. The angel said to Muhammad, "Read." Muhammad answered in
surprise, "What shall I read?" He felt as if the angel had strangled and then released
him and heard once more the command, "Read." Muhammad's reply was, "What
shall I read?" Once more he felt the angel strangling and then releasing him, and he
heard him repeat the command, "Read." For the third time Muhammad answered,
"What shall I read?" fearful that this time the strangling would be stronger. The
angel replied, "Read in the name of your Lord, the Creator, Who created man of a
clot of blood. Read! Your Lord is most gracious. It is He who taught man by the pen
that which he does not know? [Qur'an, 96:1-5.], Muhammad recited these verses,
repeating them after the angel who withdrew after they were permanently carved
upon his memory[6]. Thus the earliest of the biographies reported, and so did ibn
Ishaq. Many of the Muhaddithun [i.e., "reporters of the Prophet's tradition"-Tr.] have
reported likewise. Some of them have claimed that the beginning of revelation was
in the hours of wakefulness, and they mention a hadith to the effect that Gabriel first
said words of reassurance to assuage Muhammad's fear at his appearance. In his Al
Kamil fi al Tarikh, Ibn Kathir gave a quotation from the book, Dala'il al Nubuwwah by
Abu Na'im al Isbahani, in which the latter reported that `Alqamah ibn Qays had said,
"The first revelations come to the prophets in their sleep until their hearts are
reassured. Thereafter, revelation comes any time of the day or night." To this report
Abu Na'im added, "This report comes to me from `Alqamah ibn Qays in person. It is
sound and reasonable, and it is corroborated by that which comes before and after
it."
Muhammad's Fear
Stricken with panic, Muhammad arose and asked himself, "What did I see? Did
possession of the devil which I feared all along come to pass?" Muhammad looked to
his right and his left but saw nothing. For a while he stood there trembling with fear
and stricken with awe. He feared the cave might be haunted and that he might run
away still unable to explain what he saw. He walked in the area around the mountain
asking himself who could have commanded him to read. Until that day in his retreat,
Muhammad used to have visions of the truth dawning upon him after his meditation
and filling his consciousness with great light. In these visions, Muhammad was
guided to the truth, his doubts were dissolved, and the darkness which had
enveloped the Quraysh in their idol worship was exposed. This light that illuminated
the way in front of him was that of the truth which provided him with true guidance.
It was the One and only God. But who was this who came to remind Muhammad of
Him, that He had created man, and that He was the most gracious who taught man
by the pen that which he does not know? Pursued by his own questioning and still
trembling in fear of what he had seen and heard in the cave, Muhammad stopped in
the middle of the road when the same voice called to him from above. Mesmerized in
his place, Muhammad lifted his head toward heaven. He saw the angel in the form of
a human giant across the sky. For a moment he sought to escape, but wherever he
looked or ran, the angel stood right there before him. In his absence from the cave a
messenger from Khadijah looked for him and could not find him. Filled with what he
had seen, Muhammad returned home once the angel disappeared. His state was one
of extreme dread. He had literally experienced the Mysterium Tremendum et
Fascinans.
Khadijah, the Faithful
As Muhammad entered his house he asked Khadijah to wrap him in blankets. She
could see that her husband was shivering as if struck with high fever. When he
calmed down, he cast toward his wife the glance of a man in need of rescue and
said, "O Khadijah, what has happened to me?" He told her of his experience and
intimated to her his fear that his mind had finally betrayed him, and that he was
becoming a seer or a man possessed. Khadijah was still the same angel of mercy,
peace, and reassurance she had always been. As she did on earlier occasions when
Muhammad feared possession by the devil, she now stood firm by her husband and
devoid of the slightest doubt. Respectfully, indeed reverently, she said to him, "Joy
to my cousin! Be firm. By him who dominates Khadijah's soul I pray and hope that
you will be the Prophet of this nation. By God, He will not let you down. You will be
kind to your kin; your speech will all be true; you will rescue the weary; entertain
the guest and help the truth to prevail."
Reassured, Muhammad thanked Khadijah and was grateful for her faith. Exhausted,
he fell asleep. This sleep was to be followed by a spiritual life of utmost strength, a
life whose sublimity and beauty was to confront each and every mind. His life was to
be dedicated purely to God, to truth, and to humanity. He was being commissioned
to convey to man the message of His lord. He was to carry out his charge not by
force, but by argument yet more gentle, sound and more convincing than any man
has known. Despite every unbeliever, the light of God and His guidance will yet fill
the world.
From the Beginning of Revelation to the Conversion of `Umar
Muhammad lapsed into perfect sleep while Khadijah's eyes, full of compassion and
hope, were pinned on him. She withdrew from his room pensive and restless at what
she had just heard. She looked to the morrow hoping that her husband would
become the Prophet of this Arab nation long lost in error. She wished her husband
could bring his people to the religion of truth and blaze for them the path of
goodness and virtue. But she was very apprehensive of that morrow, fearful for the
good of her loving and faithful husband. She reviewed in her mind the events he had
reported to her, and imagined the beautiful angel appearing to her husband across
the sky after conveying to him the words of His Lord. She tried to imagine the angel
perched in the sky so that, following Muhammad's description, wherever one looked
one could not lose sight of him, and she recalled the holy words which Muhammad
recited to her after they had been carved on his memory. As she reviewed all this
she may have at one moment smiled with hope and conviction and later frowned
with fear for what might have befallen her husband. She could not bear her solitude
long, and the alternation of sweet hope and bitter fear overpowered her. She
therefore thought to divulge what she knew to someone sure of insight and wisdom
who could give her some advice and good counsel.
The Conversation of Waraqah and Khadijah
Khadijah ran to her cousin Waraqah ibn Nawfal who, as we saw earlier, had already
become a Christian and had translated part of the Evangel into Arabic. When she
finished telling him what Muhammad had seen and heard and of her compassionate
and hopeful response to her husband, Waraqah broke into these words: "Holy, Holy!
By Him who dominates Waraqah's soul, if your report is true, O Khadijah, this must
be the Great Spirit that spoke to Moses. Muhammad must be the Prophet of this
nation. Tell him that he must be firm." Khadijah returned home and found
Muhammad still asleep. For a while, she stared at him lovingly, faithfully, and
hopefully. Suddenly she noticed that he was shivering, breathing deeply and
perspiring. As he opened his eyes, he heard the angel say, "O you who lie wrapped
in your mantle. Arise and warn. Glorify your Lord. Purify yourself. Shun
uncleanliness. Give not in order to have more in return. For the sake of your Lord
endure patiently." [Qur'an, 73:1-7]. Seeing him in this state, Khadijah pleaded that he
returns to his bed and resumes his rest. But Muhammad sprang to his feet and said
to her, "The time of slumber and rest is past, O Khadijah. Gabriel has commanded
me to warn men and to call them to God and to His worship. But whom shall I call?
And who will listen to me?" Khadijah tried to appease and reassure him, to
encourage him with predictions of success. She told him what she had heard from
Waraqah and declared to him her Islam, i.e., her faith in his prophet hood.
It was natural for Khadijah to be the first one to believe in Muhammad. For many
long years she had known him to be the examplar of truthfulness, fidelity, honesty,
charity, and compassion. In his many retreats during the last few years, she had
noticed how he had been constantly preoccupied with the search for the truth, with
the truth alone; how he had sought that truth with his heart, mind, and spirit beyond
the idolatrous superstitions of the people and their sacrifices, and beyond the deities
that are capable of neither good nor evil but which the people venerated without
avail. She had witnessed his great doubt and utter perplexity on his return from the
cave of Hira' after the first revelation. She asked him to tell her when the angel
would come. When he did she seized Muhammad and placed him on her left leg,
then on her right leg, then in her lap, always asking him whether he was still seeing
the angel and Muhammad answering in the affirmative. She then uncovered herself
and threw off her clothes and asked Muhammad whether he still saw the angel, but
the angel then disappeared. At this her doubt that the appearance was that of the
devil rather than of the angel was dissolved once and for all.
Waraqah and Muhammad
One day Muhammad went to the Ka'bah for circumambulation. He was met by
Waraqah ibn Nawfal, who asked him about himself. Muhammad related the events as
they had happened. When he finished, Waraqah said, "By Him Who dominates my
soul I swear that you are the Prophet of this nation. The great spirit that has come to
Moses has now come to you. You will be denied and you will be hurt. You will be
abused and you will be pursued. If I should ever live to see that day I shall surely
help the cause of God. God knows that I will." Waraqah then approached
Muhammad, kissed his forehead and went away. Muhammad realized the
faithfulness of Waraqah, and at the same time felt the burden weighing on his
shoulder. Waraqah's warning that the struggle ahead would be hard only confirmed
Muhammad's fears that the Quraysh were so attached to their false beliefs that they
would fight to death for them. How could he fight. them when they were his very
people, his nearest relatives?
Surely the Makkans were mistaken. Just as surely, it was to the truth that
Muhammad was now calling them. He was calling them to transcend themselves, to
commune with the God Who created them as well as their parents, and to worship
Him alone in purity and faith. He called them to bring themselves near to God with
good works, to give the neighbor and the wayfarer his due, and to reject the worship
of those idols which they had taken as gods who overlooked their vices and
immorality, their usury and robbery of orphans. But in doing all this, Muhammad was
calling men whose minds and hearts were petrified and hardened beyond the stones
to which their idol worship oriented them. Muhammad called men to consider the sky
and the earth and all therein which God created, to perceive all this in its sublimity
and gravity and grasp the laws by which heaven and earth exist. Muhammad called
men to rise, through their worship of the sole Creator of all existence, beyond all that
is mean and unworthy, to treat the misguided lovingly and to help him achieve
proper guidance, to bring charity and goodness to every orphan, to the weak, the
oppressed, and the poor. Yes, to all this did God command Muhammad to call men.
But these obstinate souls, these coarse hearts, had committed themselves to remain
forever loyal to the religion of the ancestors. Around this religion they had built trade
relations which gave Makkah its eminence and centrality as a center of pilgrimage.
Would the Makkans abjure the religion of their ancestors and expose their city to loss
of prestige, a loss which would surely follow if all idol worship were to stop? Even if
such a renunciation were possible, how could their hearts be purified of their chronic
passion for every pleasure? How could they be lifted above the animal satisfaction of
these passions? Muhammad called men to rise above their passions and above their
idols. But what if they didn't respond to his call and refused to believe in him? What
would he do?
Subsiding of the Revelations
Muhammad expected the revelations to guide his path from day to day, but they subsided.
Gabriel did not appear for some time, and all around him there was nothing but silence.
Muhammad fell into solitude, separated from himself as well as from the people. His old fears
recurred. It is told that even Khadijah said to him, "Does it not seem that your Lord is
displeased with you?" Dismayed and frightened, he returned to the mountain and the cave of
Hira'. There, he prayed for God fervently, seeking assiduously to reach Him. Particularly, he
wanted to ask God about the cause of this divine displeasure. Khadijah did not dread these
days any less than Muhammad, nor was she any less fearful. Often Muhammad wished to
die, but he would again feel the call and the command of his Lord which dispelled such ideas.
It was also told that he once thought of throwing himself down from the top of Mount Hira' or
Mount Abu Qubays, thinking what good was this life if his greatest hope therein was to be
frustrated and destroyed? Torn between these fears on one hand and despair on the other,
revelation came to him after a long interval. The word of God was as clear as it was
reassuring:
"By the forenoon, and by the night as it spreads its wings over the world in peace, your Lord
has not forsaken you; nor is He displeased with you. Surely, the end shall be better for you
than the beginning. Your Lord will soon give you of His bounty and you will be well pleased.
Did He not find you an orphan and give you shelter? Did He not find you erring and guide
you to the truth? Did He not find you in want and provide for you? Do not, therefore, oppress
the orphan nor turn away whosoever seeks your help. And the bounty of your Lord, always
proclaim."[Qur'an, 93:1-11]
The Call to Truth Alone
Oh, what divine majesty, what peace of mind, what joy of heart and exaltation to the
soul! Muhammad's fears dissolved and his dread was dissipated. He was overjoyed
with this fresh evidence of his Lord's blessing and fell down in worship to God and
praise of Him. There was no more reason to fear, as Khadijah had done, that God
was displeased with him, and there was no cause for his dread. God had now taken
him under His protection and removed from him every doubt and fear. Henceforth
there was to be no thought of suicide but only of a life dedicated to calling men unto
God and unto God alone. To the Almighty God on High shall all men bend their
brows. To Him shall all that is in heaven and earth prostrate themselves. He alone is
the True, and all that they worship besides him is false. To Him alone the heart
should turn, on Him alone the soul should depend, and in Him alone the spirit should
find its confirmation. The other realm is better for man than this realm. In the other
realm, the soul becomes aware of all being as well as the unity of being; and in this
unity space and time disappear and the needs and considerations of this realm are
forgotten. It is in the other realm that the forenoon with its brilliant and dazzling
sun, the night with its widespread darkness, the heavens and the stars, and the
earth and the mountains all become one; and the spirit which enters into awareness
of this unity is happy and felicitous. That is the life which is the objective of this life.
And that is the truth which illuminated with its light the soul of Muhammad. When
revelation subsided for a while, it was this truth which inspired him anew to solicit
and think of his Lord and to call men unto Him. The calling of men unto God
demands the purification of oneself, the shunning of evil, and the bearing with
patience all the harm and injury with which the caller may meet. It demands that he
illumine the path of true knowledge for the benefit of ignorant mankind, that he
never rebuke the inquisitive, and that he never reject the man in need or oppress
the orphan. Sufficient unto him must be the fact that God had chosen him to convey
His message to mankind. Let this message then be the permanent subject of his
conversation. Sufficient unto him must be the fact that God had found him an orphan
and given him shelter under the protection of his grandfather, `Abd al Muttalib, and
his uncle, Abu Talib. Sufficient unto him must be the fact that God had found him in
want and provided for him through his trustworthiness, and had shown him His favor
by granting to him Khadijah, the companion of his youth, of his solitude and retreat,
of his prophetic mission, and of love and kindness. Sufficient unto him must be the
fact that God had found him erring and had guided him to the truth through His
message. All this must be sufficient unto him. Let him now call to the truth and exert
himself as heartily as he could. Such was the command of God to His Prophet whom
He had chosen, whom He had not forsaken, and with whom He was not displeased.
Salat [Islamic Worship]
God taught His prophet how to worship. In turn Muhammad taught Khadijah, and
both worshipped together. Besides their own daughters, 'Ali ibn Abu Talib, who was
still a boy, lived with them in the same house. Ali's residence with Muhammad dated
from the time that Makkah suffered from economic depression. Since Abu Talib had a
very large family, Muhammad approached his uncle al `Abbas, who was the richest
member of the Banu Hashim clan, saying, "Your brother Abu Talib has a very large
family, and he is in a state of want as a result of this depression. Let us together
lighten his burden and take into our homes some of his children." Al `Abbas agreed
and took into his care Ja'far, and Muhammad took 'Ali. One day while Muhammad
and Khadijah were worshipping together, 'Ali entered their room suddenly and found
them kneeling and prostrating themselves and reciting together some of the Qur'anic
revelations. Surprised at this behavior, the youth stood still at the door until the pair
finished their prayer. To his question, "To whom did you prostrate yourselves?"
Muhammad answered, "We have prostrated ourselves to God Who has sent me a
prophet and Who has commanded me to call men unto Him." Muhammad then
invited his nephew to worship God alone without associates, and to enter into the
religion that He had revealed to His Prophet. He asked him to repudiate the idols,
like al Lat and al `Uzza, and recited to him something from the Qur'an. `Ali was
overwhelmed. The beauty and sublimity of the verses he heard gripped him. He
pleaded for time to consult his father. After a tempestuous night, `Ali rushed to
Muhammad and Khadijah and declared to them his conversion without consulting his
father. The youth said, "God created me without consulting Abu Talib, my father.
Why should I now consult him in order to worship God?" 'Ali was then the first youth
to enter Islam. He was followed by Zayd ibn Harithah, Muhammad's client. [Arabic
"mawla," the person standing under protection. This was the position of the manumitted slave. -Tr.] Islam
remained limited to one house. Besides Muhammad himself, the converts of the new
faith were his wife, his cousin, and his client. The problem of how to call Quraysh to
the new faith continued to press for a solution. Considering how attached the
Makkans were to the religion of their ancestors and to their idols, and how fiercely
they resisted any innovation, there was no easy solution in sight.
The Conversion of Abu Bakr
Abu Bakr ibn Abu Quhafah al Taymi was a very close friend to Muhammad. He
trusted Muhammad, whom he knew to be worthy of this trust, and whose
truthfulness was, as far as Abu Bakr was concerned, beyond doubt. Outside
Muhammad's own household, Abu Bakr was the first man to be called to the worship
of God alone and to the repudiation of idols. He was the first outsider to whom
Muhammad confided the vision he had seen and the revelations he had heard. Abu
Bakr did not hesitate to respond favorably to the call of Muhammad and to believe
therein. But what soul would hesitate to leave idol worship for the worship of God
alone if it were open at all to the voice of truth? What soul would prefer the worship
of stones to the worship of God if it were endowed with any kind of nobility and
transcendent awareness? What soul would resist self-purification, giving of one's
bounty and doing good to the orphan, if it had any degree of innate purity and
goodness? Abu Bakr broadcast his conversion and new faith in God and in His
Prophet among his companions. He was "a good man and a noble character, friendly
to his people, and amiable and gentle. He enjoyed the noblest lineage in Quraysh
and was the most knowledgeable of its clans and geneologies and its past and
present history. Better than any other member of the tribe, he knew its strengths
and weaknesses. By profession he was a trader, well known and honest. His people
loved him and respected him for his knowledge, his honesty and his entertaining
conversation [Unfortunately, in this as in many other cases, Haykal has quoted the author and placed his
words between quotation marks but has not indicated the source. -Tr.]. Abu Bakr began to call unto
Islam those of his people whom he trusted, and a number of them were converted.
`Uthman ibn `Affan, `Abd al Rahman ibn `Awf, Talhah ibn `Ubayd Allah, Sa'd ibn
Abu Waqqas, and al Zubayr .ibn al `Awwam were the first to respond favorably to
his cause. Thereafter Abu `Ubaydah ibn al Jarrah was converted as well as a number
of other Makkans. Whenever a man converted to Islam, he would seek the Prophet
and declare his Islam to him and receive from him his instruction. Fearful of arousing
the enmity and antagonism of Quraysh for their departure from idol worship, the
new Muslims used to hide the fact of their conversion. They would go to the outskirts
of Makkah in order to hold their prayers. For three years while Islam continued to
spread among the Makkans, the Muslims continued to hide. In the meantime, the
Qur'an was continually being revealed to Muhammad and this fortified the Muslims in
their faith and confirmed them in it.
The personal example of Muhammad was the best support for the spread of his
cause. He was merciful and charitable, humble yet manly, sweet of word yet just,
giving to each his due yet full of compassion and sympathy for the weak, the orphan,
the deprived, and the oppressed. In his night watch and prayer, in his chanting the
Qur'an revealed to him, in his constant scrutinizing of the heavens and of the earth,
he looked for the meaning of their existence and that of everything they contain; in
his permanent orientation toward God alone, in his search for the meaning of
existence and quintessence of life, deep within his own soul, he provided such an
example for his followers that they became ever more convinced of their faith and
ever more anxious to adhere to its precepts. The new Muslims did so
notwithstanding the fact that they were repudiating the religion and practice of their
ancestors as well as exposing themselves to injury by those who believed otherwise.
Many noblemen and tradesmen from Makkah believed in Muhammad, but all were
already known for their purity, honesty, kindness, and mercy. In addition, Muslim
ranks included many converts from the weak, deprived, and oppressed classes of
Makkah, The cause of God and His Prophet spread as men and women entered the
faith wave after wave.
The Muslims and Quraysh
People talked about Muhammad and his message. The obdurate and hardhearted
among the Makkans did not pay much attention to him, thinking that his cause would
not go beyond what they had known of the causes of Quss, Umayyah, Waraqah, and
others among the wise men and priests. They were certain men will eventually
return to the religion of their ancestors, and that victory would finally belong to
Hubal, al Lat, al `Uzza, Isaf, and Na'ilah. But they forgot that candid faith is
invincible and that the truth must someday prevail.
Muhammad's Nearest Relatives
Three years after the revelation began, God commanded the Prophet to proclaim
Islam openly and to bring His revelation to the public. The following verses were
revealed: "Warn, O Muhammad, your nearest relatives. Extend your gentle
protection to all those believers who follow in your footsteps and obey you. As for
those who disobey, proclaim your repudiation of their doings .... Proclaim what you
are commanded and turn away from the associationists." [Qur'an, 26:214-216; 15-94.]
Muhammad invited his kinsmen to a banquet in his home at which he tried to talk to
them about Islam and to call them unto God. His uncle, Abu Lahab, interrupted his
speech and asked the guests to stand up and leave. Muhammad invited them again
on the morrow. After they had eaten he said, "I do not know of any man in Arab
history who served his people better than I have served you. I have brought you the
best of this world as well as of the next. My Lord has commanded me to call you
unto Him. Who of you then would stand by me on this matter"? To this appeal, his
kinsmen were unsympathetic and prepared to leave." `Ali, however, though only a
boy, arose and said, "Prophet of God: I shall be your helper. Whosoever opposes
you, I shall fight as mortal enemy." The Banu Hashim smiled at this; others laughed
loudly. All present looked once at `Ali, once at Abu Talib, his father, and left full of
ridicule for what they beheld.
After addressing his kinsmen, Muhammad now directed his call to the Makkans as a
whole. One day he climbed to the top of al Safi and called, "O People of Quraysh !"
Hearing his call, the Quraysh assembled around him and asked what was the matter.
Muhammad answered, "tell me, O Men of Quraysh, if I were to tell you that I see a
cavalry on the other side of the mountain, would you believe me?" They answered,
"Indeed, for we trust you, and we have never known you to tell a lie." Muhammad
said, "know then that I am a Warner and that I warn you of a severe punishment. O
Banu `Abd al Muttalib ! O Banu `Abd Manaf ! O Banu Zuhrah ! O Banu Taym! O
Banu Makhzum ! O Banu Asad ! God has commanded me to warn you, my nearest
kinsmen, that I can guarantee to you no good on earth or in heaven unless you
witness that there is no God but God." Abu Lahab, fat but quick of temper as he was,
arose and said, "Woe to you on this day! Did you assemble us for this?"
Severely shocked, Muhammad looked toward his uncle for a moment. Soon the
following verses were revealed: "Accursed be the hands of Abu Lahab and accursed
may he be. Neither his property nor his wealth will save him. He shall burn in the
flames of hell." [Qur'an, 111:1-3]
Islam and Freedom
Neither the rancor of Abu Lahab nor the antagonism of other opponents in Quraysh
prevented the spread of the Islamic call among the people of Makkah. Hardly a day
passed without some new person joining the faith. Those inclined toward asceticism
accepted Islam more readily, as neither trade nor vested interest could prejudice
their consideration of the call. Such men had observed that Muhammad depended
upon Khadijah's wealth, but that he never allowed wealth to influence his religious
judgment. The material considerations were always rejected wherever they ran
counter to the dictates of love, compassion, friendship, and forgiveness. Indeed,
revelation itself commanded that the will to wealth is a curse upon the spirit. Did it
not say, "The pursuit of wealth has exhausted all your energies and preoccupied your
life to the very end? But you will surely come to know-and you will surely come to
know it well!-that your wealth will not avail a thing. Had you known it with certainty,
you would have known of hell and you would have convinced yourselves of it. But it
is on the Day of Judgment that you will be 'questioned concerning the moral worth of
your deeds." [Qur'an, 102:1-8]. What is better than that to which Muhammad calls? He
calls to freedom, to absolute and limitless freedom, to that freedom which is as dear
to the Arab as his very life. Does he not liberate men from the bondage which the
worship of other gods besides God imposes? Has he not destroyed all the obstacles
that have once stood between man and God? Neither Hubal, al Lat, nor al `Uzza,
neither the fire of the Zoroastrians nor the sun of the Egyptians, neither the astral
bodies of the star worshippers, the apostles of Christ as princes of the church, nor
any other human, angel or genii could stand between man and God. Before God and
before Him alone is man responsible for his good and evil works. Man's works alone
are his intercessor. On earthman's conscience alone is the final judge of his deeds,
as it is its sole subject. Upon its everyday verdicts depends the last judgment of the
person. What liberty is wider than this liberty to which Muhammad called men? Did
Abu Lahab and his companions call to anything like it? Do they not call men to
remain enslaved under superstitions so great that the light of truth and guidance can
hardly penetrate and reach through them?
The Poets of Quraysh
Abu Lahab and Abu Sufyan, noblemen of Quraysh and lords of its commerce and
entertainment, began to feel the threat which the call of Muhammad presented. They
therefore decided to begin by ridiculing him and belying his prophet hood. Their first
act was to tempt their poet friends to attack Muhammad in their poetry. It was then
that Abu Sufyan ibn al Harith, `Amr ibn al `As, and `Abdullah ibn al Zib'ari launched
their vituperative attacks in verse. A number of Muslim poets undertook to answer
these attacks in kind, despite the fact that Muhammad hardly needed their efforts.
Besides the poets, others advanced and asked Muhammad to perform some miracles
with which to prove his prophethood. They challenged him to do as much as Moses
or Jesus had done. They asked, "Why don't you change Mount Safa and Mount
Marwah into gold? Why don't you cause the book of which you speak so much to fall
down from heaven already written? Why don't you cause Gabriel to appear to all of
us and speak to us as he spoke to you? Why don't you resurrect the dead and
remove these mountains which bound and enclose the city of Makkah? Why don't
you cause a water fountain to spring whose water is sweeter than that of Zamzam,
knowing how badly your town needs the additional water supply?" The unbelievers
did not stop at these demands for miracles. In ridicule, they asked, "Why doesn't
your God inform you of the market prices of the future in order to help you and us in
the trade of the morrow?" Whether serious or in ridicule, all these questions and
demands were answered once and for alt by revelation. God commanded
Muhammad, "Say: `I have no power whatever to bring advantage or avoid
disadvantage. What God wills, that will happen. If it were given me to tell the future
I would have used such knowledge to my own advantage. But I am only a man sent
to warn you, and a messenger to convey a divine message that you may believe."
[Qur'an, 7:188]
Indeed: Muhammad was only a warner and a messenger. How could they demand of
him that which reason denies while he demanded of them only that which reason
commends-nay, dictates and imposes? How could they demand of him that which no
morality can tolerate, whereas he called them to goodness and genuine virtue? How
could they ask him to perform miracles when the Book that was being revealed to
him, which was his guide to the truth, was the end of all miracles? How could they
ask him to prove his prophethood with miracles that they might then see whether or
not they would follow him, while their so-called gods were dead and cold, utterly
devoid of power to do anything, whether miracle or nonmiracle? How could they ask
him to prove himself with miracles when they worshipped their stone and wooden
gods without ever asking them to prove their divinity? If they had only once asked
their gods to prove their divinity, they would have seen through their wood and
stone and convinced themselves that they were no gods at all but dead, immobile,
and unable to defend themselves against anyone.
Muhammad's Attack against the Idols
Muhammad did take the initiative of attacking their gods. Hitherto he had not
mentioned them at all. Now, hs attacked them directly. To the Quraysh this was so
serious that it aroused deep hatred. This man had become a threatening problem to
them demanding definite solution. Until then they had not taken him seriously but
had ridiculed him. When they assembled in Dar al Nadwah or around the Ka'bah and
its idols and happened to mention him, they would speak lightly of him and ridicule
his cause. Now that he had directly attacked their gods, ridiculed their worship as
well as their ancestors', severely condemned Hubal, al Lat, al `Uzza and all other
idols, the matter called for' something more than ridicule. It called for a fight plan
and serious thinking of how to combat and counterattack. If this man were to
succeed in converting the people of Makkah and in turning them against their old
worship, what would happen to Makkan trade? What would remain of Makkah's
religious eminence? These and like thoughts were ominous and called for the most
careful strategy.
Abu Talib, Muhammad's uncle, had not joined the faith, but he continued to protect
his nephew and let everyone know of his preparation to fight for him. Led by Abu
Sufyan ibn Harb, some noblemen of Quraysh went to Abu Talib and addressed him in
these words: "O Abu Talib, your nephew has blasphemed our gods, attacked our
religion, ridiculed our ideals and condemned our fathers for unbelief. Either you stop
him or you relinquish your protection of him. Our faith which he attacks is equally
your faith. Why don't you let us take care of him for you?" Abu Talib talked to them
gently and discharged them. Muhammad continued his preaching and intensified his
missionary activity. His followers multiplied. Once more Quraysh plotted against him.
They went to Abu Talib and brought with them `Umarah ibn al Walid ibn al Mughirah,
the most handsome youth in Quraysh. They asked Abu Talib to adopt `Umarah as
his son and to let them handle Muhammad. Once more they were turned down. As
Muhammad continued his missionary activities, they continued to plot. Finally, they
went to Abu Talib for a third time saying, "O Abu Talib, you are an honorable elder
among us. We have asked you to stop your nephew but you have not. By God, we
cannot permit him to insult our fathers, to ridicule our ideals, and to castigate our
gods. Either you stop him or we shall fight both you and him until one of us perishes
in the process." To alienate them and to arouse their enmity was too much for Abu
Talib, and yet he was neither prepared to join the faith of his nephew nor to betray
him. What would he do? He called Muhammad and told him what had happened and
pleaded with him: "Save me as well as yourself, and do not cause me to carry a
burden I cannot bear."
The Logic of History
For a while Muhammad stood motionless in his place. It was a moment in which the
history of being itself stopped without knowing which course to take. Whichever word
this one man was about to say, would be a judgment of mankind. Should the world
continue to wallow in its darkness? Should Zoroastrianism triumph over a corrupt
and lifeless Christianity? Should paganism be allowed to raise its superstitious, rotten
head? Or should he, Muhammad, proclaim to this world the unity of God,
enlightening it with the light of truth, liberating the minds of men from the bondage
of superstition, and raising the souls for communion with the Supernal Plenum?
There was his uncle weakened by the people's opposition, unable to help or protect
indeed, likely to betray him. And there were the Muslims, few and weak, unable to
wage war or to resist a strong and well-equipped army such as Quraysh had. There
was none to lend him support in this hour of dire need. Only the truth which he
proclaimed and of which he was the advocate could console or rescue him. Nothing
was left to count upon except his own faith and conviction of that truth. That alone
was his whole force. Well, let it be. The other realm is better than this one. Let him
then discharge his duty and convey his message. It is better to die faithful to the
truth than to betray it or stammer in its cause. Refreshened and energized by the
strength and determination of new resolution, he turned to his uncle and said, "O
uncle! By God Almighty I swear, even if they should put the sun in my right hand
and the moon in my left that I abjure this cause, I shall not do so until God has
vindicated it or caused me to perish in the process."
How great is the truth! And how sublime is faith in the truth! The old man was
shaken to his depths when he heard the answer of Muhammad. It was his turn to
stand motionless and speechless in front of this holy power and great will which had
just spoken on behalf of a life above life. Choked with emotion at his uncle's request
as well as at his own certainty of the course he was to follow, Muhammad got up to
leave. For but a moment Abu Talib hesitated between the enmity of his people and
the cause of his nephew. Immediately, he called Muhammad back. "Go forth, my
nephew," he said, "and say what you will. By the same God I swear I shall never
betray you to your enemies."
Banu Hashim Protects Muhammad against Quraysh
Abu Talib communicated his resolution to Banu Hashim and Banu al Muttalib and
spoke to them about his nephew with great admiration and deep appreciation of the
sublimity of Muhammad's position. He asked them all to protect Muhammad against
the Quraysh. All of them pledged to do so except Abu Lahab, who declared openly
his enmity to him and his withdrawal to the opposite camp. Undoubtedly, the tribal
bond they shared with Muhammad and their traditional enmity with Banu Umayyah
influenced their decision to stand by Muhammad. Tribal solidarity and politics,
however, do not completely explain their new opposition to all Quraysh in a matter
so grave as to require them to repudiate the faith and beliefs inherited from the
fathers. The attitude of Muhammad toward them, his firm conviction, his calling
them in kindness to the worship of God alone, and their awareness that among the
tribes of Arabia there were certainly other religions besides their own all these
factors caused them to realize that to their nephew and fellow tribesman belonged
the right to speak out his views, just as Umayyah ibn Abu al Salt and Waraqah ibn
Nawfal and others had done before him. If Muhammad were saying the truth and
they did not think that that was the case truth will certainly prevail, and they stand
to share in the glory of its victory. If, on the other hand, Muhammad was not telling
the truth, then people would pass his claim by as they had other claims before. In
this case it would not destroy their traditions, and there was, therefore, no reason
why they should betray him to his enemies and allow them to kill him.
Persecution of the Muslims by Quraysh
From whatever harm might come from Quraysh Muhammad took refuge behind his
people. From the worries he generated within himself he took refuge in the person of
Khadijah. With her faith and great love she was for him a refreshing source of joy.
She supported him against every symptom of weakness or despondency generated
by the harm his enemies had inflicted against him or against his followers. In fact,
ever since Muhammad made public cause of his revelations, Quraysh knew no peace,
and the tranquility of earlier days vanished. Instigated by the Quraysh, every clan
and tribe began to attack its Muslim members to dissuade them from their faith. One
unbeliever threw his Abyssinian slave, Bilal, onto the sand under the burning sun,
laid a heavy stone on his chest and left him there to die, for no reason except his
insistence upon Islam. Bearing himself gallantly under this torture, Bilal kept on
repeating, "God is one, God is one." Abu Bakr saw him, bought him from his master
and set him free. Indeed, Abu Bakr bought many of the slaves and clients who were
being thus tortured by the unbelievers. Among these there was even a slave woman
whom Abu Bakr had bought from `Umar ibn al Khattab before the tatter's
conversion. One woman is known to have been tortured to death because of her
attachment to Islam and her refusal to return to the old faith. Muslims of pure Arab
blood were beaten and subjected to all sorts of maltreatment and contemptuous
humiliation. Even Muhammad did not escape, despite the protection of Banu Hashim
and Banu al Muttalib. Umm Jamil, Abu Lahab's wife, used to throw the refuse from
her house onto Muhammad's door. All Muhammad could do was simply to remove it.
While Muhammad was praying near the Ka'bah, Abu Lahab threw on him the entrails
of a goat sacrificed to one of the gods; and Muhammad could only go to his daughter
Fatimah for her to clean him and wash the dirt off his clothes. This abuse was all in
addition to the terrible vituperation and vile calumnies the unbelievers directed
against the Muslims on every occasion and in every quarter. Such persecution
continued for a long time, but it only confirmed the Muslims in their faith and
challenged them to sacrifice everything for the sake of their convictions.
Muslim Patience
This period of Muhammad's life is one of the noblest and greatest pages of human
history. Neither he nor his followers sought wealth or reputation, power or
sovereignty. Rather, they were seekers after the truth and believers therein. To
those who did harm him, Muhammad prayed for guidance, for liberation from the
yoke of vile paganism and from its immorality and villainy. It was for this noble
spiritual objective that Muhammad suffered persecution. The poets insulted him; the
tribe plotted against him, threw stones at his house, threatened his folks and
followers, and came close to killing him near the Ka'bah. The more they persecuted,
the more patience and resolve Muhammad showed in his mission. The believers
repeated and were encouraged by Muhammad's pledge that he would not abjure this
cause even if given both sun and moon. Great sacrifices became small, and death
itself became a welcome alternative. One must appreciate the strength of these
men's faith and the depth of their commitment at a time when the new religion was
not even complete and the Qur'an was not yet fully revealed. No doubt Muhammad's
gentleness, good character, truthfulness, resoluteness, strength of will, and
conviction were contributing factors. But there were other factors besides.
Muhammad lived in a free country very much like a republic. As far as social
eminence and nobility of lineage, he ranked among the highest and best. Muhammad
did not have much wealth, but he had all he needed, and so did Banu Hashim. To
them belonged the sidanah of the Ka'bah and the siqayah and all that they wished by
way of religious titles. Therefore, Muhammad stood in no need of money, prestige,
political power, or religious eminence. In this respect, Muhammad was quite different
from the prophets that preceded him. Moses, for instance, was born in Egypt when
Pharaoh was worshipped by its people as God. It was he who called to them, "I am
your supreme God." [Qur'an, 79:24]. The priesthood assisted Pharaoh in tyrannizing
over the people and in exploiting them. The revolution that Moses led by command
of his Lord was a revolution against the political as well as the religious order. Did
Moses not seek to reduce Pharaoh to the equal of the most ordinary peasant in front
of God, even though that peasant was of the meanest class who drew their water
from the Nile with the shadoof? Pharaoh's divinity, Moses thought, as well as the
social order on which it stood, must all be destroyed. The revolution must first be
political. Consequently, from the very beginning the Mosaic call was met by Pharaoh
with all-out war, and miracles were necessary that the Mosaic call might be believed
by the rank and file. When, for instance, Moses threw his stick on the ground, it
became a living serpent devouring what Pharaoh's magicians had created. These
miracles, however, turned out to be futile, for Moses had to flee from his country of
birth. His flight was assisted by another miracle, that of the splitting of the waters of
the sea. As for Jesus, he was born in Nazareth, in Palestine, a province under the
yoke of Roman colonialism. He called men to patience in their suffering of injustice,
to forgiveness after repentance and to forms of love and mercy which the rulers
regarded as tantamount to rebellion against their tyranny. The miracles of
resurrecting the dead, healing the sick, and all that Jesus did with the support of the
Holy Spirit were necessary for the success of his cause. In their essence, the
doctrines of Jesus and Muhammad were built on the same premises and led to the
same conclusions, with differences in detail not relevant for our present discussion.
The point is that these various factors, especially the political among them gave to
the call of Jesus the orientation it took. As for Muhammad, since his circumstances
were what we have just seen, his message was spiritual and rational. At every stage
of its development, it rested on a foundation of truth, goodness, and beauty for their
own sakes. Because of its distance from any political struggle, Muhammad's message
did not disturb the republican regime of Makkah in the least, nor was it disturbed
thereby.
The Call of Muhammad and Modern Scientific Inquiry
The reader may be surprised by our emphasis on the similarity of Muhammad's
teaching to the methods of modern science. The scientific method demands that
were one to undertake an investigation, he should suspend his personal views,
beliefs and doctrines. It demands that he begins his study by observation,
classification, comparison, experimentation, and then draw his conclusions from
these scientific observations as premises. A conclusion reached through this method
is scientific and, by the same token, it remains susceptible to further scrutiny and
investigation. It remains valid as long as further scientific study has not disproved
any one of the premises on which it is based. This scientific method is the highest
human achievement in the cause of free thought. And yet this very method is none
other than that of Muhammad, the very foundation of his cause. How did his
followers become convinced of it? They repudiated all their previous beliefs had
began to concentrate their thoughts on what lay before them. But what was before
them? What were the facts of religious life in Arabia? Every one of the Arab tribes
had its own idols; but which one was true and which false? Besides, within Arabia as
well as in the surrounding countries, there were Christians, Jews, Sabeans,
Zoroastrian fire-worshippers, and others who worshipped the sun. Whose faith was
true and whose false?
The Essence of Muhammad's call
Suppose we lay all this aside and completely avoid its influence upon our minds and
hearts. Suppose we cut ourselves loose from every view and every doctrine we have
previously entertained. And suppose we observe and consider. The first truth to
stand out is that every being is somehow connected with all other beings. In the case
of man, the clans, the tribes, and nations are obviously interconnected. Man is also
connected with the animals and the world of things. This earth of ours is connected
with the sun, the moon, and all the heavenly bodies.
Necessary and immutable laws regulate and govern all these interconnections.
Neither may the sun overtake the moon nor the night overtakes the day. If any one
being in the universe were to alter or change these laws, the cosmos itself would
change and would no more be what it is. If the sun, for instance, failed to provide
the earth with light and heat and thus violate the laws by which nature has been
running for millions of years, the earth and the sky would not be what they are. As
long as this does not happen it is not possible for the totality of the cosmos to hold
itself together except by a moving spirit, a spirit from which it has arisen and has
developed and to which it must return. This spirit alone is that to which man should
be subject. Everything else in this universe is subject to that spirit just as man is.
Man, the cosmos, space, and time are therefore a unity; and this spirit is the origin
and substance of this unity. To this spirit alone therefore belongs worship. To this
spirit alone all minds and hearts should be oriented. Everywhere in this universe we
should be able by reason and meditation to discover this spirit's eternal laws. Hence,
whatever men worship besides God be it idols, kings, Pharaohs, fire, or sunrise a
falsehood and an illusion unworthy of man, of human reason, of the human capacity
to discover the laws of God through examination of the creation with which God has
endowed man.
That is the essence of the message of Muhammad as the early Muslims knew it. It
was conveyed to them by Muhammad as a revelation cast into such sublime form
that it is still regarded as a miracle. This revelation has combined the truth of
content with the perfection of form. Upon contact with it, the souls of the Muslims
became ennobled, and their hearts were moved to seek communion with the noble
spirit of Muhammad. Muhammad led them to the realization that good works
constitute the road of felicity and that men shall be rewarded for their works on the
day they complete in piety their duties in this world, i.e. when every soul shall
receive its due. "And whosoever does an atom's weight of good shall be rewarded
therefore, and whosoever does an atom's weight of evil shall be punished therefore."
[Qur'an, 99:7-8]
What great and ennobling respect for human reason! What sweeping destruction of
all the impediments that stands in the way of human reason ! Sufficient is it to man
to understand this for him to appreciate it, to believe in it, and to realize what it
demands of him to rise to the highest level of humanity. As long as one takes his
stand on the side of reason, every sacrifice demanded by such heights seems easy.
The Conversion of Hamzah
The majestic stand of Muhammad and of his followers convinced Banu Hashim and
Banu al Muttalib to strengthen their protection of him. Once, on encountering
Muhammad on the road, Abu Jahl insulted him and abused his new religion.
Muhammad did not answer him and walked away. Hamzah, Muhammad's uncle and
brother-in-nursing, still followed the religion of Quraysh and was very strong and
fear inspiring. He was an addicted hunter who would circumambulate the Ka'bah
every time he returned from a hunting trip and before he entered his home. As he
entered the city on the day that Abu Jahl insulted Muhammad and learned of what
had happened to his nephew, he became furious, and went straight to the Ka'bah.
Upon entering the Mosque, he did not greet anyo a as he used to do. Rather, he
went straight to Abu Jahl and hit him very hard with his bow. Some members of
Banu Makhzum rose to the help of Abu Jahl, but Abu Jahl pushed them aside. He
acknowledged that he had insulted Muhammad and then decided that the dispute
had better be cut short rather than allowed to spread. Hamzah then declared his
conversion to Islam, took the oath of allegiance to Muhammad and promised to
sacrifice everything for the sake of God.
Delegation of `Utbah ibn Rabi ah
Undaunted by any harm or injury that befell them, their faith unshaken, the Muslims
kept on increasing in numbers and strength. They proclaimed their faith loudly and
performed their prayers publicly all to the alarm of Quraysh, who were at a loss what
to do next. For a moment they thought that they could get rid of Muhammad by
satisfying what they took to be his personal ambitions. Obviously they forgot the
greatness of the Islamic call, the purity of its spiritual essence, and its noble
transcendence of any political partisanship. `Utbah ibn Rabi'ah, one of the
distinguished leaders of Arabia, convinced the Quraysh at one of their community
meetings to delegate him to approach Muhammad with a number of alternative
offerings of which, he thought, Muhammad would surely accept one. He therefore
went to Muhammad and said, "O Nephew, you certainly enjoy among us great
eminence and noble lineage, and you have brought about a great issue and divided
your people. Listen to me for I am about to make several offers to you, certain as I
am that one of them will prove satisfactory to you. If by bringing about the conflict
you did, you have sought to achieve some wealth, know that we are prepared to give
you of our wealth until you become the richest man among us. If, on the other hand,
you desired honor and power, we would make you our chief and endow you with
such power that nothing could be done without your consent. Even if you wanted to
be a king, we should not hesitate to crown you king over us. Finally, if you are
unable to cure yourself of the visions that you have been seeing, we shall be happy
to seek for you at our expense all the medical service possible until your health is
perfectly restored." When he finished, Muhammad recited to him, the surah "al
Sajdah." [Qur'an, 32].`Utbah listened attentively to the divine recitation. Facing him
was a man devoid of all ambition for wealth, prestige, honor, power, or sovereignty.
Neither was he sick. Facing him was indeed a man telling the truth, calling to the
good, answering him with arguments yet more soundly and sublimely expressed
than any he had ever heard. When Muhammad finished, `Utbah returned to Quraysh
spellbound by the beauty and sublimity of what he had seen and heard and by the
greatness of this man and his eloquence. The Quraysh were obviously not happy
with this turn, nor did they agree with `Utbah's opinion that they should leave
Muhammad for all the Arabs together to deal with; they would thereby reap a
harvest of pride in the event that Muhammad wins, or enjoy an effortless victory in
the event he loses, In fact, Quraysh resumed their attacks upon Muhammad and his
followers, intensified their aggression, and inflicted upon his companions all sorts of
injuries from which Muhammad was saved only through the protection of Abu Talib,
Banu Hashim, and Banu al Muttalib.
Emigration to Abyssinia
Makkan persecution of the Muslims increased in intensity. Many Muslims now
became so subject to torture and murder that Muhammad instructed them to
disperse throughout the world. When they asked where they should go, he advised
them to escape to Abyssinia, the Christian kingdom-where "a king rules without
injustice, a land of truthfulness-until God leads us to a way out of our difficulty."
Fearful of Makkan persecution and desirous of worshipping God in peace and
freedom, a number of Muslims emigrated to Abyssinia at Muhammad's advice. The
first group to emigrate included eleven men and four women. After secretly leaving
Makkah, they arrived in Abyssinia where they lived under the protection of the Negus
until they heard that the Muslims in Makkah had become secure against Quraysh's
attacks, as we shall see a little later. When upon return they found the Quraysh's
persecution stronger than it ever was before, they emigrated once more to
Abyssinia, this time about eighty men strong, not counting women and children. This
larger group, of Muslims lived in Abyssinia until after the Prophet's emigration to
Yathrib. Their emigration to Abyssinia is usually referred to as "the first emigration in
Islam."
Quraysh's Delegation to the Negus
It is perfectly appropriate for the biographer of Muhammad to ask whether the
purpose of this emigration undertaken by the Muslims at the advice and command of
Muhammad was merely to escape from the pagans of Makkah and their persecution
and harm. Or was it dictated by an Islamic political strategy by which Muhammad
sought to realize a higher objective? These questions are indeed proper when we
consider that the whole history of the Arab Prophet confirms ever more clearly that
he was a profound and farsighted statesman in addition to being the carrier of the
divine message and a man of unrivaled discipline and magnanimity. What makes this
matter especially questionable is the report that the Makkans were so upset at this
exodus of the Muslims to Abyssinia that they immediately sent a delegation to the
Negus carrying precious gifts in order to bring about the emigrants' extradition and
return to Makkah. Abyssinia, as well as its Negus, were all Christians and, therefore,
there was no fear that they might follow the religion of Muhammad. Did the Makkans
then fear that the Negus' protecion of the Muslims might provide support for the
cause of Muhammad's religion within Arabia? Or did they think that the Muslim
emigrants would one day return greater in numbers, wealth, and power in order to
wage a retaliatory war against them?
The two ambassadors, `Amr ibn al `As and `Abdullah ibn Abu Rabi'ah, presented to
the Negus and his patriarch their precious gifts and asked for permission to have the
Muslim emigrants extradited and sent back to Makkah. They said to the Negus, "O
King! A number of ignoble plebeians from Makkah have taken refuge in your county.
They have apostasized from the religion of their people and have not joined your
religion. They follow a new religion, known neither to us nor to you, which they
created. The leading noblemen of Makkah, who are their parents, uncles, and
relatives, have sent us to you to ask for their return. Their elders at home are better
judges of the differences between them" The two ambassadors had already obtained
the approval of the patriarch for extradition without prior reference of the matter to
the Negus. Apparently, the Makkan gifts to the patriarch were instrumental in
obtaining this summary decision.. The Negus, however, refused to concur in the
judgment of his patriarch until he had had a chance to hear the refugees plead their
own case. He sent after them and asked, "What is this new religion which caused you
to separate yourselves from your people, a religion which is different from mine as
well as from any other of the known religions?"
The Muslims' Answer to the Ambassadors' Claims
Ja'far ibn Abu Talib rose and said in answer, "O King! We were in a state of ignorance and
immorality, worshipping idols, eating carrion, committing all sorts of iniquity. We honored no
relative and assisted no neighbor. The strong among us exploited the weak. Then God sent us
a prophet, one of our own people, whose lineage, truthfulness, loyalty, and purity were well
known to us. He called us to worship God alone and to repudiate all the stones and idols which
we and our ancestors used to worship. He commanded us always to tell the truth, to remain
true to trust and promise, to assist the relative, to be good neighbors, to abstain from blood
and things forbidden, and to avoid fornication, perjury, and false witness. He commanded us
not to rob the wealth of the orphan or falsely to accuse the married woman. He ordered us to
worship God alone and never to associate any other being with Him, to hold prayers, to fast,
and to pay the zakat (the five pillars of Islam were here enumerated and explained). We
believed in him and what he brought to us from God and followed him in what he enjoined
and forbade. Our people, however, tried to sway us away from our religion and persecuted us
and inflicted upon us great suffering that we might re-enter into the immoral practices of old.
As they vanquished and berated us unjustly and made life intolerable for us in Makkah, we
chose you and your country and came thither to live under your protection in justice and
peace." Thereupon the Negus asked, "Will you show me some of the revelation which your
Prophet claims to have come to him from God?" Ja'far answered, "Yes!" and recited to the
Negus the surah of Mary from its beginning until the following verses
"Mary, therefore, pointed to the child as her only answer. Her people asked, `How can we
inquire of an infant in the cradle?' At this, Jesus spoke, `I am the servant of God to whom He
has given the Book and whom He has blessed and commissioned with prophethood; whom He
has enjoined with holding the prayer and giving the zakat as long as he lives. My mother is
innocent and I am neither unjust nor evil. Peace be upon me on the day I was born, on the
day I shall die, and on the day I shall be resurrected." [Qur'an, 19:29-33]
Answers of the Negus and the Patriarchs
When the patriarchs heard this statement confirming as it did the message of the
Evangel, they were pleasantly surprised and said: "These words must have sprung
from the same fountainhead from which the words of our master Jesus Christ have
sprung." The Negus then said, "What you have just recited and that which was
revealed to Moses must have both issued from the same source. Go forth into my
kingdom; I shall not extradite you at all." On the following day, `Amr ibn al `As
returned to the Negus and pleaded, "There is another side to the Muslims' new
religion in which they judge Jesus, Son of Mary, in totally different but condemnable
terms." The Negus sent after the Muslims, brought them back into his presence and
asked them to tell him more about Jesus. The same Ja'far ibn Abu Talib answered for
them, "Our judgment of Jesus is exactly the same as that which was revealed to our
Prophet; namely, that Jesus is the servant of God, His Prophet, His spirit, His
command given unto Mary, the innocent virgin." The Negus drew a line on the floor
with his cane and said with great joy, "Between your religion and ours there is really
no more difference than this line." Thus the Negus was convinced, after hearing the
two parties, that the Muslims not only acknowledged Jesus and Christianity as true
religion but worshipped the same God as well. The Muslims found under his
protection the peace and tranquility they sought, and lived in his country until they
found cause to return while Muhammad was still in Makkah. Apparently they had
been misinformed that Quraysh's antagonism to the Muslims had subsided. When
they discovered that the Makkans were still persecuting Muhammad and his
followers, they returned to Abyssinia, this time eighty strong besides women and
children. The question remains, however, whether these two emigrations were
merely for escape from injury or were, at least in the foresight of Muhammad alone,
devised for a political motive which the historian ought to investigate and clarify.
The Muslims and Abyssinian Christianity
The historian may certainly ask why Muhammad trusted that his companions and
followers would go to a country whose religion was Christianity, a scriptural religion,
and whose prophet was Jesus, whom Islam acknowledged as prophet and in whose
message it concurred, without fearing that they might be exposed to abjuring their
faith even though in favor of one different from that of Quraysh. How did he trust
that his followers would remain faithful and loyal when Abyssinia was a far more
fertile and affluent country than that of Quraysh? One of the Muslims that emigrated
to Abyssinia did, in fact convert to Christianity, thus establishing that the danger was
real. It was natural for Muhammad to have felt such fears, especially since
Muhammad, himself, was still weak and his old followers were still in great doubt as
to his ability to protect them or to come to their rescue. Assuming, therefore,
Muhammad's great intelligence and foresight, -his charity, kindness and compassion,
it is most likely that such fears must have stirred within his soul. But he felt
absolutely secure in this regard. Islam was on that day, as it was to remain
throughout the Prophet's life, absolutely pure and unspoiled by internal doubts,
divisions, and deviations. On the other hand, Abyssinian Christianity, like the
Christianity of Najran, al Hirah, and al Sham, was mixed up with devious doctrines
brought into the faith by the apotheosizers of Mary, the apotheosizers of Jesus, and
the opponents of both. The Muslims, drawing directly from the pure fountainhead of
prophetic revelation, could not possibly stand in any danger of being swayed by any
such confusion.
The Spirit in Islam
In actual fact, most religions did not survive for a number of generations without
becoming polluted by some kind of idolatry. Even if it were not of the same ignoble
kind prevalent in early days in the Arabian Peninsula, it was still some form of
idolatry. Islam is diametrically opposed to idolatry in any form or kind. From the
earliest days of church history Christianity has accorded to the priesthood a special
status in the religion itself; Islam has never given such position to anyone. On the
contrary, Islam both condemned the priesthood and transcended it. Then as now,
Islam has remained precisely the religion which enables the human soul to rise to
the greatest heights. It has not tolerated any link between man and God except a
person's own piety and good works and his wishing for his fellow men that which he
wishes for himself. Nothing neither idols nor priesthood, diviners nor officiators-could
prevent the human soul from rising to a consciousness of unity with ultimate reality
and to a unity of good will and good works, and, thereby, from winning its great
reward with God. The human soul! That spirit which is from God! That spirit which is
connected to eternal time! That spirit, which as long as it does the good, is not
separated from God by anything whatever and is subject to no being whatever other
than God. The rich, the mighty, and the evil can all lay hold upon the body. They can
torture it and prevent it from realizing its passions and pleasures. They can even
destroy it and rob it of its life. But they can never reach the soul as long as that
person wants the soul to rise above matter, above power, and above time to link
itself with ultimate, total reality! Only on the Day of Judgment will the human soul
receive the punishment or reward that is its due. On that Day no father may take the
place of his son, and no son may replace his father. On that Day neither the wealth
of the rich, the strength of the mighty, nor the argument of the eloquent will avail
them. Good works will be the only witness and the only defense for or against their
author. On that Day, all being its eternal past as well as its eternal future will stand
as one integral unit. On that Day none will be done an injustice, and none will
receive aught except his due.
How could Muhammad fear that his companions would abjure the spiritual meaning
and values which he had so well inculcated upon their hearts? Why should he fear
that they might be diverted from this conviction and faith when his example was
ever present to them in his own person, so beloved of them that they cherished him
more than themselves, their families and people? How could there be any chance of
their deviation from the faith when Muhammad's resolution not to abjure the cause
even if they should place the sun in his right hand and the moon in his left hand is a
living reality, ever present to their minds? How could they abjure their faith when the
spirit of Muhammad filled their being with the light of conviction, wisdom, justice,
goodness, truth, and beauty; when their character and ethos had been molded by
Muhammad's humility, charity, loving kindness, and compassion? Muhammad felt at
ease toward the emigration of his companions to Abyssinia. The religious freedom
and security the emigrants enjoyed under the Negus had caused the Quraysh no
little embarrassment. That the Muslims were free among total strangers but
persecuted by their own relatives, despite the closest bonds of family and tribe, must
have been an annoying spectacle for Quraysh. It must have hurt their tribal pride to
see their fellow tribesmen enjoy security and peace after having been subjected to
all kinds of injustice and injury. After the victims had suffered much despair and
helplessness, they began to see in suffering and patience, although this view runs
counter to the logic of Islam, a very rapprochement to God, an attunement of
themselves to His mercy.
The Conversion of `Umar ibn al Khattab
At that time, `Umar ibn al Khattab was a mature man of thirty to thirty-five years of age.
Physically he was well built and strong of muscle. Temperamentally he was capable of strong
passion. He loved wine and amusement, and despite his very harshness of character, he was
gentle and compassionate toward his people. As for the Muslims, he was one of their
strongest opponents, a merciless aggressor upon their peace, security and religion. Their
emigration to Abyssinia and the Negus's protection of them caused him no little resentment.
His pride as a national of Makkah was wounded by the fact that a foreign king and country
were protecting Makkans who can find neither security nor peace in their own homes.
Muhammad was meeting one day with his own companions in a house in al Safa quarter of
Makkah. Among those present were his uncle Hamzah, his cousin, 'All ibn Abu Talib, Abu
Bakr ibn Abu Quhafah, and other Muslims. `Umar learned of their meeting and went there
resolved to kill Muhammad and thus relieve the Quraysh of its burden, restore its ravaged
unity, and re-establish respect for the gods that Muhammad had castigated. On the road to
Makkah he was met by Nu'aym ibn `Abdullah. Upon learning what `Umar was about, Nu'aym
said, "By God, you have deceived yourself, O `Umar ! Do you think that Banu `Abd Manaf
would let you run around alive once you had killed their son Muhammad? Why don't you
return to your own house and at least set it straight?" When `Umar learned that Fatimah, his
sister, and her husband, Said ibn Zayd, had already been converted to Islam, he turned
around and went straight to their house. Upon entering the house without knocking, he
found them listening to a third person reciting the Qur'an. They, too, having heard him
approach, had hid their visitor and put away the manuscript of the Qur'an from which they
were reading. `Umar asked, "What is this cantillation that I have heard as I walked in?" The
pair denied hearing anything. Flying into a rage, `Umar told them that he knew that they
had foresworn their faith and entered into that of Muhammad. He chastised them and
delivered a strong blow to his brotherin-law, Said. Fatimah rose to protect her husband. As
she came between the two men, `Umar hit her on the head and caused her to bleed. At this,
the pair lost. their fear entirely and said together, "Yes, indeed! We have become Muslims.
Do what you will!" At this surge of courage, as well as upon seeing the blood of his sister
flow, `Umar was moved. After calming down a little, he asked his sister to, let him see the
manuscript which she and her husband had been reading together. After she surrendered the
manuscript to him, he read it and his face changed to an expression of regret for what he
had just done. As for what he had just read, he was deeply shaken by its beauty, its
majesty, the nobility of its call, and the magnanimity of its message. In short, `Umar's good
side got the better of him. He left the house of his sister, his heart mellow and his soul
reassured by the new certainty which he had just discovered. He went straight to al Safa,
where Muhammad was meeting with his companions, sought permission to enter, and
declared his conversion to Islam in front of the Prophet. The Muslims acclaimed his
conversion and found therein, as they did in the conversion of Hamzah, new security for the
community as a whole.
The conversion of `Umar divided the Quraysh further. It reduced their power and caused
them to reconsider their strategy. In fact, it increased Muslim power so greatly and so
significantly that both they and the Quraysh had to change their positions vis- is each
other. Moreover, it triggered a whole line of events in inspiring new levels of sacrifices and
stirring new forces which, together, led to the emigration of Muhammad and to the inception
of the political side of his career.
The Story of the Goddesses
The Emigrants Return from Abyssinia
The emigrants resided in Abyssinia three months during which 'Umar ibn al Khattab
converted to Islam. In their exile, they heard that upon 'Umar's conversion the Quraysh had
stopped their persecution of Muhammad and his followers. According to one report a number
of them had returned to Makkah, according to another, all. On reaching Makkah they realized
that the Quraysh had resumed persecution of the Muslims with stronger hatred and renewed
vigor. Unable to resist, a number of them returned to Abyssinia while others entered Makkah
under the cover of night and hid themselves away, It is also reported that those who
returned took with them a number of new converts to Abyssinia where they were to stay
until after the emigration to Madinah and the establishment of Muslim political power.
We may ask what incited the Muslims of Abyssinia to return to Makkah three months after
their emigration. It is at this stage that the story of the goddesses is told by ibn Sa'd in his
AL Tabaqat al Kubra, by al Tabari in his Tarikh al Rusul wa al Muluk, as well as by a number
of Muslim exegetes and biographers. This story arrested the attention of the western
Orientalists who took it as true and repeated it ad nauseam. This story tells that realizing
how alienated the Quraysh had become and how intensely they had persecuted his
companions, Muhammad expressed the wish that a revelation might come that would
reconcile his people rather than further alienate them. When, one day, he was sitting with
the Quraysh in one of their club houses around the Ka'bah, he recited to them surah "al
Najm." After reading the verses, "Would you consider al Lat and al `Uzza? as well as Manat,
the third goddess?" [Qur'an, 53:19-20] he continued the recitation with the statement,
"They are the goddesses on high. Their intercession is worthy of being sought." He then
proceeded with his reading of the surah as we know it. When he finished he prostrated
himself, and all the Quraysh likewise followed him. At this moment, the Quraysh proclaimed
its satisfaction with what the Prophet had read and said, "We have always known that God
creates and gives life, gives food, and resuscitates. But our gods intercede for us with Him.
Now that you have allowed for them a place in your new religion, we are all with you." Thus
the difference between Muhammad and the Quraysh was dissolved. When the news of this
reconciliation reached Abyssinia, the Muslims there decided to return to their beloved country
and people. As they reached the approaches of Makkah, they met some Kinanah tribesmen
who informed them that Muhammad allowed the gods a good position in his religion,
reconciled the Quraysh, and was now followed by everyone. The story then relates how
Muhammad reverted by blaspheming those gods and the Quraysh reverted to persecution. It
further adds that the returnees stopped to consider what their next course should be. They
longed so much to see their relatives and next of kin that they went ahead and entered
Makkah.
Other versions of the same story give detailed descriptions of Muhammad's attitude toward
the gods of Quraysh. They claimed that Quraysh's plea that if he but grant their gods a share
in his religion the Makkans would all support him troubled the Prophet. They relate how
Muhammad one evening reviewed surah "al Najm" with Gabriel when the latter made a
timely appearance. When he arrived at the sentence in question, Gabriel asked where it
came from. Muhammad answered; "I must have attributed to God that which He did not
say." God then revealed the following verses: "They have almost succeeded in inducing you,
under promise of their friendship, to attribute to Us, against Our command, that which We
did not reveal to you. Had We not confirmed you in your faith, you might have been tempted
and hence fallen under the inescapable punishment."[Qur'an, 17:73-75]. Thereafter,
Muhammad returned to his condemnation of the gods, and Quraysh returned to their
persecution.
Incoherence of the Story
Such is the story of the goddesses reported by more than one biographer, pointed to
by more than one exegete of the Qur'an, and singled out and repeated by a number
of western Orientalists. It is a story whose incoherence is evident upon the least
scrutiny. It contradicts the infallibility of every prophet in conveying the message of
his Lord. All the more wonder, therefore, that some Muslim scholars have accepted it
as true. Ibn Ishaq, for his part, did not hesitate at all to declare it a fabrication by
the zindiqs[ Non-Muslims concealing their unbelief, falsely pretending
that they are members of the ummah; mostly Zoroastrians and
Manicheans. -Tr.]. Those who were taken in by it rationalized it further with the
verse, "Every prophet We sent before you was such that whenever he pressed for
revelation to come, Satan would hasten to inspire him with something satisfying his
wish and thus necessitate God's abrogation of it if scripture is to be kept absolutely
pure and true. God is all wise and all knowing. That which Satan had given is a lure
for those who are sick of mind and hard of heart. Surely the unjust are deep in
error."[Qur'an, 22:52-53]. Some explain the word "tamanna" in the foregoing
verse as meaning "to read;" others give it the usual meaning of "to press wishfully."
Muslim and Western scholars who accept the story explain that the Prophet suffered
heavily from the persecution the unbelievers directed at his companions. They tell
how the unbelievers killed some Muslims, exposed others to burning by the sun while
pinned down to the ground with heavy stones (as was the case with Bilal), and how
these sufferings pressured Muhammad to permit his companions to migrate to
Abyssinia. They underscore Quraysh's alienation and the psychological effect of their
boycott upon the Prophet. Since Muhammad was very anxious to convert them to
Islam and to save them from idol worship, they claim that his thinking; of reconciling
them by adding a few verses to surah "al Najm" is not farfetched. Finally, they allege
that Muhammad's jubilation was all too natural when, coming to the end of his
recitation and prostrating himself, the Quraysh joined in, showing their preparation
to follow him now that he had given a share to their gods with God.
To these tales of some books of biography and exegesis, Sir William Muir adds what
he thinks is a final and conclusive proof. He says that the emigrants to Abyssinia had
hardly spent three months there during which the Negus had tolerated as well as
protected them when they decided to return to Makkah. Had they not heard news of
a reconciliation between Muhammad and Quraysh nothing would have caused them
to return so soon. But, reasons Muir, how could there be reconciliation between
Muhammad and Quraysh without a determined effort to that effect on the part of
Muhammad? In Makkah, the Muslims had then been far fewer and weaker than the
Quraysh. They were still incapable of protecting themselves against the injuries
which the Quraysh had been inflicting upon them. Why, then, should the Quraysh
have taken the initiative in such reconciliation?
Refutation of These Arguments
These are the arguments on which stands the claim for veracity of the story of the
goddesses. They are all false, incapable of standing any scrutiny or analysis. Let us
begin with the argument of the Orientalist Muir. The Muslims who returned from
Abyssinia did so for two reasons. First, `Umar ibn al Khattab was converted to Islam
shortly after their emigration. With him, he brought to the Muslim camp the same
boldness, determination, and the tribal standing with which he had been fighting the
Muslims before. He never concealed his conversion nor did he ever shun the Quraysh
opponents. On the contrary, he proclaimed his conversion publicly and challenged
the Quraysh openly. He did not approve the Muslim's concealment of themselves,
their secret movement from one end of Makkah to the other, and their holding of
prayers at a safe distance from any Quraysh attack. `Umar began to fight the
Quraysh as soon as he entered the faith of Islam, constantly pressed his way close to
the Ka'bah, and performed his prayer there in company with whatever Muslims that
decided to join him. It was at this new challenging turn of events that the Quraysh
came to the realization that any further injury inflicted upon Muhammad or his
companions would henceforth create a civil war of which nobody knew the
consequences. By this time, a great number of men from the various clans of
Quraysh had joined Islam. To kill any one of these would necessarily imply the rise
to war not only of his fellow Muslims but of all the clans of which the various Muslims
or allies were members, even though the rest of the clan or the tribe were still of a
different religion. After the conversion of `Umar and the entry of so many members
of other clans into the faith, it became impossible to fight Muhammad in the same
way as before. Such a course could easily expose the whole of Quraysh to terrible
peril. It was necessary to find a new way which did not incur such risks, and until
such way was found, the Quraysh thought it advantageous to enter into an armistice
with Muhammad and the Muslims. It was this news which reached the emigrants in
Makkah and prompted them to return home.
Two Revolutions in Abyssinia
The emigrants would have hesitated to return to Makkah were it not for another
reason. A revolution broke out against the Negus in which his personal faith as well
as his protection of the Muslims were under attack. For their part, the Muslims had
prayed and wished that God would give the Negus victory over his enemies. But they
could not participate in such a conflict since they were foreigners who arrived there
too recently. When, at the same time, they heard of the news of an armistice
between Muhammad and Quraysh favorable to the Muslims and protecting them
from injury, they decided to escape from the Abyssinian revolution and return home.
That is exactly what all or some of them did. They hardly reached Makkah, however,
when Quraysh decided upon a course of action against the Muslims and entered into
a pact with their allies to boycott Banu Hashim completely in order to prevent any
intermarriage with them and to stop any purchase by or sale to them. As soon as
this new alliance was concluded, open war broke out again. The returning Muslims
sought immediately to re-emigrate and take with them all those who could manage
to go. These were to meet greater difficulties as the Quraysh sought to impede their
move. What caused the Muslims to return from Abyssinia, therefore, was not, as
Orientalist Muir claims, the reconciliation of Muhammad with Quraysh. Rather, it was
the armistice to which the Quraysh was compelled to resort following the conversion
of `Umar and his bold support of the religion of God with his tribal relations. The socalled reconciliation, therefore, constitutes no evidence for the story of the
goddesses.
Inverted Evidence of the Qur'anic Text
As for the argument of some biographers and exegetes that the verses, "They had
almost succeeded in inducing you . . ."[Qur'an, 17:73-75] and "Every prophet We
sent before you was such that, whenever he pressed for revelation . . ."[Qur'an,
22:52-53] constitute evidence for the story of the goddesses, it is yet more
incoherent than that of Sir Muir. It is sufficient to remember that the first group of
verses include the statement, "Had We not confirmed you in your faith, you might
have been tempted." This group shows that even if Satan had actually hastened to
inspire Muhammad with something satisfying his wish and thus induced him to favor
the unbelievers, God had confirmed the Prophet in his faith and prevented him from
falling to the temptation. Had Muhammad really fallen, God would have inflicted
upon him inescapable punishment. The point is, precisely, that he did not fall. Hence,
these verses prove the opposite of what these advocates assume them to prove. The
story of the goddesses asserts that Muhammad did indeed incline toward the
Quraysh, that the Quraysh had indeed induced him to add to the divine word, and
that he indeed did attribute to God that which God had not said. The
text,["Muhammad saw some of his Lord's greatest signs. Would you
consider, after al Lit and al `Uzza, Manat, the third goddess? But
would you give God the females and keep for yourselves the males?
That is indeed an unjust division. But they are all mere names which
you and your ancestors have named and for which God gave no
authority. In this claim of yours you followed naught but conjecture
and your own wishful thinking, while true guidance has arrived to you
from your Lord" (Qur'an, 53:18-23)] on the other hand, tells us the exact
opposite, namely that God confirmed him in his faith and that he did not add to the
divine word. Moreover, we should well bear in mind the fact that the books of
exegesis and the books dealing with the causes and circumstances of revelation
regardless of whether or not they subcribe to the story in question affirm that these
verses had been revealed at a time other than that during which the story of the
goddesses had presumably taken place. To resort to the story of the goddesses in
order to disprove the infallibility of the prophets in their conveyance of divine
messages not only runs counter to the whole history of Muhammad but constitutes a
fallacy of incoherent reasoning and, hence, a futile and perverse argument.
As for "Every prophet We sent before you . . . ," these verses are utterly devoid of
relation to the story of the goddesses. Moreover, they clearly affirm that God will
abrogate all that the devil may bring forth, that Satan's work is only a lure to those
who are sick of mind and hard of heart, and that God, the all wise and all-knowing,
would keep His scripture absolutely pure and true.
Fallacious reasoning of the Claim
Let us now turn to a critical and scientific analysis of the story. The first evidence
which imputes suspicion to the story is the fact that it has been reported in many
forms and versions. First there is the report that the fabricated verses consist of the
following words: "Tilka al gharaniq al `ula; wa inna shafa`atahu-nna laturtaja."
Others reported them as consisting of, "al gharaniqah al `ula: inna shafa?atahum
turtaja." Still others reported that they consist of the following words, "Inna
shafa`atahunna turtaja" without mentioning the word "al gharaniq" or "al
gharaniqah" at all. According to a fourth version, they were supposed to consist of
the words: "Innaha lahiya al gharaniq al ula.." A fifth version reads, "Wa innahunna
lahunna al gharaniq al ula wa inna shafa'atahunna lahiya allati, turtaja." The
collections of Hadith have given us still more varied versions. The multiplicity of the
versions proves that the report itself is fabricated, that it had been fabricated by the
zindiqs-as ibn Ishaq had said earlier and that the forgers had sought thereby to
spread doubt into the message of Muhammad and to attack his candidness in
conveying the message of his Lord.
The Story's Violence to the Contextual Flow of Surah "al Najm"
Another proof of the falsity of the story, stronger and more conclusive than the foregoing, is
the fact that the contextual flow of surah "al Najm" does not allow at all the inclusion of such
verses as the story claims. The surah reads:
"He has witnessed many of the great signs of his lord. Would you consider the case of al Lat,
al `Uzza, and of Manat, the third goddess? Would you then ascribe to God the females and to
yourselves the males? Wouldn't that be a wretched ascription? All these are nothing but
names, mere names which you and your ancestors had coined. Men are so prone to follow
opinion! They credulously fall for the product of their own wishful thinking. But true guidance
has indeed come from the Lord."
The logical and literary flow of these verses is crystal-clear. Al Lat, and al `Uzza are mere
names devoid of substance given by the past and present unbelievers to works of their own
creation. There is no deity such as the word name. The context does not allow any such
addition as is here claimed. If, assuming such addition, the text were now to read: "Would
you consider the case of al Lat, al `Uzza, and of Manat, the third goddess? These are the
goddesses on high. Their intercession is to be sought. Would you then ascribe to God the
females and to yourselves the males? Wouldn't that be a wretched ascription?" its corruption
and outright self-contradiction become obvious. The text would have praised al Lat, al `Uzza,,
and Manat as well as condemned them within the space of four consecutive verses. Such a
text cannot proceed from any rational being. The contextual background in which the addition
is supposed to have been made furnishes unquestionable and final evidence that the story of
the goddesses was a forgery. The forgers were probably the zindiqs; and the credulous whose
minds are not naturally repulsed by the irrational and the incoherent, accepted the forgery
and passed it as true.
The Linguistic Evidence
There is yet another argument advanced by the late Shaykh Muhammad `Abduh. It consists of the
fact that the Arabs have nowhere described their gods in such terms as "al gharaniq." Neither in
their poetry nor in their speeches or traditions do we find their gods or goddesses described in such
terms. Rather, the word "al ghurnuq" or "al gharniq" was the name of a black or white water bird,
sometimes given figuratively to the handsome blond youth. The fact is indubitable that the Arabs
never looked upon their gods in this manner.
The Story Contradicts the Fact of Muhammad's Candidness
There is yet one more final argument against the story of the goddesses that is based upon the
nature of Muhammad's personal life. Ever since his childhood and throughout his adolescence,
adulthood and maturity, he was never known to lie. So truthful was he that he had been nicknamed
"al Amin" before he reached his twenty-fifth year of age. His truthfulness was unquestioned by
anyone. He himself once addressed the Quraysh after his commission to prophethood : "Suppose I
were to tell you that an enemy cavalry was advancing on the other side of this mountain, would you
believe me?" His enemies themselves answered: "Yes, indeed! As far as we are concerned, you are
innocent, for we have never found you to lie at all." How can we believe that such a man who had
been known to be truthful in his relations with his fellow men from childhood to maturity, would be
any less candid in his relation to God? How could such constant truthfulness allow him to lie and
ascribe to his God that which He had not said? How could we believe that such a man did so in fear
of the people and defiance of Almighty God? That is utterly impossible. Its impossibility is evident to
all those who have studied these great; strong and distinguished souls of the prophets and religious
leaders known for their dedication to the truth pereat mundus. How can we reconcile such an
allegation with Muhammad's great declaration to his uncle that he will not adjure this cause even if
his foes should put the sun in his right hand and the moon in his left? How can we. accept such a
claim when it imputes to the Prophet the heinous charge of attributing to God that which God had
not said, of violating the very foundation of the religion he was commissioned to proclaim and teach
to mankind?
Furthermore, we may ask, when, according to the story, did Muhammad turn to praise the gods of
Quraysh ? Ten years or so after his commission to prophethood, is the reply. But, then that is also
after ten years of patient sufferance of all kinds of injury and harm, all kinds of sacrifices, after God
had reinforced Islam with the conversion of Hamzah and `Umar, and, in short, after the Muslims had
begun to feel themselves a significant power in Makkah and the news of their existence and exploits
had begun to spread throughout Arabia, indeed to Abyssinia and other corners of the globe. Such a
claim is not only uninformed, it is positively silly. The forgers of this story themselves must have
realized its inadmissibility and sought to conceal its falsehood with the claim, ?Muhammad hardly
heard Quraysh?s words of reconciliation once he granted to their gods the honor of interceding with
God, when his compromise appeared to him objectionable and he felt compelled to repent and to
review the text of revelation with the angel Gabriel when he visited him that same evening.? This
concealment, however, exposes the forgery rather than hides it. As long as the compromise
appeared objectionable to Muhammad no later than he had "heard Quraysh's words of
reconciliation," would he have not paused to reconsider it immediately and on the spot? How natural
it would have been then for him instantly to recite the true version of the text! We may, therefore,
conclude that this story of the goddesses is a fabrication and a forgery, authored by the enemies of
Islam after the first century of the Hijrah.
Attack upon Tawhid [Literally, unitization of God or conviction of His unity,
transcendence and absolute uniqueness. Often the term applies to Islam as a whole, to
Islamic theology and to monotheism. -Tr.]
The forgers must have been extremely bold to have attempted their forgery in the most essential
principal of Islam as a whole: namely, in the principle of tawhid, where Muhammad had been sent
right from the very beginning to make proclamations to all mankind in which he has never accepted
any compromise whatever; he was never swayed by anything the Quraysh had offered him whether
by way of wealth or royal power. These offers had come, it must be remembered, at a time when
Muhammad had very few followers within Makkah. Later persecution by the Quraysh of his
companions did not succeed in swaying Muhammad away from the call of his God or away from his
mission. The zindiqs' strategy to work their forgery around the first principle of the faith, where
Muhammad was known to be the most adamant, only points to their own inconsequence. Acceptance
of the forgery by the credulous only points to their naivet n the most conspicuous of cases.
頩
The story of the goddesses, therefore, is absolutely devoid of foundation. It is utterly unrelated to
the return of the Muslims from Abyssinia. As we said earlier, the latter returned after the conversion
of `Umar, the strengthening of Islam with the same tribal solidarity with which he used to fight
Islam hitherto, and the compulsion of Quraysh to enter into an armistice with the Muslims.
Moreover, the Muslims' return from Abyssinia was partly due to the revolution which had broken out
in that country and to their consequent fear of losing the Negus's protection. When the Quraysh
learned of the Muslims' return, their fears reached a new level of intensity with the increase of
Muhammad's followers within the city, and, therefore, they sought a new strategy. Their search for a
new strategy was concluded with the signing of a pact in which they and their allied clans and tribes
resolved to boycott the Banu Hashim in order to prevent any intermarriage with them, to stop all
commercial relations and finally, to seek to kill Muhammad if they could only find the means.
The Malevolent Conduct of Quraysh
The conversion of `Umar to Islam reduced the power of Quraysh significantly in that
`Umar brought with him to the faith the tribal loyalties with which he had fought
Islam earlier. He did not hide himself or conceal his Islam. On the contrary he
proclaimed it to all the people and fought them for not joining him. He did not at all
approve of the Muslims' hiding themselves or holding prayers in the outskirts of
Makkah far beyond the Quraysh's reach. He continued to struggle against the
Quraysh until he could pray near the Ka'bah where his fellow Muslims joined him.
Henceforth, Quraysh became certain that no injury inflicted upon Muhammad or his
companions would stop men from entering the religion of God since they could now
rely upon the tribal protection of `Umar, Hamzah, the Negus of Abyssinia, or others
capable of protecting them. The Quraysh then sought a new strategy, and agreed
among themselves to a written pact in which they resolved to boycott Banu Hashim
and Banu `Abd al Muttalib completely, prevent any intermarriage with them, and
stop all commercial relations. The written pact itself was hung inside the Ka'bah, as
was then the practice, for record and sanctification. They thought that this negative
policy of boycott, isolation, and starvation would be more effective than the previous
policy of harm and injury, though the latter was never stopped. The Quraysh
blockaded the Muslims as well as the Banu Hashim and Banu `Abd al Muttalib for
two or three years during which time they hoped that these tribes would renounce
Muhammad and thus cause him to fall under the hand of Quraysh. They had hoped
that such a measure would isolate Muhammad and remove all danger from his
mission.
The new strategy of Quraysh served only to strengthen Muhammad's faith in God
and his followers' determination to protect his person and God's religion against
attack. It did not prevent the spreading of Islam, not only within the bounds of
Makkah but outside of it as well. Muhammad's mission became widely known among
the Arabs of the Peninsula, and the new religion became the subject of conversation
everywhere. This growth, in turn, increased the fury and determination of Quraysh to
oppose and fight the man who abandoned and blasphemed her gods and to prevent
the spread of his cause among the Arab tribes. Loyalty of these tribes was
indispensable for Makkan commerce and trade relations with other people.
The Arm of Propaganda
It is nearly impossible for us to imagine the intensity and extent of the efforts which
Quraysh spent in its struggle against Muhammad, or its perseverance during many
long years in that struggle. The Quraysh threatened Muhammad and his relatives,
especially his uncles. It ridiculed him and his message, and it insulted him as well as
his followers. It commissioned its poets to revile him with their sharpest wits and to
direct their most caustic sting against his preaching. It inflicted injury and harm on
his person and on the persons of his followers. It offered him bribes of money, of
royalty and power, of all that which satisfies the most fastidious among men. It not
only banished and dispersed his followers from their own country but injured them in
their trade and commerce while impoverishing them. It warned him and his followers
that war with all its tragedies would fall upon them. As a last resort, it began a
boycott of them designed to starve them. All this notwithstanding, Muhammad
continued to call men with kind and gentle argument unto the God of truth who sent
him as a prophet and a warner. Would Quraysh lay down its arms and believe the
man whom it had always known to be truthful and honest? Or would they, under the
illusion that they could still win, resort to new means of hostility to save the divine
status, of their idols and the hallowed position of Makkah as their museum?
No! The time had not yet come for the Quraysh to submit and to convert to the new
faith. Rather, they were more apprehensive than ever when the religion began to
spread outside of Makkah within the Arab tribes. They had still another weapon
which, though they had used it right from the very beginning, was yet capable of
more power and damage. That was propaganda, or mental warfare, with all it implies
by way of debate, counterargument, spreading of false rumors, ridicule of the
opponent's point of view, and positive apologetics in favor of their own view. The
development of this weapon was not to be limited to Makkah but would apply to the
whole countryside, to the whole desert, and to the tribes of the Peninsula. Threat,
bribery, aggression, and gangsterism allayed the need for propaganda within
Makkah. There was a great need for it, however, among the thousands who came
into Makkah every year for trade or pilgrimage, and among the attendants of the
markets of 'Ukaz, Majannah, and Dhu al Majaz, who later arrived at the Ka'bah for
thanksgiving and worship near the Ka'bah idols. Therefore, it was expedient for the
Quraysh, the moment the lines of battle against Muhammad were clearly drawn, to
plan and organize its propaganda forces. It had all the more reason to do so since
Muhammad himself had always taken the initiative of approaching the pilgrim and
addressing him on the subject of restricting worship to God alone without associates.
The idea of such initiative did not occur to Muhammad until years after his
commission to prophethood. At the beginning, revelation had commanded him to
warn his nearest relatives. It was only after he had warned Quraysh and those who
wanted to convert had converted that his revelation commanded him now to address
his warning to the Arabs as a whole. He was later to be commanded to address his
call to all mankind.
The Charge of Magical Eloquence
As Muhammad began to approach the pilgrims coming from various corners of Arabia
with his call to God, a number of Quraysh leaders met with al Walid ibn al Mughirah
to consult for a possible strategy. What would they say regarding Muhammad to the
Arabs coming for pilgrimage? Their answers to this question should be universally
the same; otherwise they would constitute arguments in favor of Muhammad's
claims. Some suggested that they should claim that Muhammad was a diviner. A1
Walid rejected this suggestion on the grounds that what Muhammad recited was
unlike the secret formulae of common diviners. Others suggested that they should
claim that Muhammad was possessed or mad. A1 Walid again rejected this view on
the grounds that the symptoms of madness or possession were not apparent in
Muhammad. Still others suggested that they should claim that Muhammad was a
magician, but al Walid again rejected this view on the grounds that Muhammad did
not practice the common tricks of magicians. After some discussion, al Walid
suggested that they should tell the non-Makkan Arab pilgrim that Muhammad was a
magician whose craft was eloquence that by means of eloquent words he was
capable of dividing the man against his father, his brother, his spouse and his own
tribe. A1 Walid advised that they could produce evidence for such nefarious
eloquence by pointing to the division which befell Makkah after Muhammad began to
practice his craft. Any consideration of the present division, internal struggle, and
internecine fighting raging among the Makkans who were once the exemplars of
tribal solidarity and social unity would convince the observer that Muhammad's
influence had brought the worst. During the pilgrimage season the Quraysh made a
special effort to warn every visitor to Makkah against ever lending his ear to
Muhammad for fear that he would be mesmerized by his magic eloquence and then
suffer in turn the same evils that had befallen Makkah and thus bring about a
general war in Arabia detrimental to all.
Al Nadr ibn al Harith
A mental warfare of such order could not be expected to withstand or counteract
Muhammad's so-called magic eloquence all alone. If genuine truth were to come on
the wings of this so-called magic eloquence, what would prevent the people from
accepting it? Is the acknowledgment of the distinction of the antagonist and the
acknowledgment of the inferiority of the protagonist ever successful as a propaganda
weapon? There must needs be other fronts on which to attack Muhammad in addition
to this proposed mental warfare. Let the Quraysh seek this second front with al Nadr
ibn al Harith. The said al Nadr was one of the sophisticated geniuses of Quraysh. He
had studied at al Hirah the history, religion, wisdom, theories of good and evil,
cosmology, arid other literature of the Persians. Whenever Muhammad finished
preaching his faith in an assembly calling men to God, and warning them of the
consequences on the Day of Judgment taking the bygone peoples and civilizations as
examples of such divine punishment for failure to worship God-al Nadr would rise
and tell his fellow Makkans about Persia and its religion. He would conclude by
asking the assembly, "Why is Muhammad's speech better than mine? Does he not
draw from the tales of antiquity just as I do?" The Quraysh used to memorize al
Nadr's speeches and statements and circulate them around and outside Makkah as
countermeasures to the claims of Muhammad and his message.
Jabr, the Christian
Muhammad used to tarry at the shop of a Christian youth called Jabr whenever he
passed by the Marwah quarter of Makkah. The Quraysh took advantage of the fact
and began to spread the rumor that this Christian Jabr had taught Muhammad all
that he knew and that if anyone were expected to apostatize from the religion of his
ancestors, the Christian should be the first one to do so. As this rumor spread,
revelation itself answered the claim in the verse: "We know they claim that the
Qur'an is taught to him by another man. But the man whom they suspect is Persian
of tongue, whereas the tongue of this Qur'an is pure and clear
Arabic."[Qur'an,16:103]
Al Tufayl ibn `Amr al Dawsa
With this and like feats of propaganda the Quraysh sought to fight Muhammad in
hope of achieving by these means more than they did by means of injury and harm
to his person and followers. The clear and simple might of truth, however, shone
brilliantly in Muhammad's preaching. While the struggle between the two forces
continued, Islam spread more and more widely among the Arabs. When al Tufayl ibn
`Amr al Dawsi, a nobleman of great poetic talent, arrived in Makkah, he was
immediately approached by the Quraysh and warned against Muhammad and his
magical eloquence. They admonished him that Muhammad's craft might well divide
him and his people and that his tribe might well suffer the same evil as had befallen
Makkah. They asked him not to visit Muhammad or hear him if he wanted to avoid
the evil. A1 Tufayl, however, went one day to the Ka'bah and there heard a little of
the preaching of Muhammad and liked it. He then thought, "Woe to me! Am I, the
intelligent poet, the mature man, to fear that I may not distinguish between the
genuinely beautiful and the really ugly in human discourse? Shouldn't I go to
Muhammad, hear all that he has to say and apply my own judgment? If I should find
it good, why shouldn't I accept it? And if I find it evil, surely I shall avoid it." He
followed Muhammad one day to his house and there told him exactly what. he
thought and what he had decided. Muhammad welcomed him, presented to him the
new religion, and recited for him the Qur'an. Al Tufayl was immediately converted,
recited the confession of truth, and returned to his people a missionary for Islam. He
was responsible for the conversion of many, though not all, of his tribesmen. For
many years, he continued his missionary activity and succeeded in converting the
greater number of them. He and they joined themselves to the forces of Muhammad
after the conquest of Makkah once the political structure of the Islamic community
began to crystallize.
A1 Tufayl ibn `Amr al Dawsi is only one of many examples. The idol worshippers
were not the only ones responding favorably to the message of Muhammad. While
Muhammad was still in Makkah, twenty Christian men arrived, sent by their own
people on a fact-finding mission concerning the new faith. They sat with Muhammad
and asked him all kinds of questions and listened to him. They, too, were converted
on the spot, believed in Muhammad and in the revelation. This conversion aroused
great anger and resentment among the Quraysh. Indeed the latter addressed the
new converts in these words: "Wretched factfinding mission that you are! Your fellow
religionists sent you here in order to investigate the man and bring them the factual
news concerning him. But you have hardly sat down with him before you apostatized
from your religion and believed him in everything he said." In vain did the Quraysh
try to dissuade the Christian delegation from following Muhammad and converting to
his faith. On the contrary, the Quraysh's attack against their sincerity had
strengthened their faith in God and added to their monotheistic convictions since,
before they heard Muhammad, they were already Christian and hence submissive to
God.
Abu Sufyan, Abu Jahl, and al Akhnas
The struggle against Muhammad reached even greater proportions. The most
antagonistic of the Quraysh began to ask themselves: "Is it true that this man is
really calling unto the religion of truth? That what he promises us and threatens us
with in the hereafter is true?" Abu Sufyan, Abu Jahl and al Akhnas ibn Shariq went
out one night to hear Muhammad preach in his own house without any one of them
knowing what the other was about. Unobserved by his colleagues, each one of them
took his place in some corner and spent the night listening to Muhammad preach,
then pray and recite the Qur'an in the still of night, cantillating its holy verses with
his beautiful voice. As dawn arrived and the three auditors repaired to their houses,
they met one another on the road. Each one of them knew what the others were
about and blamed the others for such behavior. Arguing that this would be a blow to
the morale of the rank and file of the Quraysh if they ever knew of it, they mutually
promised one another never to do it again. When the following night came, however,
and the hours of yesterday struck, each one of them felt as if he were being carried
to the house of Muhammad without being able to stop himself. An irresistible power
was drawing them to spend another night of listening to Muhammad's prayer,
preaching, and cantillation of the divine verses. Again they met one another at dawn
on their way back and blamed one another anew. Even this repeated violation of
their mutual threat and promise did not prevent them from going to the same place
the third night. It was only after the third violation that they realized their weakness
and the strong attraction they felt toward the voice of Muhammad, his faith, and
Qur'anic recitation. They pledged solemnly never to return again, but what they had
heard from Muhammad during the three previous nights left such a deep impression
upon their souls that it disturbed their inner peace and reduced their spirit of
resistance. Naturally, they were quite apprehensive that, being leaders of their
people, their inner disturbance would some day be discovered by their followers and
sap the morale of the whole community.
"He Frowned and Turned Away"
What prevented these men from following Muhammad? He had not asked of them
either reward or power or kingship. Rather, Muhammad was a very modest man, full
of love for his people anxious to do good to them and to guide them in the true path.
He was both strongly self-critical and fearful of bringing the least harm to the weak
or the oppressed. In suffering the injuries inflicted upon him by others and forgiving
their authors, he found peace and tranquility of conscience. Evidence of this personal
characteristic of Muhammad may be found in the story of ibn Umm Maktum.
Muhammad was once involved in serious conversation with al Walid ibn al Mughirah,
one of the leading aristocrats of Quraysh, whom he hoped he would convert to
Islam. Ibn Umm Maktum, the blind, stopped by and asked Muhammad to recite
some Qur'anic verses for him. Preoccupied with his conversation, Muhammad did not
answer. Ibn Umm Maktum insisted until he interrupted the conversation of the two
men, to the severe annoyance of Muhammad. The conversation thus abruptly ended,
Muhammad frowned, gave an angry look to the blind man and moved on without
satisfying his request. When Muhammad came to himself, he began to criticize
himself for this maltreatment of the blind man, and soon the following verses were
revealed to him: "He frowned and turned aside when the blind man approached him.
Perhaps, the blind man may have sought to purify himself, to remember the words
of God and to benefit there from. But to him who is disdainfully indifferent, you
[Muhammad] pay great attention, though you are not responsible if he should never
become purified. But he who came to you exerting himself and striving in fear and
reverence, him you neglected. No! No! The whole matter is a reminder. So let him
who so desires, be reminded of it. The Qur'an is inscribed in honored sheets, exalted
and purified, and written by hands noble and virtuous."[Qur'an, 80:1-16] If such
was Muhammad's character, what did in fact prevent the Quraysh from following him
and from helping him in his cause, especially as their hearts had mellowed, as the
years had caused them to forget the obsolete traditions to which they had
lethargically attached themselves, and as they saw in Muhammad's message true
majesty and perfection?
The Will to Perfection
But is it true that time makes men forget their obsolete past and lethargic
conservatism? Perhaps so, but only among those who are endowed with superior
intelligence and a will to perfection. Such people spend their lives trying out and
testing the truth which they have taken to be such in order to keep it free of
admixture, superstition, and error. The minds and hearts of such people are
cauldrons forever, boiling, accepting every new idea in order but to boil it down,
purify it, and separate its good from its evil as well as its beauty from its ugliness.
Such souls seek the truth in everything, everywhere, and from every source. In
every nation and age, such people are few; they are the chosen and the
distinguished. Such men always find themselves on the other side of any contest
with the rich, the established, and the powerful. The latter are forever apprehensive
of anything new lest it may adversely affect their wealth, prestige, or power and,
generally speaking, they do not know any other facts besides those of concrete
everyday living. Everything is true, in their opinion, if it leads to an increase in the
substance of this very life, and false if it implies the slightest doubt regarding that
substance. For the capitalist, virtue is good if it increases the substance, evil if it
dissipates it. Religion itself, is indeed true only if it serves his passions and desires,
and false if it denies or fails to satisfy them.
The man of political power and the man of social prestige stand here on a par with
the capitalist. In their enmity to everything new and fearful, they mobilize the
masses on whom their wealth, social prestige, or power depend against the
innovator. This mobilization of the masses is carried out under an appeal to save the
sanctity of the old order which may very well have become corrupt, obsolete, and
spiritless. They present the old order they seek to save in great monuments of stone
designed to delude the innocent rank and file. They pretend that the great spirit and
value which moulded those monuments still lives therein with all its majesty and
grandeur. The masses usually respond to their appeal with enthusiasm, for they are
above all concerned with their daily bread; it is not easy for them to realize that any
truth cannot remain for long imprisoned within the walls of any temple or
monument, however beautiful or majestic it may be. It is hard for them to
understand that it is of the nature of truth to be free, to invade the souls of men and
to nourish them without discrimination between nobleman and slave; that no matter
how hardily a system may defend itself against the truth and how closely it may be
protected, the truth is always bound to win. How then could those Quraysh leaders
who were seeking to listen to the Qur'an in secret, believe in its call when it
proclaimed the wrath of God against the very practices which they were doing? How
could they believe in a religion which did not differentiate between the blind pauper
and the great capitalist except as regards the purity of their own souls? How could
they believe in the call of Islam unto all men that "the greatest of you with God is
the most pious and virtuous?"[Qur'an, 49:14]. If, therefore, Abu Sufyan and his
colleagues remained true to the religion of their ancestors, it was not due to their
faith in its truth value. Rather, it was due to their zeal to preserve the old order that
not only protected them but also enabled them to achieve their position of wealth,
social prestige, and power.
Jealousy and Competition
In addition to this anxiety and despair, jealousy and competition did their work to
prevent the Quraysh from following the Prophet. Umayyah ibn Abu al Salt was one of
those who predicted the rise of a prophet among the Arabs; indeed, he hoped that
he himself was such a prophet. He was full of resentment and jealousy when
revelation came to Muhammad rather than to him; he could not, despite his own
superiority over Muhammad as far as poetical composition is concerned, follow a
person whom he believed was his competitor. When Muhammad heard the poetry of
Ummayyah, he exclaimed: "What a man is Ummayyah ! His poetry believes, but his
heart does not." Likewise, al Walid ibn al Mughirah said: "It is incomprehensible to
me that revelations would come to Muhammad and not to me while I am the
greatest elder and master of Quraysh. Neither do I understand that revelation would
not come to Abu Mas'ud `Amr ibn `Umayr al Thaqafi, the elder and master of
Thaqif." It was in reference to such commonplace sentiments that the Qur'an says:
"They said: would that this Qur'an be revealed to one of the great men in one of the
two cities. Would they thus divide the mercy of your Lord? It is We who do so, as We
do divide their livelihood among them in the world." [Qur'an, 43:31-32] After Abu
Sufyan, Abu Jahl, and al Akhnas had listened for three consecutive nights to
Muhammad's recitation of the Qur'an, as we have reported earlier, al Akhnas visited
Abu Jahl in his home and asked, "O Abu al Hakam, what do you think of what we
heard from Muhammad?" Abu Jahl answered, "What did you hear? Our house and
the house of Banu `Abd Manaf have been competing for the honor: They have given
the people to eat and so did we; they have carried the water to the pilgrims and so
did we; they have assumed other burdens and so did we, they have given and so did
we. Whenever we and they mount on our horses it always looks as if we are in a
race. Now they are saying, among us is a prophet to whom revelation comes straight
from heaven! When, if ever, will we achieve such a feat? Now, by God, we shall
never believe in their prophet: we shall never accept what he says as true."
In these Bedouin souls of Muhammad's contemporaries, jealously and competition
were deeply rooted, and it would be a great mistake to overlook them. We should
remember that such passions are not unique to the Arabs but are shared by all men.
To neutralize their effects or get rid of them demands long and arduous selfdiscipline, a radical self transformation that raises reason far above passion and
ennobles one's spirit and heart to the degree of acknowledging the truth
whithersoever it may come from, be he enemy or friend. It also demands believing
that the possession of the truth is more precious than all the wealth of Midas, the
glory of Alexander, or the power of Caesar. Such nobility and magnanimity of soul is
hardly ever reached except by those whose hearts God Himself guides.
Commonplace men are usually blinded by the wealth and pleasure of the world and
by the present moment in which alone they spent their lives. Obviously, they are
unable to rise to such spiritual height. In pursuit of quick satisfaction during the
fleeting present, they struggle, fight, and kill one another. For its sake, nothing
seems to prevent any of them from striking his teeth and claws into the very neck of
truth, goodness and virtue, and from trampling to death the noblest and highest
values. Seeing Muhammad's followers increasing in numbers and strength day by
day, the Arabs of Quraysh were horrified by the idea that the truth which Muhammad
proclaimed would one day achieve victory and power over them, over their allies and
beyond, and over all the Arabs of the Peninsula. Heads shall roll rather than allow
such a thing to happen, they thought. Counterpropaganda and mental warfare,
boycott, blockade, injury and harm, persecutional these and the vials of wrath shall
be poured over Muhammad and his followers.
Fear of Resurrection and the Day of Judgment
A third reason prevented the Quraysh from following Muhammad, namely, the terror of
the resurrection on the Day of Judgment with its punishment of hell. They were a people
immersed in recreation and the pursuit of pleasure; trade and usury were their means to
its attainment. Those of them who could afford to indulge in these pursuits did not see in
them anything immoral and felt no imperative to avoid them. Through their idol worship
they thought that their evil deeds and sins could all be atoned for and forgiven. It was
sufficient for a man to strike a few arrows at the foot of the statue of Hubal for him to
think that anything he was about to undertake was blessed if not commanded by the
god. It was sufficient to sacrifice something to these idols for him to have his sins and
guilt wiped out and forgotten. Therefore, to kill, to rob, to commit adultery, to indulge in
unbecoming speech and indecency were all proper and permissible as long as one was
capable of bribing those gods and placating them with sacrifices.
On the other hand, Muhammad was proclaiming that the Lord was standing in wait for
them, that they will be resurrected on the day of judgment, and that their works will be
their only credit. Moreover, he did so with verses of such tremendous, power that they
shook men's hearts to the foundation and threw their consciousness into horror and
panic. The Qur'an proclaimed: "But when the deafening cry is heard, when man would
flee from his brother, from his father and mother, his wife and children, everyone will
have enough to concern himself with his own destiny. On that day some faces will be
bright, joyous and gay. Others will be dark and gloomy. The latter are the unbelievers,
the wicked." [Qur'an, 80:33-42] It proclaimed that the deafening cry would come"the day when heaven will be like molten copper, when mountains will be like flakes of
wool, when no friend will be able to concern himself for his friends. Beholding the fate
which is to be theirs, the condemned will wish to ransom themselves with their own
children, their wives and brothers, their tribes that gave them protection, even the whole
of mankind if such could save them from the impending doom. No indeed! There shall be
a flame of fire, burning and dismembering, grasping without relief him who turned his
back to the call of God, who played deaf to the moral imperative, who hoarded wealth
and withheld it from the needy . . . ."[Qur'an, 70:8-18]
"On that day you will be presented before God; none of your secrets will be hidden.
Then, he who has received his record with his right hand will say: `Come, read my
record. I had rightly thought that I was to meet my reckoning.' Such a man will lead a
blessed life in a lofty garden whose fruits are ripe and within reach. When he is brought
therein he will be told: Eat and drink joyfully for in the days gone by, you have done the
good deeds.' As for him who is given his record in his left hand he will say: `Would I that
I had never been given my record; that I never knew of my reckoning. Oh, would that
death had made an end of me! My wealth is of no avail, and my power has come to
naught.' To him God will say: `Seize him and fetter him. Broil him in the fire. Then bind
him in a chain seventy cubits long. For he did not believe in Almighty God, nor did he
urge the feeding of the hungry. Today, he shall have no loyal friends and no food except
what is foul, which none eat except his fellow sinners.?[Qur'an, 69:18-37]
After this I may ask the reader: Have you read this well? Did you ponder every word of
it? Have you fully understood its meaning? Are you not petrified and panic-stricken? But
that is only a portion of Muhammad's warning to his people. You read these verses today
and remember that you have read them many times over before. Concurrently with your
reading, you will remember the Qur'an's description of hell. "On that day, We shall ask
hell, `Are you full?' And hell will answer: `Give me more!' . . . Whenever their skins
wear out, We shall give them new skins that they may continue to suffer the
punishment." [Qur'an, 50:30; 4:56]. You can well imagine then the horror which
must have struck Quraysh, especially the rich among them wallowing in the protection of
their gods and idols whenever Muhammad warned them of the imminent punishment. It
would then become easy for you to appreciate the degree of their enthusiasm in belying
Muhammad, opposing him, and urging the people to fight him. Previous to the Prophet's
preaching, the Arabs had no idea of the Day of Judgment or of the resurrection, and they
did not believe what they heard thereof from non-Arabs. None of them thought that he
would be reckoned with after death for what he had done in this world. Whatever
concern they had for the future was limited to this world. They feared disease, loss of
wealth and children, of power and social prestige. This life, to them, was all there is to
life. Their energies were exhausted in the amassing of the means with which to enjoy
this life and to keep it safe from misfortune. The future was utterly opaque. Whenever
their consciences were disturbed by a premonition of evil following upon their misdeeds,
they had recourse to divination by arrows, pebbles, or bird chasing in order to dissipate
the fear or confirm it. If confirmed they would sacrifice to their idols and thereby avoid
the imminent misfortune.
As for reckoning after death, resurrection, and the Day of Judgment-paradise for the
virtuous and hell for the unjust-all this completely escaped them despite the fact that
they had heard of it in connection with the religion of the Jews and of the Christians.
Nonetheless, they never heard of it described with such emphatic, frightening, indeed
horrifying, terms and seriousness such as Muhammad's revelation had brought to them.
What they had heard of before Muhammad never succeeded in pressing home to them
the recognition that their continued life of pleasure, pursuit of wealth, exploitation of the
weak, robbery of the orphan, neglect of the poor, and excess in usury, would surely
incur eternal punishment. They had no idea of impending suffering in the depth of hell,
and when they heard of it described in these terms, it was natural for them to be seized
with panic. How strongly they must have felt when they realized, though they did not
openly admit it, that the other world with its reward and punishment is truly there,
waiting for them only one step beyond this life which was soon to end in death!
Quraysh and Paradise
As for God's promise to the virtuous of a paradise as large as heaven and earth,
where there is neither evil word nor deed but only peace and blessedness, the
Quraysh were quite suspicious. They doubted paradise all the more because of their
attachment to this world and their anxiousness to enjoy its blessings right here and
now. They were too impatient to wait for the Day of Judgment though they did not
believe in any such day at all.
The Struggle of Good and Evil
One may indeed wonder how the Arabs locked their minds against any idea of the
other world and its reckoning when the struggle of good and evil in this world has
been raging eternally without letup or peace. Thousands of years before Muhammad,
the ancient Egyptians provided their dead with their needs for the other world. In the
coffins, they enclosed The Book of the Dead, which was full of psalms, invocations,
and other prayers, and in their graves they painted pictures of judgment and scenes
of repentance and punishment. The Indians, too, conceived of the other world in
terms of Nirvana and transmigration of souls. A soul, they held, may suffer for
thousands and millions of years before it is guided to the truth, purified, and
rehabilitated to the good life at the end of which is Nirvana. Likewise, the
Zoroastrians of Persia recognized the struggle of good and evil, and their gods were
gods of light and darkness. So, too, did the Mosaic and the Christian religions, both
of which describe a life of eternity dependent upon God's pleasure or wrath. Did the
Arabs not know any of all this, though they were a people of trade in continual
contact through their voyages with all the adherents of these religions? How could
the case be otherwise? Why did they not have similar notions of their own when, as
people of the desert, they were closer to infinity and eternity, to a conception of the
spiritual existence induced by the heat of noon and the darkness of night, to good
and evil spirits, which they had already conceived of as residing within the statues
which interceded for them with God? Undoubtedly, they must have had an idea of
the existence of the other world, but since they were a people of trade, they were
more realistic and hence appreciative of that which they could see and touch. They
were one and all bon vivants and, hence, all the more determined to deny
punishment or reward in the hereafter. They thought that what man needs in this
world is precisely the consequence of his deed whether good or evil. Further
consequences of his deeds in the other world were therefore superfluous. That is why
most of the revelations of Muhammad which warned, threatened, and made
promises concerning the other world were revealed in Makkah at the beginning of
Muhammad's commission. This revelation answered the need for saving those among
whom Muhammad was sent. It was natural that Muhammad draw their attention as
strongly as he could to their error and misguidance and that he call them to rise
above idol worship to the worship of the One Almighty God.
For the Sake of Salvation
In the course of bringing spiritual salvation to his people and to all mankind,
Muhammad and his followers suffered great harm. They were subjected to many
travails of body and spirit, to emigration, to alienation from peers and relatives, and
they bore these sacrifices with gallantry and patience. It was as if the more his
people harmed Muhammad, the stronger became his love for them and the greater
his desire and care to bring about their salvation. Resurrection and the day of
judgment were the supreme ideas to which they were to give their attention if they
were to be saved from their idolatry and evil deeds. Consequently, in the first years
of Muhammad's prophethood, revelation constantly repeated divine threats and
warnings that the Makkans might open their eyes and recognize the veracity of
resurrection and the Day of Judgment. It was this constant assault by revelation
which, in final analysis, had inflamed the terrible war between Muhammad and
Makkah whose rage did not subside until God had given victory to Islam, His religion,
over the religions of man.
From the Violation of the Boycott to al Isra'
Calling the Tribes to lslam during the Holy Months
The pact into which the clans of Quraysh had entered for boycotting Muhammad and
blockading the Muslims continued to be observed for three consecutive years. During
this time Muhammad and his family and companions fortified themselves against
attack in one of the hills within Makkah. In their isolation, however, they suffered all
kinds of privations; often they could not find enough food to satisfy their hunger. It
was not possible either for Muhammad or the Muslims to mix with other people or to
talk to them except during the holy months, when the Arabs would come to Makkah
on pilgrimage and all hostilities would cease. In those months, no killing,
persecution, aggression or vengence was permitted. Muhammad used to approach
the Arabs and call them unto the religion of God and warn them of His imminent
punishment as well as announce to them the blessings of paradise. The pilgrims
knew what Muhammad had suffered in the cause of his mission, and this stirred their
sympathy and compassion for him as well as their sensitivity to his call. Indeed, this
boycott imposed by Quraysh, and Muhammad's patient bearing of it for the sake of
his cause, won for him and his cause many hearts. Not all men were as hard of
feeling as Abu Jahl and Abu Lahab.
Blockade of the Muslims
The long duration of the blockade and, consequently, the great sufferings inflicted
upon the Muslims by the Quraysh, caused a number of Makkans to realize the
hardness and injustice to which their very brethren, in-laws, and cousins, had been
subjected. Were it not for the few who compassionately furnished the Muslims food,
the latter would have surely starved. Hisham ibn `Amr was the most compassionate
to the Muslims in their tragedy. He used to load his camel with food and other
supplies, take it during the night and pass by the entrance to the quarter where the
Muslims were isolated. He would detach the reins of the camel and let it go free,
whipping it on the sides so that the camel would enter into the quarter and be seized
by the Muslims. The more Muhammad and his companions suffered, the more
disturbed a number of Qurayshis became. Unable to withhold his compassion,
Hisham ibn `Amr went to Zuhayr ibn Abu Umayyah, whose mother was `Atikah,
daughter of `Abd al Muttalib. He said, "O Zuhayr, how could you eat and wear new
clothes and marry and enjoy life when your uncles are locked up and isolated, unable
to buy or purchase anything, to give or to take anyone in marriage? By God I swear
that if the Muslims were the uncles of Abu al Hakam ibn Hisham and you had asked
him to boycott them as he asked you to boycott the Muslims, he would have never
fulfilled your request." Together the two men agreed to revoke the pact of the
boycott and sought to convince others to do likewise, although secretly. Al Mut'am
ibn `Adiyy, Abu al Bakhtari ibn Hisham, and Zam'ah ibn al Aswad agreed to
denounce the pact of boycott and to work together for its repudiation.
One day after circumambulating the Ka'bah seven times, Zuhayr ibn Abu Umayyah
addressed the Makkans : "O People of Makkah, would you that we eat food and
enjoy ourselves while the Banu Hashim are dying one after another unable to buy or
acquire anything? By God, I shall not sit still until this unjust pact of the boycott is
revoked." Upon hearing this, Abu Jahl immediately rose and said to Zuhayr, "You are
a liar. The pact is sacred and inviolable." At this, Zam'ah, Abu al Bakhtari, al Mut'am,
as well as Hisham ibn `Amr, rose from their places to argue against Abu Jahl and to
confirm Zuhayr in his request. At this show of strength, Abu Jahl realized that a
previous agreement must have been reached between these men and that direct
opposition to them might not prove advantageous. He therefore withdrew. A1
Mut'am rose to tear up the pact hanging on the wall of the Ka'bah only to find that
insects had already devoured most of it except the opening words "In the name of
God." At this, Muhammad and his companions were permitted to come out of their
isolation and circulate in Makkah, to buy and to sell as usual, although the
antagonism and hostility remained as they were, and each party continued to look
forward to a day when it could overcome the other.
Infallibility of Muhammad in Conveying the Revelation
Some biographers claimed that the unbelievers who brought about the revocation of
the boycott pact went to Muhammad and asked him to make some gesture of
reconciliation toward the Quraysh in order to strengthen them in their attempts and
to put a stop to further harm. They asked him to agree to give their gods a place, at
least to grant them occasional recognition with the fingers of his hand as the
Makkans were accustomed to do. The same biographers claim that Muhammad
inclined toward doing some of this in gratitude for the good deeds just done to him.
They even allege that he said to himself: "What blame is there if I do such a thing?
God knows that I am innocent!" Other biographers report that the same men who
helped revoke the pact of boycott went one evening to Muhammad, talked to him all
night, and praised him so much and endeared themselves to him, calling him "Our
Master, Our Master," until he was moved to answer some of their demands. The first
version was reported by Said ibn Jubayr; and the second by Qatadah. In both
versions, it is reported that God protected Muhammad against their subversion and
revealed to him the following verse: "They have almost succeeded in inducing you,
under promise of their friendship, to attribute to Us, against Our command, that
which We did not reveal to you. Had We not confirmed you in your faith, you might
have been tempted and hence fallen under the inescapable punishment."[Qur'an,
17:73-75]
It should be remembered that these verses were claimed to have been revealed in
connection with the forged story of the goddesses which we have investigated
earlier; the present reporters attribute it to the story of the revocation of the boycott
pact. The same verses have also been claimed by ibn `Abbas, as reported by 'Ata',
to have been revealed in connection with another story. That is the story of the
delegation of Thaqif who came to Muhammad to ask him to declare their valley holy
just as Makkah had declared her trees and birds and animals holy. It is claimed that
the Prophet-may God's peace be upon him hesitated until these verses were
revealed. Whatever the historical circumstances which occasioned the revelation of
these verses, the verses themselves bespeak the greatness of Muhammad as well as
his candidness. The same aspects of Muhammad's personality are equally in
evidence in the verses we have reported from Surah 80. Indeed, they are supported
by the history of Muhammad's life as a whole. Muhammad had repeatedly told the
people that he was only a man, that as a man God had revealed to him certain
messages for their guidance, and that without God's special protection in this regard
he was as fallible as anyone. Muhammad did in fact err when he frowned in the face
of ibn Umm Maktum and sent him away. He almost erred as reported above in the
verses from the surah "al Isra' " as well as in the foregoing verses which tell of his
inclination away from that which had been revealed to him and of the people's
invitation to Muhammad to invent a revelation. But revelation did, in fact, come to
Muhammad and condemned what he did in connection with the blind beggar, his
near succumbing to Quraysh's temptation. Muhammad, however, reported all these
revelations to the Quraysh people with equal truthfulness and candidness. Neither
self-esteem nor pride nor any other human feeling prevented him from conveying
the revelation, whether it was for or against him. The truth and the truth alone was
the essence of his message. He declared the truth even if it were against himself. We
are accustomed to expect the great man to bear resolutely and patiently whatever
harm he might be exposed to on account of his conviction, but we hardly ever expect
the great man to acknowledge that he almost succumbed to his temptations. Such
temptations are usually not talked about, and most great men are contented to
reckon with themselves strongly only in secret. He was therefore greater than the
great, for his soul enabled him to rise to the height where it would acknowledge the
truth even regarding its own struggle and proclaim it to the public. Such greatness
that is greater than the great belongs exclusively to the prophets. It demands of the
prophet the very utmost in truthfulness and candidness in the conveyance of the
message of truth that comes from God alone.
Death of Abu Talib and Khadijah
After the repudiation of the boycott pact, Muhammad and his companions emerged
from their quarters. Muhammad immediately resumed his call to the Quraysh and to
the tribes that used to come to Makkah during the holy months. Despite the
spreading of his fame among the Arab tribes and the number of his followers, neither
he nor they were quite yet safe from injury, and nothing he could do would have
guaranteed such safety. A few months later two tragedies were to add to his
troubles. First, the death of Abu Talib, his protector, and then that of Khadijah, his
wife. Abu Talib died at about the age of eighty. When Quraysh knew of his
approaching end, they feared that the conflict with the Muslims would reach a new
height now that their leadership would pass into the less temperate hands of
Hamzah and `Umar, well known for their hardness and determined hostility. The
leaders of Quraysh went up to Abu Talib and addressed him as he lay on his
deathbed
"O Abu Talib, we hold for you great respect and we appreciate your counsel and
wisdom. Now that you are about to leave us, and, knowing the conflict that has
arisen between us and your nephew, do please call him and ask him to give us
assurance as we are wont to give you for him, that he will leave us alone and we will
leave him alone, that he will leave us to practice our religion and we shall leave him
to practice his." Muhammad and his companions came to the meeting in his uncle's
house. After he was told about their purpose he said
"Yes, indeed! All I want from you is this one word of assurance which, if given, will
bring you mastery of all Arabia as well as Persia, namely . . ." "Speak out,"
interrupted Abu Jahl, "by your father we shall give it to you! Not one word but ten."
Muhammad continued: "Namely, that you witness with me that there is no God but
God and repudiate all that you worship besides Him." Some of them said to
Muhammad: "Do you want to make all the gods one?" Turning to one another, the
men of Quraysh said: "By God, this man is not going to give you any word of
assurance such as you require." The leaders of Quraysh left Abu Talib's house
without satisfaction, and Abu Talib died a few days later, the situation between him
and the Quraysh being more hostile than ever before.
Later on, Khadijah, who supported Muhammad with her love and goodness, her
purity, gentleness and strong faith, passed away. At her death, Muhammad lost an
angel of mercy who reassured and reconciled him whenever he felt crushed under
the burdens of his cause. Henceforth, Muhammad was forever to miss the believing
eyes of Khadijah and her reassuring smile, just as he had lost in Abu Talib his
protection and refuge from his enemies. How deeply these tragedies must have cut
into Muhammad's heart! Surely they were strong enough to shake the most
determined soul, to bring doubt and despair to the most resolute, and to leave
behind the greatest degree of emptiness and despondence.
Increase of Quraysh's Hostility
Soon thereafter, the Quraysh were to increase their attacks against Muhammad. An
example of the least of such injuries was the covering of Muhammad's head with soil
thrown at him by one of the plebeians of Quraysh. Muhammad withdrew to his home
where his daughter, Fatimah, moved to tears by the sight of her father, washed his
head for him. It is certainly painful to us to hear our children cry, and more so to
hear our daughters cry. Indeed, every tear dropped from a daughter's eye is a ball of
fire fallen upon our hearts, causing us to cry in pain. The daughter's sob and painful
murmur fall heavily upon the father's heart, and Fatimah's cries must have choked a
compassionate father such as Muhammad. However, what was he to do to reassure
a person who had just lost her mother and who is now appalled by the insults
heaped upon her father? Nothing but to orient himself all the more to God, and to
proclaim his conviction that God would give him final victory. He said to his
daughter: "Do not cry, O Fatimah ! Your father has God for protector." Often
Muhammad would be heard saying: "By God. Quraysh never harmed me so much as
after the death of Abu Talib."
Muhammad's Excursion to Ta'if (628 C.E.)
The Quraysh doubled and redoubled their injuries to Muhummad and his followers
until Muhammad could bear it no longer. Alone, and without telling anyone, he
undertook a trip to the city of Ta'if where he solicited the support of the tribe of
Thaqif after calling them to Islam. When they refused, he asked them not to spread
the news of their refusal to his enemies that they might not rejoice at his failure. The
tribe of Thaqif, however, not only repudiated Muhammad's call but sent their
servants to insult him and throw him out of their city. He ran away from them and
took shelter near a wall which belonged to `Utbah and Shaybah, sons of Rabi'ah.
There, he sat under a vine pondering his defeat, within sight of the sons of Rabi'ah.
He raised his hands to heaven and prayed with noticeable pain
"O God, please consider my weakness, my shortage of means, and the little esteem
that people have of me. Oh, most Merciful God, You are the Lord of the oppressed,
and You are my Lord. To whom would You leave my fate? To a stranger who insults
me? Or to an enemy who dominates me? Would I that You have no wrath against
me! Your pleasure alone is my objective. Under the light of Your faith which
illuminates all darkness and on which this world and the other depend, I take my
refuge. I pray that I may not become the object of Your wrath and anger. To You
alone belongs the right to blame and to chastise until Your pleasure is met. There is
neither power nor strength except in You."
`Addas, the Christian
For some time, the sons of Rabi'ah watched Muhammad until a feeling of compassion
and sympathy for him began to stir within them. They sent their Christian servant,
`Addas by name, with a bunch of grapes. Before Muhammad partook of the grapes,
he said: "In the name of God." `Addas was surprised and said, "That is not what the
natives of this country usually say." Muhammad then asked him about his religion
and his country of origin, and when he learned that he was a Christian from Nineveh,
he said, "Are you then from the City of the Righteous Jonah, son of Mathew?" Still
more surprised, `Addas asked, "What do you know about Jonah, son of Matthew?"
Muhammad answered, "That was my brother; he was a true prophet and so am I."
Moved with emotion, `Addas covered Muhammad with kisses. The two sons of
Rabi'ah were surprised at what they saw although they remained unmoved by
Muhammad's religious claims. When their servant returned to them they counseled
him: "O `Addas, do not allow this man to convert you from your faith. Your faith is
better for you than his."
Muhammad Offers Himself to the Tribes
The news of the injuries inflicted upon Muhammad lightened the hostility of the tribe
of Thaqif, but it never succeeded in moving them to follow him. The Quraysh knew
about this expedition and increased their injuries. Nothing, however, could dissuade
Muhammad from continuing his call. At every season, whenever the tribes of Arabia
came to Makkah, he offered himself and his cause to them, informed them that he
was a commissioned prophet, and asked them to believe in him. His uncle `Abd al
`Uzza, son of `Abd al Muttalib, otherwise known as Abu Lahab, would not let him;
he would follow Muhammad everywhere he went to dissuade the people from
listening to him. Muhammad, for his part, did not only preach his religion to the
tribes in the pilgrimage season in Makkah, but sought those tribes in their own
quarters. He visited the tribe of Kindah and the tribe of Kalb, of Banu Hanifah, Banu
`Amir ibn Sa'sa'ah, each in its own province. None of them responded favorably to
him, and they all repudiated his call sometimes with insults, as did the tribe of Banu
Hanifah. The tribe of Banu `Amir felt more ambitious and imagined that they could
assume a position of leadership should the cause of Muhammad triumph. But when
Muhammad told them, "The matter belongs wholly to God; He places leadership
wheresoever He wishes," they turned away and repudiated his call like the rest.
Did all these tribes repudiate Muhammad's call for the same reasons for which
Quraysh did before them? We have seen the disappointment of the tribe of Banu
`Amir upon the frustration of their ambition of leadership and power. As for the tribe
of Thaqif, they had a different opinion. In addition to the cool atmosphere and
vineyards which made it a summer resort, the city of Ta?if was the center of worship
of al Lat, for it was in its midst that the idol stood and on its account the city had
become a place of pilgrimage. Should the tribe of Thaqif follow Muhammad, the
goddess al Lat would lose her place of worship, the city its pilgrimage site, and
ensuing hostility with Quraysh would soon cut off all summer visits by the Makkans.
Every tribe had thus its own reason, economic or other, for which it refused to accept
Islam besides the personal attachment to the religion of the fathers and the worship
of old idols.
Muhammad's Engagement to `A'ishah
The rejection of Muhammad by the tribes increased his isolation, as the doubled and
redoubled injuries of the Quraysh increased Muhammad's pain and grief. The period
of mourning for Khadijah passed, and Muhammad thought of marrying again in the
hope of finding consolation in a new companion. He also thought that marriage might
even furnish a new occasion for strengthening the bond of brotherhood and
commitment between himself and the earlier converts to Islam. He therefore asked
Abu Bakr for the hand of his daughter, `A'ishah. Since she was still too young to
marry, the engagement was announced, but the marriage was postponed for three
more years until `A'ishah reached the age of eleven. In the meantime, Muhammad
married Sawdah, the widow of one of the Muslim companions who emigrated to
Abysinnia but died upon his return to Makkah. In both these instances, it is hoped
that the reader will have a glimpse of the principle regulating Muhammad's later
domestic life which we shall discuss in a forthcoming chapter.
Al Isra' (621 C.E)
It was during this period that al Isra' and al Mi'raj had taken place.[Al
Isra' means
the night journey the Prophet was reported to have taken from
Makkah to al Masjid al Aqsa, the distant mosque, or Jerusalem. AL
Mi'raj means the Prophet's ascension to heaven and his visit to
paradise and hell, later to serve as model for Dante's La. Diutna
Comedia. See M. Asin Palacios, La. evcatologia musulmana en la
Divina Comedia, Madrid, 1919; 2nd edition, Madrid, 1943. -Tr.]. On the
night of al Isra'. Muhammad was staying in the house of his cousin, Hind, daughter
of Abu Talib, who was also called Umm Hani'. Hind related that "The Prophet of God
spent the night in my quarters. He recited his night prayers and went to sleep. Just
before dawn, the Prophet of God awoke us and we all prayed the dawn prayer
together. When the prayer was through, he said, "O Umm Hani', I prayed with you
the night prayer in this place; then I went to Jerusalem and I prayed there, and. as
you see, I have just finished praying with you the dawn prayer.' I answered, `O
Prophet of God, do not tell this to the people for they will belie you and harm you.'
He said, `By God I shall tell them.'"
Was al Isra' in Body or in Soul?
Those who claim that al Isra' and al Mi'raj of Muhammad-may God's peace be upon
him had taken place in soul rather than in body refer to this report of Umm Hani'.
They also refer to another report by `A'ishah which says, "The body of the Prophet of
God-may God's peace and blessing be upon him was never missed from his bed.
Rather, God caused him to travel in soul alone." Whenever Mu'awiyah ibn Abu
Sufyan was asked about al Isra' of the Prophet, he used to answer, "It was a true
vision from God." Those who share such a view confirm their claim with the Qur'anic
verse, "The vision which We have shown you is but a trial to the people."[Qur'an,
17:60] According to the other view, al Isra' from Makkah to Jerusalem took place in
body. In confirmation of this, they mention that Muhammad had related what he saw
in the desert on the way hither and add that his ascension to heaven was in soul.
Others hold that both al Isra' and al Mi'raj were in body. As a result of this great
controversy, thousands of books have been written on the subject. We have a view
of this matter which we shall give shortly, a view that somebody else may have held
before us. Before we proceed, however, we shall give the story of al Isra' and al
Mi'raj as it was reported in the biography books.
Al Isra' as Given in Literature
The Orientalist Dermenghem has reported the following eloquent story culled from a
number of biography books. We shall quote it as he related it
"In the middle of a solemn, quiet night when even the night-birds and the rambling
beasts were quiet, when the streams had stopped murmuring and no breezes
played, Mahomet was awakened by a voice crying: `Sleeper, awake!' And before him
stood the Angel Gabriel with radiant forehead, countenance white as snow, blond
hair floating, in garments sewn with pearls and embroidered in gold. Manifold wings
of every colour stood out quivering from his body.
"He led a fantastical steed, Boraq (`Lightning'), with a human head and two eagles'
wings; it approached Mahomet, allowed him to mount and was off like an arrow over
the mountains of Mecca and the sands of the desert toward the North . . . The Angel
accompanied them on this prodigious flight. On the summit of Mt. Sinai, where God
had spoken to Moses, Gabriel stopped Mahomet for prayer, and again at Bethlehem
where Jesus was born, before resuming their course in the air. Mysterious voices
attempted to detain the Prophet, who was so wrapped up in his mission that he felt
God alone had the right to stop his steed. When they reached Jerusalem Mahomet
tethered Boraq and prayed on the ruins of the Temple of Solomon with Abraham,
Moses, and Jesus. Seeing an endless ladder appear upon Jacob's rock, the Prophet
was enabled to mount rapidly to the heavens.
"The first heaven was of pure silver and the stars suspended from its vault by chains
of gold; in each one an angel lay awake to prevent the demons from climbing into
the holy dwelling places and the spirits from listening indiscreetly to celestial secrets.
There, Mahomet greeted Adam. And in the six other heavens the Prophet met Noah,
Aaron, Moses, Abraham, David, Solomon, Idris (Enoch), Yahya (John the Baptist)
and Jesus. He saw the Angel of Death, Azrail, so huge that his eyes were separated
by 70,000 marching days. He commanded 100,000 battalions and passed his time in
writing in an immense book the names of those dying or being born. He saw the
Angel of Tears who wept for the sins of the world; the Angel of Vengeance with
brazen face, covered with warts, who presides over the elements of fire and sits on a
throne of flames; and another immense angel made up half of snow and half of fire
surrounded by a heavenly choir continually crying: `0 God, Thou hast united snow
and fire, united all Thy servants in obedience to Thy Laws.? In the seventh heaven
where the souls of the just resided was an angel larger than the entire world, with
70,000 heads; each head had 70,000 mouths, each mouth had 70,000 tongues and
each tongue spoke in 70,000 different idioms singing endlessly the praises of the
Most High.
"While contemplating this extraordinary being, Mahomet was carried to the top of the
Lote-Tree of Heaven flowering at the right of God's invisible throne and shading
myriads of angelic spirits. Then after having crossed in a twinkling of an eye the
widest seas, regions of dazzling light and deepest darkness, traversed millions of
clouds of hyacinths, of gauze, of shadows, of fire, of air, of water, of void, each one
separated by 500 marching years, he then passed more clouds of beauty, of
perfection, of supremacy, of immensity, of unity, behind which were 70,000 choirs of
angels bowed down and motionless in complete silence. The earth began to heave
and he felt himself carried into the light of his Lord, where he was transfixed,
paralyzed. From here heaven and earth together appeared as if imperceptible to him,
as if melted into nothingness and reduced to the size of a grain of mustard seed in
the middle of a field. And this is how Mahomet admits having been before the Throne
of the Lord of the World.
"He was in the presence of the Throne `at a distance o f two bows' Length or yet
nearer' (Koran, liii), beholding God with his soul's eyes and seeing things which the
tongue cannot express, surpassing all human understanding. The Almighty placed
one hand on Mahomet's breast and the other on his shoulder to the very marrow of
his bones he felt an icy chill, followed by an inexpressible feeling of calm and ecstatic
annihilation.
"After a conversation whose ineffability is not honored by too precise tradition, the
Prophet received the command from God that all believers must say fifty prayers
each day. Upon coming down from heaven Mahomet met Moses, who spoke with him
on this subject:
" `How do you hope to make your followers say fifty prayers each day? I had
experience with mankind before you. I tried everything with the children of Israel
that it was possible to try. Take my word, return to our Lord and ask for a reduction.'
"Mahomet returned, and the number of prayers was reduced to forty. Moses thought
that this was still too many and made his successor go back to God a number of
times. In the end God exacted not more than five prayers.
"Gabriel then took the Prophet to paradise where the faithful rejoice after their
resurrection an immense garden with silver soil, gravel of pearls, mountains of
amber, filled with golden palaces and precious stones.
"Finally, after returning by the luminous ladder to the earth, Mahomet untethered
Boraq, mounted the saddle and rode into Jerusalem on the winged steed."[Emile
Dermenghem, The Life of Mahomet, New York: Lincoln MacVeagh,
1930, pp. 132-135.]
Ibn Hisham's Report about al Isra'
Such is the report of the Orientalist Dermenghem concerning the story of al Isra and al
Mi'raj. Every item he reported may be readily found, perhaps with greater or lesser detail,
in many of the biographies. An example of the fertility of the reporters' imagination may be
read in ibn Hisham's biography. Reporting on Muhammad's conversation with Adam in the
first heaven, ibn Hisham wrote: "Then I saw men with lips like those of camels. In their
hands were balls of fire which they thrusted into their mouths and collected from their
extremities to thrust into their mouths again. I asked, 'Who are these, O Gabriel?' He said:
'These are men who robbed the orphans.' I then saw men with large bellies, the likes of
which I have never seen before even on the road to the house of Pharaoh where the
greatest punishment is meted out to the greatest sinners. These are trodden upon by men
who when brought to the fire run like maddened camels. Those whom they tread upon
remain immobile, unable to move from their place. I asked, 'Who are those, O Gabriel?' He
answered, 'Those are the usurers.' I then saw men sitting at a table loaded with delicious
and fat meat as well as spoilt and stinking meat. They were eating of the latter and leaving
the former untouched. I asked, 'Who are these, O Gabriel?' He answered, 'These are men
who left their own women whom God had permitted them to enjoy and ran after other
women illegitimately.' I then saw women hanging from their breasts and asked, 'Who are
these, O Gabriel?' He answered, 'These are women who fathered on their husbands children
not their own.' . . . He then took me into Paradise where I saw a beautiful damsel with
luscious lips. As I was attracted by her I asked her, 'To whom do you belong?' She
answered: 'To Zayd ibn Harithah.' The prophet of God-may God's peace and blessing be
upon him announced this glad tiding to Zayd ibn Harithah."
Whether in ibn Hisham's or in other biographies of the Prophet or in the books of Qur'anic
exegesis, the reader will find many details besides the above mentioned. It is certainly the
historian's right to question how closely these reports have been scrutinized and
investigated by their collectors, with the view to finding out how much of them may be
truly ascribed to the Prophet and how much was the invention of the fancy of the Sufis and
others. Although there is no room here to undertake such investigation, nor to decide the
issue of whether or not al Isra' or al Mi'raj were both in body or in soul or the one in body
and the other in soul, there is still no doubt that every one of these views has reasons
which their advocates claim to be legitimate. There is no a priori reason why one may not
adhere to one of these views rather than another. Whoever wishes to hold the view that al
Isra' and al Mi'raj were in soul and not in body, could turn to the evidence of the reports we
have already cited as well as to the Qur'anic emphasis that
"I am but a human like you unto whom a revelation is, given that your God is one God;"
[Qur'an, 18:110] that the book of God is the sole "miracle" of Muhammad; and that
"God does not forgive any association of aught with Him but He forgives to whomsoever He
wishes anything else."[Qur'an, 4:48]
Whoever holds a view of al Isra and al Mi'raj such as this is perhaps better entitled to
inquire about the meaning of these ideas. And that is precisely the issue to which, perhaps
for the first time ever, we want to address ourselves in the following sections.
Al Isra' and the Unity of Being
As phenomena in the spiritual life of Muhammad, al Isra' and al Mi'raj carry great
and noble meanings that are greater than the foregoing descriptions have suggested
much of which being the product of pure imagination. In the moment of al Isra' and
al Mi'raj, Muhammad grasped the unity of being in all its totality and perfection. In
that moment, neither space nor time could prevent his consciousness from
encompassing all being; whereas our consciousness, determined by weaker
perceptive and rational faculties, is incapable of transcending the limitations of space
and time. In that moment, all frontiers fell before Muhammad's insight; and all being
was, as it were, gathered in his soul. In that moment, he came to know totality from
beginning to end and represented this totality as the self-realization of the forces of
goodness, truth, and beauty in their struggle against and conquest of evil, untruth,
and fraud. All this happened to Muhammad by God's grace.
No one is capable of such transcendent vision except by means of superhuman
power. If any of the followers of Muhammad were unable to match him in his
struggle to rise to or to achieve such vision and perception, there should be neither
blame nor surprise. Men's degrees of endowment differ, and their vision of the truth
is always determined by these limitations which our ordinary powers are unable to
transcend. There is perhaps an analogy between Muhammad's understanding of the
universe at that moment and that of any other person who has risen to the highest
level of consciousness possible for man. It is that of the story of the blind men who,
upon being brought into contact with the elephant, were asked to identify it. It will
be remembered that the first thought it was a long rope because he had touched its
tail; the second, a thick tree because he had touched its leg; the third, a spear
because he had touched its ivory; and the fourth, a moving round tube because he
had touched its trunk. These views are to the unimpaired view of the elephant as the
understanding of most of us to that of Muhammad, implied in al Isra' and al Mi'raj, of
the unity and totality of being. In Muhammad's vision, the finitude of space and time
disappeared, and he beheld the universe all "gathered up" and present. Men capable
of such great moments of consciousness see the details of space-time and problems
of worldly living as mathematical atoms appended to the person without ever
affecting him. None of them affect in the least the life of his body, the beat of his
heart, the illumination of his soul, the enlightenment of his consciousness, nor his
vibration with energy and life. For by existing, such a person enters into communion
with all existence and all life, as it were, ipso facto.
A spiritual Isra' and Mi'raj cannot be different in its meanings of beauty, majesty,
and transcendence than a bodily one[The Arabic text has "spiritual" at both
poles of the comparison, which I assume to be a misprint. -Tr.]. In itself,
the story is a very strong figurization of the spiritual unity of all being. Muhammad's
detour for a stop on Mount Sinai where God spoke to Moses face to face, at
Bethlehem where Jesus was born, and the spiritual meeting of Muhammad, Jesus,
Moses and Abraham in the moment of prayer is another very strong figurization of
the unity of religious experience and life, a unity constitutive of the world as it tends
to value and perfection.
Al Isra' and Modern Science
In our modern age, science confirms the possibility of a spiritual Isra' and Mi'raj.
Where there is a meeting of genuine forces, that which shines forth is genuine
reality; just as a meeting of the same forces of nature configured by the genius of
Marconi produced the real effect of lighting a light in distant Australia by means of an
electric radiation directed at it on the waves of space from his ship in Venice. In this
age of ours, science has confirmed the possibility of prestidigitation, of broadcast of
sound through space by means of the radio, as well as of pictures and writing, all of
which was considered too fanciful even for the imagination. The forces latent in
nature are still being discovered by science, and every new day brings a new
surprise. Strong and powerful spirits such as Muhammad's are perfectly capable of
being carried in one night from Makkah to Jerusalem and of being shown God's
signs. That is not opposed to reason, especially when the moral of it is the
figurization of divine truths, of extraordinary meanings of beauty and transcendence,
and of the unity of spirit and world so clearly achieved in the consciousness of
Muhammad. Though extraordinary and unique to Muhammad, the experience is
certainly possible for man upon removal of the illusions of this world, penetration of
ultimate reality, and relation of oneself and the world thereto.
Doubt of Quraysh and Apostasy of Some Muslims
The Arabs of Makkah, however, were incapable of understanding such meanings.
Therefore, as soon as Muhammad related his Isra', they could not progress beyond
the question of the possibility or otherwise of instantaneous bodily transport to
Jerusalem. Even those who followed Muhammad and believed in him were troubled
by doubt. Some said, "This is clear and decisive. By God, camels run continually for a
whole month to reach al Sham and another whole month to return. Would
Muhammad achieve such a feat in one night?" Many of the Muslims apostatized.
Those who were troubled by doubt went to Abu Bakr and related to him
Muhammad's claim. Abu Bakr answered, "Surely you are telling me lies." They said,
"There is Muhammad in the mosque telling the people of his trip." Abu Bakr
answered, "By God, if Muhammad himself has said so, then it is true. He tells us that
the word of God comes to him directly from heaven to earth in an hour of night or
day and we believe him. Isn't this a greater miracle than what you are doubting
today?" Abu Bakr came to the Prophet and listened to him describing Jerusalem and
its mosque. When he finished, Abu Bakr said, "You said the truth, O Prophet of God."
From that day on Muhammad called Abu Bakr "al Siddiq."[Al Siddiq, i.e., he who
believes the truth to be true. -Tr.]
Al Isra' in Body
Those who claim that al Isra' took place in body explain, in support of their view,
that when the Prophet proclaimed the news, Muslims and non-Muslims asked him for
proof. Muhammad described to them a caravan of camels he had encountered on the
road to Jerusalem. He related how he led the leaders of that caravan to one of their
beasts which had gone astray in the desert, how he drank from a water jar carried
on the back of one of those camels, and how he lowered the lid of the jar after he
drank from it. They related that the Quraysh had inquired about that caravan and
that the reports of the caravan leaders confirmed Muhammad's claim and
description. On the other hand, those who believe that al Isrd' took place in spirit do
not find such reports unbelievable now that science in our own days has confirmed
the possibility of hypnotism and of the hypnotized one to report about events far
removed from him. For a spirit holding in unity and presence the spiritual life of the
universe in toto, for one so endowed with vision and power so as to penetrate the
secret of all life from eternity to eternity, such a feat is not at all surprising.
The Two Covenants of al `Aqabah
Muslim Weakness after al Isra'
Quraysh did not understand the meanings behind al Isrd'. Neither did many of the Muslims
who themselves apostatized in consequence, as we saw earlier. Encouraged by this relapse,
Quraysh intensified its attacks against Muhammad and his followers until they could cope with
it no more. Muhammad's hope of enlisting the tribes into his ranks was dissipated after his
rejection by Thaqif at al Ta?if, as well as by the tribes of Kindah, Kalb, Banu `Amir and Banu
Hanifah at their annual pilgrimage in Makkah, After all these experiences, Muhammad nearly
gave up hope of converting any more men from Quraysh. Realizing the isolation imposed upon
Muhammad and the irreconcilable opposition of Quraysh to his cause, the other tribes of the
Peninsula, especially those surrounding or having business relations with Makkah, became all
the more reluctant to receive his calls. Despite his reliance upon Hamzah and `Umar, and his
confidence that Quraysh could not harm him any more than they had already done on account
of the tribal loyalties and alliances involved, Muhammad realized that the spread of God's call,
limited as it were to a small number of weak people, exposed to the danger of apostasy or
extermination, had come to a halt unless some victory from God was forthcoming. Days
passed while Muhammad's increasing isolation kept pace with Quraysh's ever-growing enmity.
Muhammad's Fastness
Did this isolation of Muhammad weaken his determination or impair his morale? No! Rather, it
strengthened his faith in the truth which had come to him from his Lord. Such travails would
have discouraged any person of ordinary spirit; but the noble, the truly gifted, they can only
be stimulated to higher levels of conviction, of resolution, and self exertion. Rather than being
shaken, Muhammad and his companions continued to have the strongest faith that God would
raise His religion above all religions and bring victory to them in the process. The storms of
hatred raging around them did not shake the faith. Muhammad spent his year in Makkah
unconcerned that his and Khadijah's wealth was being rapidly exhausted to the point that
poverty and want were imminent. Only the victory which he was absolutely certain God soon
would grant him occupied his thought. When the season of pilgrimage came again and men
from all over the Arabian Peninsula gathered in Makkah, he renewed his call to the revealed
truth, undaunted by any violent rejection with which these tribes might meet his call. The
plebeians of Makkah renewed their attacks against his person whenever he preached in public,
but their injuries did not reduce Muhammad's self assurance. He knew that it was Almighty
God who sent him a messenger of the truth, that there could be no doubt but that God would
confirm His truth and give it victory. He knew that God had asked him always to present his
revelations to men with arguments yet more sound and gentle, counseling "and then, your
enemy will become your very warm friend."[Qur'an, 41:34] He knew too well that God has
asked him to be gentle to men that they might remember and fear. It was in this certainty,
therefore, that Muhammad received the attacks of the Quraysh and bore patiently ,their
injuries and harm. All along, he knew that God is always with the patient.
The First Signs of Victory in Yathrib
Muhammad did not have to wait more than a few years before the first signs of
victory began to loom on the horizon, in the direction of Yathrib. Muhammad was
related to Yathrib in ways other than trade. He had relatives in Yathrib. Moreover, in
Yathrib was his father's grave. In Yathrib lived Banu al Najjar, uncle of his ancestor
'Abd al Muttalib, and hence his relative. To that grave, Aminah, the loyal wife, as well
as `Abd al Muttalib, the father who lost his son at the very height of his youth and
power used to come for yearly visits. Muhammad himself accompanied his mother to
Yathrib when he was six years old and visited his father's grave with her. On their
way back to Makkah, his mother, Aminah, fell ill and died and was buried at al Abwa'
midway between Yathrib and Makkah. It was no surprise to Muhammad that the first
sign of victory came from a town to which he was so closely associated, a town
which stood in the direction of al Aqsa Mosque in Jerusalem, toward which he prayed
and where stood the shrines of his two predecessors, Moses and Jesus. No wonder
that circumstances prepared the town of Yathrib for this great destiny that
Muhammad might achieve victory therein and that it might become the capital from
which Islam was to conquer and to spread over the world.
Al Aws, al Khazraj, and the Jews
For this illustrious career, the town of Yathrib was better fitted than any other. Both
al Aws and al Khazraj were idolaters sharing their town with the Jews whom they
hated and often fought, and were hated and fought by them. History relates that the
Christians of al Sham who then belonged to the dominant church in the East Roman
Empire hated the Jews very strongly, regarding them as the crucifiers and torturers
of Jesus. These Christians had raided Yathrib in the past for the express purpose of
killing its Jewish citizens. When they could not succeed, they sought the assistance
of al Aws and al Khazraj in order to draw the Jews of Madinah into their trap. Such a
plan was responsible for the death of many a Jew and deprived the Jewish
community of its dominion and power within the city. It also raised al Aws and al
Khazraj to a position of power greater than that which trade relations with the
Byzantines had hitherto established for them. History further relates that once more
the Madinese tried to destroy Jewish power in their city in order to extend their
possessions and influence, and that they had succeeded. The surviving Jews hated al
Aws and al Khazraj deeply. Enmity was hence deeply rooted in the hearts of both.
However, the followers of Moses were quick to realize that they neither had the
power nor the numbers needed to meet force with force, and that continuation of
such adventures would in the end result in their own extermination should al Aws
and al Khazraj ever find allies among their own coreligionists in Arabia. Hence they
changed their tactics and, instead of victory in battle, they sought to divide and
separate al Aws from al Kharzaj and cause the two tribes to hate and fight each
other. In this they succeeded far better, for the two tribes were soon at each other's
throats. Through the continuing hostility of the two Arab tribes, the Jews secured
their position, increased their trade and wealth, and reestablished the dominion,
possession, and prestige which they had once enjoyed.
The Jews' Spiritual Influences
Besides this competition for power and dominion, there is a sphere in which the Jews
exerted greater influence upon al Aws and al Khazraj than they had over any other
tribe of Arabia. That is the realm of the spirit. As adherents of a monotheistic faith,
the Jews had been castigating their idolatrous neighbors for worshipping at the feet
of idols which they took to be intercessors for them with God. The Jews had been
threatening them with the prediction that soon a prophet would arise among the
Arabs who would destroy them and ally himself to the Jews. Nonetheless, they did
not succeed in judaizing the Arabs for two reasons: the first was that perpetual
enmity between Christianity and Judaism did not allow the Jews to entertain any
hope of political dominion in Yathrib. To realize for themselves a measure of security
and prosperity through trade was the highest desideratum to which they would
aspire. The second was that the Jews had thought of themselves as God's chosen
people and objected that any other people might share with them such favored
position. They do not missionarize their faith, for they do not wish for it to include
other than their own people, the children of Israel. This notwithstanding,
neighborliness and trade between Arab and Jew enabled al Aws and al Khazraj to
become more familiar with and more prepared for spiritual and religious discussion
than other tribes. The evidence of this preparation is in the fact that nowhere had
the Arabs responded to Muhammad's spiritual call with the same understanding and
enthusiasm.
Suwayd ibn al Samit
Suwayd ibn al Samit was one of the noblest men of Yathrib. His people called him
"the perfect" for his bravery, his eloquent poetry, his great honor, and his noble
lineage. During this period Suwayd, who came to Makkah for pilgrimage, was
approached by Muhammad, who called him unto God and Islam. Suwayd said,
"Perhaps what you have, Muhammad, is like that which I have." Muhammad
answered, "What is it that you have?" He answered, "The wisdom of Luqman."
Muhammad asked him to explain this wisdom, and after hearing him, he said: "Your
words are good, but those which I have are even better. For they are a Qur'an
revealed by God to me as light and guidance." He read to him the Qur'an and called
him to Islam. Suwayd was pleased with what he heard, and said: "That is indeed
good." When he left Muhammad, he was in deep thought; there are reports that
when al Khazraj killed him he had already become a Muslim.
Iyas ibn Mu'adh
Suwayd ibn al Samit was not the only example of the spiritual influence of the Jews
upon the Arabs of Yathrib. The Jews had not only instigated the enmity of al Aws for
al Khazraj and vice versa, but fanned its flames as well. This enmity caused each of
the two hostile tribes to seek alliances with other tribes to consolidate its power. It
was in search of an alliance from the Quraysh against al Khazraj that Abu al Haysar
Anas ibn Rafi` came to Makkah with a number of men from Banu `Abd al Ashhal,
including Iyas ibn Mu'adh. After Muhammad heard of their arrival, he visited with
them for a while, calling them unto Islam and reading to them the Qur'an. When he
finished, Iyas ibn Mu'adh, still young and of tender age, rose and said:"0 my people,
this is by God far better than your religion." The delegation returned to Yathrib with
one convert to Islam, namely Iyas. Apparently, they were too busy to listen
attentively to Muhammad's preaching and too preoccupied with their war
preparations. Upon the return of Abu al Haysar and his delegation from Makkah, al
Aws engaged them in the war of Bu'ath where both parties suffered grave losses.
Nonetheless, the words of Muhammad-may God's peace be upon him-left such a
deep impression upon them that both al Aws and al Khazra. carte to see in
Muhammad a prophet, a messenger of God, and a worthy spiritual leader.
The Battle of Bu'ath
A1 Aws fought the battle of Bu'ath against al Khazraj in which both tribes gave full
vent to their chronic enmity and hostility. So fierce did the battle rage that each
party was seriously considering exterminating the enemy and finishing with the affair
once and for all if it could only achieve victory. Abu Usayd was the general not only
of the legions of al Aws but of their hate and resentment as well. In the first round of
battle, al Aws lost and they ran toward the desert for their lives. A1 Khazraj, who
accused them of cowardice, began to sing in verse of their unmanliness and
poltroonery. When Abu Usayd heard this, he plunged his own spear in his leg, fell
from his horse and shouted, "Woe! Woe! By God I shall not move from this spot until
they kill me. If you my people must forsake me, go ahead and run." Moved by this
sacrifice of their own leader, al Aws returned to the battle with such enthusiasm and
resoluteness indeed despair that they inflicted a terrible defeat upon al Khazraj.
Pressing forth against their enemy, they burnt their houses as well as their orchards
until stopped by Sa'd ibn Mu'adh al Ashhali. Indeed Abu Usayd had intended to wipe
out the Khazraj tribe completely, house by house, tree by tree, and person by
person, until not one of them remained alive. Abu Qays ibn al Aslat, however, stood
in his way and begged him to save al Khazraj saying, "They are your co-religionists ;
it would still behoove you to keep them alive. They would be better neighbors for
you than the foxes and beasts of prey of the desert."
Islamic Beginnings in Yathrib
After that day, the Jews recaptured their position of dominance in Yathrib. Both
conqueror and vanquished realized the tragedy of what they had done, and they
pondered their fate with gravity. Together they looked forward toward appointing a
king to manage their affairs, a choice to fall upon `Abdullah ibn Muhammad, of the
vanquished al Khazraj, on account of his wisdom and sound opinions. The situation,
evolved too rapidly, however, to allow a realization of this dream. A group of al
Khazraj made a pilgrimage to Makkah where, they were met by Muhammad and
asked about their affairs. The Prophet knew they were clients of the Jews. In order to
keep their clients in check, the Jews used to threaten them that a new prophet was
about to appear whom they would follow and bring to any of their enemies that
dared oppose them the total destruction which was meted out to the ancient tribes of
'Ad and Iram. When the Prophet talked to this group and called them unto God, they
looked to one another and said, "By God, this is the Prophet by whom the Jews had
threatened us. Let us acclaim him before they do." They responded favorably to
Muhammad's call, were converted, and said, "We have left our people, al Aws and al
Khazraj, who are alienated from one another and are full of hatred for one another.
Would to God that they might meet you and unite under your leadership! Should this
ever become the case, you will be the strongest man in Arabia." The group included
in their numbers two men from Banu al Najjar, the uncles of 'Abd al Muttalib, and
the grandfather of Muhammad who had protected him ever since his birth; the latter
returned to Madinah and reported to their people their conversion to the new faith.
The relatives received the news with joy and enthusiasm, for now they could boast of
a religion that made them monotheists like the Jews indeed more excellent than
they. Soon, there was no house in al Aws or al Khazraj in which the name of
Muhammad God's peace by upon him was not mentioned with reverence and awe.
The First Covenant of `Aqabah
As the year passed and the holy months and the pilgrimage season returned, twelve
men from Yathrib set out for Makkah. They met the Prophet at al 'Aqabah and
entered with him into an alliance known as "the first covenant of al 'Aqabah." In this
covenant they agreed to adhere to the absolute unity of God, neither to steal nor to
commit adultery, neither to kill their children nor knowingly to commit any evil, and
not to fail to obey God in His commandment of any good. They were satisfied that, in
case they succeeded in living the life of virtue and obedience, their reward would be
paradise; otherwise, their judgment belonged to God, His being the power to punish
as well as to forgive. On their return to Yathrib, Muhammad sent with them Mus'ab
ibn 'Umayr to teach them the Qur'an and the precepts of Islam. After this covenant,
Islam spread in Yathrib. Mus'ab resided with the Muslims of al Aws and al Khazraj
and taught them the religion of God and the revelation of truth while their numbers
increased with new converts every day. When the holy months returned, Mus'ab
traveled to Makkah and reported to Muhammad the progress of the Muslims at
Madinah in solidarity and power and informed the Prophet that a greater number of
them, surpassing their predecessors in faith, would be arriving this season to
perform the pilgrimage.
Muhammad Thinks of Emigration
Muhammad pondered the news which Mus'ab had brought for a long time. He
thought of his followers in Yathrib who were increasing in number and power and
who were progressing without let or hindrance from either Jews or others, unlike
their colleagues in Makkah who suffered from Quraysh at every turn. He thought of
Yathrib, the city of greater prosperity than Makkah on account of its large fields, its
orchards and vineyards. It must have occurred to him to ask whether it might not be
better that the Makkan Muslims emigrate to Yathrib, live with their coreligionists, and
enjoy the security they missed so much at Makkah. In all likelihood, he pondered the
observation which a member of the first group of converts from Yathrib once made,
namely, that should al Aws and al Khazraj unite under him, he would be the
strongest man in the country. Was it not better, now that God had united them
under him, that he, too, should consider to emigrate to Yathrib? Muhammad did not
want to return the injuries of Quraysh since he knew he was still weaker than they.
As for his allies, Banu Hashim and Banu al Muttalib, it is one thing for them to come
to his rescue as a sufferer of their injustice, but a totally different matter for them to
support him in a war of aggression against the Quraysh. He also pondered the fact
that Banu Hashim and Banu al Muttalib were not really capable of protecting all the
Muslims in such an open war with Quraysh. It is true that religious conviction is
man's strongest and most precious possession, for which he is prepared to sacrifice
wealth, peace, freedom and life itself. It is equally true that the nature of religious
conviction is such that physical injury inflames as well as strengthens it.
Nonetheless, it is also true that persistence of injury, suffering, and sacrifice rob the
believer of the possibility of the peaceful contemplation and precise vision necessary
for the nourishment of faith and the deepening of man's awareness of ultimate
reality. Previously, Muhammad had commanded his followers to emigrate to
Christian Abyssinia because of its sound faith and just rule. There was all the more
reason now to permit them to emigrate to Yathrib, to strengthen and be
strengthened by their fellow Muslims in order to achieve a measure of peace and
security against the evil designs of the enemy. There was all the more reason to ask
them to do so in order to give them the chance to contemplate the religious truths,
to cultivate their understanding, and to preach their faith to their fellow men. Islam
had ruled out coercion and propagated itself through gentleness, persuasion, and
conviction by argument alone.
The Second Covenant of `Aqabah
The year 622 C.E. saw a great number of pilgrims, seventy-three men and two
women, from Yathrib. When Muhammad learned of their arrival, he thought of
concluding another pact with them which would not be limited to the preaching of
Islam in the way followed during the last thirteen years. Beyond the preaching of
gentleness and forbearance and sacrifice under attack, the times and their present
dangers called for an alliance by which the Muslims would help one another to
prevent as well as to repel injury and aggression. Secretly Muhammad contacted the
leaders of the group and learned of their good preparation for a task such as this.
They agreed to meet at al `Aqabah during the night on the second day following the
pilgrimage. The Muslims of Yathrib kept this appointment secret and did not inform
the unbelievers among their own tribe. When the time came, they went to their
rendezvous with the Prophet, stealing themselves away under the cover of night.
When they reached al `Aqabah, men and women ascended the mountain and there
awaited the arrival of the Prophet.
Muhammad arrived with his uncle al `Abbas ibn `Abd al Muttalib. Al `Abbas, who
had not yet converted to Islam, knew from his nephew that this meeting was to
conclude an alliance which might incite Quraysh to a war of aggression as much as it
was designed to achieve peace and security. Muhammad had informed his uncle that
together with some members of Banu al Muttalib and Banu Hashim he had agreed
with the new group from Yathrib that they would protect him personally. Anxious to
strengthen his nephew and people against a war whose losses might fall heavily
upon Banu Hashim and Banu al Muttalib, al `Abbas sought to make sure that among
this group from Yathrib he would find real helpers and allies. Consequently, he was
the first one to open the discussion. He said, "O men from Khazraj, Muhammad's
eminence and prestige among us are known to you. We have protected him even
against those of his own people who think as highly of him as we do. Among us, he
stands strong and secure. But he insists on joining your party. If you find yourselves
capable of fulfilling toward him what you have promised, then you may proceed. But
if you would betray him and send him over to his enemies once he has joined your
party, you had better now say so and leave him alone." After hearing this speech of
al `Abbas, the men from Yathrib said, "We have heard what you said, O `Abbas,"
and turning to the Prophet, they continued, "O Prophet of God, speak out and choose
for yourself and your Lord what you desire."
Muhammad, after reciting some verses from the Qur'an, preached his faith in God in
moving terms. He then said to the men from Yathrib, "I covenant with you on the
condition that you will protect me against all, just as you would protect your women
and children." A1 Bard' ibn Ma'rur, who was chief of his people and their elder, had
entered into Islam after the first covenant of al `Aqabah. Since then he had been
fulfilling all that Islam required of him, except that he directed himself toward the
Ka'bah whenever he prayed. Muhammad and all the Muslims were in the practice of
turning their faces toward al Aqsa mosque in Jerusalem. His disagreement with his
people on the subject of the qiblah was brought to the attention of the Prophet upon
their arrival to Makkah. The Prophet enjoined al Bara not to turn his face toward the
Ka'bah during prayer. Nonetheless, it was the same al Bara who first stretched forth
his hand to covenant with the Prophet when the latter asked for the protection that
the people of Yathrib were wont to give their women and children.
Discussion before Conclusion of the Covenant
A1 Bara said, "We have covenanted with you, O Prophet of God. By God, we are men
of many wars; we are men of the sword, having inherited it from father unto son."
Before al Bard' finished his words, Abu al Haytham ibn al Tayyihan said, "O Prophet
of God, there are pacts between us and some Jews which we are going to denounce.
Should your cause succeed later or among your own tribe, would you return to them
and leave us alone?" Muhammad smiled and said, "No! Rather, your blood is my
blood and your destruction is my destruction. You are of me and I am of you. I shall
fight whomsoever you fight and make peace with whomsoever you will make peace."
The people were about to rise and give covenant to Muhammad when al `Abbas ibn
`Ubadah interrupted and said, "O men of Khazraj ! Are you fully aware of what you
are about to covenant with this man? You are about to covenant with him to make
war against all sorts of men without discrimination. If you have any fear that, should
you lose your wealth and should your leaders fall by the sword, you might betray
Muhammad, say so now and withdraw from this covenant. For if you do not and then
betray your oath, you will have lost this world as well as the next. But if you feel
certain that you can stand by him and fulfill this oath, notwithstanding the loss of
your property and the murder of your dear ones, then go ahead and covenant with
him. He is, by God, the best gain in this world and in the next."
All the people present answered together, "We take him despite all threats to
property, wealth and life. Tell us, O Prophet of God, what will be our reward' if we
remain true to this oath?" With his usual self-reliance Muhammad answered,
"Paradise." They stretched out their hands to him, and he to them, and the covenant
was concluded. Thereafter, the Prophet said, "Elect among yourselves twelve
representative who will be responsible to me regarding your behavior and conduct."
After they elected nine from al Khazraj and three from al Aws, the Prophet addressed
them in the following words: "You are the guarantors of your people, just as the
disciples were guarantors of theirs before Jesus, Son of Mary. I, for my part, am the
guarantor of my people." Such was their second covenant which included the words,
"We have covenanted to listen and to obey in health and in sickness, in fortune and
misfortune, to tell the truth wherever we might be and, at all times, to fear none in
the cause of God."
The Covenant
All this had taken place in the middle of the night atop one of the hills of al `Aqabah
in perfect isolation from the surrounding world. Only God, the covenanters felt
certain, knew what they were about. No sooner had they terminated their meeting,
however, than they heard a crier warning the Quraysh in the following words,
"Muhammad and the apostates have covenanted to make war against you." The case
of this, however, was unique. He had heard a little bit about the matter as he
traveled to al `Aqabah and, being a Qurayshi and idolater, he thought of spoiling the
arrangement of Muhammad and of frightening the Muslims by pretending everything
the Muslims did was known to their enemies. A1 Khazraj and al Aws, however, stood
firm by their covenant. Indeed, al `Abbas ibn `Ubadah told Muhammad immediately
after he heard the crier, "By God, who has sent you with the truth, if you order us to
pounce upon Mina tomorrow morning with our swords, we shall do so." Muhammad
answered, "God has not commanded us to fight. Return to your quarters." The
covenanters returned to their quarters and slept until the morning.
Quraysh and the Covenant of al `Aqabah
The morrow had hardly come when the Quraysh, learning of the new pact, was
disturbed by it. The Quraysh leaders went to al Khazraj in their own quarters and
blamed them for what they had just done. The Quraysh reiterated that they sought
no war against them and asked them why they had covenanted with Muhammad to
fight them on his side. The unbelievers of al Khazraj denied that any of this had
taken place. The Muslims, on the other hand, kept silent and were saved from
embarrassment when the Quraysh believed the claim of their coreligionists. Thus the
news was neither confirmed nor denied, and the Quraysh allowed the matter to
stand until new evidence could be brought forth. The people of Yathrib returned to
their city before the Quraysh had reached any certainty about what had happened.
When later the Quraysh did learn the truth, they ran after the people of Yathrib who
had exited the day before but could catch up with none except Sa'd ibn `Ubadah.
They took him to Makkah in chains and tortured him until Jubayr ibn Mut'am ibn
`Adiyy and al Harith ibn Umayyah ransomed him as their agent in Yathrib when they
passed by there on their way to al Sham.
Tension between the Two Parties
Neither in its fear of them nor in its attempt to catch up with the people of Yathrib,
who covenanted with Muhammad to fight against them, did the tribe of Quraysh
overestimate the danger. For thirteen long years they had known and observed
Muhammad. They had exerted enough effort in their war against Muhammad to
exhaust their own as well as Muhammad's energies. The Quraysh knew Muhammad
to be a very strong and tenacious man who held only to his God and the message He
had entrusted to him. The Quraysh knew him as an unwavering man who feared
neither harm nor death. For a moment it seemed to the Quraysh that after all the
injuries they inflicted upon him, after blockading him within Makkah, and frightening
the tribesmen enough to keep them from joining him, Muhammad's cause was about
to fall. They predicted that Muhammad's activity would henceforth be restricted to
his followers alone and that these would soon fall apart under the constant pressures
of Quraysh to seek reconciliation. The new covenant brought a new determinant into
the situation and gave Muhammad and his followers some hope of victory. It at least
strengthened their freedom to conduct their missionary activity and renew their
attack upon the idols of the Ka'bah and their worship. But who could predict what the
situation would turn out to be throughout the Arabian Peninsula after Yathrib had
come to the rescue of Muhammad and both its tribes of al Aws and al Khazraj were
united under his leadership? The Quraysh were rightly apprehensive of the future
since the covenant of al `Aqabah rendered the Muslims safe against attack and gave
them freedom to practice their new faith, to preach it to the others, and to welcome
the new converts under their protection. Quraysh thought, therefore, that unless this
movement was uprooted and destroyed completely, the future would continue to be
threatening and the victory of Muhammad would be a most disturbing possibility.
The Quraysh thought very hard how it could counterattack Muhammad and
outmaneuver him in order to destroy this latent power. He, too, gave the same
problem no less thought than did the Quraysh. He looked upon the covenant as a
gate which God had unlocked before him in order to bring power and glory to His
religion, to God's truthful words. The war between him and the Quraysh had then
reached a new level of tension by becoming a matter of life and death for both
parties. Muhammad trusted, however, that victory belonged to the truthful. He
decided to rally his people to trust in God, in utter disregard to Quraysh and its
plotting. He therefore must march forward, but with wisdom, precision, and sure
step. The new situation called for the greatest possible statesmanship and the ablest
generalship in time of battle.
The Muslims' Emigration to Yathrib
Subsequently, Muhammad commanded his companions to follow al Ansar [Literally,
"the helpers," the name given by Muhammad to the first Muslims of
Madinah who gave assistance to the cause at the time of its greatest
peril. Later on, the name was to apply to all the Muslims of Madinah in
contrast to al Muhajirun-literally, "the emigrants"-applied to those Muslims of Makkah who emigrated
before or after the Prophet to Madinah. -Tr.] in Yathrib. He ordered them to exit from Makkah in
very small groups so that they would not give cause to Quraysh to suspect or attack
them. The Muslims began their exodus individually or in small groups. When the
Quraysh realized what they were about, it began to return those whom it could catch
to Makkah to suffer punishment and torture. This Makkan countermeasure was
carried out with such zeal and determination that man and wife were separated
whenever a pair wanted to exit from Makkah. Those who disobeyed were locked up
in jail. But the Quraysh could not do more, fearful as they were of alienating the
tribes by killing their Muslim members and thereby adding to their list of enemies.
The Muslims, nonetheless, continued to exit from Makkah and to emigrate to Yathrib.
Muhammad remained where he was, nobody knowing whether he, too, was planning
to emigrate or not. None suspected him. Previously, he had permitted his
companions to emigrate to Abyssinia without going there himself; he had stayed
behind and continued to call the Makkans to Islam. Indeed, even Abu Bakr asked the
Prophet for permission to emigrate to Yathrib. The Prophet advised, "Do not hurry;
perhaps God may yet give you a companion for your trip." No more was said
regarding this matter.
The Quraysh and the Prophet's Emigration
All this notwithstanding, the Quraysh were quite apprehensive lest the Prophet
himself emigrate to Yathrib. The Muslims in that city had become so numerous that
the dominion of the city was almost theirs. The Muhajirun,[Literally, "the
helpers," the name given by Muhammad to the first Muslims of
Madinah who gave assistance to the cause at the time of its greatest
peril. Later on, the name was to apply to all the Muslims of Madinah in
contrast to al Muhajirun-literally, "the emigrants"-applied to those Muslims of Makkah who emigrated
before or after the Prophet to Madinah. -Tr.] who were arriving at Yathrib in numbers,
consolidated and increased Muslim power. Should Muhammad himself go there, the
Quraysh feared that under his wise and farsighted leadership and persistence, the
people of Yathrib might even seek to attack Makkah or, at least, to cut off their trade
route to al Sham. If this should ever become a real possibility, the Muslims would
avenge the boycott and isolation of the Muslims in kind by cutting off the Makkan
trade routes.
On the other hand, even if the Quraysh were to succeed in keeping Muhammad in
Makkah and thus prevent him from joining his companions, the Quraysh were still
exposed to the danger of the people of Yathrib's attacking them in defense of their
Prophet. Hence, the Quraysh decided that there was really no alternative but to kill
Muhammad and get rid of this persistent trouble once and for all. But in case they
did succeed in killing him, Banu Hashim and Banu al Muttalib would surely seek to
avenge his blood, and the civil war which they feared so much would break out
within Makkah and bring a greater danger than that which they feared might come
from the side of Yathrib. In al Nadwah, their community house, the Quraysh
gathered in order to find a means and solution. One of them suggested, "Let us
catch Muhammad and lock him up in jail. Then, wait to see happen to him that which
has happened to other possessed people and poets like Zuhayr, al Nabighah, and
others." This view found no supporters. Another suggested, "Let us carry him out of
our country and banish him and then forget about him altogether." This, too, found
no supporters because the Quraysh feared that Muhammad might then join his
followers in Yathrib and lead them against Makkah frightful possibility, indeed.
Finally, they concluded that the best solution is that each one of their clans delegate
a strong youth and arm him with a sharp sword so that all these delegates can kill
Muhammad together in one stroke; therefore, responsibility for his death would be
equally divided among all, thus making vengeance on the part of Banu `Abd Manaf
virtually impossible. The clan of Muhammad would then be forced to accept his
bloodwit, and the Quraysh would put an end to this instigator who had rent its unity
and sapped its power. The Quraysh thought well of this counsel and carefully chose
their executioners. They expected that the story of Muhammad was soon to come to
a close, that his cause would soon be buried and forgotten, and that those who had
migrated to Yathrib would soon return to their tribe, their former religion and gods,
and that Quraysh would resume the unity and leadership which it had almost lost.
Al Hijrah or the Prophet's Emigration
The Command to Emigrate
Muhammad discovered that the Quraysh had plotted to kill him rather than to allow
him to emigrate to Madinah where he might entrench the forces of Islam for a
resolute stand against Makkah and from where he might cut off its trade with al
Sham. No one doubted that Muhammad would hence-forth seize any opportunity to
carry out his plan for emigration. But no one knew of any plans he might have had;
not even Abu Bakr, who had been commanded to keep two beasts alert and ready
ever since he asked the Prophet for permission to emigrate and the Prophet advised
him to wait. Muhammad remained in Makkah until he learned of the Quraysh's plot
to assassinate him, and until none but the fewest Muslims were still left there with
him. He waited for the command of his Lord for emigration. When, finally, that
command did come, he went to the house of Abu Bakr and informed him of the
permission God had granted. He asked Abu Bakr to accompany him on the trip.
'Ali in the Prophet's Bed
Here begins one of the greatest adventures history has known in the cause of truth
and religious conviction. It is one of the noblest and most beautiful. Abu Bakr had
chosen his two beasts and given them to 'Abdullah ibn Urayqit to graze until the time
when they would be needed. When the two men planned to leave Makkah they were
absolutely certain that Quraysh would follow them in their trail in order to seize them
and bring them back. Hence, Muhammad decided to surprise his enemies by leaving
under circumstances and at a time hardly conceivable to them. The young men
whom the Quraysh had prepared for performing the assassination had blockaded his
house during the night in fear that he might run away. On the night of the Hijrah,
Muhammad confided his plan to 'Ali ibn Abu Talib and asked him to cover himself
with the Prophet's green mantle from Hadramawt and to sleep in the Prophet's bed.
He further asked him to tarry in Makkah until he had returned all things left with
Muhammad to their rightful owners. The Quraysh men waiting to kill the Prophet felt
reassured whenever, looking through a hole in the door, they saw somebody
sleeping in the Prophet's bed. Just before dawn, Muhammad left without being
noticed, picked up Abu Bakr at the latter's house and from there they proceeded
through a back door southward toward the cave of Thawr. The southerly direction of
their flight was inconceivable to everyone.
Nobody knew of their hiding place in the cave except 'Abdullah, son of Abu Bakr, his
two sisters, 'A'ishah and Asma', and their servant 'Amir ibn Fuhayrah. 'Abdullah
spent his day in Makkah listening to what the Quraysh said and plotted about
Muhammad and then reported it to the pair at their hideout under cover of night.
'Amir grazed the sheep of Abu Bakr and passed by the cave in the evening in order
to give them some milk and meat. Upon 'Abdullah's return from the cave, 'Amir
would follow him with all his sheep and then conceal any trace of his steps. For three
long days, the pair remained in the cave and the Quraysh persistently looked for
them without avail. For the Quraysh it was absolutely necessary to find Muhammad
and to prevent his emigration to Yathrib. Meanwhile, Muhammad spent most of his
time praying to God and invoking his blessings, and Abu Bakr continually sought to
find out whether they were being discovered and to look after their security.
The young men of Quraysh who were chosen to kill Muhammad continued their
search and came close to the cave fully armed and ready for the kill. When they
found a shepherd in the vicinity, they asked him about Muhammad and Abu Bakr. He
answered, "Perhaps they are within the cave, although I have not seen anyone go in
or out." When he heard the shepherd's answer, Abu Bakr trembled with fear and
expected the Quraysh to break into the cave any moment. He withdrew into a corner
and, trusting in God, remained motionless. Some members of the Quraysh party
climbed up to the cave, and the foremost among them turned round as soon as he
saw the cave entrance. His companions asked him, "Why have you not gone into the
cave? He answered, "Its entrance is covered with cobwebs, and there is a pair of wild
pigeons on the threshold. Obviously, no one could have gone in without disturbing
the pigeons and destroying the cobwebs." At that moment, Muhammad prayed while
Abu Bakr continued to shake with fear. To Abu Bakr, who pressed ever closer to
Muhammad, the latter whispered, "Do not grieve; God is with us." According to some
Hadith books, it is reported that when the Quraysh party arrived at the cave
entrance, Abu Bakr exclaimed: "If any one of them looks at his feet he will find us,"
and that the Prophet had answered, "O Abu Bakr, how can you fear for two men
whose constant companion is God Himself?" The Quraysh men were further
convinced that the cave was empty when they saw the entrance to the cave covered
indeed blocked with branches growing from a tree nearby. They then agreed to leave
and called one another for their return to Makkah. Only then did the two refugees
within the cave feel reassured. Abu Bakr's faith in God and His Prophet became
stronger, and Muhammad prayed: "Praise be to God! God is greater than all!"
The Miracle of the Cave
The cobwebs, the two wild pigeons, and the tree and its branches these are the miracles
which the biography books relate concerning the hiding in the cave of Thawr. The miracle
is that none of these things were there when the Prophet and his companion entered the
cave, and that thereafter, the spider hurried to weave its cobwebs, the two pigeons to
build their nest and to lay their eggs, and the tree to grow its branches around the door.
In this connection the Orientalist Dermenghem wrote, "These three things are the only
miracles recorded in authentic Mussulman history: the web of a spider, the love of a dove,
the sprouting of a flower three miracles accomplished daily on God's earth."[E. Dermenghem, op. cit., p.
149]
Some Biographers Omit the Story
This miracle received no mention in Ibn Hisham's biography. His version of the story of the
cave ran as follows: "They [Muhammad and Abu Bakr] went to the cave of Thawr, on the
south side of Makkah. Abu Bakr ordered his son `Abdullah to stay in Makkah during the
day, listen to the news of the Quraysh and bring them knowledge thereof in the evening.
He ordered his servant, `Amir ibn Fuhayrah, to continue to graze his sheep and to come
by the cave at night. Asma', daughter of Abu Bakr, brought them provisions of food in the
evening, also. The Prophet of God-may God's peace and blessing is upon him stayed in the
cave three days. The Quraysh had announced a prize of one hundred camels to whosoever
would bring back Muhammad to Makkah. `Abdullah, son of Abu Bakr, used to spend his
day in Makkah listening well to the plotting and gossip of the Quraysh, and when visiting
the pair in the evening, related the news to them. `Amir ibn Fuhayrah, servant of Abu
Bakr, used to graze the flock of sheep around Makkah and, in the evening, passed by the
cave and gave milk and meat to the pair. When `Abdullah, son of Abu Bakr, returned
home to Makkah, he was followed by `Amir ibn Fuhayrah and his sheep in order to cover
over his footprints. Three days later, when the interest of the Quraysh in this search had
subsided, the man whom Abu Bakr had appointed to graze the two camels for the trip
came with the three camels, two for Muhammad and Abu Bakr, and a third for himself . . .
." That is all that Ibn Hisham says concerning the story of the cave.
In the same connection, the following verses of the Qur'an were revealed
"When the unbelievers plotted to imprison you, to kill you or to banish you, God planned
on your behalf, and He is the best of planners. . . If you [the people] do not help
Muhammad, then know that God Will. For God helped him when the unbelievers drove him
out, and he and his companion hid in the cave. At that time, the Prophet said to his
companion, `Grieve not for God is with us.' It was then that God sent down his peace
upon him and assisted him with hosts invisible that the word of God might be supreme
and that of the unbelievers might be repudiated. God is almighty and all wise."[Qur'an, 8:30; 9:40]
The Trip to Yathrib
On the third day, when they felt certain that the Quraysh had called off the hunt for
them in the vicinity, Muhammad and Abu Bakr commanded their servant to bring
them their camels for escape. The servant managed to bring a third camel for
himself. Asma', daughter of Abu Bakr, brought them provisions. As they mounted,
they could not find ropes with which to tie their provisions of food and water. Asma'
cut her robe in two and used one hall' of it for the purpose while covering herself
with the other half. For this reason she was called "the woman with the two half
robes." Their provisions taken care of, the three men went forth. Abu Bakr carried
five thousand Dirhims, [The word is originally the Greek "drachme," a silver coin of varying value. -Tr.] which was all that
was left of his wealth. Lest the Quraysh should find them, they cautiously took an
untrodden path toward their destination. Their servant and guide, `Abdullah ibn
Urayqit, from the tribe of Banu al Du'il, headed south of Makkah and then to the
mountain range of Tihamat close by the shore of the Red Sea. From there he took an
unknown path northward parallel to the shore but far removed from it. His purpose
was always to remain off the beaten track. All night and most of the day the riders
pressed forth unaffected by fatigue or hardship, for every hardship was preferable
indeed easy by comparison to what the Quraysh was prepared to do to destroy them
and their cause! Muhammad never doubted that God would come to his help, but
God had also commanded man not to expose himself to open risks. God had
counseled that He would assist man only as long as man helped himself and his
brother. The two men were successful in their hiding in the cave. However, the
Quraysh's announcement of an hundred camel prize to whoever would bring them
back or furnish information which would lead to their capture was sufficient to
mobilize the wealth seeking Makkans for the search, even if it was a criminal one.
Still, the Arabs of Quraysh had additional motivation to conduct such a search, for
they regarded Muhammad as their enemy par excellence; and they were so
revengeful and passionate in their hate that no consideration could stop them from
exploiting the weak and injuring the harmless. Therefore, they redoubled their
attentiveness and renewed their vigor for the search.
The Story of Suraqah
Their intuition did not fail them. A man soon arrived at Makkah to report that on his
way he met three riders whom he thought were Muhammad and his companions.
Upon hearing this report, Suraqah ibn Malik ibn Ju'shum immediately said, "Those
are the sons of so and so." His purpose was to lead his companions into disregarding
the report so that he might capture Muhammad single-handed and win the prize of
the hundred camels. A moment later, he returned home, loaded himself with arms,
and ordered his servant to take his horse to the outskirts of the city so that no one
would see him go. There, he arrayed himself for battle, mounted his horse, and
galloped toward the spot where Muhammad was reported to have been seen.
Muhammad and his two companions had at that time repaired to a tree to rest a
little under its shade, to eat a meal and to replenish their energies.
The time was close to evening. Muhammad and Abu Bakr began to ready their
beasts to resume their ride. Suraqah was still as far from them as the eye could see.
Exhausted with fatigue from all its galloping, Suraqah's horse fell twice on the way.
When the travelers came into his sight, and he realized he could now capture or kill
them, Suraqah forgot that his horse had fallen twice already. He spurred it once
more and hurried it toward them. The horse fell to the ground with its rider. At this
turn, Suraqah felt very apprehensive that the gods were against the execution of his
scheme and that he might be exposing himself to grave danger should he spur his
horse forward for the fourth time. After stopping, he called to the travelers: "I am
Suraqah ibn Ju'shum. Wait for me so that I may talk to you. By God, I shall do you
neither harm or injury." When he arrived, he asked Muhammad to write him a note
with which to prove his present encounter. At the Prophet's command, Abu Bakr
wrote a note to this effect which Suraqah took and returned home. Made contrite by
his unfortunate venture, he spread the news that the riders were not Muhammad
and his party at all!
The Hardships of the Road
Muhammad and his two companions set forth toward Yathrib across mountains, hills,
and deserts whose sands were glowing with heat. Since they were off the beaten
track, they found hardly anything with which to alleviate the hardships of sun and
thirst. Furthermore, they were ever apprehensive that the Quraysh or some other
people might surprise and overtake them. Their only consolation was their patient
trust in God and the truth revealed to His Prophet. For seven consecutive days they
traveled, lying low during the heat of day and moving with great haste under cover
of night. In the stillness of night and the brilliance of its stars lay their only security
and assurance. When they reached the quarters of the tribe of Banu Sabin, where
elder chieftain Buraydah came over to greet them, their fears lessened, and for the
first time, their hearts palpitated with the hope and assurance of victory. They had
almost reached their destination.
Awaiting the Prophet in Yathrib
During Muhammad's long and exhaustive trip, the news reached his companions in
Yathrib that he had emigrated from Makkah in order to join them. Aware of the
enmity of the Quraysh and of their attempts to follow and to seize the Prophet, the
Muslims waited anxiously for his arrival and looked very much forward to hearing the
details of his escape. Many of them had never seen the Prophet before although they
had heard a great deal about his eloquence and resolution. Naturally, they were
quite anxious to meet him. We can imagine the enthusiasm of these men when we
know that a number of notables from Yathrib had followed Muhammad even though
they had never seen him before. Their knowledge of him depended on his
companions who had spoken to them of their love for him and who had been
staunchly carrying his message about.
The Spread of Islam in Yathrib
Sa'd ibn Zurarah and Mus'ab ibn 'Umayr once sat in one of the courtyards of Banu
Zafar listening to the speech of those who entered into Islam. Their news had
reached Sa'd ibn Mu'adh and Usayd ibn Hudayr, chieftains of their tribes. Sa'd said to
Usayd, as one chieftain to another, "Go out to these two men who came here to
subvert the weaklings among us. Chastise them and forbid them to come here again.
You can do this better than I because Sa'd ibn Zurarah is a cousin of mine and I
cannot be harsh enough to him." Usayd went out to seek the two men. Mus'ab said,
"Will you not sit down and listen to us? If you hear something worthwhile, accept it.
If, on the other hand, you hear something unworthy, you may put a quick end to it."
Usayd replied, "You are fair." He stuck his spear into the ground and sat down
listening to Mus'ab's preaching of Islam. No sooner had Mus'ab finished than Usayd
was converted to Islam. When he returned, his fellow chieftain, Sa'd, was annoyed at
this and sought out the two men in person. They offered him the same choice, and
he, too, was converted. Following upon this, Sa'd went to his people and said, "Oh,
Banu 'Abd al Ashhal, what do you think of me?" They answered, "You are our
chieftain, our dearest relative, our wise leader and righteous representative." He
said, "Then I shall forbid myself to speak to any of your men and women until you
believe in God and in His prophet." Banu 'Abd al Ashhal then entered into the faith
en bloc.
Islam had spread so widely in Yathrib and the Muslims had gathered so much
strength before the emigration of the Prophet that some Muslim youths were
encouraged to attack the idols of the unbelievers. Apparently Islam had enjoyed a
strength that the Muslims of Makkah had never dreamt of before. 'Amr ibn al Jamuh
had a wooden idol which he called Manat and which he kept in his house according to
the custom of the nobility, for he was one of the noblemen of Banu Salamah. When
the youths of his tribe joined Islam, they raided his house at night and, without his
knowledge, would steal away the idol and place it in the refuse dump outside the
city. In the morning, `Amr would miss his statue and look for it. When he found it,
he would cleanse, purify, and return it to its place. All along, he would curse and
threaten the offenders in the strongest terms. The youth of Banu Salamah continued
their attacks upon this idol until one day 'Amr hung his sword on the shoulder of the
statue and said to it, "If there is any power in you, there's my sword, defend
yourself." The following morning, however, he found the idol robbed of its sword and
tied to a dead dog inside an empty pit. At that moment, his people talked to him and
showed him how unworthy of man is idolatry. He was convinced and entered Islam.
With all these successes which Islam had been scoring in Yathrib, the people of
Yathrib looked forward quite eagerly to the arrival of Muhammad when they heard of
his emigration. For many days before his arrival, they went out to the outskirts of
their city at dawn to spend the morning seeking signs of the Prophet's arrival.
The month was July and the days were hot. Muhammad reached Quba', two leagues
from Madinah, [Six and a half miles south of the city. -Tr.] and stayed there four days with Abu Bakr being
constantly with him. During this interval, he founded a mosque and before he left for
Madinah, 'Ali ibn Abu Talib had joined his party. 'Ali had returned the trusts left with
Muhammad which Muhammad had asked him to return to their rightful owners, and
he came to Yathrib on foot, walking during the night and hiding during the day. He
had been on the road for two whole weeks in order to join the Prophet and his fellow
Muslims in Madinah.
Muhammad's Entry into Madinah
One day, as the Muslims waited the arrival of Muhammad, a Jew of Yathrib
announced to them, "0 People of Qaylah, your man has finally arrived." It was a
Friday, and Muhammad performed his prayer in Madinah at the mosque situated in
the valley of Ranuqna. The Muslims of Yathrib arrived there from all quarters in order
to see the man whom they had not seen, but whom they loved with all their minds
and hearts, in whose message they had believed, and whose name they had
mentioned many times in their daily prayers. A number of notables invited the
Prophet to stay in their houses and to enjoy the comforts, security, and protection of
their quarters. As Muhammad apologized, he rode his camel, which he allowed to go
free, toward the city. As it ran forth surrounded by the Muslims who opened the way
for it, the people of Yathrib, whether Jews or unbelievers, looked with surprise on the
new agitation and vitality that had suddenly seized their city. They looked at this
great visitor who was equally acclaimed by al Aws and al Khazraj, who had until
recently been death enemies of each other. No one among them apparently grasped
the new direction which history was taking at that auspicious moment, nor the great
destiny at work to make their city immortal. The Prophet's camel continued to run
until it stopped at a yard belonging to two orphans of Banu al Najjar. There, the
camel lay down and the Prophet dismounted. Upon inquiring who the owner of the
yard was, he learned from Mu'adh ibn `Afra' that it belonged to Sahl and Suhayl,
sons of `Amr, of whom he was the guardian. He asked the Prophet to build a
mosque there and made a promise to satisfy the two orphans. Muhammad accepted
the request by building his mosque as well as his living quarters there.
A map of AL Madinah al Munawwarah and vicinity
Beginning of the Yathrib Period
Explanation of the City's Welcome
Having heard the news of his emigration, of Quraysh's plot to kill
him, and of his travel in midsummer on an untrodden path ridden
with hardships across rocky mountains and valleys aglow with fire
under the torrid sun individuals and groups of men and women
went out to welcome Muhammad to their city. Excited by their
own curiosity after the spread of the news of Muhammad's
mission throughout the Arabian Peninsula, the people of Yathrib
went out to see and meet the author of this call to renounce the
holy faith and sacred beliefs of their ancestors. More importantly,
they went out to meet Muhammad and to welcome him because
his intention was henceforth to live with them in their own city.
Every clan and tribe of Yathrib well knew what political, social, and
other advantages it stood to gain should it succeed in convincing
the new guest to reside in its midst. Indeed, they went out to take
a look at this man that they might confirm their intuition
concerning him. Hence, neither the unbelievers of Yathrib nor its
Jews were any less enthusiastic than the Muslims, whether
Muhajirun or Ansar. That is why they came from all sides to walk
in his procession although each was naturally moved by different
feelings. As Muhammad allowed his camel to run loose, they
followed him in a disorderly manner; it was as if he had intended
it that way in order to give each one of them a chance to come
closer to him to take a nearer glimpse of his face. It was as if
everyone had come out in order to gather in one moment of
consciousness all that he had heard about and all that he could
see of the person to whom he had given the grand oath of
allegiance at al `Aqabah where he pledged to lay down his life
when necessary in fighting any man whatever that stood in the
way of the faith. It was, furthermore, as if everyone wanted to see
the man who taught the unity of God based upon a scientific
investigation of the cosmos and an objective search for the truth:
a doctrine for the sake of which he had abandoned his native
town, its people, and borne their enmity and harm for some
thirteen consecutive years.
Buildings of the Prophet's Mosque
We have seen that the Prophet's camel stopped in the courtyard
of Sahl and Suhayl. The Prophet bought the land in order to build
his mosque there. While the mosque was being erected, he stayed
in the house of Abu Ayyub Khalid ibn Zayd al Ansari. In the
construction of the mosque, Muhammad worked with his own
hands as did the Muslims, whether Muhajirun or Ansar. When the
mosque was completed, they built on one side of it living quarters
for the Prophet. These operations did not over-tax anyone, for the
two structures were utterly simple and economical. The mosque
consisted of a vast courtyard whose four walls were built out of
bricks and mud. A part of it was covered with a ceiling made from
date trunks and leaves. Another part was devoted to shelter the
poor who had no home at all. The mosque was not lit during the
night except for an hour at the time of the night prayer. At that
time some straw was burned for light. Thus it continued to be for
nine years, after which lamps were attached to the tree trunks on
which stood the ceiling. The living quarters of the Prophet were no
more luxurious than the mosque although they had to be more
closed in order to give a measure of privacy.
Upon completion of the building, Muhammad left the house of Abu
Ayyub and moved into the new quarters. He began to think of this
new life which he had just initiated and the wide gate it opened
for his mission. The various tribes and clans of this city were
already competing with one another; and they differed among
themselves in ways and for reasons unknown to any Makkan. Yet
it was equally obvious that they all longed for peace and freedom
from the differences and hostilities which had torn them apart in
the past. Moreover, they were ambitious for and willing to build a
peaceful future capable of greater prestige and prosperity than
Makkah had ever enjoyed. That is not to say that these matters
concerned Muhammad in the least. Rather, his concern, whether
immediate or ultimate, was the conveyance of the message God
had entrusted to him. The people of Makkah had resisted that
message with every weapon they knew, and their hostility
prevented its light from shining in the hearts of most men. The
injury and harm the Quraysh were wont to inflict upon anyone
who ventured into the new faith was sufficient to prevent
conversion of those who were not yet convinced of its truth and
value. Hence it was a cardinal need that Muslims as well as others
feel certain that whoever followed the new guidance and entered
into the religion of God was absolutely secure against attack. This
precaution was necessary in order to confirm the believers in their
faith and to enable the weak, the fearful, and the hesitant to enter
into the faith with confidence. This consideration preoccupied
Muhammad as he moved to the security of his new home in
Yathrib. In the years to follow, it constituted the cornerstone of his
policy. All biographies have emphasized this orientation of
Muhammad's policies. At the time, he thought of neither property,
nor wealth, nor trade, but only of realizing the security of his
followers and their right to worship as they pleased on an equal
footing with men of other faiths. It was absolutely necessary that
the Muslim, the Jew, and the Christian have an equal opportunity
in their exercise of religious freedom as well as in their freedom to
hold different opinions and to preach their own faiths. Only such
freedom can guarantee victory for the truth and progress of the
world toward perfection in the higher unity of mankind. Every war
against this freedom furthers the cause of falsehood. Every
limitation of it gives power to the forces of darkness to cut off the
light shining within the soul calling man to unity with mankind and
the world to an eternal bond of harmony and love instead of
alienation, war, and extinction.
Muhammad's Aversion to War
Ever since the Hijrah, revelation persistently confirmed this orientation of
Muhammad and caused him strongly to incline toward peace, away from fighting,
hostility or war. It made him regard fighting as the last resort in defense of this
freedom and this faith. When, at the cry of the Qurayshi spy, the people of Yathrib
who pledged to him their allegiance at the second al `Aqabah meeting proclaimed,
?By God who sent you as a messenger of the truth, if you wish us to pounce on the
quarter of Mina tomorrow morning with swords drawn, not one of us will stay
behind,? did Muhammad not respond: ?God has not commanded us to fight?? Did
not the first verse granting such authority say: "Permission to fight is granted to
those who are being fought, for they suffer injustice, and God is certainly capable of
coming to their assistance"?[Qur'an, 22:39]. Was not this verse immediately
followed by the revelation,
"And fight them until all persecution has stopped and religion has become all
God's"[Qur'an, 8:39]
Muhammad's thought was then guided by one final objective, namely, the guarantee
of freedom of religion and thought. It was for the sake of this freedom alone that
fighting was permitted. It was in its defense that repulsion of the aggressor was
allowed, that no one might be persecuted on account of his faith and that no
injustice might befall anyone because of his faith or opinion.
The Thinking of Yathrib
While Muhammad was occupied by this line of thought and pondered over the
measures necessary for guaranteeing this freedom, the people of Yathrib entertained
different ideas. Each clan and party followed a line of thought peculiar to itself. The
Muslims were either Muhajirun or Ansar; the unbelievers belonged to either al Aws or
al Khazraj and were committed to a long history of mutual hostility, as we have
shown earlier. There were also the Jews, of whom the Banu Qaynuqa` lived within
the city, the Banu Qurayzah in the suburb of Fadak, the Banu al Nadir, nearby, and
those of Khaybar toward the north. As for the Muslims, Muhammad feared that,
despite the strongest ties with which the new religion had bound them together, the
old hatred and prejudice might some day break out anew between them. The
unbelievers, from al Aws or al Khazraj, were exhausted by the previous wars; they
found themselves situated, in the new configuration of society, between the Jews
and the Muslims. The unbelievers' strategy concentrated on dividing Jew and Muslim
and pulling them farther apart. The Jews, for their part, gave Muhammad a good
welcome in the hope of winning him over to their side. Their strategy demanded that
they make use of the new unity of the Peninsula which he could help forge to bolster
their opposition to Christendom. For to avenge their banishment from Palestine, the
land of promise, and their national home, was the guiding concern of the Jews who
saw themselves as God's chosen people. Each group followed its own train of
thought and began to seek the means to realize its objective.
Muslim Brotherhood
At this time a new stage, unlike any other prophet before him, began in the career of
Muhammad. Here began the political stage in which Muhammad showed such great
wisdom, insight, and statesmanship as would arrest attention first in surprise and
then in awe and reverence. Muhammad's great concern was to bring to his new
home town a political and organizational unity hitherto unknown to Hijaz, though not
to ancient Yaman. He consulted with Abu Bakr and `Umar, his two viziers, as he
used to call them. Naturally, the first idea to occur to him was that of reorganizing
Muslim ranks so as to consolidate their unity and to wipe out every possibility of a
resurgence of division and hostility. In the realization of this objective, he asked the
Muslims to fraternize with one another for the sake of God and to bind themselves
together in pairs. He explained how he and 'Ali ibn Abu Talib were brothers, how his
uncle Hamzah and his client, Zayd, were also brothers, as were likewise Abu Bakr
and Kharijah ibn Zayd, and `Umar ibn al Khattab and `Itban ibn Malik al Khazraji.
Despite the Muhajirun's rapid increase in number, following the emigration of the
Prophet, everyone of them was now bound to a member of al Ansar group in a bond
of mutual assistance. The Prophet's proclamation in this regard transformed that
bond into one of blood and real fraternity. A new, genuine brotherhood arose which
forged the Muslim ranks into an indivisible unity.
The Traders
A1 Ansar showed their Muhajirun brethren great hospitality which the latter had first
accepted with joy. For when they emigrated from Makkah, they had left behind all
their property, wealth, and goods and entered Madinah devoid of the means with
which to find their food. Only `Uthman ibn `Affan was able to carry with him enough
of his wealth to be prosperous in his new residence. The others had hardly been able
to carry much or little that was of use to them. Even Hamzah, the Prophet's uncle,
had one day to ask the Prophet to give him some food to eat. `Abd al Rahman ibn
`Awf and Sa'd ibn al Rabi` were bonded together in brotherhood. The former had
nothing. The latter offered to split his wealth with him. `Abd al Rahman refused and
asked that he be shown the market place. There he began to sell cheese and butter
and in short time achieved a measure of affluence fair enough to enable him to ask
the hand of a Madinese woman as well as to send caravans in trade. Many other
Muhajirun followed the example of `Abd al Rahman; for, the Makkans, it should be
remembered, were quite adept in trade. Indeed, they were so expert at it that it was
said of them that they could by trade change the sand of the desert into gold.
The Harvest
Those who could not engage in trade such as Abu Bakr, `Umar, 'Ali ibn Abu Talib and
others, took to farming on the land owned by al Ansar under the system of
sharecropping. Another group of truly helpless people, with a past full of suffering
and hardship, put their hand to menial jobs, preferring hard labor to living as
parasites on the earnings of others. Despite their meager earnings, they found
consolation in the new peace and security of their own persons and of their faith.
There was yet another group of emigrants so poor and helpless that they could not
find even a place to sleep. To these, Muhammad permitted the use of the covered
part of the mosque during the night. That is why they were called "Ahl al Suffah,"
"suffah," meaning the covered area of the mosque. To these, Muhammad assigned a
ration from the wealth of the more affluent Muslims, whether Ansar or Muhajirun.
Muhammad's Friendliness to the Jews
By this new brotherhood, Muhammad achieved an operational Muslim unity.
Politically, it was a very wise move destined to show Muhammad's sound judgment
and foresight. We shall better appreciate its wisdom when we learn of the attempts
to divide al Aws against al Khazraj, and al Ansar against al Muhajirun. The politically
greater achievement of Muhammad was his realization of a unity for the, city of
Yathrib as a whole, his construction of a political structure in which the Jews entered
freely into an alliance of mutual cooperation with the Muslims. We have already seen
how the Jews gave Muhammad a good welcome in the hope of winning him as an
ally. He, too, returned their greeting with like gestures and sought to consolidate his
relations with them. He visited their chiefs and cultivated the friendship of their
nobles. He bound himself to them in a bond of friendship on the grounds that they
were scripturists and monotheists. So much had Muhammad defended the Jews that
the fact that he fasted with them on the days they fasted and prayed toward
Jerusalem as they did increased his personal and religious esteem among them.
Everything seemed as if the future could only strengthen this Muslim Jewish
friendship and produce further cooperation and closeness between them. Similarly,
Muhammad's own conduct, his great humility, compassion, and faithfulness, and his
outgoing charity and goodness to the poor, oppressed and deprived, as well as the
prestige and influence which these qualities had won for him among all the people of
Yathrib-all these enabled him to conclude the pact of friendship, alliance, and
cooperation in the safeguarding of religious freedom throughout the city. In our
opinion, this covenant is one of the greatest political documents which history has
known. Such an accomplishment by Muhammad at this stage of his career had never
been reached by any prophet. Jesus, Moses, and all the prophets that preceded them
never went beyond the preaching of their religious messages through words and
miracles. All of them had left their legacy to men of power and political authority who
came after them; it was the latter who put their powers at the service of those
messages and fought, with arms where necessary, for the freedom of the people to
believe. Christianity spread at the hands of the disciples of Jesus and after his time,
but only in extremely limited measure. The disciples as well as their followers were
persecuted until one of the kings of the world favored this religion, adopted it, and
put his royal power behind its missionary effort[The allusion here is to
Conszantine who began to show favors toward Christianity in 312 C.E.
and decreed the Edict of Toleration in 313. He supported both
paganism as well as Christianity. To the end of his life he bore the title
of pontifex maximus, being the chief priest of the pagan state cult and
classed among the gods by the Roman Senate. He was not baptized
until the latter part of his life. -Tr.]. All other religions in the East and the
West have had nearly the same history, but not the religion of Muhammad. God
willed that Islam be spread by Muhammad, and that the truth be vindicated by his
hand. He willed Muhammad to be prophet, statesman, fighter, and conqueror, all for
the sake of God and the truth with which he was commissioned as prophet. In all
these aspects of his career Muhammad was great, the exemplar of human
perfection, the typos of every realized value.
The covenant of Madinah concluded between Muhajirun and Ansar on one side and
Jews on the other, was dictated by Muhammad. It was the instrument of their
alliance which confirmed the Jews in both their religion and position in society, and
determined their rights as well as their duties. Following is the text of this important
document:
"In the name of God, the compassionate, the merciful. This is a covenant given by
Muhammad to the believers and Muslims of Quraysh, Yathrib, and those who
followed them, joined them, and fought with them. They constitute one Ummah to
the exclusion of all other men. As was their custom, the Muhajirun from Quraysh are
bound together and shall ransom their prisoners in kindness and justice as believers
do. Following their own custom, Banu `Awf are bound together as they have been
before. Every clan of them shall ransom its prisoners with the kindness and justice
common among believers. [The text here repeats the same prescription concerning
every clan of the Ansar and every house including Banu al Harith, Banu Sa'idah,
Banu Jusham, Banu al Najjar, Banu `Amr ibn `Awf and Banu al Nabit.] The believers
shall leave none of their members in destitution without giving him in kindness what
he needs by way of ransom or bloodwit. No believer shall take as an ally a freedman
of another Muslim without the permission of his previous master. All pious believers
shall rise as one man against whosoever rebels or seeks to commit injustice,
aggression, sin, or spread mutual enmity between the believers, even though he
may be one of their sons. No believer shall slay a believer in retaliation for an
unbeliever; neither shall he assist an unbeliever against a believer. Just as God's
bond is one and indivisible, all believers shall stand behind the commitment of the
least of them. All believers are bonded one to another to the exclusion of other men.
Any Jew who follows us is entitled to our assistance and the same rights as any one
of us, without injustice or partisanship. This Pax Islamica is one and indivisible. No
believer shall enter into a separate peace without all other believers whenever there
is fighting in the cause of God, but will do so only on the basis of equality and justice
to all others. In every military expedition we undertake our members shall be
accompanied by others committed to the same objective. All believers shall avenge
the blood of one another whenever any one of them falls fighting in the cause of
God. The pious believers follow the best and most upright guidance. No unbeliever
shall be allowed to place under his protection against the interest of a believer, any
wealth or person belonging to Quraysh. Whoever is convicted of killing a believer
deliberately but without righteous cause, shall be liable to the relatives of the killed.
Until the latter are satisfied, the killer shall be subject to retaliation by each and
every believer. The killer shall have no rights whatever until this right of the
believers is satisfied. Whoever has entered into this covenant and believed in God
and in the last day shall never protect or give shelter to a convict or a criminal;
whoever does so shall be cursed by God and upon him shall the divine wrath fall on
the day of judgment. Neither repentance nor ransom shall be acceptable from him.
No object of contention among you may not be referred to God and to Muhammad,
may God's peace and blessing be upon him, for judgment. As the Jews fight on the
side of the believers, they shall spend of their wealth on equal par with the believers.
The Jews of Banu Aws are an Ummah alongside the believers. The Jews have their
religion and the Muslims theirs. Both enjoy the security of their own populace and
clients except the unjust and the criminal among them. The unjust or the criminal
destroys only himself and his family. The Jews of Banu al Najjar, Banu al Harith,
Banu Sa'idah, Banu Jusham, Banu al Aws, Banu Tha'labah, Jafnah, and Banu al
Shutaybah-to all the same rights and privileges apply as to the Jews of Banu Aws.
The clients of the tribe of Tha'labah enjoy the same rights and duties as the
members of the tribe themselves. Likewise, the clients of the Jews, as the Jews
themselves. None of the foregoing shall go out to war except with the permission of
Muhammad, may God's peace and blessing be upon him though none may be
prevented from taking revenge for a wound inflicted upon him. Whoever murders
anyone will have murdered himself and the members of his family, unless it be the
case of a man suffering a wrong, for God will accept his action. The Jews shall bear
their public expenses and so will the Muslims. Each shall assist the other against any
violator of this covenant. Their relationship shall be one of mutual advice and
consultation, and mutual assistance and charity rather than harm and aggression.
However, no man is liable to a crime committed by his ally. Assistance is due to the
party suffering an injustice, not to one perpetrating it. Since the Jews fight on the
side of the believers they shall spend their wealth on a par with them. The town of
Yathrib shall constitute a sanctuary for the parties of this covenant. Their neighbors
shall be treated as themselves as long as they perpetrate no crime and commit no
harm. No woman may be taken under protection without the consent of her family.
Whatever difference or dispute between the parties to this covenant remains
unsolved shall be referred to God and to Muhammad, the Prophet of God, may God's
peace and blessing be upon him. God is the guarantor of the piety and goodness that
is embodied in this covenant. Neither the Quraysh nor their allies shall be given any
protection. The people of this covenant shall come to the assistance of one another
against whoever attacks Yathrib. If they are called to cease hostilities and to enter
into a peace, they shall be bound to do so in the interest of peace. If, on the other
hand, they call upon the Muslims to cease hostilities and to enter into a peace, the
Muslims shall be bound to do so and maintain the peace except when the war is
against their religion. To every smaller group belongs the share which is their due as
members of the larger group which is party to this covenant. The Jews of al Aws, as
well as their clients, are entitled to the same rights as this covenant has granted to
its parties together with the goodness and charity of the latter. Charity and goodness
are clearly crime and injury, and there is no responsibility except for one's own
deeds. God is the guarantor of the truth and good will of this covenant. This
covenant shall constitute no protection for the unjust or the criminal. Whoever goes
out to fight as well as whoever stays at home shall be safe and secure in this city
unless he has perpetrated an injustice or committed a crime. God grants His
protection to whosoever acts in piety, charity and goodness."
New Horizons in Political Life
The foregoing political document, which Muhammad wrote down fourteen centuries
ago, establishes the freedom of faith and opinion, the invioliability of the city, human
life, and property, and the forbiddance of crime. It certainly constitutes a
breakthrough in the political and civil life of the world of that time. For that age was
one in which exploitation, tyranny, and corruption were well established. Though the
Jews of Banu Qurayzah, Banu al Nadir, and Banu Qaynuqa` did not sign this
covenant at its conclusion, they did enter later on into like pacts with the Prophet.
Thus Madinah and all the territories surrounding it became inviolate to their peoples
who were now bound to rise to their defense and protection together. These peoples
were now bound to guarantee one another in the implementation of the covenant, in
the establishment of the rights arising there from, and in the provision of freedom it
has called for.
The Prophet's Marriage to `A'ishah
Muhammad was satisfied with the result of his negotiations. The Muslims felt secure
in their religion and began to practice its duties and precepts as individuals and
groups in public, without fear of attack or harm from any source. At this time
Muhammad married `A'ishah, daughter of Abu Bakr, who was then ten or eleven
years old. She was a beautiful, delicate, and amiable young girl, emerging out of
childhood and blossoming into full womanhood. Although she was fully grown, she
was still quite attracted by amusement and play. She had a room of her own near
that of Sawdah alongside the mosque. In Muhammad, she found not only a
sympathetic and loving husband but also a compassionate father who was not at all
offended by her inclination to play games and amuse herself with trifles. On the
contrary, she was for him a source of relaxation from the continuous tension
imposed upon him by his great burden to which the government of Yathrib had just
been added.
Adhan or the Call to Prayer
It was during this interval in which the Muslims felt secure in their religion that the
duties of zakat, fasting, and legal sanctions of Islam were imposed and its dominion
was firmly established in Yathrib. Ever since Muhammad arrived in Madinah,
whenever the time of prayer came, the people assembled around the Prophet
without call. It occurred to him to have the Muslims called for prayer by means of a
horn, following the style of the Jews, but he found the idea unbecoming. He had also
thought of using the clapper, in the manner of the Christians. After consulting `Umar
and a number of Muslims, according to one report, and by the command of God,
according to another, he changed his idea to the Adhan and commanded `Abdullah
ibn Zayd ibn Tha'labah : "Get up with Bilal and dictate the call to prayer to him, but
let him deliver it forth for he has a more beautiful voice than yours." A woman of
Banu al Najjar owned a house next door to the mosque which was higher than the
latter. Bilal used to ascend to the roof of that house and deliver the call to prayer
from there. Thus the people of Yathrib all began to hear the call to prayer many
times a day beginning at dawn. The Islamic call to prayer was equally a call to Islam
sung beautifully by a beautiful voice and carried on the waves of the air unto all
corners of the horizon. It was a call which penetrated the ear of life itself. It said,
"God is greater. God is greater. I witness that there is no God but God. I witness that
Muhammad is the Prophet of God. Rise to prayer. Rise to felicity. God is greater. God
is greater. There is no God but God." Henceforth, the Muslims' fears were dissipated
and they felt secure. Yathrib became Madinah al Nabiy or "the City of the Prophet."
While the non-Muslim inhabitants began to fear Muslim power knowing well that it
stemmed from the depth of hearts which had tasted sacrifice and persecution for the
sake of faith, the Muslims collected the fruits of their patience and enjoyed their
religious freedom. There peace and freedom were now made constitutional by the
Islamic principles that no man has any authority over any other, that religion belongs
to God alone, that service is to Him alone, that before Him all men are absolutely
equal, and that nothing differentiates them except their works and intentions. In
Madinah, the atmosphere was finally cleared of all impediments, and Muhammad
openly proclaimed his teachings. The theater was ready and the stage was set for
Muhammad to constitute by his conduct the ideal exemplification and embodiment of
these teachings and principles, and for his laying down the foundation stone of
Islamic civilization.
Brotherhood: Foundation of Islamic Civilization
The rock bottom foundation of Islamic civilization is human brotherhood, a
brotherhood under which man does not become truly human until he has loved for
his brother what he loves for himself and implemented this love by deeds of
goodness and mercy without weakness or servility. A man once asked Muhammad,
"Which Islam is better?" Muhammad answered, "That you give food to the needy and
that you greet those whom you know as well as those whom you don't." He opened
the first sermon he delivered in Madinah with the statement, ?Whoever can protect
his face from the fire even with a basket of dates, let him do so; and whoever does
not find even that much, then let him do so with a good word, for the good word
brings a reward ten times greater than itself.? In his second sermon he said,
"Worship God and do not associate any being with Him. Fear and revere Him as He
ought to be feared and revered. Be true unto Him by saying always the best than
can be said. Love one another in the spirit of God. God is displeased whenever His
covenant is violated." By this and like exhortations, Muhammad used to counsel his
companions and preach to the people in his mosque, leaning against one of the date
trunks supporting the ceiling. Later on, he ordered a pulpit of three steps to be made
for him, the first to stand upon when delivering a sermon and the second to sit down
upon.
Muslim Brotherhood
The brotherhood which Muhammad made the cornerstone of Islamic civilization did
not rest on his preachings alone. It was embodied in its highest perfection in his
deeds and concrete example. True, he was the Prophet of God, but he consistently
refused to adopt any of the appearances of power, authority, kingship, or temporal
sovereignty. He emphatically repeated to his companions, "Do not praise me as the
Christians have praised the son of Mary, for I am but the servant of God. Rather, call
me the servant of God and His Prophet." Once, he arrived at a gathering of his
companions leaning on a stick and they all rose up in respect for him. He said, "Do
not stand up for me as the Persians do in aggrandizement of one another."
Whenever he joined his companions, he always sat at the edge of the space they
occupied. He used to joke and mix with them, to talk to them about their own
affairs, to pamper and coddle their children, and to answer the call of freeman,
slave, maid servant and destitute alike. He used to visit the sick in the farthest
district of Madinah, to take the initiative in greeting whomever he met, and to
stretch his hand in welcome to his visitors. No man came to visit Muhammad and
found him in prayer but he shortened his prayer, .attended to his visitor and
returned to his prayer after the visitor had left. He was the most charitable of
people, always smiling in the face of everyone except when revelation came to him
or when he delivered a speech or a sermon. In his home, he felt no superiority over
the members of his family. He washed his own robe and mended it by his own hand.
He milked his own goat, repaired his own sandals, attended to himself and to his
camel, ate with his servant, and fulfilled the request of the weak, the oppressed and
the destitute. Whenever he found somebody in need, however lowly or plebeian, he
preferred to attend to him first rather than to himself or to his family. That is why he
never saved anything for the morrow, and when he died his shield was in possession
of a Jewish pawnbroker as lien for a loan made to Muhammad to spend on his family.
He was exceedingly modest and extremely loyal. When a deputation from the Negus
of Abyssinia arrived to see him, he rose to serve them. His companions sought to
stop him, but he said to them: "The Abyssinians were kind to our companions when
they went to their country; I would like to treat them likewise and reward them." He
was so loyal to Khadijah that whenever she was mentioned he gave her the best of
praises so that `A'ishah used to say, "I have never been jealous of a woman as I
have been of Khadijah for all that I have heard the Prophet praise her." Once when a
woman came to him, he rose to greet her, spoke to her gently, and attended to her
pleas; people asked him who she was. He answered, "She used to befriend us in the
days of Khadijah; loyalty to one's friends is of the faith." Indeed, he was so
compassionate and gentle that he did not mind his grandsons' playing with him
during his prayer. Once, he even prayed while Umamah, his granddaughter through
Zaynab, sat on his shoulders and had to be put down when he prostrated himself.
Muhammad's Kindness to Animals
His kindness and mercy, on which he founded the new Islamic civilization, were not
limited to man alone but extended to animals. Muhammad used to rise and open the
door for a cat seeking to enter. He attended with his own hands to a sick rooster and
rubbed down his own horse with his own sleeve. When `A'ishah rode on an obstinate
camel and began to pull him hardly, he said to her, "Softly and gently please." Thus
his kindness and mercy embraced all that ever came in touch with him every
creature that sought to stand near his person.
The Brotherhood of Justice and Mercy
Muhammad's mercy did not proceed from weakness or servility, nor was it ever
vitiated by pride, haughtiness, or the expectation of gratitude. It was done purely for
the sake of God. Hence, nothing was excluded from it. This kindness differentiates
the foundation of the civilization of Islam from all other civilizations. Islam puts
justice side by side with kindness and judges that kindness is not kindness without
justice.
"Whoever commits an aggression against you, return to him his aggression in like
manner.? [Qur'an, 2:194]
"In punishment a whole life lies implicit, O you who have minds to reason
with!?[Qur'an, 2:179]
Kindness is felicitous and the good deeds that issue from it are praiseworthy only
when the motivation is internal, the will is free, and the purpose is the seeking of
God's sake alone. Kindness should proceed from a strong soul that has known no
submission to anything but God, has not succumbed to weakness, does not go to
extremes in the name of piety, and knows no fear or contrition except on account for
a misdeed it has done or a crime it has committed. As long as the soul is under alien
dominion, it can never be strong; it can never be strong, either, if it stands under
the dominion of its own passions and desires. Muhammad and his companions
emigrated from Makkah precisely in rebellion against the dominion of Quraysh who
attempted to weaken their souls by means of dominion and the injuries it
perpetrates. On the other hand, the soul is said to be under the dominion of passions
and desires whenever the body's demands take precedence over those of the spirit,
when passion vanquishes reason, when external life exerts any power over internal
lifeline short, when the soul does not know that it has no need of either passion or
desire and is really their final master.
Muhammad's Power to Surmount Life
Muhammad provided the highest example of the power to overcome life. He
achieved such a degree of mastery over life that he did not hesitate to give all that
he had whenever he wanted to give. A contemporary of Muhammad once said of
him, "Muhammad gives as if he has no fear of want at all." In order not to allow
anything to exercise any power over him but rather to enable himself to determine
it, Muhammad led a very ascetic life. Despite his strong desire to know the secrets of
life and understand its structure, he was quite contemptuous of its joys and
attractions. He slept in a bed of palm fibers; he never ate his fill; he never ate barley
bread on two consecutive days, gruel being his main daily meal together with dates.
Neither he nor his family had ever had enough tharid[A dish made out of layers
of bread often topped with meat, rice, and soaked with gravy. -Tr.]. He
felt the pangs of hunger more than once, and learned to press a stone against his
stomach as a means to silence those pangs. This remarkable restraint, however, did
not prevent his enjoying the delicacies of God's bounty if such were available, and he
was known to love to eat leg of lamb, squash, honey, and other sweets.
In his dress he was as ascetic as he was in his food. His wife once gave him a new
robe because he was in need of one. One of his companions asked him for something
with which to shroud a dead relative, and Muhammad gave him the new robe he had
just received. His wardrobe consisted of shirts and robes made out of wool, cotton,
or linen. But on special occasions he had no objection to wearing a luxurious robe
from Yaman should it be called for. He used to wear a simple sandal, and he did not
wear slippers until the Negus of Abyssinia sent him some together with other clothes.
Muhammad's denial of the world and its luxuries was not pursued for its own sake.
Nor was it a duty imposed by religion. The Qur'an said: "Eat of the delicacies of
God's providing," and "Do seek the other world in what God has given you of this,
but do not give up your share of this world. Do good, as God has done good to
you."[Qur'an, 2:57; 28:77]. In the traditions of the early Muslims it is said,
"Work for this world as if your life in it is eternal; work for the other world as if you
were to die tomorrow." Certainly Muhammad sought to give mankind the highest
possible example of a mastery of life absolutely free of weakness, in which no goods,
wealth, or power dedicated to another being beside God could have any effect. When
brotherhood is based upon such a power over life and its attractions issue into such
exemplary deeds as Muhammad had done, it is pure, candid, and has no other object
whatever besides the lofty fraternalism of man and man. In it, justice dovetails with
mercy, and the subject is not determined except by his own free and deliberate
judgment. Islam places both mercy and forgiveness side by side with justice. It
insists that if they are to be themselves at all, mercy and forgiveness must issue
from power. Only then will their purpose be the genuine good of the neighbor and his
reconstruction.
The Sunnah of Muhammad
The foundation for a new civilization which Muhammad laid down was expressed very
succinctly in a report by 'Ali ibn Abu Talib. He asked the Prophet of God concerning
his Sunnah, and the latter replied: ?Wisdom is my capital, reason the force of my
religion, love my foundation, longing my vehicle, the remembrance of God my
constant pleasure, trust my treasure, mourning my companion, knowledge my arm,
patience my robe, contentment my booty, poverty my pride, asceticism my
profession, conviction my strength, truthfulness my intercessor, obedience my
argument, holy war my ethics, prayer my supreme pleasure.?
Beginning of Jewish Fears
Muhammad's teachings, example, and leadership had the deepest effect upon the
people. Large numbers of men joined the ranks of Islam and their conversion
consolidated and increased Muslim power in Madinah. It was at this stage that the
Jews began to rethink their position vis- is Muhammad and his companions. They
had concluded a pact with him and were still ambitiously hoping to win him over to
their side in order to increase their power against the Christians. Muhammad,
however, was becoming more powerful than both Christians and Jews, and his
command was growing in effect and application. Muhammad had even begun
thinking of Quraysh, of their banishment of him and the Muhajirun from Makkah, and
of their forced conversion of some Muslims to the old idolatry. It was at this time
that the Jews asked themselves whether they should let his call, spiritual power, and
authority continue to spread while remaining satisfied with the security they enjoyed
under his protection and the increased trade and wealth which his peace had brought
to their city. Perhaps they might have done so had they felt certain that his religion
was not going to spread in their midst and their own men would not abjure the
exclusivism of Jewish prophethood and the people of Israel to convert to Islam. A
great number of their priesthood and a learned rabbi, `Abdullah ibn Salam,
approached the Prophet and announced to him his conversion as well as that of his
own household. `Abdullah himself feared the calumny of the Jews and their
defamation of him should they learn of his conversion. He therefore asked the
Prophet to inquire of them about him, before any of the Jews had learned of his
conversion. The Jews answered Muhammad, " `Abdullah ibn Salam is our master,
son of our master, our priest, and learned rabbi." When, however, `Abdullah went
back to them as a Muslim and called them to Islam, they attacked him and spread in
the Jewish quarters of Madinah all sorts of calumnies against him. This was the event
which triggered their suspicions of Muhammad and their denial of Muhammad's
prophethood. Those members of al Aws and al Khazraj tribes who never entered
Islam or who did so in hypocrisy or for an ulterior purpose were quick to rally around
the Jews once their opposition to Muhammad and to Islam began to crystallize.
The War of Words between Muhammad and the Jews
A war of words between Muhammad and the Jews, which proved to be greater and more
sinister than that which raged between Muhammad arid Quraysh, followed ibn Salam's
conversion. Unlike the hostility with Quraysh, the new war in Yathrib witnessed the
connivance of treason, deception, and scriptural knowledge for the attack against
Muhammad, his message, and his companions, whether Muhajirun or Ansar. The Jews sent
some of their rabbis to feign conversion to Islam in order to enter Muslim ranks and
councils. While showing all piety, these rabbis were commissioned to disseminate doubt and
suspicion of Muhammad among his own people. They asked Muhammad questions which
they thought might shake the Muslims' conviction and arouse doubt in the message
Muhammad was teaching. A number of hypocrites from al Aws and al Khazraj tribes joined
Islam for the same purpose. Both Jews and unbelievers, however, reached such levels of
deception that they denied either Torah or God in order to ask Muhammad, "If God created
creation, who then created God?" Muhammad used to answer them with the divine verses:
"Say, `God is One, the Eternal. He was not born, nor did He give birth to anyone. None is
like unto Him.'[Qur'an, 112:1-3]. The Muslims soon detected their purpose and
uncovered their attempts. When some of them plotting in secrecy in one of the mosque's
corners were discovered one day by the Muslims, Muhammad had to command that they be
expelled from the mosque. However, their efforts to split Muslim ranks continued. A Jewish
leader called Shas ibn Qays passed one day by a group of al Aws and al Khazraj tribesmen
enjoying one another's company in good harmony. He remembered how they were once
divided and warring against each other, and thought that should the Banu Qaylah[Le., al
Aws and al Khazraj.] remain united in this territory the Jews would not be able to live in
peace for long. He therefore instructed a young Jew who frequented their sessions to seek
an opportunity to arouse memories of the Day of Bu'ath when al Aws vanquished al Khazraj.
The youth did speak and recalled the memory of that war and succeeded in arousing the old
pride and hatred of the two tribes, convincing some that a return to that dies nefastus was
possible as well as desirable. When Muhammad learned of this, he hurried with his
companions and reminded the divisive elements how Islam had sweetened their hearts and
made of them mutually loving brethren. Muhammad continued to talk to them, emphasizing
their Islamic unity and brotherhood until their tears ran down in emotion and they embraced
one another.
The war of words between Muhammad and the Jews increased in intensity. The evidence
therefore is what the Qur'an has to say about it. The first eighty-one verses of Surah "al
Nisa'," mention the people of the book, their denial of their own scripture, and condemns
their unbelief and denial in strong terms
"Verily, We revealed to Moses the scripture and called after him messengers to follow in his
footsteps. To Jesus, Son of Mary, We gave manifest signs and We strengthened him with the
spirit of holiness. `Will you then, O Jews, every time a prophet comes to you with what you
yourselves do not like take to false pride and arrogantly belie some and kill others?' They
rationalize and seek to excuse themselves by admitting to dimness of vision. God, however,
curses them for their disbelief. Little are they convinced of the truth! And when the book
which came from God and which confirmed their own scripture was brought to them and
invoked for their benefit they denied it. Hitherto they were boasting of such revelation and
deriding the unbelievers for never receiving any. Now that the same truth which they had
known beforehand has come to the believers from God they reject it. God's wrath will surely
fall upon the unbelievers.?[Qur'an, 2:87-89]
The Story of Finhas
Sometimes, controversy and argument between Jews and Muslims reached such a
level of intensity that the participants attacked each other. In order to appreciate
how provocative the Jews were in their war of words against the Muslims, suffice it
to remember the story of Finhas. The gentleness, patience, and largezcr de coeur of
Abu Bakr are proverbial. And yet he too could and did lose his temper. He once
talked to Finhas calling the latter unto Islam. Finhas answered, "By God, 0 Abu Bakr,
we do not need God. Rather, it is He who needs us. It is not I who pray to Him, it is
He who prays to us. We are self-sufficient and He is not. If God were self-sufficient,
He would not borrow our wealth as your Prophet claims. If He were truly not in need
of us, He would not have prohibited usury to you and allowed it to us." Finhas was
actually referring to the Qur'anic verse which said: "Will you then lend God a good
loan which He will repay to you many times over?"[Qur'an, 2:245]. At this point in
the conversation, Abu Bakr lost his patience and struck Finhas on the face saying,
"By God, were it not for the covenant between your people and mine, I would have
struck your head off, 0 enemy of God." The said Finhas took his complaint to the
Prophet and denied his blasphemy. It was then that this verse was revealed: "God
has heard those who said, `He is poor and we are rich.' On the day of judgment,
God will remember this as well as their murder of the prophets. Then will he say:
"Taste the punishments of hell.?[Qur'an, 3:181]
Not satisfied with their attempt to divide the Muhajirun and Ansar, al Aws and al
Khazraj, in order to dissuade the Muslims from their religion and return them to
idolatry without ever seeking to convert them to Judaism the Jews even tried to trap
Muhammad himself. A number of their rabbis, elders, and noblemen went to him one
day and said: "You know who we are and you know well our prestige with our
people. You know that if we should follow you, the Jews would do likewise. Would
you then not help us against our people by giving a verdict in our favor when we
bring to you our litigation with them to arbitrate? If you do, we shall then follow you
and believe in you. At this the following divine words were revealed
"Judge between them by that which God has revealed, and do not follow their
desires. Take care lest they sway you away from some of the revelations made to
you. If they turn away from you, know that God is punishing them for some of their
misdeeds. Most of them are immoral. What? Do they seek judgment on the basis of
the idolatrous principles of pre-Islam? Is not God's judgment preferable? But they
are people devoid of certain knowledge."[Qur'an, 5:49-50]
Orientation to the Ka'bah in Prayer
By this time, the Jews had lost their patience and began to plot against Muhammad, They
sought to get him to leave Madinah as the Quraysh had succeeded in causing him and his
companions to leave Makkah. Their method, however, was different. They said to
Muhammad that each and every prophet hitherto had gone to Jerusalem and there
established his residence. They challenged him by asserting that if he were a true prophet,
he would only do as his predecessors had done in considering Madinah only as an
intermediate station between Makkah and the city where al Aqsa Mosque stood. Muhammad,
however, did not have to think hard to realize that they were plotting against him. It was
then, seventeen months after his emigration from Makkah, that God commanded him to
orient himself in prayer toward the holy mosque, the house of Ibrahim and Isma'il. It was
then that the verse was revealed: "We see your yearning for a direction to take in prayer. Let
us then guide you to a direction that you will accept. Orient yourself in prayer toward the
holy mosque of Makkah, and wherever you may be, turn your face toward it.?[Qur'an,
2:144]. The Jews condemned Muhammad for this and sought to trap him once more. They
went to him pleading that they would all enter into his faith if he would but return to
Jerusalem, his old direction in prayer. In this connection, God revealed the following verses
"Some foolish people will ask, `What caused them to change their old orientation?' Say: `To
God belongs the East as well as the West. He guides unto His straight path whomsoever he
wills." Thus We have caused you to be a nation following the course of the golden mean,
witnessing unto mankind and witnessed to by the Prophet. The whole question of the
orientation in prayer was intended by us to sift the true believers from the apostates and
deceptors. To change orientation is a big travail only to those who have missed the divine
guidance."[Qur'an, 2:142-143]
The Christian Delegation from Najran
While the war of words was raging between Muhammad and the Jews in full intensity, a
delegation from the Christians of Najran consisting of sixty riders arrived in Madinah. Among
them were some of the nobles, learned men, and religious leaders of the tribe whom the
emperors of Byzantium had been protecting, encouraging, financing, and assisting in the
building of churches. Perhaps this delegation arrived in Madinah after they learned of the
conflict between Muhammad and the Jews with the hope of adding fuel to the fire so that
neighboring Christendom, whether in al Sham or in Yaman, might relax and feel safe from
Jewish plots and Arab aggression. The three scriptural religions thus confronted one another
in Madinah. The delegation entered with the Prophet into public debate and these were soon
joined by the Jews, thus resulting in a tripartite dialogue between Judaism, Christianity and
Islam. The Jews were obstinately denying the prophethood of Jesus as well as of Muhammad,
as we have seen earlier, and pretending that Ezra was the son of God. The Christians were
defending trinitarianism and the divinity of Jesus. Muhammad was calling men to recognize
the unity of God and the spiritual unity of mankind. Most Jews and Christians asked
Muhammad which prophets he believed in. He answered: "We believe in God, in what has
been revealed to us, to Ibrahim, Isma'il, Ishaq, Ya'qub, and his children. We believe in what
has been revealed to Moses, to Jesus, as well as in all the revelations which the prophets
have received from their Lord. We do not differentiate between them. And we have submitted
ourselves to God."[Qur'an, 2:136]. Muhammad criticized both Jews and Christians in very
strong terms for their compromise of the monotheistic faith that God is one, for tampering
with the words of God in their scriptures, and for interpreting them in ways violating the
understanding of the prophets whose prophethood they themselves acknowledged. He
criticized them for asserting that the revelation of Jesus, Moses, and their predecessors in
prophethood differed in many essential matters from his own revelation. In support of this,
Muhammad argued that what those prophets had received from God was the same eternal
truth as that revealed to him. Being the truth, its light shines forth clear and distinct, and its
content is majestic and simple to any researcher submitting to none but God and to anyone
capable of seeing the world as a connected and integrated unity rather than as ephemeral
intimations of desire, passion, and ulterior motives. Being the truth, it must be readily
recognized by the man liberated from blind submission to old wives' tales or to the sanctified
legends of the fathers and ancestors. By nature, such truth must be open and possible for
everyone to perceive.
Congress on the Three Religions
This was a truly great congress which the city of Yathrib had witnessed. In it, the three
religions which today dominate the world and determine its destiny had met, and they did so
for the greatest idea and the noblest purpose. It had neither political nor economic aims, but
stood beyond the materialistic objectives which our present world is anxiously, yet so vainly
trying to realize. The objective of the congress was purely spiritual. Whereas in the case of
Christianity and Judaism the spiritual objective was backed or motivated by political,
capitalistic, and worldly ambitions, Muhammad's spiritual purpose was pure and advocated
for the sake of humanity as a whole. It was God that gave this purpose of Muhammad's its
form, and this same form was proclaimed not only to the Jews but to the Christians and all
mankind. Muhammad was commanded to address the delegates of both faiths,
"Say, `O People of the Book, come now to a fair principle common to both of us, that we do
not worship aught but God, that we do not associate aught with Him and that we do not take
one another as lords besides God.' But if they turn away, then say, `Bear witness that we are
Muslims.?[Qur'an, 3:64]
Withdrawal of the Christian Delegation
What can Jews, Christians, or any other people say of this call to worship none but
God, to associate none with Him and never to take one another as lords besides
God? The spirit which is sincere and truthful, which is endowed with reason and
candid emotion cannot but believe in this call and in it alone. But human life is not
entirely dominated by such noble dispositions. There is yet the materialistic
consideration. Man is indeed weak; and it is this inclination to material gain which
causes him to subject himself to the dominion of another man for material
advantage. Man suffers terribly from false pride, his considerateness, self-respect
and reason are destroyed thereby. It was this materialistic ambition for wealth,
worldly prestige and social eminence that caused Abu Harithah, the most learned of
the people of Najran, to tell a friend of his that he was perfectly convinced of the
truth of which Muhammad was teaching. When that friend asked him why he did not
then convert to Islam, he answered: "I cannot do so on account of what my people
have done to me. They have honored, financed, and respected me; and they insist
on differing from him. Should I follow him, they would take away from me all this
that I now have."
It was to this message that Muhammad summoned Jews and Christians alike. Muslim
relationships with the former were already under the governance of the Covenant of
Madinah. Those of the latter depended upon the Christians' response to Muhammad's
invitation. Though they did not join Islam at this time, the Christians resolved neither
to oppose Muhammad nor the missionary activity of his followers. Appreciating the
perfect justice of Muhammad's new order, they asked him to appoint for them a
Muslim to act as judge in their own disputes at home. Muhammad sent with them
Abu `Ubaydah ibn al Jarrah, who was vested with the proper judicial authority.
Rethinking the Problem of Quraysh and Makkah
Muhammad continued to consolidate the civilization for which his teaching and
example provided the foundation. Together with his Muhajirun companions, he
thought over the problem of Quraysh, which had vexed them ever since their
emigration. The Muslims were moved by many considerations. In Makkah stood the
Ka'bah, the house of Ibrahim, pilgrimage center to them as well as to all the Arabs.
Until their exile, they had performed this sacred duty in season, every year. In
Makkah too many of their friends, relatives, and loved ones had stayed behind and
were still practicing the old idolatry. In Makkah, their wealth, worldly goods, trade,
and properties were still under the jurisdiction of the Quraysh. Madinah itself was
struck with epidemic diseases which attacked the Muslims and inflicted upon them
great suffering; indeed, the very trip to Madinah on foot and without provisions had
so worn them out that they entered the city on their first arrival already diseased
and exhausted. This hard journey had naturally increased their longing for their
hometown. Moreover, they did not leave Makkah of their own accord but under
compulsion and full of resentment for their overlords who threatened them with all
kinds of punishments and sanctions. It was not in their nature to suffer such
injustices or to submit to such tyranny for long without thinking of avenging
themselves. Besides these determinants, there was the natural motivation of longing
to return to one's homeland, to one's home where one was born and grew up. There
was the natural longing for the land, the plain, and the mountains, the water and the
vegetation, all of which had constituted their earliest associations, friendships, and
love. The land in which he grows and to which he returns at the end of his life has a
special appeal for man. It determines his heart and his emotion and moves him to
defend it with all his power and wealth as well as to exert all possible effort indeed
his life -for its guardianship and well being. It is to the land from which we came out,
as it were, that we want to return and be buried in at death. This natural feeling
added a degree of intensity to the other emotions. Indeed, the Muhajirun could
never forget Makkah nor stop thinking about the problem of their relation with the
Quraysh. From the very nature of the case, and after thirteen long years of
persecution and conflict in which they held their ground firmly, the Muslims could not
possibly entertain any ideas of withdrawal or giving up. The religion itself to which
they had converted and for the sake of which they had emigrated did not approve of
weakness, despair, servile submission, or the patient bearing of injustice. Although it
was strongly opposed to aggression and condemned it in no uncertain terms, and
although it called for and promoted fraternity and brotherhood, it demanded that
man rise up to the defense of his person, of his dignity, of the freedom of religion,
and the freedom of homeland. It was for this defense and purpose that Muhammad
concluded with the Muslims of Yathrib the great covenant of al `Aqabah. Now the
question posed itself how may the Muhajirun fulfill this duty imposed upon them for
the sake of God, His holy house, and their beloved homeland, Makkah? Toward the
realization of this objective will the policy of Muhammad and of the Muslims now
turn. This objective was to preoccupy them all until the conquest of Makkah had
been achieved, and the religion of God, and the truth which it proclaimed, had
become supreme.
The First Raids and Skirmishes
Muslim Policy in Madinah
The Muslims were all well settled in Madinah only months after the Hijrah. Their longing for Makkah
increased with every new day, as they thought of their loved ones whom they had left behind, of
their property and wealth which they had forsaken, and of the injuries which the Quraysh had
inflicted upon them in the past. What they would now do was for them a constant question. The
majority of historians think that the Muslims, led by Muhammad, thought of avenging themselves
on the Quraysh and of declaring war against them. Some even claim that the Muslims had thought
of declaring this war ever since they arrived in Madinah, and that if they had not opened hostilities
at that time it was because they were preoccupied with the business of settling down and
organizing their own lives. They reasoned that Muhammad had concluded the great covenant of al
`Aqabah precisely in order to wage war against all opponents and that it was natural for his and his
companions? attention first to fall upon the Quraysh-a fact proven by Quraysh?s own mobilization
upon hearing of the conclusion of the said pact.
The First Raids
This general hypothesis of the historians is supposedly proved by events which took place eight
months after the Hijrah of Muhammad. The Prophet then sent his uncle Hamzah ibn `Abd al
Muttalib with forty riders from the Muhajirun, rather than the Ansar, to the seacoast near al `Is
where Abu Jahl ibn Hisham was camping with three hundred Makkan riders. Hamzah was just about
to enter into battle with the Quraysh force when Majdiy ibn `Amr al Juhani, who was in peaceful
relation with both parties, interfered to separate them before the battle had begun. At the same
time, Muhammad sent `Ubaydah ibn al Harith with sixty riders from the Muhajirun to go to a well in
the valley of Rabigh in Hijaz where they met more than two hundred riders led by Abu Sufyan. The
Muslim forces withdrew without engaging the enemy, except for the report that Sa'd ibn Abu
Waqqas shot one single arrow, later to be called, `the first arrow shot in the cause of Islam.' It is
also reported that Muhammad had sent Sa'd ibn Abu Waqqas to lead a number of Muhajirun riders
(eight according to one version and twenty according to another) into the Hijaz, but he returned
without engaging the enemy.
Raids Led by the Prophet
As further evidence to all the foregoing it is said that the Prophet himself had
undertaken the leadership of the raids on al Abwa' twelve months after the Hijrah
and appointed Sa`d ibn `Ubadah as his vice-regent in Madinah during his absence.
In their search for the Quraysh as well as the Banu Damrah, the Muslims reached
Waddan. They did not meet any man from Quraysh on that expedition, but they did
succeed in winning Banu Damrah as allies. A month later, Muhammad led a force of
two hundred riders from both the Muhajirun and Ansar camps with Buwat as their
objective, where a caravan of 1,500 camels accompanied by one hundred riders
under the leadership of Umayyah ibn Khalaf was reported to be passing. No
engagement took place because the caravan had taken an untrodden, unknown
route. Two or three months after Muhammad's return from Buwat by way of Radwa,
he appointed Abu Salamah ibn `Abd al Asad to take his place in Madinah while he
and more than two hundred Muslim riders went on an expedition to `Ushayrah in the
district of Yanbu`. There he spent the whole month of First Jumada and a few days
of Second Jumada of the second year .A.H. (October 623 C.E) waiting for a Quraysh
caravan headed by Abu Sufyan to pass, without success, for it had already gone
earlier. During his stay in the area, he concluded a pact of friendship with the tribe of
Banu Mudlaj and their allies from Banu Damrah. He had hardly spent ten days in
Madinah after his return when Kurz ibn Jabir al Fihri, an ally of Quraysh, raided the
camels and cattle of Madinah. The Prophet immediately led a force after him,
appointing Zayd ibn Harithah as his representative during his absence. The force
marched until it reached a valley called Safawan in the district of Badr and again
missed their objective, the said Kurz ibn Jabir al Fihri. It is to this raid that
biographers refer as the first raid of Badr.
The Historians' View of the First Raid
Does not all this constitute evidence that the Muhajirun as well as Muhammad
sought first of all to avenge themselves on the Quraysh and to open hostilities
against them? There is full evidence, according to these historians, that for these
expeditions and raids the Muslims had two objectives: first to seize the caravans of
the Quraysh, on their way to or from al Sham during the summer, in order to take
possession of the goods which they carried; second to cut off the Quraysh caravan
routes to al Sham. This latter goal was to be achieved by concluding covenants and
pacts with the various tribes settled along these routes. Thus, it would be all the
easier and safer for the Muhajirun to attack these caravans without fear of detection
or attack from the local inhabitants, and the caravans themselves would then be at
the total mercy of the Muslims. The raids which the Prophet sent out under the
leadership of Hamzah, `Ubaydah ibn al Harith, and Sa'd ibn Abu Waqqas, as well as
the pacts of friendship and peace which he concluded with Banu Damrah, Banu
Mudlaj, and others, confirmed this second objective and proved that the Muslims had
definitely aimed at cutting the road to al Sham for the Quraysh and Makkah.
Our View of These Raids
That by means of these raids, begun six months after their settlement in Madinah
and undertaken by the Muhajirun alone, the Muslims sought to wage war against
Quraysh and to attack its caravans is an opinion which cannot be accepted without
hesitation and scrutiny. The expedition of Hamzah did not consist of more than thirty
men, that of `Ubaydah, sixty, that of Sa'd eight, according to one version, and
twenty according to another. The number of fighters assigned by the Quraysh to the
protection of their caravan was in each case many times the number of riders the
Muslims had sent out. Moreover, ever since Muhammad emigrated to Madinah and
began to forge a chain of alliances around the city, the Quraysh multiplied the
number of escorts for their caravans and improved their weapons. Whatever the
personal courage of Hamzah, `Ubaydah, and Sa'd among the leaders of those
expeditionary forces of the Muhajirun, their military equipment was not such as
would encourage them to make war. They were satisfied with threatening the
Quraysh rather than engaging them in battle. The only exception to this was the
single arrow shot by Sa'd, as reported above.
Exposure of Quraysh's Trade to Danger
The caravans of Quraysh were protected by escorts of the people of Makkah who
were related to many Muhajirun as members of the same tribe, the same house and
clan, and often the same family. It was not easy, therefore, for them to decide to
enter into an engagement in which members of the same tribe, clan, and family
would kill one another and then expose to retaliation all their fellow tribesmen on
each side, in fact to expose the whole of Makkah and Madinah at once to the lex
talionis of the desert. Hardly any change affected the inability and unwillingness of
Muslims and others to launch a civil war which both parties had ably struggled to
avert for thirteen long years, from the commission of Muhammad to prophethood to
the day of his emigration to Madinah. The Muslims knew too well that the covenant
of al `Aqabah was a defensive one which both al Aws and al Khazraj had undertaken
to protect Muhammad. These tribes of Madinah have never agreed either with
Muhammad nor with anyone else to commit aggression on anyone. It is not possible,
therefore, to accept the view of the earliest historians, who did not begin to write the
history of the Prophet until two centuries or so after his death, that the first raids
and expeditions had actually been intended for fighting. Hence, we must understand
these events in a more reasonable way to harmonize with what we know to have
been the policy of the Muslims in this early period of Madinah, and to be consistent
with the Prophet's policy of common understanding, mutual friendship, and cooperation to obtain religious freedom for all.
It is more likely, therefore, that these early expeditions had only psychic objectives,
and were meant to press home to the Quraysh the realization that their own interest
demanded that they come into some kind of understanding with the Muslims. The
Muslims were, after all, their own people, compelled to migrate from their own city
to escape the persecution so far inflicted. Rather than to bring war and hostility,
these expeditions were intended to put an end to the old hostility, to guarantee to
the Muslims the freedom they sought for calling men to their religion, and to ensure
for Makkah the security it needed for its caravans to al Sham. This trade, in which
both Makkah and Ta'if were involved and which Makkah used to carry on with the
south as well as with the north, had built up large interests and businesses. Some
caravans consisted of two thousand camels or more, and carried a load whose value
amounted to fifty thousand Dinars.[A dinar is a golden coin, equivalent to
twenty silver dirhims. -Tr.]. According to the estimates of the Orientalist,
Sprenger, the annual exports of Makkah amounted to 250,000 Dinars or 160,000
gold pounds. If the Quraysh could be made to realize that this precious trade and
wealth were exposed to danger by their own sons who had migrated to Madinah,
perhaps they might be inclined to reach an understanding with the Muslims in order
to grant them the freedom to preach their faith, visit Makkah, and perform the
pilgrimage, which was all they really sought. Such an understanding was not
possible, however, unless the Quraysh were brought to realize that their emigrant
sons were capable of impeding that trade and inflicting some material harm. To my
mind, this explains the return of Hamzah and his riders without battle after their
encounter with Abu Jahl ibn Hisham on the seacoast when Majdiy ibn `Amr al Juhani
intervened between him and the Quraysh. It also explains the fact of the small
numbers of riders which the Muslims sent on these expeditions in the direction of the
trade routes of Makkah. Otherwise, it would be unreasonable that the Muslims go out
to war in such small numbers. This also explains Muhammad's alliances of peace
which he concluded with the tribes settled along the routes of these caravans while
Quraysh persisted in its hostility toward the Muhajirun. Apparently, Muhammad had
hoped that the news of these alliances would reach the Quraysh and cause them to
reconsider their position and, perhaps, open the road to some understanding.
Al Ansar and Offensive Attack
The foregoing hypothesis is corroborated by a very reliable tradition to the effect that
when the Prophet, may God's blessing be upon him, went with his men to Buwat and
to al `Ushayrah, a great number of Ansar from Madinah accompanied him. These
Ansar had covenanted with him for his protection, not in order to launch any
offensive attack against anyone. This point will become clear when we study the
great battle of Badr. There, Muhammad hesitated whether or not to permit the
fighting to take place until the people of Madinah had clearly agreed to join that
specific sortie. Although the Ansar saw no violation of their covenant with
Muhammad if the latter entered into other covenants of peace and friendship, they
were not thereby committed to join him in a war against Makkah which no Arab
morality or custom would approve. The effect of the alliances which Muhammad
concluded with the tribes settled along the trade route was surely that of
endangering Makkan trade. But how far removed is such an attempt from declaring
and entering into a full scale war! We may conclude, therefore, that the views that
Hamzah, `Ubaydah ibn al Harith, and Sa'd ibn Abu Waqqas were sent to fight the
Quraysh, and that their expeditions should be called military raids, are unsound and
unacceptable. Likewise, the view that Muhammad had gone to al Abwa, Buwat, and
al `Ushayrah for purposes of war is refuted by the considerations we have just
given. The fact that such a view is held by the historians of Muhammad does not
constitute a sound argument because the said historians did not write until toward
the end of the second century A.H. Furthermore, the said historians were looking at
these events as they occurred after the great battle of Badr. Hence, they looked
upon them as preliminary skirmishes preceding that great battle and leading toward
it. It was a natural mistake for them to add these sorties to the list of battles the
Muslims fought during the Prophet's lifetime.
Nature of the Madinese
A large number of Orientalists have perceived these facts and realized their
opposition to the said claim, although they did not expressly say so in their works.
We are moved to accredit them with this realization despite their following the
Muslim historians in their general attribution to Muhammad and the Muhajirun of the
intention to make war against Makkah from the first days of residence in Madinah.
They point out that these early expeditions were, rather, intended as raids on the
caravans to rob their goods, and they argue that this kind of robbery was embedded
in the nature of the people of the desert and that the Madinese were attracted by
prospective booty to cooperate in violation of their pledge at al `Aqabah. This is
spurious reasoning, of course, and to be rejected outright. The people of Madinah
were not people of the desert living on robbery and raids. Rather, like the people of
Makkah, they had other sources of income and were motivated the same way as all
settled people who live on agriculture and trade. Such people do not make war
except for an extraordinary and stirring purpose. On the other hand, the Muhajirun
were entitled to seize Quraysh goods in retaliation for the goods which the Quraysh
had seized from them. But they did not have recourse to such action before the
battle of Badr. This was not, therefore, the reason for those expeditions. Besides,
fighting had not yet been permitted in Islam. Neither Muhammad nor his companions
could have indulged in it for the nomadic purpose erroneously explained by the
Orientalists. Fighting was permitted in Islam, and carried out by Muhammad and his
companions, in order to stop their being persecuted for their faith and to have all the
freedom they needed to call men to it. Later, when we see the details and the proofs
of this, it will become clear that in all these alliances Muhammad's purpose was the
consolidation of the defense of Madinah. The objective was to remove Madinah
beyond any design the Quraysh might have against its Muslim inhabitants.
Muhammad could not have forgotten that the Makkans once sought to extradite the
Muslims from Abyssinia. At that time, Muhammad did not see any objection at all to
entering into a treaty of peace with Quraysh. Such a treaty would have stopped
persecution, given him the freedom to call unto the new faith, and to witness for God
unto all men.
Threat to the Jews
Perhaps, too, by these expeditions and armed sorties, Muhammad sought to warn
the Jews of Madinah and the neighboring area. We have already seen how, upon
Muhammad's arrival at Madinah, the Jews hoped to bring him into alliance with them
and how, after befriending him and pledging to honor his freedom to practice and
preach the new religion, they had begun to oppose and plot against him. In fact, no
sooner had Muhammad settled down and the prospects of Islam had begun to
improve, than the Jews, for their part, began their undeclared war against him. Their
opposition and hostility were never open. Above all, they feared lest any harm might
befall their trade; and, although they had fanned and fueled the fires of civil war in
the past, they adeptly avoided every possible involvement. Henceforth, their
covenant with Muhammad at least prevented them from any such open involvement;
and they recoursed to every hidden way to instigate enmity and hostility between
the Muhajirun and Ansar so as to revive the old hatreds between al Aws and al
Khazraj by reminding them of the day of Bu'ath in reciting the war poetry which had
been composed on that occasion.
Jewish Plots
The Muslims realized what the Jews were about, for the latter were neither gentle
nor discrete. Their instigation was always overdone. The Muslims accused those who
entered into the Covenant of Madinah of hypocrisy, and classified them with the
munafiqun.[Munafiqun, literally, the pretenders; applied to the insincere
idolaters who joined the ranks of Islam for ulterior motives. -Tr.]. Some
Jews were once violently expelled from the mosque, and were later isolated and
boycotted. After failing to convince them of the truth of Islam, the Prophet, may
God's blessing be upon him, let them alone. But to let them alone religiously did not
mean that they should be allowed to instigate the Muslims to a civil internecine war.
Politically speaking, it was not enough to warn them and to warn the Muslims of their
instigation. It was necessary to impress them with the fact that the Muslims were
sufficiently strong to stamp out any such war as the Jews were instigating as well as
to uproot its causes. A good way for pressing this realization upon them was the
sending out of Muslim forces on military expeditions in all directions on condition that
such sorties entail no actual fighting and no military setback. This account seems to
be factual, for men like Hamzah, whom we know to have been quick to fly into a
rage, turned around in front of the enemy without engagement. The appearance of
an honored friend asking for peace is not enough to separate two parties either of
which is bent upon fighting. Rather, non-engagement was a deliberate and carefully
laid out plan. Its specific purpose was on one side to threaten and warn the Jews,
and, on the other, to seek an understanding with the Quraysh to let the religious call
take its course freely, without impediment or recourse to war or fighting.
Islam and Fighting
This peaceful show of strength by Islam does not at all mean that Islam, at that
time, forbade fighting in defense of personal life and of religion, or to put a stop to
persecution. Indeed, Islam did not. Rather, it imposed such defense as a sacred
duty. What it did really mean at that time, as it does today or will ever do, was to
condemn any war of aggression. "Do not commit any aggression," God commands.
He counsels, "God does not love the aggressors."[Qur'an, 2:190] If, at that time,
the Muhajirun felt justified in seizing the property of the Quraysh in retaliation for
the latter's confiscation of their property when they emigrated, they certainly
realized that to protect the Muslims against apostasy from their faith was a greater
duty in the eyes of God and His Prophet. The latter was the main purpose for the
sake of which God had permitted the Muslims to fight at all.
`Abdullah ibn Jahsh's Expedition
The proof of the foregoing contention may be found in the expedition of `Abdullah
ibn Jahsh al Asadi, who was sent by the Prophet of God at the head of a number of
Muhajirun in the month of Rajab of the second year A.H. The Prophet gave him a
document and asked him not to look at it until two days after the start of his
journey. He was then supposed to follow its instructions without forcing any of his
companions to comply with them. Two days after he started off, `Abdullah, having
unsealed the document, read the following instructions: "As soon as you have read
this document, proceed to Nakhlah between Makkah and Ta'if, and there seek to
learn for us the news of the Quraysh and their movements." When his companions
learned that they were under no compulsion to go along with him, they all decided to
do so except for Sa'd ibn Abu Waqqas al Zuhri and `Utbah ibn Ghazwan, who
preferred to look, on their own, for some of their camels which the Quraysh had
seized. `Abdullah and his companions proceeded as instructed. At Nakhlah, they saw
a donkey caravan carrying trade goods for the Quraysh which were guarded by `Amr
ibn al Hadrami. The date was the end of the month of Rajab. Remembering the old
persecutions of the Quraysh and the latter's seizure of their wealth and property,
`Abdullah ibn Jahsh, after consulting with his Muhajirun companions, said: "Surely, if
you allow the caravan to pass through tonight unmolested, they will reach the holy
territory tomorrow and will thereby become forbidden to you. And yet, if you kill
them today, you will have killed them in the holy month when killing is forbidden."
The hesitant Muslims were afraid to attack the caravan; but, encouraging one
another, they agreed to kill whomever they could and to seize the goods in his
possession. One of them shot an arrow at `Amr ibn al Hadrami and killed him. The
Muslims captured two men from the Quraysh.
Sedition Greater Than Murder
`Abdullah ibn Jahsh arrived in Madinah together with the two Quraysh captives and the
donkey caravan loaded completely with goods. He had already earmarked one-fifth of the
booty to the Prophet. But when the Prophet saw them, he said: "I have not instructed you to
fight during the holy months." He stopped the caravan in its place as well as the two captives
and refused to take any part of the booty. He castigated `Abdullah ibn Jahsh and his
companions and, later on, they were further scolded and punished by their fellow Muslims for
what they had done. The Quraysh seized the opportunity to spread the propaganda
everywhere that Muhammad and his companions had violated the sanctity of the holy month
by having killed, robbed and captured. The Muslims of Makkah answered that the event had
taken place not in the holy months but during the following month of Sha'ban. The Jew;
immediately joined the chorus of Quraysh propaganda with the hope of engaging the Muslims
in a war with the Quraysh over a case in which the Muslims were apparently in the wrong
according to Arabian custom. It was then that God revealed ' he judgment
"They ask you concerning the holy month whether or not fighting is permitted therein.
Answer: `to fight therein is a grave misdeed. But to impede men from following the cause of
God, to deny God, to violate the sanctity of the holy mosque, to expel its people from its
precincts is with God a greater wrong than fighting in the holy month. Moreover, to divide the
community of Muslims against itself is greater yet. Your enemies continue to fight you by all
these means in order to compel you to abjure your religion."[Qur'an, 2:217]
This revelation brought the Muslims relief, and the Prophet accepted his share of the booty.
When the Quraysh sought to ransom the two captives, the Prophet answered: "We shall not
accept your ransom for the two captives unless you return our two men whom you have
captured, namely Sa'd ibn Abu Waqqas and `Utbah ibn Ghazwan. If you kill them we shall
likewise kill your two men." Sa'd and `Utbah were returned and the two Quraysh captives
were released. One of them, al Hakam ibn Kaysan, was immediately converted to Islam and
spent the rest of his life in Madinah. The other returned to Makkah where he remained to the
end.
It is well worth our while to pause here for further consideration of the evidence which this
expedition of `Abdullah ibn Jahsh and the Qur'anic verse, which was revealed in that
connection, furnish for our generalization concerning the political theory of Islam. The event
occurs as it were at the very crossroads of the development of Islamic policy. In kind, it is
new. It points to a spirit strong in its nobility, human in its strength, a spirit which orders the
material, moral, and spiritual aspects of life very strictly while enhancing man's quest of
perfection. The Qur'an answered the question of the idolaters concerning whether or not
fighting is permissible in the holy months and approved their view that it is a grave misdeed.
But it also warned against something yet greater in its evil and immorality: that is to impede
men from following the path of God and to deny Him, to stop men from entering the holy
mosque, to expel the worshipers therefrom, or to sway and lure man away from his religion by
promise, threat, bribery, and persecution. All these are greater misdeeds than fighting during
the holy months or any months. The Quraysh and the idolaters who blamed the Muslims for
killing during the holy months were themselves still fighting the Muslims by these means in
order to compel them to renounce their religion. If the Quraysh and the idolators perpetrated
all these misdeeds together, the victims of their misdeeds cannot be blamed for fighting during
the holy months. Rather, the real misdeed is that of perpetrating these evils during the holy
month against the innocent and the peaceful.
The Qur'an and Fighting
Fitnah, or sedition, is a greater crime than murder. It is a right, nay a duty, of
whosoever witnesses it, whether perpetrated against an individual or a whole
community, to take up arms and fight for the sake of God and thus put an immediate
end to it. It is here that the Orientalists and the missionaries raise their eyebrows
and voices, shouting: "Do you see? Here is Muhammad agreeing that his religion
actually calls to war, to jihad in the cause of God, that is, to compel man by the
sword to enter into Islam. Isn't this precisely what is meant by fanaticism? Now
contrast this with Christianity, which denies fighting and condemns war, which calls
for peace and advocates tolerance, which binds men in bonds of brotherhood in God
and in Christ . . . ." In arguing this point I do not wish to mention the statement of
the New Testament, "I have not come to send peace but a sword . . . ."[Matthew,
10:34] Nor do I want to analyze the meanings implicit in such statements. The
Muslims understand the religion of Jesus only as interpreted by the Qur'an. Rather, I
want to begin by refuting the claim that Muhammad's religion calls for fighting and
coercion of men into Islam. That is a false accusation denied by the Qur'anic
judgment:
"There is no compulsion in religion-the truth is now distinct from error;" as well as by
the command, "Fight in the cause of God those who fight you, but do not commit
any aggression. God does not love the aggressor."[Qur'an, 2:256, 190]
The same directives are contained in a number of other verses.
War in the Cause of God
Jihad, or war for the sake of God, is clearly defined in the verses which we have
mentioned and which were revealed in connection with the expedition of `Abdullah
ibn Jahsh. Its definite meaning is to fight those who sway the Muslim away from his
religion and prevent him from walking in the path of God. This fight is waged solely
for the freedom to call men unto God and unto His religion. To use a modern
expression consonant with the usage of the present age, we may say that war in
Islam is permitted-nay, it is rather a duty-when undertaken in defense of freedom of
thought and opinion. All weapons used by the aggressors may be used against them.
If somebody seeks to sway a man from conviction or opinion, and he effectively uses
propaganda and logic without physical coercion, persecution, discrimination, or use
of illicit means such as bribery, no man may stop him except by answering his
argument and analyzing and exposing his logic. However, if he resorts to armed
force to prevent a man from holding a certain opinion, then it becomes necessary to
answer his armed power with equal armed power wherever practical. Man has no
dignity if his convictions have none. Convictions are far more precious than wealth,
position, power or life itself. To those who appreciate the meaning of humanity,
convictions are far more precious than the material life which man shares with the
animals. If man's humanity consists of no more than eating and drinking, growing
and struggling for survival, he is one with the animals. Man's spiritual and moral
convictions constitute the moral bond which unites him to his fellowmen, the spiritual
link between him and God. The life of conviction is man's great distinction from the
animal kingdom. By it, man wills for his brother that which he wills for himself; by it,
he inclines to share his wealth with the poor, the destitute, and the miserable,
though such sharing may imply some deprivation to his near relatives; by it, man
enters into communion with the universe to perform that which enables the universe
to realize the perfection which God has prescribed and established for it.
Should conviction take possession of a man and should another man attempt to
make him renounce it under conditions in which self-protection or defense are
impossible, such a man would do what the Muslims did before their emigration from
Madinah, namely, to bear patiently all injury, persecution, and injustice. Neither
hunger nor deprivation of any kind would cause him to succumb to ignoble desires;
patient forbearance was precisely what the Muslims practiced in Makkah as well as
what the early Christians had practiced. But those who suffer in patience for the sake
of their convictions are not the majority of mankind nor the plebians among them.
They are, however, the select and chosen few whom God has endowed with such
moral strength that they are capable of standing up against any injury or injustice,
however great. It was precisely this kind of conviction which the New Testament has
associated with the judgment that whoever is endowed therewith "shall say unto this
mountain, remove hence to yonder place, and it shall remove."[Matthew, 17:20].
But if it is possible for man to defend himself against aggression with the same arms
as the aggressor, to fight the man who blocks the path of God by use of his own
means, then it is his duty to do so. Otherwise, one would be weak of faith and
doubtful in conviction. That is what Muhammad and his companions did after they
had achieved a measure of security for themselves in Madinah. That is equally what
the Christians did after they had achieved power in Rome and Byzantium, after the
conversion of the Roman emperors.
Christianity and Fighting
The missionaries say, "But the spirit of Christianity condemns fighting altogether." I
do not wish to pause here for investigating the truth, or lack of it, of such a claim.
The history of Christianity, however, is a legitimate witness in this matter and so is
the history of Islam. From the dawn of Christianity until today every country of the
world has been soaked with blood in the name of Jesus Christ. The Romans and the
Byzantines of old as well as the European peoples of modern times are guilty of
shedding blood in religious causes. The Crusades were launched and their fires
fanned by Christians, not by Muslims. For hundreds of years, one army after another
rolled out of Europe in the direction of the Muslim Orient to fight, to destroy, and to
shed blood. In every case, the popes who claimed to be the vicars of Jesus Christ,
blessed and encouraged these armies and hurried them to Jerusalem and other
destinations. Were all these popes heretics? Was their Christianity spurious? Or was
every one of them a pretender, an ignoramus, unaware that Christianity absolutely
condemns fighting? The missionaries rejoin, "Those were the Middle Ages, ages of
darkness, unfit as evidence against Christianity." If this is an argument on which
they pin some hope, let us then turn to the twentieth century in which we now live
and which they call "the century of the highest human civilization." This century has
indeed seen the same darkness as did the Middle Ages. Lord Allenby, representing
the allied forces of England, France, Italy, Rumania, and America, stopped in
Jerusalem in 1918 after his conquest of that city toward the end of the first World
War and said: "Today the Crusades have come to an end."
The Saints in Islam and Christianity
If in every age and period, there have been Christian saints who have condemned
fighting and who rose to the pinnacles of human brotherhood-indeed, of brotherhood
among all element of the universe-so there were among the Muslims saints who
have reached these very pinnacles and related themselves to all existence and being
in a bond of brotherhood, love, and illumination and who realized within their souls
the very unity of being. These saints, however, whether Muslim or Christian, do not
represent human life in its constant development and struggle toward perfection.
Rather they represent the highest example of the realization of that perfection. The
general run of men, however, seek to understand and realize such perfection, but
neither their reason nor their imagination succeeds in doing so with any amount of
precision or completeness. Their attempts to realize it are understandable as
preliminaries and trials. One thousand three hundred and fifty-seven years have so
far passed since the emigration of the Arab Prophet from Makkah to Madinah.
Throughout these years men have increased their capacities to fight, improved their
devilish art of war, and made its weapons more destructive than ever. However,
disarmament and the cessation of war are still words of mere propaganda spread
before the eyes of the credulous in war after war, each more devastating than the
preceding. These noble ideals have hardly been more than propaganda claims made
by people thus far incapable-and who knows, perhaps never capable of realizing any
such desiderata, of bringing true peace into the world, a peace of brotherhood and
justice instead of an armed peace which is only a preliminary to another war.
Islam, the Natural Religion
The religion of Islam is not one of illusion and fantasy. Neither is it a religion which
addresses only the individual as such and urges him to rise to perfection. Rather,
Islam is the natural religion, the religion which naturally belongs to all men,
individuals as well as groups. It is the religion of truth, of freedom, and of order. As
long as it is also the nature of man to fight and to make war, to discipline that nature
and to limit this inclination within the narrowest frontier is all that is possible for men
to bear and abide by; it is all that humanity can hope to achieve in its struggle
toward goodness and perfection. By far the best disciplining of this inclination to war
is to limit it to pure defense of one's person, one's faith, one's freedom of opinion,
and one's freedom to preach. The greatest wisdom is to regulate the making of war
so that all the rights and dignities of man may be respected and observed to the
utmost. And this is precisely what Islam has sought to do, as we have seen and as
we shall have occasion to see later. That is precisely what the Qur'an has
commanded, as we have seen, and shall have occasion to see in the sequel.
The Great Battle of Badr
The expedition of `Abdullah ibn Jahsh constitued the crossroads of Islamic policy. It
was the occasion when Waqid ibn `Abdullah al Tamimi shot an arrow at `Amr ibn al
Hadrami and killed him, thus shedding blood by a Muslim hand for the first time. It
was in regard to this sortie that the Qur'anic verses constituting the Islamic position
on war and fighting were revealed. And it was in consequence of this revelation that
fighting was permitted, but only against those who seek to compel the Muslims to
renounce their religion and who stand in the way of calling men unto God. The same
expedition constituted also the crossroads of Muslim policy toward Quraysh, for it
now opened the door for the two parties to compete in military power and strength
as they had done formerly in word and idea. It was after that expedition that the
Muslims began to think seriously of extracting their goods from Quraysh by force and
conquest. The Quraysh saw in this an opportunity to stir up the whole peninsula
against Muhammad and his companions, and therefore accused them of the most
heinous crime in the eyes of all Arabs, namely the desecration of the holy months. In
the resultant situation, Muhammad became convinced that there was no more hope
of reaching any kind of agreement with them. Toward the beginning of autumn of
the second year A.H., Abu Sufyan led a great caravan toward al Sham. It was this
trade which the Muslims had previously threatened when the Prophet-may God's
peace and blessing be upon him-joined the expedition to al `Ushayrah in person.
When the Muslims reached that locality, the caravan of Abu Sufyan had passed two
days earlier. The Muslims decided to withdraw and wait for the caravan's return.
When that time came and the caravan was supposedly in the vicinity of Madinah,
Muhammad sent Talhah ibn `Ubaydullah and Said ibn Zayd to reconnoitre its where
abouts. The two men ran in the direction of the usual trade route and arrived at the
campsite of Kashd al Juhaniy in al Hawra'. There, they hid until the caravan passed.
They returned quickly to Madinah in order to give Muhammad the information he
asked for.
The Muslims Mobilize for Badr
Muhammad did not await the return of his two messengers from al Hawra'. He had
already heard that the caravan in question was a very large one and that practically
all the Makkans were involved in the trade it carried since all Makkan capitalists had
already bought a share in it. The goods the caravan carried were estimated at
50,000 dinars. Muhammad feared that if he were to await the news of his two
messengers, the caravan would pass him by on its return to Makkah as it had passed
him by on its northward trip to Syria earlier. Consequently, he called the Muslims
together and addressed them in the following words: "Yonder is the caravan of
Quraysh, Mobilize your forces and seek to capture it. Perhaps God may give it to you
as booty." Some Muslims responded and others did not. Some non-Muslims were
anxious to join, but Muhammad prevented them from doing so until they had
believed in God and his Prophet.
Abu Sufyan's Messenger to Quraysh
On the other side, Abu Sufyan had also heard of Muhammad's sortie to intercept his
caravan on its way north to al Sham, and he was equally apprehensive that the
Muslims would again attempt to do so on his return. He therefore sought to learn of
their movements as assiduously as the Muslims sought to learn of his. He was
especially apprehensive of the return trip because his trade, so far, had been
particularly successful. The same al Juhaniy who played host to Muhammad's
messengers at al Hawra' was asked by Abu Sufyan concerning the Muslims. A1
Juhaniy did not tell the truth to Abu Sufyan; but this did not matter inasmuch as Abu
Sufyan already knew as much about the Muslims as the Muslims knew about him. He
feared a catastrophe because his caravan had but thirty or forty men to guard it.
Anticipating danger, he decided to send Damdam ibn `Amr al Ghifari in haste to
Quraysh with the message that Muhammad and his companions had set out to
intercept the caravan and to appeal to them to send men for escort. As instructed by
Abu Sufyan, just before he entered Makkah, Damdam cut off the ears of his camel,
broke its nose, turned its saddle sideways, tore his own robe in front and in back,
and entered the city standing on the back of his camel shouting
"O People of Quraysh, your wealth and trade are being lost. Abu Sufyan and the
caravan are being intercepted by Muhammad and his companions. Perhaps you may
still catch them. Help! Help!" As soon as he heard the news, Abu Jahl called upon all
Makkans to join in the rescue operation. He, a man of acid temper, eloquent speech,
and strong insight, could inflame any audience. The Quraysh, however, were not in
need of eloquent speeches to rise against Muhammad. Every one of them had a
share in the trade this caravan carried.
Old Enmity of Quraysh and Kinanah
At the time, a group of Makkans felt that Quraysh had been too unjust toward its
Muslim members for having compelled them to emigrate first to Abyssinia and then
to Madinah. This group, hesitant to answer the call of Abu Jahl, simply hoped that
the caravan would not be destroyed. This same group remembered that the Quraysh
and Kinanah tribes were quite alienated from each other and were only waiting for
an opportunity to avenge themselves against each other. They feared that should the
Quraysh all go out to meet Muhammad and protect their caravan, the Banu Bakr of
Kinanah might seize the opportunity to attack them from behind. This cautious
judgment would nearly have carried the day against the appeal of Abu Jahl were it
not for the arrival upon the scene of Malik ibn Ju'shum al Mudliji, a nobleman and
leader of Banu Kinanah. He said, addressing the Makkans : "I deliver myself to you
as a surety that Kinanah will not pounce upon you in your hour of need." With this,
the group supporting Abu Jahl and `Amir ibn al Hadrami for general mobilization and
war against Muhammad and his companions, succeeded in convincing the Makkans
in favor of war. No reason remained for any Makkan capable of fighting to stay
behind, or for the incapable to equip and send somebody in his stead. None of the
noblemen of the Quraysh stayed behind except Abu Lahab, who sent in his stead al
`As ibn Hisham ibn al Mughirah in compensation for some four thousand dirhams the
latter owed him which he was not able to pay back. `Umayyah ibn Khalaf, a very old
and obese man, decided to stay behind. He was visited in the mosque by `Uqbah ibn
Abu Mu'ayt and Abu Jahl. The first carried an incense burner; the second,
instruments of beautification for women. `Uqbah placed the incense burner in
Umayyah's hands and said, "O Abu `Ali, fill your atmosphere with incense for you
are a woman." Abu Jahl handed over the instruments of beautification and said, "0
Abu `Ali, beautify yourself for you are only a woman." At this, Umayyah rose and
said, "Buy for me the best and strongest camel in Makkah." He rode it and joined the
force. Because of this and like tactics, no man capable of bearing arms remained
behind.
The Path of the Muslim Army
The Prophet, may God's blessing be upon him, had started off from Madinah with his
companions on the eighth day of Ramadan in the second year A.H. He had appointed
`Amr ibn Maktum to lead the prayer in Madinah, and Abu Lubabah, whom he called
back from al Rawha', to govern Madinah in his place during his absence. The Muslim
force was preceded by two black flags, and their camels counted seventy. Since
three or four men were assigned to one camel, each one rode for only a brief while.
Muhammad's share in riding was like that of his companions. He, `Ali ibn Abu Talib,
and Marthad ibn Marthad al Ghanawi had one camel assigned to them. Abu Bakr,
`Umar, and `Abd al Rahman ibn `Awf shared another. The total number of men on
this expedition amounted to three hundred and five. Eighty-three of them were
Muhajirun, sixty-one belonged to al Aws, and the rest to al Khazraj. Their pace was
swift because they feared Abu Sufyan would pass them by if they tarried. They
arrived to a place called `Iraq al Zubiah where they found a Bedouin whom they
asked concerning the caravan but could not learn anything from him. They continued
on their march until they arrived at a valley called Dhafiran where they encamped. It
was at this moment that the news reached them that the Quraysh had come out in
force to meet them and protect the caravan. This news radically changed the
situation. It was no more a question of intercepting- Abu Sufyan, his caravan, and
the thirty or forty escorts who were no match for Muhammad and his companions.
The whole of Makkah, led by its, nobles and elders, was out to protect its trade. If
the Muslims were to catch up with Abu Sufyan, overcome his men and take away his
camels and all they carried, would the Quraysh not follow and catch up with them,
stirred up by this new attack of the Muslims and encouraged by their great numbers
and armaments? Would they not catch up with the Muslims and fight them to the
finish? On the other hand, if Muhammad were to return without victory, would not
both the Quraysh and the Jews of Madinah realize his weakness and seek to take
advantage of it? Would he then not have to compromise and, perhaps, suffer a
Jewish tyranny in Madinah such as the Quraysh tyranny he had suffered in Makkah?
In such eventuality, how could the revelation of truth and the religion of God ever
become successful or achieve victory?
Muhammad consulted the members of his expedition concerning the news just
received. After Abu Bakr and `Umar presented their views, al Miqdad ibn `Amr stood
up and said: "0 Prophet of God, press forward toward that which Cod has shown you.
We are with you. By God, we shall never say to you, as the Jews had said to Moses,
`Go alone with your Lord and fight with Him for us, while we remain here and await
your return.' Rather, we say, `Go forth, you and your Lord to fight, for we are
fighting with you.'" A1 Miqdad's speech was followed by silence. The Prophet said:
"Speak out, 0 men, and give me your counsel." He was especially anxious to hear al
Ansar's view who, on the day of al `Aqabah, pledged to protect him as they would
their children and women but not to permit any aggression with him outside their
own area. When al Ansar realized that he was waiting for them to speak, Sa'd ibn
Mu'adh, their leader, rose and addressed Muhammad: "Does it seem, 0 Prophet of
God, that you are seeking to hear our view?" The Prophet answered, "Indeed." Sa'd
said, "We have believed in you, and we have witnessed that what you have brought
to us is the truth. We have covenanted with you to hear and to obey. Go ahead with
whatever you decide, for we are with you. By Him who sent you as a prophet, if you
lead us toward the sea, we shall enter into it with you and not one of us will stay
behind. We do not fear that you cause us to face our enemy tomorrow. We shall hold
fast to our ground and stand firm or press forward toward the enemy in solid ranks.
We hope that God will show you such of our deeds as you may not be disappointed
therein but may be proud of. Lead us forth with God's blessing." Sa'd had hardly
finished his words when Muhammad 's face radiated with joy and his eyes shone with
energy. He said: "Go forward and be optimistic; for God had premised me one of the
twoeither the caravan or the Makkan army. By God, it is as though I see the enemy
lying prostrate in the field." When the force arrived at Dhafiran, Muhammad
advanced on his camel alone and, reaching an old Bedouin settler in the area who
did not know him, asked about Quraysh, as well as about Muhammad and his
companions, and learned that the caravan of Quraysh was indeed close by.
Reconnaissance and Espionage
When Muhammad returned to his party, he sent 'Ali ibn Abu Talib, al Zubayr ibn al
`Awwam, and Sa'd ibn Abu Waqqas with a number of other companions to the well
of Badr to seek out fresh news. The little group returned with two boys who, upon
interrogation by Muhammad, revealed that the Quraysh army stood behind the hill
on the further side. When they could not answer his questions regarding the strength
of the Quraysh army, Muhammad asked how many animals they killed for food every
day. The boys answered, "Nine on one day and ten on the other." The Prophet
concluded from this that their number must be between nine hundred and one
thousand. He also learned from the two boys that the leaders of Quraysh were all
present. Turning to his own companions he said, "There is Makkah confronting you
with all its sons in one body." It was therefore absolutely necessary, he thought, that
Muslims mobilize all efforts, harden their hearts and wills, and prepare themselves
for a battle so fierce that none would emerge victorious from it except those whose
hearts were completely possessed by faith in God alone.
Escape of the Caravan and Abu Sufyan
As 'Ali and his companions came back from Badr with the two youths and some
information about Quraysh, two other Muslims went in a slightly different direction to
seek news of the caravan. They came to a sandhill not too far from the springs of
Badr. There they took a jug and went down to the spring to get some water. While
they were there they overheard two maid servants involved in an argument in which
the one was asking the other to pay back her debt to her; the latter answered that
either on the next day or the day after the caravan would come for whom she would
work, and she would earn enough to pay her back. The two men returned to
Muhammad and reported what they heard. As the caravan approached the area, Abu
Sufyan marched ahead reconnoitering the territory, apparently fearful that
Muhammad might have preceded him to the place. When he arrived at the spring, he
met Majdi ibn `Amr, whom he asked whether anyone had been seen in the vicinity.
Majdi answered that he had not seen anyone except two idlers who stopped at the
nearby sand dune, and pointed to the spot where the two Muslims stopped in order
to get the water. Abu Sufyan came to the spot and found some refuse of their two
camels. As he examined it, he found it contained grains which he recognized as
coming from crops known to be grown and used in Madinah. He returned quickly to
his caravan and altered its course. By leading it toward the sea coast with great
speed, he managed to escape.
The morrow arrived while the Muslims were still awaiting the arrival of the caravan.
The news now reached them that the caravan had passed them by on a different
route and that the Quraysh army were still in the vicinity close by. With this news,
whatever hope for booty some of them may have entertained collapsed. The Prophet
discussed with his companions whether or not they should now return to Madinah
and not force a showdown with the Quraysh army. In this connection, the following
verses of the Qur'an were revealed: "Now that God has promised that one of `the
two' shall fall to you, you wish that it would be the one devoid of strength or
resistance. But, rather than easy booty, God wishes that the truth become supreme,
that justice be done, and that the unbelievers be scattered."[Qur'an,
8:7]
Prospects of Battle
For their part, the Quraysh asked themselves the same question. What need do they
have to fight now that their caravan had escaped? Was it not better for them to
return to their homes and to let the Muslims return to theirs empty handed? These
were the thoughts of Abu Sufyan, who sent word to the Quraysh to this effect. He
told them, "You have prepared for war and come out in strength in order to protect
your caravan, your men, and your goods. God has saved all these. Return, then,
home." Some men agreed. Abu Jahl thought otherwise. To Abu Sufyan's message,
he responded, "By God, we shall not return home until we have come to Badr, spent
three nights in eating good food, drinking wine, and reveling, that all Arabs may hear
of our sortie, our strength, and continue to fear us." The locality of Badr was the
center of a seasonal gathering in that part of Arabia. For the Quraysh to withdraw
soon after the escape of their caravan might be interpreted as fear of Muhammad
and his companions. This event would increase Muhammad's power and encourage
the spread of his cause. Such would especially be the case as the expedition of
`Abdullah ibn Jahsh, the killing of ibn al Hadrami, the capture of two Qurayshis, and
Quraysh's loss of the caravan were all common knowledge throughout the desert.
The Muslims Camp at Badr
There was some hesitation in the camp of Quraysh, whether to follow Abu Jahl or
return home. Banu Zuhrah, under the leadership of al Akhnas ibn Shariq, listened to
Abu Sufyan's counsel and returned home; but they were alone. All the rest followed
Abu Jahl in deciding to encamp as if in preparation for war and to consult with one
another later on. They set up camp on the farthest side behind a sand dune which
they took as center. The Muslims, on the other hand, having now missed the booty,
decided together to stand firm should the enemy engage them. They hurried to the
springs of Badr while a rain which fell upon them from heaven helped their quick
advance to that place. When they reached the first water well, Muhammad
dismounted with the intention of camping there. Cognizant of the area, al Hubab ibn
al Mundhir ibn al Jamuh approached the Prophet and said: "0 Prophet of God, is this
spot where you have dismounted a place to which God has guided you and,
therefore, may we neither step beyond it nor stay far behind it? Or is this simply a
question of ordinary war strategy, of measures and moves and counter measures
and moves?" Muhammad answered, "It is indeed the latter, just as you said." A1
Hubab then said, "0 Prophet of God, this is not a good place to be. We should move
forward until we reach the well closest to the enemy. There we would bring a trough
to it to fill with water and then fill the well with sand. We would fight the enemy; and
when we withdraw we would be able to drink, whereas they would not." Muhammad,
immediately agreeing, rose to go forward with his force. He sent a reminder to all his
companions that he is but a man like them, that all decisions have to be taken by all
of them in consultation with one another, that he will not decide anything without
them finally, and that he stands in great need of their good counsel.
Building a Booth for the Prophet
When they completed the building of the trough, Sa'd ibn Mu'adh addressed the
Prophet thus: "0 Prophet of God, let us build a booth for you to stay in, and let us
prepare for you some mounts before we engage our enemy. If God gives us the
strength and we are victorious, that would be fine and well. If otherwise, you would
then ride these mounts, join the rear ranks of our forces and return home. Many
Muslims have stayed in Madinah who do not love you any less than we do. No one
had expected that our expedition would turn out to be one of war. Had they realized
this, they would not have let you go out without them. On your return to Madinah,
they would be there to protect you, counsel you and fight with you." Muhammad
thanked Sa'd and prayed for him. The booth was readied for the Prophet and
preparations were made for his return in case of defeat so that he would not fall into
the hands of his enemies as a captive.
The True Faith of the Muslims
We must pause here to appreciate with wonder the faithfulness of the Muslims, their
great love for Muhammad, and their absolute conviction of the truth of his
prophethood. They knew too well that Quraysh far exceeded them in number; in
fact, their enemy had three times as many fighters as they. Nonetheless, they
decided to stand firm in the cause and to fight. After they saw their booty escape,
whatever motivation they had for material gain must now be discounted. All this
notwithstanding, by siding with the Prophet they confirmed his prophethood and
strengthened his ranks. They were not sure of victory, though they wished for it; and
they were afraid of defeat. Nonetheless, they thought of protecting the Prophet and
arranged lest he should fall a captive in the hands of his enemies. They planned for
him to return to Madinah and join the Muslims behind. What stand is more wonderful
than this! What faith guarantees victory as this faith of theirs!
Hamzah Kills Ibn `Abd al Asad
The Quraysh arranged and readied themselves for battle. Their spies had informed
them that the Muslims were three hundred strong or a little more, that they had
neither provisions nor a hiding place, and that their only protection was their swords,
determined as they were to kill before falling. As the cream of Quraysh forces had
joined this expedition, the wise among them feared that should a number of these
fall by Muslim hands, Makkah would soon lose its position of leadership. However,
they could not speak out for fear that Abu Jahl would accuse them of cowardice.
Nonetheless, `Utbah ibn Rabi'ah did. "0 men of Quraysh," he advised his peers, "we
will surely not achieve anything by meeting Muhammad and his companions in
battle. If we should defeat them, every one of us would recognize in their dead a
cousin, an uncle, or a relative from his own clan and tribe. Return to your homes and
leave Muhammad alone among the tribes. Should they kill him and defeat him, your
purpose would have been met. Should it turn out to be otherwise, you will not have
to suffer the consequences." But when Abu Jahl heard these words of `Utbah, he
raged in anger, sent after `Amir ibn al Hadrami, and said to him: "Your ally is
shamelessly courting men to return to Makkah now that you have beheld your
enemy with your own eye. There is your enemy, on whom you ought to avenge
yourself. Rise and avenge the slaying of your brother." `Amir stood up and yelled,
"Woe! `Amr shall be avenged! To battle! To battle!" With this, the last chance of
peace was shattered. Al Aswad ibn `Abd al Asad al Makhzumi, springing out of the
ranks of the Quraysh toward the Muslims, sought to destroy the trough which they
had just built. Hamzah ibn `Abd al Muttalib struck him with his sword. The blow cut
off his leg, and the victim fell on his back with his leg bleeding profusely.
Immediately Hamzah struck him again and killed him. Nothing draws the swords out
of mens' sheaths faster than the sight of blood. Nothing stirs the will to kill more
than the sight of a friend slain by an enemy hand in front of his own people.
Engagement of the Two Armies
As soon as al Aswad fell, `Utbah ibn Rabl`ah, flanked by his brother Shaybah on one side and
his son al Walid ibn `Utbah on the other, sprang forth and challenged the Muslims to duel. A
number of youths from Madinah went out to meet them. When Shaybah recognized them, he
said: "We have not come to fight you. Rather we want to fight our own tribesmen." The Quraysh
crier called forth: "0 Muhammad, send out our own peers of our own tribe to fight us." At this,
Hamzah ibn `Abd al Muttalib, `Ali ibn Abu Talib, and 'Ubaydah ibn al Harith advanced forth. A
duel was fought in which Hamzah killed Shaybah, and 'Ali killed al Walid. Then both of them
came to assist `Ubaydah who had not yet finished off `Utbah. When the Quraysh army saw this,
they advanced in force and the two armies collided. It was the morning of Friday, seventeenth of
Ramadan, 2 A.H.
Muhammad's Prayer and Invocation
Muhammad led the Muslims and organized their ranks. As he looked over the Quraysh army and
compared them with his thin ranks and poor equipment, he felt quite apprehensive. He returned
to his booth with Abu Bakr, strongly moved by fear and pity for the career of Islam should the
Muslims lose on this day. Turning his face to Makkah and his whole soul to God, he began to
pray, calling on God to give him victory. He prayed to God for a very long while, and was heard
repeating the following words: "0 God, here is Quraysh with all her tribe seeking to belie your
Prophet. 0 God, give us the assistance which You promised. 0 God, if this little army perishes,
when will You be worshiped again?" Muhammad prayed with hands raised to heaven. His mantle
fell off and Abu Bakr had to pick it up and put it back on his shoulders. Abu Bakr said to him: "0
Prophet of God, enough calling on God; He will surely give you what He promised. Muhammad
continued to pray, pouring out his whole soul in pious invocation to God to help him in this hour
of precipitous danger. After near collapse, he came back to himself and told of a vision he saw of
God's victory. With radiant face, he went out to meet his men and incited them to put their faith
in God and enter the battle without fear. He assured them one by one: "By Him who controls
Muhammad's soul, not one of you today fights and falls but God will enter him into His
paradise."
Muslim Morale
Out of Muhammad's strong soul a stronger power than God might have imparted on any other
occasion spread among the Muslim ranks, fortifying their will and determination and making
each and every one of them the equivalent of two-nay ten-men in strength. We can easily
imagine the effect of this sudden reinforcement of Muslim morale upon their personalities when
the cause is as morally justified as theirs has been. The feeling of patriotism with which
modernity is familiar is certainly one such supporting moral justification in modern wars. The
soldier who exposes himself to all kinds of danger in the belief that he is defending his
fatherland walks into battle with superior morale; the greater his love for and faith in his
fatherland, the more frightful the risks he stands prepared to take. Consequently, nations
inculcate upon their young at a very tender age the love of the fatherland and the will to
sacrifice for its sake. Conviction of the fatherland's right to justice, freedom, and the higher
human values reinforce the soul; and this, in turn, doubles the material power issuing from the
person. Those who remember the allied propaganda against the Germans during World War II
will recall that the allies saturated the atmosphere with their claim that they were fighting a war
for the sake of freedom and justice, and were laying down their lives in a last war against the
militaristic state of Germany precisely in order to usher in an age of peace and security and
light. This allied propaganda not only doubled the strength of their soldiers but provided them as
well with a warm welcome freely given by most peoples of the world. But what patriotism and
what cause of peace and security dare compare with what Muhammad was calling for! For
Muhammad, it was a matter of one's communion with ultimate reality, of union with all being in
a bond giving man determining power in the universe, and of blazing for him the path of
goodness, blessedness and perfection. Yes, indeed: What kind of patriotism or cause of peace
dares to stand beside the communion with God which puts to an end the persecution of the
believers for their faith in Him and removes the hindrances of idolatry and associationism from
the path of God? If patriotism increases the power of the soul by as much power as corresponds
with the value of fatherland, and if the love of peace for mankind increases the power of the soul
by as much power as corresponds with the value of the whole of mankind, how great must have
been the power of the soul when it was reinforced by faith in total being as well as in the Creator
of total being? Surely it makes that soul capable of moving mountains, of determining the
heavenly bodies, of exerting its power and influence supremely over all men endowed with less
faith? Moral power doubles and redoubles material power. When, before the battle, this strength
was not at its highest because of division within Muslim ranks, Muslim material power suffered in
consequence. But the situation changed, and their power increased tremendously under the
inspiration of Muhammad. And it was this new resurgence of power by this means that
compensated the Muslims for their small number and poor equipment. It was in connection with
this spiritual phenomenon that the two Qur'anic verses were revealed
" `0 Prophet, urge the believers to fight.' If there be twenty steadfast men they will overcome
two hundred. And if there be a hundred, they will overcome a thousand unbelievers. These are a
people devoid of knowledge, faith, or conviction. For the present, God has lightened your
burden. He knows that there is weakness in you. So if there be a hundred steadfast men among
you, they will overcome two hundred; and if there be a thousand, they will overcome two
thousand by God's permission. God is surely with those who are steadfast."[Qur'an, 8:65,
8:66]
Bilal Kills Umayyah ibn Khalaf
At Muhammad's urging and inspiration, his standing in their midst and inciting them
against the enemy, and his announcement that paradise belongs to the men of valor
who plunge fearlessly into the ranks of the enemy, the Muslims doubled and
redoubled their strength. Before entering battle, they resolved to direct their
attention to the leaders and nobles of the Quraysh. They planned to seek them and
to kill them first, remembering the persecution and travails they suffered at their
hands in Makkah, especially the blocking of the road to God and to the holy mosque.
Bilal saw Umayyah ibn Khalaf and his son on the field surrounded by a number of
Muslims who had recognized him and sought to take him as captive. This Umayyah
was Bilal's previous master who used to torture him by forcing him down to the
ground where he placed a large rock on his chest, letting him burn under the torrid
sun in order to force him to abjure Islam. Bilal survived all these travails in certainty
of his faith while repeating continuously, "God is one! God is one!" When his eyes fell
upon Umayyah in the field, he shouted, "Umayyah, the head of idolatry! Death to me
if he escapes!" and charged furiously toward him. The Muslims surrounding Umayyah
sought to prevent Bilal from reaching him. Bilal called to them at high voice: "O
Helpers of God! The head of idolatry is Umayyah ibn Khalaf. Death to me if he
escapes!" He charged again toward Umayyah and killed him. Mu'adh ibn `Amr ibn al
Jamuh killed Abu Jahl ibn Hisham. Hamzah, `Ali and other Muslim heroes penetrated
deeply into enemy lines, forgetting themselves, their small numbers, and their being
surrounded by their enemies. Muslims hurled themselves into the melee. The dust
rose, the battle raged at its hottest and wildest, and the heads of the Quraysh flew
off their bodies. Possessed by their faith and chanting, "God is one! God is one!" the
Muslims exerted tremendous power and pressed ever forward. It was as if space and
time had lost their meaning, and God's angels were hovering above to encourage
and draw them ever forward. They were so great that even their arms brandishing
their swords in the air and striking the necks of their enemies seemed as if they
moved not by ordinary human power but by the supernatural power of God Himself.
Muhammad was in the midst of the battlefield fighting as well as observing his
companions. At one moment he took dirt in his hand and threw it in the face of an
advancing party of Quraysh, commanding his companions to stand firm. The Muslims
stood their ground and forced the superior enemy to withdraw. It did not matter to
the Muslim that he was surrounded by his enemies. His soul was filled with the
breath of God; this divine spirit made him ever-firm and gave him the very power
with which he wielded his arms. It was of this battle that God said: "Your lord
revealed to the angels that He is with you and commanded them to give firmness to
those that believe. He announced that He will cast terror into the hearts of those who
disbelieve. God commands: `Smite your enemies; strike off their heads and
forearms . . . You killed them not when you did, but it was God who killed them; and
you threw not when you did throw your arrows but it was God who threw
them."[Qur'an, 8:12, 17]. When the Prophet saw that God had fulfilled His
promise and given the Muslims victory, he returned to his booth. The Quraysh were
not only withdrawing but running away, and the Muslims were pressing after them to
capture those of them whom they did not kill on the battlefield.
The Muslims Spare the Just
This was the great battle of Badr that established Muslim power throughout the
Arabian Peninsula and began the movement of Arab unity under the leadership of
Islam. It was the beginning of a large Islamic empire which gave the world a
civilization which has so far played and will ever play a very important role in the
history of the universe. It may surprise some readers to learn that as he urged his
companions to fight the enemy and scatter their forces, Muhammad asked them not
to kill Banu Hashim and some other leaders of the Quraysh despite the fact that they
were all arrayed in battle on the other side. In so doing, he was not seeking any
advantage for his tribe or relatives. Muhammad was too noble to be moved by such
considerations. Rather he wanted to reward Banu Hashim for their protection of him
and of his cause during thirteen long years between his commission to prophethood
and emigration. It should be remembered that his uncle, al `Abbas, was the one who
concluded the covenant of al `Aqabah. He also remembered other members of the
Quraysh besides the Banu Hashim, who once sought to revoke the boycott pact
which imprisoned the
Muslims in one of the districts of Makkah with little or no food supplies. Muhammad
considered a good deed as worthy of regard-of a gesture equal to it in charity and
good will despite the idolatry of its author. Thus, he interceded with the Muslims at
the hour of battle on behalf of those Makkans who did the good deeds. Some of
them, however, refused Muhammad's good will move and kind gesture. Such was
the case of Abu al Bakhtari, who was responsible for the rescinding of the boycott
pact but who fought and was killed in battle.
People of the Grave
The people of Makkah ran away from the field despondent, dejected, and mourning
their dead. They would hardly catch sight of their companions when their eyes would
fall down in shame for what had happened. The Muslims remained at Badr until the
end of the day. They collected the dead of the Quraysh and buried them on the spot.
Muhammad and his companions spent that night on the battlefield burying the dead,
collecting the booty and keeping their eyes on the captives. As the night drew on,
Muhammad sat down to think both of this victory, which God had just given the
Muslims despite their small number, and the terrible defeat He had inflicted upon an
enemy devoid of a sound faith capable of fusing their large numbers into one strong
will. He pondered the matter over many long hours of the night. He was even heard
addressing the dead in their new graves: "0 people of the grave"! he murmured, "O
`Utbah ibn Rabi'ah ! 0 Shaybah ibn Rabi'ah ! 0 Umayyah ibn Khalaf ! 0 Abu Jahl ibn
Hisham !" After calling by name the fallen one by one, he addressed them in these
words: "Have you really found that which your Lord had promised you? I have found
what my Lord had promised me. But have you? The Muslims who overheard him
asked, "Are you calling the dead?" and the Prophet answered, "They hear me no less
than you do, except that they are unable to answer me." The Prophet of God looked
Abu Hudhayfah ibn `Utbah straight in the face and realized that he was pale. He
asked him, "O Abu Hudhayfah, are you despondent over the sad fate your father met
today?" Abu Hudhayfah answered, "No, by God, 0 Prophet of God! I have not
censured my father or bemoaned his fate. I have known him to be a wise and good
man, and I had hoped that his wisdom and virtue would one day lead him to Islam.
When I saw what befell him, I remembered his idolatry despite all the hope I had
entertained for him. Thus I am only sorry for him." The Prophet of God spoke to him
gently and prayed for him.
Muslim Differences Concerning Booty
When the morning came and it was time for the Muslims to return to Madinah, they
began to consider the disposition of the booty. Those who collected it claimed it as
their own. Those who ran after the enemy and captured the captives said: "By God,
we deserve it more than they; for without us it would not have been realized." Those
who were guarding Muhammad and protecting him against a resurgence of the
enemy forces, said: "Neither one of you deserve the booty. We surely could have
killed the enemy and taken possession of his goods, but we preferred to protect the
Prophet of God and, therefore, we stayed behind near him while you went out
capturing and collecting it." At this Muhammad commanded every Muslim to return
every piece of the booty he had taken and to keep all the booty together until he had
reached judgment regarding it, or God had revealed the way it should be disposed
of.
Equal Division of the Booty
Muhammad sent to Madinah `Abdullah ibn Rawahah and Zayd ibn Harithah to bring
news of. the victory to the people of Madinah. He and his companions returned to
Madinah accompanied by the captives and carrying the booty of war. He had
appointed `Abdullah ibn Ka'b as the guardian of it. After reaching the valley of al
Safra', Muhammad camped on a hill and there began to divide the booty among the
Muslims in equal parts. Some historians claim that Muhammad had divided the booty
after he had appropriated one-fifth of it in accordance with the Qur'anic command:
"And know that whatever you take as spoils in war, a fifth thereof shall go to God,
His Prophet, the kindred, the orphans, the needy, and the wayfarer. If you believe in
God and in what We send down to Our servant and the day of decision [the day of
Badr] when the two armies met, you will accept this division. God has power over all
things."[Qur'an, 8:41] Most biographers, especially the earlier among them,
believed that this verse was revealed after the battle of Badr as well as after
Muhammad's division of its booty. They hold that Muhammad had divided the booty
in equal parts, giving to the fighter with a horse twice the amount he gave to the
fighter on foot, and allowing the share of the Muslims who were killed at Badr to go
to their heirs. They also hold that Muhammad had assigned a share to the Muslims
who were left behind in Madinah on assignment to work for the Muslim cause there
during the absence of the army in Badr, or who had remained in Madinah for good
reason. Muhammad divided the booty justly. Not only did he include in his division
the soldier but also everyone who worked for the cause and helped achieve this
victory, whether on the battlefield or far from it.
Execution of Two Captives
While the Muslims were on their way back to Madinah, two of the captives were
executed, al Nadr ibn al Harith and `Uqbah ibn Abu Mu'ayt. Neither Muhammad nor
his companions had until that moment any law regarding the captives regulating
their execution, ransom, or enslavement. A1 Nadr and `Uqbah were terribly hard on
the Muslims in Makkah and had inflicted upon them all the harm and injury they
could. A1 Nadr was executed when the captives were arrayed in front of the Prophet
near the locality called al Uthayl. As the Prophet looked at al Nadr, the latter
trembled and called to his neighbor: "Muhammad is surely going to kill me. He had
looked at me with eyes in which I saw the judgment of death." His neighbor
rejoined: "You are a coward." AI Nadr approached Mus'ab ibn 'Umayr, the closest of
the captives to Muhammad and asked him: "Please approach your relative
concerning me. Let him allow me to be one of his companions. If you do not, I am
certain he is going to kill me today." Mus'ab replied, "You used to speak all kinds of
calumnies against the Book of God and His Prophet; you also used to persecute and
harm his companions." Al Nadr said, "Had Quraysh taken you captive, I would have
never allowed them to kill you as long as I was alive"; to which Mus'ab replied, "By
God I do not believe you; I am not like you; Islam has severed my relations with
you." Al Nadr was the captive of al Miqdad who expected to receive a great ransom
from the captive's family. When al Miqdad heard the conversation regarding the
execution of al Nadr, he said: "Al Nadr is my captive. Hands off!" At this the Prophetmay God's blessing be upon him-said: "Strike his neck. 0 God, give al Miqdad plenty
of Your bounty instead." `Ali ibn Abu Talib executed the Prophet's order with the
sword. As the party arrived at `Irq al Zubyah, the Prophet ordered the execution of
`Uqbah ibn Abu Mu'ayt. When `Uqbah pleaded, "Who will take care of my children, 0
Muhammad?" Muhammad answered, "The fire." According to one version, it was `Ali
ibn Abu Talib who executed him; according to another, it was `Asim ibn Thabit.
News of the Victory in Madinah
Before the Prophet and the Muslims reached Madinah, the two messengers, Zayd ibn
Harithah and `Abdullah ibn Ka'b, had arrived and entered the city from different
directions. `Abdullah galloped through the city on his horse and Zayd ibn Harithah
followed him riding on al Qaswa', Muhammad's she-camel. Both were calling al Ansar
and announcing to them the victory, mentioning the names of the fallen idolators.
The Muslims, pleased to hear the news, went out of their houses and gathered in the
streets acclaiming this great victory. As for the Jews and the idolators of Madinah,
they were saddened by this turn of events. Indeed, they even tried to convince
themselves as wellas the Muslims in Madinah that it was not true. They proclaimed
at the top of their voices: "Muhammad was killed, and his companions were
defeated. There is his she-camel which we all know. Had he achieved victory, his
she-camel would have stayed there. Zayd said otherwise because he lost his mind
out of terror in the course of fighting." The Muslims, however, quickly confirmed the
news and went on with their celebration. Only the death of Ruqayyah, daughter of
the Prophet, which had occurred on that day, marred their joy. As his daughter was
sick on the day Muhammad left for Badr, he ordered her husband, `Uthman ibn
`Affan, to stay behind and take care of her. When the idolators and munafiqun
realized that the news of victory was true, they felt that their position was
degenerating into one of weakness and isolation. A Jewish leader said, "Death for us
is better on this day than life. What kind of life can we have now that the noblest of
men, their lords and kings-the Makkan guardians of security and peace-are dead or
vanquished?"
The Captives of Badr
The Muslims entered Madinah without the captives who were to follow the next day.
When they did, Sawdah, daughter of Zam?ah and wife of the Prophet, was returning
from a morning visit to the relatives of the two sons of ?Afra?. She saw Abu Yazid
Suhayl ibn Amr, one of the captives, whose hand was bound to his neck. Unable to
control her indignation at the sight, she approached him and said, ?O Abu Yazid! Did
you give yourself up, and surrender voluntarily? Woe! The pity that you had not
fallen nobly and met a heroic death on the battlefield!? Muhammad called her away
and said to her, ?O Sawdah, are you inciting the man against God and against His
Prophet?? She answered, ?O Prophet of God, by Him who sent you a Prophet of the
truth, I could not control myself when I saw Abu Yazid with his hand tied to his neck
and felt impelled to say what I said.? Muhammad distributed the captives among his
companions and said to them, ?Treat them well.? The question of what to do with
them, to kill them or to accept ransom for them, continued to trouble him. Many of
them are strong warriors; their hearts are now filled with hatred following their
defeat and shameful captivity. If he were to accept ransom for them, surely they
would wage another war against him. And yet, if he were to kill them would he not
incite their people in Quraysh to further acts of violence? To a new height of enmity
which might be avoided if he were to accept their ransom?
Abu Bakr and Umar?s Views Regarding the Captives
Muhammad submitted the matter to the Muslims and sought their advice. He wanted them to
share freely in the decision. The Muslims, for their part, discovered that the captives desired
to live and, therefore, that a great amount of wealth could be reaped from them as ransom.
The captives sent word to Abu Bakr knowing that he was the nearest to the Quraysh and the
most merciful and compassionate of the Muslims as well as the closest adviser and friend of
Muhammad. They said to Abu Bakr: ?O Abu Bakr, among us are fathers, brothers, uncles,
and cousins of the Muslims. The most distant of us is still a relative. Approach your friend on
our behalf and ask him to forgive us or to allow us to be ransomed. Abu Bakr promised them
to do his best. At the same time, they feared that ibn al Khattab would counsel against Abu
Bakr?s pleas; therefore, they sent after him to ask as they did Abu Bakr. ?Umar ibn Khattab
looked at them in anger and did not answer. The two approached Muhammad and each
presented his point of view. Abu Bakr appealed to Muhammad's gentleness and stirred his
compassion. He pleaded, "0 Prophet of God, you are dearer than my father and my mother.
Your captives consist of men who are parents, sons, cousins, uncles and brothers of your own
people. The most removed of them is still a member of your clan and a blood relative. Be
good to them and forgive them. God will forgive you and be good to you. Otherwise allow
them to be ransomed and take from them that which would increase the Muslims in power.
Perhaps, by such action, God will soften their hearts toward Islam." Muhammad listened
without answering. `Umar, coming after Abu Bakr, sat in his place and pleaded: "0 Prophet of
God, these are the enemies of God. They have belied you, fought you, and banished you.
Strike their necks. They are the leaders of idolatry and misguidance. By this course God will
consolidate Islam and bring low the idolators." Again Muhammad did not answer. Later, Abu
Bakr returned to Muhammad and sought once more to stir his compassion by reminding him
of the captives' relation and hoping for their conversion to Islam in case they were allowed to
live. `Umar, too, the exemplar of stern justice, returned to Muhammad to plead once more
still unmoved as ever by any feelings of leniency or mercy. When both Abu Bakr and. `Umar
said all they had to say, Muhammad withdrew to his room to ponder the matter alone. When
he came out, he found the Muslims divided between Abu Bakr's view and `Umar's. He
consulted them again, characterizing both Abu Bakr and `Umar for their benefit. Abu Bakr,
Muhammad said, was like Michael, a carrier of God's pleasure and forgiveness. Compared
with the prophets he is like Ibrahim who was sweeter to his people than honey itself.
Ibrahim's people had condemned him to the fire and threw him into it, but all he could say to
them was, "Fie on you and on that which you worship instead of God! Would you not use your
reason ? . . . Whoever follows me is surely of me, but whoever disobeys me, God is merciful
and forgiving."[Qur'an, 21:67; 14:36] Abu Bakr is like Jesus when the latter said: "If You
punish them they are only Your servants; and if You forgive them, You are the All-Wise and
Almighty?[Qur'an, 5:118], `Umar, on the other hand, is like Gabriel among the angels. He
is the carrier of God's wrath and condemnation of His enemies. Among the prophets he is like
Noah when the latter said: "O God, spare not one of the unbelievers;" or like Moses when he
said: "0 God, destroy their wealth and confirm them in their error that they may not believe
until they receive the painful punishment."[Qur'an, 71:26; 10:88] Then turning to the
Muslims, the Prophet said: "You have families to support. Do not therefore let any of these
captives escape before you receive a ransom from him. Otherwise, strike off his neck." As the
Muslims consulted with one another, one of the captives, a poet by profession, and Abu
`Izzat `Amr ibn `Abdullah ibn `Umayr al Jumahi by name, stepped forward toward the
Prophet and said: "I have five daughters whom I must support. Do give me to them as your
charity, O Muhammad. For my part I pledge to you that I shall never fight you nor will I ever
criticize you." The Prophet forgave him and sent him back to his family without ransom. He
was the only captive thus liberated. But he violated his pledge and fought again against the
Muslims in the battle of Uhud, a year later. There he was taken captive, and, this time,
executed. After a while, the Muslims reached a consensus to accept ransom for the captives.
The following verse of the Qur'an was revealed on this occasion
"It does not behoove a prophet to hold captives; nor to tyrannize in the world. You seek the
advantages of this world whereas God wishes you to seek the advantages of the other. God is
almighty and all-wise."[Qur'an, 8:67]
Orientalists' Controversy
A number of Orientalists pause at this affair of the captives of Badr and especially at
the execution of al Nadr and `Uqbah. They argue: Doesn't this prove the thirst of
this new religion for blood? Without such thirst, the two captives would not have
been executed. It would have been more charitable and nobler for the Muslims after
they won the battle to return the captives and to be satisfied with the booty they
acquired. The Orientalists' argument is designed to stir mercy and compassion
simply in order to provide means for condemning Islam and its Prophet. But such
emotions were utterly out of place on the day of Badr, and much more so a thousand
or more years after that battle. The incoherence of the argument is evident upon
comparison of the execution of al Nadr and `Uqbah with what happens today and will
always happen as long as western civilization rules the world under the banner of
Christianity. Is their execution comparable in any possible manner to what the
Christian imperialists do when they put down the uprisings of their colonies against
their rule? Is it equivalent to any part, however, infinitesimal, of the slaughter that
took place in the first or second World War? Is it at all comparable to the events of
the French Revolution, or the many other revolutions which have taken place among
the Christian nations of Europe?
Revolution against Idolatry
There is no doubt that the whole matter between Muhammad and his companions
was one of a strong revolution led by Muhammad against idolatry and its adherents.
It was a revolution that started in Makkah where Muhammad and his companions
were subjected to all kinds of suffering for thirteen long years. Thereafter, the
Muslims emigrated to Madinah and there organized themselves and built up their
strength under revolutionary principles dominating the scene in both their camp and
the Quraysh's. The Muslims' emigration to Madinah, the peace they had concluded
with the Jews, all the skirmishes preceding the battle of Badr as well as the battle of
Badr itself all these were steps in the general plan of revolution, but not its guiding
principles. They constitute the policy line decided by the leader of this revolution and
his companions as instruments in the realization of principles which the Prophet had
received from God. The policy of a revolution should not be confused with its
principles. The plan followed cannot be identified with the purpose for which it was
drawn. Since Islam made human brotherhood the foundation of its civilization, it had
to seek that civilization by following whatever means are necessary, including
violence.
The Slaughter of St. Bartholomew's Day
What the Muslims did with the captives of Badr was an instance of sublime mercy
and charity when compared with what happened in the revolutions praised by the
western peoples as embodiments of justice and mercy. What happened to the
captives of Badr was really nothing compared to the many slaughters carried out in
the name of Christianity such as that which occurred on St. Bartholomew's Day in
France. This slaughter is really a curse in the history of Christianity unmatched by
anything in the whole history of Islam. It was a slaughter planned deliberately during
the night. The Catholics rose the next morning to slaughter systematically the
Protestants of Paris and France with deception, wantonness, and the lowliest and
worst kind of cruelty. If the Muslims had killed two of the fifty captives for the cruel
suffering they had previously inflicted upon the Muslims during thirteen years in
Makkah, it was an act of further mercy and benefit which occasioned the revelation
of the already quoted verse: ` It does not behoove a Prophet to hold captives; nor to
tyrannize in the world. You seek the advantages of this world, while God wishes you
to seek the advantages of the other. God is almighty and all-wise."[Qur'an, 8:67]
Warning to Makkah
While the Muslims were celebrating the victory God had granted to them, al
Haysuman ibn `Abdullah al Khuza'i was making his way toward Makkah. He was the
first one to reach the city to announce to its people the defeat of the Quraysh and
the fall of its leaders and nobles. Makkah was so shaken by the news that it hardly
believed what it heard. AI Haysuman, however, was not angry but insisted on the
veracity of his news and shared their grief. When the Makkans finally realized what
had happened, they were so shocked that they fell to the ground. Indeed, Abu Lahab
was immediately seized by a fever and died seven days later. The Quraysh,
consulting together on the course of action to follow, agreed not to mourn their dead
lest Muhammad and his companions be pleased at their suffering. They also decided
not to seek to ransom their captives lest Muhammad and his companions increase
their demands. A number of days passed while the Quraysh bore their tragedy
silently. But an occasion soon presented itself. Mikraz ibn Hafs arrived seeking to
ransom Suhayl ibn `Amr. `Umar ibn al Khattab hated to see Suhayl return home
unharmed. He therefore asked Muhammad: "0 Prophet of God, let me cull out
Suhayl's front teeth so that he would never be able to exercise his oratory against
you." Without hesitation, Muhammad grave this supremely noble answer
"I shall not mutilate anyone under any circumstance. God would mutilate me though
I am His Prophet."
Ransom and Conversion of Abu al 'Asi ibn al Rabi`
Zaynab, daughter of the Prophet, sent out to ransom her husband Abu al 'Asi ibn al
Rabi`. Included in the wealth she sent for the ransom was a necklace that once
belonged to Khadijah, the Prophet's wife, which the latter had given to her daughter
on the day of her wedding to Abu al 'Asi. When the Prophet saw the necklace, he
remembered his former wife and was deeply moved. He said to his companions: "If
you find fit to send her captive back to her and to return to her what she paid, do
so." The Prophet had also agreed with the captive, Abu al 'Asi, that he would divorce
his wife Zaynab now that Islam had separated the two spouses. Muhammad sent
Zayd ibn Harithah and another companion to escort Zaynab to Madinah, Soon,
however, Abu al 'Asi left Makkah on a trade trip to al Sham. When he passed by the
vicinity of Madinah, a Muslim patrol discovered and confiscated his caravan. While in
Madinah he managed to reach his wife Zaynab under the shadow of night and
begged her to intervene on his behalf. She did and his goods were returned to him.
He ran back to Makkah with his goods and there returned to each his due. He asked
all his creditors to speak out in case they had any claim against him. When none
spoke out and everyone thanked him for his loyalty, he announced to his fellow
Makkans : "I witness that there is no God but God, and that Muhammad is His
servant and prophet. By God, I have not refrained from joining Islam earlier except
out of fear of suspicion that I have run away with your goods. Now that everyone
has received his due and my reputation is safe, I declare my conversion." He
returned to Madinah, and the Prophet permitted his wife Zaynab to return to him.
The Quraysh continued to ransom their captives with varying amounts running from
1000 to 4000 dirhims per person. As for those prisoners who were too poor to afford
a ransom, Muhammad granted them their liberty as a gift.
Quraysh Mourns Her Dead
Having ransomed her captives, Quraysh still felt the wounds of her tragedy. Makkah
could find no reason to make peace with Muhammad, and the memory of defeat at
his hand remained alive for a long time to come. For one whole month, the women
of Quraysh mourned their dead. They shaved off their hair, whipped themselves, and
cried when a dead man's camel or mare was paraded in the streets. Only Hind,
daughter of 'Utbah and wife of Abu Sufyan, did not cry in public at all. She was once
asked by other Quraysh women about this mastery of nerve: "Would you not publicly
mourn your father, your brother, your uncle, and your other fallen relatives?" She
answered: "Were I to mourn them publicly, the news will reach Muhammad and his
companions and the women of Banu al Khazraj who will all be pleased at my
misfortune. No, by God, I shall not mourn them publicly until I have avenged them.
Fat and perfume shall be forbidden to me until we have defeated the enemy. By God,
if crying would take away sadness from my heart I would have cried. But I know that
sadness will not leave me until I have seen with my own eye vengeance taken on the
murderers of my dear ones." True to her vow, Hind never touched fat or perfume,
nor came close to her husband's bed until the battle of Uhud ; and she spared no
moment or occasion to incite her fellow Makkans to war. As for her husband, Abu
Sufyan, he vowed never to wash himself until he had defeated Muhammad.
Between Badr and Uhud
The Effect of Badr in Madinah (January, 624 C.E)
We have just taken note of the deep effect that the Battle of Badr had upon Makkah.
Above all, this effect included the will of the Quraysh to seek revenge against
Muhammad and the Muslims at the first opportunity. The effect of this battle in
Madinah was, however, much more obvious and more closely connected with the
survival of Muhammad and his fellows. The Jews, associationists, and hypocrites felt
Muslim power increase after Badr. They realized that this alien who came to them
less than two years ago as an escaping emigrant from Makkah had increased his
power and influence almost to the point of dominating not only the Muslims but their
city as a whole. As we have had occasion to see, the Jews had begun to complain
even before Badr that they had had many skirmishes with the Muslims and that were
it not for the Covenant of Madinah, the explosion would have come sooner.
Consequently, soon after the Muslims' victorious return, the non-Muslims of Madinah
began to meet clandestinely and to encourage the composition and recitation of
divisive poetry. It was as if the battlefield had moved from Makkah to Madinah and
the dispute from religion to politics. It was not Muhammad's call to God that was
being fought; rather, it was his political power, his worldly influence, and his success
which incited these parties not only to plot against him but even to think of
assassinating him. None of this, of course, was beyond Muhammad?s ken. All the
happenings within his city, including the rumors, reached him in constant flow.
Simmering in hatred and anger against each other, Muslims and Jews lay in wait for
one another.
Muslims Kill Abu ?Afk and Asma
Before the victory of Badr the Muslims used to fear the Madinese non-Muslims, for
they were still too weak to return any aggression inflicted upon them. But when they
returned victorious from Badr, Salim ibn ?Umayr took upon himself the job of getting
rid of Abu ?Afk, a tribesman of Banu ?Amr ibn ?Awf. The latter was a poet who
composed verses disparaging Muhammad and the Muslims and inciting his own tribe
to rise against them. Even after Badr, Abu ?Afk still composed and disseminated
abusive verse. Salim attacked Abu ?Afk in his sleep in his own yard and killed him.
Likewise, ?Asma?, daughter of Marwan, of the tribe of Banu Umayyah ibn Zayd, used
to insult Islam and the Prophet by encouraging bad feeling against the Muslims. The
Battle of Badr did not make her reconsider. One day, ?Umayr ibn ?Awf attacked her
during the night while she was surrounded by her children, one of whom she was
nursing. ?Umayr was weak of sight and had to grope for her. After removing the
child from his victim, he killed her; he then proceeded to the Prophet and informed
him of what he had done. When her relatives returned from the funeral, they asked
him whether he had killed her. ?Indeed so,? said ?Umayr, ?You may fight me if you
wish. By Him Who dominates my soul, if you should deny that she composed her
abusive poetry, I would fight you until either you or I fall.? It was this courage of
?Umayr that caused the Banu Khutmah, the tribe of ?Asma?s husband, to turn to
Islam. Having converted to Islam but fearing persecution at the hand of their fellow
tribesmen, some of them had hidden their conversion. Henceforth, they no longer
did so.
Murder of Ka?b ibn al Ashraf
It is sufficient to add to these two examples the murder of Ka?b ibn al Ashraf. When
learning of the fall of the noblemen of Makkah, he exclaimed, ?Those were the
nobles of Arabia, the kings of mankind. By God, if Muhammad has vanquished these
people, the interior of the earth is a better dwelling than the top of it." Having
assured himself of the news of defeat, he traveled to Makkah to incite its people
against Muhammad, to recite war poetry, and to mourn the victims. Furthermore, it
was he who falsely accused the Muslim women upon return to Madinah. The reader
is perhaps aware of Arab custom and ethic in this regard, and can appreciate the
Muslims' anxiety over such false accusations directed against their women's honor.
Indeed, they were so incensed and irritated by him that, after unanimously agreeing
to kill him, they authorized Abu Na'ilah to seek his company and win his confidence.
Abu Na'ilah said to Ka'b, "The advent of Muhammad was a misfortune to all of us.
The tribes have become our enemies and fought against us; our roads are cut off,
our families separated and dispersed, and our lives exhausted." With this and similar
remarks, Abu Na'ilah won Ka'b's confidence and asked him to lend some money to
himself and his friends, pledging to pawn his and their armor. Ka'b agreed and asked
the Muslims to return. They came to his house in the outskirts of Madinah after dark.
Abu Na'ilah Called out to him. Despite his wife's warning, Ka'b went out to meet his
new friend. The two men walked in the night and were later joined by the
companions of Abu Na'ilah, whom Ka'b never suspected. Together they walked for a
whole hour and covered a long distance, conversing and complaining about the
hardships Muhammad had brought upon their community, thus reassuring Ka'b of
their sincerity. From time to time Abu Nd'ilah would touch the hair of Ka'b and
exclaim, "I have never smelled such perfume in my life!" Then, after gaining Ka'b's
complete trust, Abu Na'ilah seized him by the hair, pulled him down to the ground,
and said to his companions, "Kill the enemy of God!" They struck him with their
swords.
Jewish Fears and Aggression
The murder of Ka'b increased the fears of the Jews to the point that not one of them
felt secure. Nonetheless, they continued to attack Muhammad and the Muslims and
incite the people to war. A desert woman came one day to the Jews' market in the
quarter of Banu Qaynuqa` seeking to remodel some jewelry at one of their shops.
They persistently asked her to remove her veil, but the woman refused. Passing
behind her without her knowledge, one of them tacked her robe with a pin to the
wall. When the woman got up to leave, the robe was pulled down and her nakedness
exposed. The Jews laughed and the woman cried. Seeing what happened, a Muslim
passerby jumped upon the shopkeeper and killed him on the spot. The Jews
gathered around the Muslim and likewise killed him. The Muslims' relatives called for
help against the Jews and a general fight between them and the Banu Qaynuqa`
erupted. Muhammad first asked the Jews to stop their attacks and keep the covenant
of mutual peace and security or suffer the kind of treatment meted out to the
Quraysh. They ridiculed his request saying: "O Muhammad! Fall not under the
illusion that you are invincible. The people with whom you have fought were
inexperienced. By God, if you were to turn your arm against us, you will find us
adept in the arts of war." After this, little option was left to the Muslims but to fight
the Jews. Otherwise, Islam would suffer political deterioration, and the Muslims
would become the ridicule of Quraysh when they had just succeeded in making the
Quraysh the ridicule of Arabia.
Blockade of Banu Qaynuqa`
For fifteen consecutive days, the Muslims blockaded Banu Qaynuqa` within their
quarters, preventing any exit or entry. The Jews had no alternative but to surrender
and yield themselves to Muhammad's judgment. After consulting the Muslim leaders,
Muhammad decided to kill his captives. `Abdullah ibn Ubayy ibn Salul, allied to both
Jews and Muslims, asked Muhammad to be merciful toward his allies. When the
Prophet declined, `Abdullah repeated his request, and the Prophet declined again.
`Abdullah then seized the Prophet by his shield and would not let him go. At this, the
Prophet seemed rather angry and said with a loud voice, "Leave me; hands off !" Ibn
Ubayy replied, "No, by God, I shall not let you go until you give mercy to my
proteges. Three hundred armed and four hundred unarmed men have so far
protected me against every sort of people. Would you kill them all at once? By God, I
will never agree to such a judgment, for I fear the turns of fortune." `Abdulla was
still a man of great power, having command of the associationists of the Aws and
Khazraj tribes, although this power had largely waned with the growth of Muslim
power. His insistence caused the Prophet to regain his good temper and patience,
especially since `Ubadah~ ibn al Samit had joined ibn Ubayy in making the same
plea. He therefore decided to stretch his hand to `Abdullah, to all his proteges,
whether associationists or Jews, and to grant them all his mercy and benevolence.
He decreed only that the Banu Qaynuqa' should evacuate Madinah in punishment for
their misdeeds. Once more, ibn Ubayy tried to plead with Muhammad on behalf of
his proteges that they be allowed to remain in Madinah. One of the Muslims,
however, prevented ibn Ubayy from reaching the Prophet and forced him to remove
himself. The tribesmen of Banu Qaynuqa' then announced that "By God, we shall not
remain in a city where ibn Ubayy is pushed by force and we are unable to protect
him." 'Ubadah subsequently led them in the surrender of their arms and jewelmaking machinery and in the exodus from Madinah. They went to Wad! al Qura
where they tarried a while and then proceeded northward until they reached Adhri'at
near the frontier of al Sham, where they settled. Perhaps they went there because
they wanted to be nearer the Land of Promise that attracted the Jews then as it still
does today.
Political Unity in Madinah
Jewish power in Madinah was considerably reduced after the expulsion of Banu
Qaynuqa', for most of the Jews who called themselves Madinese lived far from
Madinah, in Khaybar and Umm al Qura. It was this political objective at which
Muhammad had aimed, and it reveals most clearly his political wisdom and foresight.
It was the first of a number of political consequences of Muhammad's strategy.
Nothing could be more harmful to the unity of a state than internal division. And if
internal strife is inevitable, it is equally inevitable that one faction will finally
establish its authority and dominion over all the others. Some historians have
criticized the conduct of the Muslims toward the Jews. They claim that the incident of
the Muslim woman at the jeweler's shop was relatively easy to settle as long as each
party had already paid with the loss of one of its members. In answer to this claim,
we may say that the victimization of the Jew and the Muslim did not efface the insult
which the Muslims suffered at the hands of the Jews in the person of that woman.
We may also argue that among the Arabs, more than among any other people, such
an insult produces far greater commotion and, according to custom, would have
easily caused continual war between two tribes for many long years. Examples of
such incidents and the wars which followed them are legion in Arab history. Besides
this consideration, however, there is yet a stronger one. The incident at the jeweler's
shop was to the blockade of Banu Qaynuqa` and their expulsion from Madinah as the
murder of the Austrian heir-apparent in Serajevo in 1914 was to World War I, which
enveloped the whole of Europe. The incident was only the spark which inflamed
Muslims and Jews and caused them to explode. The fact was that the presence of
Muslims, Jews, associationists and munafiqun in one city with all their disparate
ideals and customs made that city a political volcano replete with explosive power.
The blockade of Banu Qaynuqa` and their expulsion were a prologue to the coming
explosion.
The Campaign of Al Sawiq
After the expulsion of Banu Qaynuqa`, the non-Muslims of Madinah naturally
withdrew from public life and the city appeared peaceful and quiet. The peace lasted
one whole month and would have lasted longer were it not for Abu Sufyan who,
unable to bear the memory of Makkan defeat at Badr, resolved to venture again
outside of Makkah. He sought to reimpress the Arabs of the Peninsula with the notion
that Quraysh was still strong, dominant and capable of attack and war. He mobilized
two hundred Makkans (forty according to other versions) and led them out in secret
in the direction of Madinah. Upon arrival in the vicinity of Madinah, they attacked at
night a locality called al `Urayd. Only one Madinese and his client were in the locality
at the time. They were killed and their house and orchard destroyed. Abu Sufyan
thought his vow to attack Muhammad had now been fulfilled, and he and his
associates therefore left the scene quickly, fearing pursuit by the Prophet or his men.
The Muslims did in fact pursue Abu Sufyan as far as Qarqarat al Kudr. In order to
hasten their flight, Abu Sufyan and his party every now and then threw away some
of their provisions of wheat and barley flour. While the Muslims followed their trail,
they picked up these provisions; they soon realized, however, that the Makkans had
escaped, and they decided to return home. By this raid Abu Sufyan had sought to
console Quraysh after its defeat at Badr and to recapture its lost pride. In fact, his
scheme turned against him and his flight in face of his pursuers brought further
shame to Quraysh. Because of al sawiq (i.e., the flour), which the men of Quraysh
dropped on their path, this expedition was given the name "Al Sawiq Campaign."
Threat to the Shore Route of al Sham
The news of this event spread throughout the Arabian Peninsula. The distant tribes
remained safe in their distance and concerned themselves but little with the affairs of
those Muslims who, until the recent Battle of Badr, were nothing more than a weakly
group of refugees in Madinah. Even though the Muslims had resisted Quraysh
successfully, expelled Banu Qaynuqa` from Madinah, humbled `Abdullah ibn Ubayy,
frightened Abu Sufyan away, and broke the traditional pattern of power distribution
in the desert, it was only the tribes close to Madinah which realized what threat this
whole movement of Muhammad posed. Only they were aware of the serious
consequences of the contest for power between the Quraysh of Makkah and the
Muslims of Madinah. The shore route to al Sham was Makkah's well trodden path of
trade that brought significant economic advantages to these tribes. Muhammad had
entered into threatening alliances with a number of tribes flanking the shore route
and thereby exposed Makkah's commerce to serious danger. The tribes which lived
on this commerce feared that Quraysh might now choose another route. Before the
Hijrah of Muhammad and his companions to Yathrib, indeed before Muslim victory at
Badr, these tribes had felt relatively safe and secure. Now they pondered the future
and the threat to their prosperity. If Makkan trade were to take another route, how
would they sustain themselves in their arid and barren lands?
The Tribes' Fear of the Muslims
The Battle of Badr struck fear into the hearts of these tribes. Their leaders
considered whether or not to strike against Madinah now, before the situation got
utterly out of hand. Soon enough, it came to the ear of Muhammad that an army of
Ghatafan and Sulaym tribesmen were marching in the direction of Madinah; in turn,
he led an expedition of Muslim fighters to Qarqarat al Kudr to meet them. When the
Muslim force arrived, they found camel traces but no men. Muhammad sent a
number of his companions to reconnoiter the upper levels of the valley. While waiting
for them to return, he met a young boy by the name of Yasar and asked him about
the whereabouts of the enemy. The boy answered that they had gone to the spring
at the higher extremity of the valley. The Muslims seized the camels they found in
the area without battle and divided the booty as the Qur'an demanded, one-fifth
going to Muhammad. It was reported that their booty amounted to five hundred
camels of which the Prophet took one-fifth and distributed the rest equally among his
companions, each one getting two camels. Later on, it reached the ear of
Muhammad that Tha'labah and Muharib tribesmen had gathered at Dhu Amarr with
aggressive designs. The Prophet immediately led an expedition of four hundred and
fifty fighters to search out the enemy in their own grounds but without meeting
them. He did, however, come across a man from Tha'labah whom he questioned
regarding the whereabouts of the enemy. This man warned the Prophet that, should
they hear of his advance, they would run away to the mountain heights; and he
offered his services as a guide. The enemy soon heard of Muhammad's approach and
retreated to the mountains. Later learning that a great force of Banu Sulaym
tribesmen from Bahran were advancing on Madinah, the Prophet went out in haste
with a Muslim force of three hundred to meet them. A day's distance from Bahran,
the Muslims came across a man from Banu Sulaym who reported, upon questioning
by the Prophet, that the tribesmen had dispersed and returned home. All these
tribesmen were stricken with panic and fear for their future. They plotted against the
Muslims and oft went out in force to fight them. But no sooner did they hear of
Muhammad's sortie with his companions to meet them, than they would lose heart
and run away.
The Jews' Fear of Muhammad
It was during these times that Ka'b ibn al Ashraf was killed. This event instilled in the
Jews such fear that none of them dared leave his house. Muhammad's blockade and
expulsion of Banu Qaynuqa` intensified these fears.
They then came to Muhammad pleading their cause and accusing the Muslims of
having killed Ka'b deliberately, in spite of his personal innocence. Muhammad
answered, "The man whom you claim to be innocent has indeed harmed us deeply
and composed libelous poetry against us. Had he remained quiet like his
coreligionists, nothing would have befallen him." After long discussion of the matter,
Muhammad invited the Jews to enter with him into a new covenant agreeable to both
and which both would henceforth respect. But this covenant did not allay fears. Their
plotting against Muhammad continued as later events were to make evident.
The `Iraq Route to al Sham
How was Quraysh to conduct her trade now that Muhammad had cut off its route?
Makkah, it must be remembered, lived on trade. Without trade, its whole economy
was bound to founder. By cutting her trade route as he did, Muhammad had
practically imposed a blockade on her which would soon destroy her place and
influence in Arabia. It is reported that Safwan ibn Umayyah advised the Quraysh at
this stage that ';Muhammad and his companions have spoiled our trade. What shall
we do with him and his companions if they do not remove themselves from the
coastal area? The Muslims befriended the tribes who inhabited the coastal regions
and most of these have even joined their party. What shall we do with ourselves? To
live in Makkah devoid of trade is tantamount to eating up our capital funds and then
starving. Our whole life in the city, therefore, depends upon our summer trade with
al Sham and our winter trade with Abyssinia." To this al Aswad ibn `Abd al Muttalib
replied that the Makkans ought to abandon the coastal route to al Sham and
henceforth take the eastern route passing through al `Iraq. To help satisfy this
requirement, al Aswad suggested to Safwan that he should appoint Furat ibn
Hayyan, a tribesman of Banu Bakr ibn Wail, to show him the new route he should
take. Furat explained to them that the eastern route was safe because none of
Muhammad's companions ever approached it, but that it was an empty, waterless
desert. The desert did not frighten Safwan because the season was winter and the
need for water relatively small. He gathered merchandise amounting to one hundred
thousand Dirhams and prepared to start off toward al Sham. Nu'aym ibn Mas'ud al
Ashja'5, who was in Makkah at the time, learned of the preparation of this caravan.
Upon returning to Madinah he reported this news to Muhammad. The Prophet sent
Zayd ibn Harithah with a hundred riders to intercept the caravan at the oasis of al
Qardah in the center of Najd. The Makkans ran away at the encounter, leaving
behind the caravan which the Muslims took away as booty. Upon Zayd's return to
Madinah, Muhammad took one-fifth of the booty and divided the rest among his
men. Furat ibn Hayyan, the guide of the caravan, accepted Islam and thereby saved
himself.
Muhammad's Marriage to Hafsah
Did all these successes convince Muhammad that his position was really secure? Did
his present victories delude him about the dangers of the future? Did the fear of
Makkah and the various booty he had seized from Quraysh persuade him that the
word of God and His Prophet was really safe and secure? Did his faith in God's timely
help and providence cause him to let things take care of themselves on the grounds
that divine government is supreme? Certainly not. Although time and space belong
to God, yet the world runs according to unalterable laws innate to human nature and
everywhere the same. Quraysh, for instance, enjoyed mastery over Arabia. It was
not possible to expect her to give it up without a fight. Therefore, the fate of the
caravan of Safwan ibn Umayyah succeeded only in increasing their eagerness to
avenge themselves and to double their preparation for the day of vindication. Neither
could this escape Muhammad's vision, foresight, or wise planning. It was necessary
therefore, in anticipation of hostilities, for him to seek to strengthen his relationship
with his fellow Muslims. However closely Islam had knitted the wills of its adherents
and however strong the resultant social fabric, Muhammad must have deemed
further consolidation and unity desirable. For him to link himself to them in familial
bonds was regarded by Muhammad as well as by his companions as meeting this
noble objective. Thus he married Hafsah, daughter of `Umar ibn al Khattab, just as
formerly he had married `A'ishah, daughter of Abu Bakr. The former was the widow
of Khunays, an early convert to Islam, who died seven months previously. The
Prophet's marriage to Hafsah increased ibn al Khattab's attachment to him. In the
same spirit, Muhammad gave his daughter Fatimah in marriage to 'All, his cousin,
though the latter had loved Muhammad perhaps more than anyone else and had
remained loyal to him ever since he was a child. When the Prophet's daughter,
Ruqayyah, passed away, Muhammad gave `Uthman ibn `Affan, her bereaved
husband, his other daughter, Umm Kulthum. Thus he united in a bond of family and
blood Abu Bakr, `Umar, `Uthman, and `All, the four strongest personalities of his
community. By this and similar action, Muhammad guaranteed the solidarity of
Muslim ranks. He assured them that the booty they seized in their conquests would
be theirs. He encouraged them to go to war by combining in a single objective
service to God and fighting for His sake with the desire to make up their lost
possessions in Makkah with captured Makkan booty. Muhammad, by following the
news of Quraysh very closely throughout this period, always kept himself abreast of
her preparations for war. It was common knowledge that Quraysh was preparing for
her day of revenge and for the reopening of the coastal trade route to al Sham. She
was preparing for a war to preserve her commercial and religious position without
which it was impossible for her to exist.
The Campaign of Uhud
Quraysh's Preparations for Revenge
Ever since the Battle of Badr, Quraysh had not been at ease. The debacle of its al
Sawiq campaign and the recent loss of its caravan on the route of al `Iraq to the
Muslims under the command of Zayd ibn Harithah had intensified its resentment and
bent its mind upon the avenging of Badr. The tribesmen of Quraysh, lords, notables,
and noblemen of Makkah, could not forget their fallen brethren. How could they do
so while Makkah women were still mourning their sons, brothers, fathers, husbands,
and other relatives? Ever since Abu Sufyan ibn Harb reached Makkah with the
caravan that had caused the confrontation at Badr, he, together with those who
participated in the battle and other notables of Quraysh, such as Jubayr ibn Mut'im,
Safwan ibn Umayyah, `Ikrimah ibn Abu Jahl, al Harith ibn Hisham, Huwaytib ibn
`Abd al `Uzza and others, agreed to deposit the whole caravan in the community
house of Makkah (Dar al Nadwah) for public auction so that the proceeds might be
used in preparing an army to fight Muhammad. Their plans called for equipping a
great strong army and inciting the tribes to join in this war of revenge. They had
already incited Abu `Azzah, the poet, a captive of Badr who was forgiven by the
Prophet, to defect to their side. Likewise, they invited their Abyssinian clients to join
ranks with them. The women of Quraysh, for their part, insisted on accompanying
the army in order to witness and to enjoy the revenge. In deliberating whether or
not to permit them to do so, some argued that for the women to march alongside
the men and sing the songs of war would remind the soldiers of their fallen relatives
and further arouse them to fight. Those who argued in this vein were truly
desperate, for they were unwilling to return to their homes without either avenging
themselves or perishing in the process. Others thought otherwise. Some said, "0 Men
of Quraysh, it is not wise to expose your women to your enemies. Since it is not
absolutely impossible that you may have to run away for your lives, shame would
then befall your women." As the people deliberated, Hind, daughter of 'Utbah and
wife of Abu Sufyan said- "Indeed! We shall accompany the army and watch the
fighting. None may stand in our way or force us back to our homes as happened at al
Juhfah [The locality halfway between Makkah and Madinah on the
coastal route.] on that dies nefastus when our beloved ones fell in battle. And on
the Day of Badr, had the women been there to witness the soldiers run away from
the battle front, this would never have happened." Hind thus attributed the defeat at
Badr to the absence of women to arouse their men to sufficient self exertion in
battle. Her little speech sealed the argument, and the Quraysh began its march
against Muhammad together with the women who were now led by the most
resentful woman of all, Hind, who suffered at Badr the loss of two dearest relatives,
her father and brother. The Makkan army started off in solemn procession from Dar
al Nadwah in three divisions. Only a hundred men were from Thaqif whereas all the
others were Makkans and Arab or Abyssinian clients of Makkah equipped with great
amounts of armour, two hundred horses, and three thousand camels. They also
counted seven hundred men clad in heavy armour.
The Makkans' March against Madinah
While all these preparations were taking place with the consent and enthusiasm of
everyone, al `Abbas ibn `Abd al Muttalib, the Prophet's uncle, watched from a
distance and pondered. Despite his loyalty to the faith of his fathers and the religion
of his people, he was moved in his feeling toward Muhammad by a sense of
admiration complemented by a feeling of tribal solidarity within him. He recalled how
well Muhammad had treated him on the Day of Badr. It was the same sort of
admiration and tribal solidarity which had previously moved him to conclude the
Great Covenant of al `Aqabah with al Aws and al Khazraj tribes of Madinah, for the
purpose of guaranteeing the same safeguard and protection to Muhammad, his
nephew, as those which belonged to Madinese women and children. At the time, he
warned those tribes that were they ever to falter in providing such protection to his
nephew, they should withdraw and give up Muhammad's protection to his own
people. The same kind of feeling stirred within him when he saw Quraysh's
ubiquitous enthusiasm against Muhammad and when he witnessed this great army
marching forward toward Madinah. He wrote a letter describing the whole
preparation, military equipment, and number of Makkan soldiers and gave it to a
man from Ghifar whom he trusted to deliver to the Prophet in time. Soon, the
Quraysh army reached al Abwa' where Aminah, daughter of Wahb and mother of
Muhammad, was buried. Some Makkans thought of digging up her grave. However,
their leaders stopped them, fearful last they set a precedent among the Arabs, and
recalling that the Muslims too could retaliate with the Makkans' own dead buried in
their vicinities. Upon arrival at the locality of al `Aqiq, the Makkan army camped at
the foot of Mount Uhud, five miles from Madinah.
Al `Abbas's Message to the Prophet
The man from Ghifar, carrying the letter of al `Abbas ibn `Abd al Muttalib, arrived at
Madinah and found that Muhammad was at Quba'. There he proceeded; and, upon
meeting Muhammad at the door of the mosque when he was just about to leave,
handed over the letter to him. The message was read for Muhammad by Ubayy ibn
Ka'b who was then asked to keep its contents secret. Muhammad proceeded to
Madinah and called upon Sa'd ibn al Rabi` at his home, told him the content of the
message, and asked him to keep it secret. Sa`d's wife, however, who was at home
at the time overheard the conversation and the matter could no longer remain
secret. Muhammad then sent Anas and Mu'nis, the two sons of Fadalah, to
reconnoiter the movements of Quraysh. They found out that the army had
approached Madinah and let its horses and camels loose to graze in the plantations
surrounding the city. Muhammad then sent another scout, al Hubab ibn al Mundhir
ibn al Jamuh. When enough information had reached him to confirm the news his
uncle had sent, Muhammad became gravely concerned and perplexed. Salamah ibn
Salamah reported thereafter that the Quraysh cavalry was coming closer and closer
to Madinah and that they were about to enter the city. He rushed to his people and
warned them of the imminent danger. All the inhabitants of Madinah were
apprehensive due to the descriptions of the might and equipment of the enemy.
Their Muslim leaders even saw fit to guard the person of the Prophet with their own
swords throughout the night. Sentries were posted at all corners of the city. When
morning came, the Prophet called upon all Muslims, whether sincere or
insincere[The Qur'an called the insincere Muslims "munafiqun" or
pretenders. -Tr.], for a public consultation on the fate of the city and the means
by which they should meet the enemy.
Varying Opinions on Madinah's Defense
The Prophet-may God's blessing be upon him!-suggested that the Muslims should
hold fast to Madinah, reinforce themselves therein, and keep out the Quraysh.
Should the enemy decide to attack, the Muslims would fight from within and,
knowing their own ground, should be better able to repulse the enemy. `Abdullah
ibn Ubayy ibn Salul agreed with the Prophet and added: "Prophet of God, in the past
we always fought our enemies in Madinah by placing our women and children safely
in the upper stories of the houses and building walls connecting one house with
another on the perimeter of the city, thus making the town a single fortress. When
the enemy advanced on us, the women and children would hit them with stones with
which they had been amply provided while we would meet them with our swords in
the streets. Our city, O Prophet of God, has never been violated by an enemy
because none has ever entered it without meeting defeat. On the other hand, we
have never met an enemy outside our city without loss to ourselves. Please listen to
me in this matter and follow this wise plan which I inherited from the greatest
leaders and wise men of Madinah who have gone before."
The Prophet as well as the prominent among the Prophet's companions, whether
Muhajirun or Ansar, agreed with this view. However, the young Muslims who had not
participated in Badr, as well as others who had witnessed Badr but became
thereafter convinced that Muslim power was invincible, desired to go out of Madinah
and meet the enemy wherever he might be. They were disturbed by the idea that
unless they spoke to this effect, they might be suspected of cowardice. They argued
that since the enemy was not too far from Madinah, the Muslims would be stronger
than at Badr when they fought many miles away from their people and land. An
advocate of this view said
"I hate to see the Quraysh return to Makkah saying that they have locked up
Muhammad in the houses and buildings of Yathrib and have prevented him and his
companions from going out. Such talk would undoubtedly incite the Quraysh to
further acts of aggression. Now that they have entered our very orchards and
plantations, shown off their numbers and strength, and incited the Arab tribes and
Abyssinian clients to follow them, how could we allow them to blockade us in our
own homes and let them return without injury? Should we do that, they would surely
return to raid our frontiers, to blockade us again, and to cut off our roads to the
outside world." A number of other speakers spoke in favor of going out to meet the
enemy, arguing that in case God gave them victory they would have met their
objective. This would be a substantiation of the promise which God made to His
Prophet. On the other hand, should they be defeated and die, they would have fallen
as martyrs and would have won Paradise.
Call to Bravery and Martyrdom
This bold talk about bravery and martyrdom moved every Muslim heart and incited
the community as a whole to spring to its feet in enthusiasm over a prospect of
fighting in God's cause. With their eyes on Muhammad, their hearts filled with faith
in God, in His Prophet, Book, and Judgment, the image of their victory over this
aggressive force standing out to attack them dissipated every other idea. They
began to imagine themselves marching deep within enemy ranks, cutting them down
with their swords and seizing their booty. The picture of paradise hovering before
their eyes as martyrs in God's cause was just as the Qur'an had described it. It was
a garden replete with everything desirable and beautiful where they would be
reunited with the martyrs of Badr who preceded them, therein to dwell eternally, and
"where there is neither gossip nor accusation and where every conversation is a talk
of peace?[Qur'an, 56:25-26]. At this juncture, Khaythamah Abu Sa'd ibn
Khaythamah said: "Perhaps, God will give us victory over them, or our turn will be
one of martyrdom. Despite my great desire to be at Badr, it was not my fortune to
go, but my son's. God was pleased to grant him his martyrdom. Last night, I saw
him in a dream calling to me, `Hurry up, Father, and join us in Paradise, for here I
have truly found everything that God had promised me.' By God, Prophet, of God, I
now long to join my son in Paradise. I am advanced in years and my hair has turned
gray. Surely do I yearn to meet my Lord." Overwhelmed by this and similar
speeches, the Muslims present inclined toward going out to meet the enemy.
Muhammad nonetheless advised against it, as if apprehensive of what it was to
bring. But everybody insisted, and he had to agree with them. Community consensus
and decision had always been his system of worldly government, and he departed
from it only in case of a direct revelation to the contrary.
Discipline and Mutual Consultation
The day was a Friday. Muhammad led the prayer and informed the congregation that
their victory depended on their patience and careful preparation for war. After the
mid-afternoon prayers, he returned home with Abu Bakr and `Umar, who helped him
put on his armour and handed to him his sword. In the meantime, the people were
waiting outside and arguing with one another. Usayd ibn Hudayr and Sa'd ibn
Mu'adh, who had argued in favor of remaining in Madinah, addressed the people in
these words: "You must have noticed that the Prophet was of the opinion that we
should remain in Madinah and meet our enemy here. In saying what you did, you
dissuaded him from this position against his will. Had you not better delegate the
matter to him entirely, follow his verdict, and obey him?" The protagonists of the
opposite view were suddenly struck by the idea that they might have opposed the
Prophet in a matter in which God might have guided him. When he came out of his
house wearing his armour and carrying his sword, they came to him pleading that
they did not mean to disagree with him. They declared themselves prepared to abide
by his and God's judgment whatever that may be. Muhammad answered: "I have
previously called you to follow such a course but you resisted. The Prophet is not one
to put away his armour and sword once he puts them on until God's judgment is
rendered between him and his enemies. Obey me henceforth. Victory will be yours
provided you bear yourselves in patience." Thus, besides the principle of consensus,
Muhammad placed order at the foundation of government. Once the community has
made up its mind after due deliberation, it should not alter it in haste, but endeavor
resolutely to see through. It is then the responsibility of its executive to see to it that
the course followed does indeed accomplish the objective sought.
The Muslims' March
Muhammad set out at the head of his force in the direction of Uhud. His first stop
was at a locality called al Shaykhan where he met a group of people unknown to him
and who, upon inquiry, turned out to be the Jewish allies of ibn Ubayy. The Prophet
ruled that unbelievers may not be taken as allies against unbelievers unless they
become Muslims. The Jewish column therefore was commanded to return to
Madinah. The friends of ibn Ubayy began to whisper in his ear that Muhammad had
slighted him by disregarding the ancestral wisdom which he had put at the disposal
of Muhammad but which the latter had rejected in favor of the childish views of the
Muslims. Soon ibn Ubayy became convinced that the Muslims were following the
wrong course and returned with his own men to Madinah. The sincere believers who
remained with the Prophet numbered seven hundred as against the three thousand
Makkan fighters of the Quraysh tribe.
Ordering the Ranks for Battle
The Muslim force reached Uhud toward the morning. They crossed the valleys and
ascended over dunes. Muhammad ordered his companions in rows and placed fifty
archers on the side of the mountain. Fearing that the enemy might surprise the
Muslims from the rear, he ordered the archers to protect that side under all
circumstances. Specifically, he commanded them never to leave their place
regardless of whether the Muslims plunged into the enemy camp and won, or fell in
their places at the hand of the enemy. Should the enemy cavalry charge, it was the
duty of the archers to repel that charge with arrows. He commanded everyone not to
begin the fight except on his command, but he ordered the archers to attack the
enemy on sight and before he reached Muslim ranks.
Quraysh Women
Quraysh, too, ordered its forces in rows, placing Khalid ibn al Walid on the right and
`Ikrimah ibn Abu Jahl on the left. They gave the command to `Abd al Uzza Talhah
ibn Abu Talhah. The women were running back and forth between the lines of the
fighters striking their drums and tamburines and, led by Hind, daughter of `Utbah
and wife of Abu Sufyan, sang:
"Ho Ho, Sons of `Abd al Dar ! Ho Ho, Guardians of the land! Strike down your
enemies! Advance forward and we shall embrace you! Advance forward and we shall
spread the carpets for you! Turn your backs and we shall avoid you! Turn your backs
and we shall never come to you!"
Abu Dujanah and His Death-Scarf
Thus the two parties were poised for battle and the leaders aroused their own men
to fight, the Quraysh by summoning the memory of Badr and its victims, the Muslims
by remembering God and the promise of His victory. Muhammad raised his sword in
front of his companions and invited them to come forward to get it provided they
could fulfill one condition. A number of them rushed to him but were sent back. Abu
Dujanah Simak ibn Kharashah, brother of Banu Sa'idah, rose and asked, "What is
the provision, 0 Prophet of God?" The Prophet answered, "That you continue to strike
the enemy with it until it breaks." Abu Dujanah was a very brave man who had a red
scarf which, as everybody knew, signaled that he was bent on fighting until victory
or death. As he drew this scarf and wrapped it around his head, the Prophet gave
him the sword. He took it and started to dance in joy between two rows of fighters,
as he was wont to do before entering into battle. When Muhammad saw him perform
this dance, he said that "Such would be hateful to God except under the
circumstances."
Abu `Amir, slave of `Amr ibn Sayfi al Awsi, was the first to start the hostilities.
Previously, he had moved from Madinah to Makkah in order to arouse the Quraysh to
fight Muhammad. He had not witnessed the Battle of Badr. Anxious not to miss this
time, he came to Uhud with a retinue of soldiers consisting of fifteen al Aws
tribesmen and a number of slaves from Makkah. Once he claimed that he could
persuade his fellow tribesmen who converted to Islam to fight with Quraysh against
Muhammad. Putting this large claim to the test, he called to them and announced his
identity. But his tribesmen replied with curses and damnations. Infuriated at the
result, he approached Muslim ranks and started to fight. To the left, `Ikrimah ibn
Abu Jahl with a company of slaves attempted to penetrate Muslim lines at the flank.
The Muslims met them with stones and caused them to withdraw. At this moment,
Hamzah ibn `Abd al Muttalib gave the war cry, "Die! Die!" and sprang forward into
the thick of the Quraysh lines. Talhah ibn Abu Talhah, carrier of the Makkan flag,
sprang forward asking the Muslims to duel with him. 'Ali ibn Abu Talib advanced forth
to fight with him. The encounter was soon over as 'Ali struck his enemy a single fatal
stroke. Exalted, the Prophet and the Muslims yelled, "God is Great," and advanced
for the general charge. Abu Dujanah, with the Prophet's sword in hand and its head
wrapped in the "scarf of death," as he called it, killed everyone with whom he fought.
He saw one Makkan fighting a Muslim with his fingernails. As he prepared to deal
with him, he discovered that it was a woman and that it was Hind, daughter of
`Utbah. He immediately withdrew and saved the Prophet's sword from ever touching
a woman's blood.
The Martyrdom of Hamzah
The Quraysh forces advanced ferociously, and the general melee between the
disproportionately balanced forces began. The larger army was motivated by
resentment and a consuming will to vengeance; the smaller by its faith in God and
His religion and the will to defend its homeland as well as its interests. Those who
sought revenge surpassed them in number and equipment. They were heartened and
cheered by the women, each of whom promised one soldier or another her most
precious possessions if he could only avenge for her previous loss of her father or
brother, husband, or relative. Hamzah ibn `Abd al Muttalib was one of the greatest
and most courageous of Arab heroes. At Badr, it was he who killed `Utbah, father of
Hind, as well as her brother and a number of other close relatives of hers. True to his
reputation, Hamzah distinguished himself in battle on the Day of Uhud. He killed
Artat ibn `Abd Shurahbil, Siba` ibn `Abd al `Uzza al Ghubshani, and a number of
others. His sword seemed invincible. Hind had promised Wahshi, the Abyssinian
client of Jubayr, a great amount of wealth should he succeed in killing Hamzah. To
encourage him further, Jubayr ibn Mut'am, his master whose uncle was also killed at
Badr, promised Wahshi his freedom if he succeeded. The story following was later
told by Wahshi : "I set out among others, planning to fight with my javelin as all
Abyssinians do, for I hardly ever miss my objective with it. When the great
encounter took place, I looked around for Hamzah and caught him with my eyes. I
saw him right in the middle of the melee, standing out as clearly as a black camel in
the herd and felling everybody around him with his sword. I swung my javelin and,
making sure it was well balanced, I threw it at him and it fell right on him hitting him
in the abdomen and piercing him through. I left my javelin and its victim pinned
down under it until he died. Later on I came to him and pulled my javelin away and
returned then to the camp and fought no longer. I had killed him in order to win my
liberty, and that I had now achieved. When I returned to Makkah, my manumission
was officially recognized."
Those in the Muslim camp fell into two categories: The sincere Muslims and the
munafiqun. The prototype of the latter was Quzman, who joined Islam but never
really believed in it. When the Muslim army left Madinah, Quzman refused to march.
The next morning the women of Banu Zafar began to shame him for his cowardice.
"0 Quzman," they said to him, "have you lost your sense of shame or have you
become a woman to stay behind while all the men are out fighting?" Incensed,
Quzman went to his home, put on his armour, bow, arrows and sword, and set out to
join the Prophet's army. He was known to be a brave soul. When he arrived on the
scene, he found the Prophet ordering the ranks of the Muslim soldiers. He went
straight through to the first row and was the first to throw himself into the battle. He
shot his arrows and pierced many an enemy's chest. Toward the end of the day, he
was still determined to fall fighting, and he continued to fight until he did. He killed
seven of the enemy in one short hour in addition to all the others whom he had killed
with his arrows. Passing by him and finding him about to die, Abu al Ghaydaq
congratulated him on his achievement of martyrdom. Quzman answered, "0 Abu
`Amir, I have not really fought for the faith. I have fought only in order to prevent
Quraysh from invading our territory and violating our homes and properties. By God,
I fought only in order to protect my people and my land. Without those I would
never have done it."
The other group were the true believers. They were not over seven hundred strong
and they faced three thousand of the enemy. What has so far been said concerning
the deeds of Hamzah and Abu Dujanah reveals an idea of the power of Muslim
morale. This was a power before which the soldiers of Quraysh reeled like worms,
despite all the courage and heroism for which they were famous throughout Arabia.
Their flag was carried so proudly that none would allow it to lay fallen; and as soon
as it fell, another soldier would raise it anew. When 'Ali ibn Abu Talib killed its
carrier, Talhah ibn Abu Talhah, it was immediately raised again by `Uthman ibn Abu
Talhah. And when `Uthman fell at the hands of Hamzah, it was raised again by Abu
Sa'd ibn Abu Talhah. At the moment he raised the Makkan flag he shouted at the
Muslims, "Do you pretend that your martyrs are in paradise and ours in hell? By God,
you lie! If anyone of you truly believes such a story, let him come forward and fight
with me." His challenge attracted Ali [According to another version, it was
Sa'd ibn Abu Waqqas that was so attracted.] who killed him on the spot. The
Banu `Abd al Dar kept on carrying the Makkan flag until they lost nine men. The last
of them was Su'ab, the Abyssinian slave of Banu `Abd al Dar, whose right hand
carrying the flag was struck by the aforementioned Quzman. Su'ab seized the flag
and raised it high with the left arm. Quzman struck it with his sword again. Having
lost both arms, Su'ab now seized the flag and pressed it to his chest with whatever
was left of his arms and even bent his back to support it while saying "0 Banu `Abd
al Dar, have I not done my duty?" Either Quzman or Sa'd ibn Abu Waqqas killed him.
When all the party in charge of the Makkan flag were decimated, the Makkan
associationists realized their defeat and began to run for their lives. Even their
women were now exposed, and the statue which they had brought with them on
camel back to bless them had now fallen to the ground and was broken.
Muslim Victory on the Morning of Uhud
Actually, the victory the Muslims achieved on that morning was a genuine war
miracle. Some may attribute it to the sound judgment of Muhammad in placing the
archers on the mountain side so that they could hit the enemy cavalry before they
could reach the Muslim lines while at the same time protecting the rear of all Muslim
forces. Muhammad's good judgment is undoubtedly true. But it is equally true that
when six hundred Muslims threw themselves against an enemy force five times
greater than theirs, they could not possibly have done so and achieved such bravery
unless their deeds sprang from t heir candid faith in the righteousness of their own
cause. Whoever believes in the cause of truth is not bothered by the material
preponderance of any power, however great, and his will would not be shaken even
if all the forces of evil rallied against him. Sincere faith in God Almighty is the
greatest power, the greatest idea. It is invincible. As long as its subject remains
sincere and loyal to it, there is no doubt that sincere faith must obtain all it wills.
Therefore, Quraysh was shattered and defeated with all its three thousand fighters
by the six hundred Muslims. That is why the women of Quraysh were about to be
taken captive. When the Muslims followed up their enemies far from the battlefield,
those who remained fell upon the large booty left behind. Indeed, many Muslims
were thus drawn away from pursuing the defeated enemy.
The Muslims' Preoccupation with Booty
The archers whom Muhammad had commanded not to leave the mountainside even
to rescue the Prophet and his companions from what might seem to them to be
certain death watched the battle from their height, and saw the defeated enemy
running away and the pursuing Muslims seizing the booty. This whetted their
appetites. For a moment, they argued with one another in seeking to convince
themselves that no purpose would be served by keeping their position now that God
had defeated their enemy. As they watched their fellow Muslims gather the booty,
they strongly felt like joining them. When a wiser voice reminded them that the
Prophet had commanded them not to leave their position even for rescuing the
Muslims from certain death, they rationalized that he had not intended for them to
remain in their positions that long, certainly not after the defeat of the enemy.
`Abdullah ibn Jubayr advised them not to violate the Prophet's commandment
whatever the circumstances. The majority did not heed his advice, however, but
descended to the plain. Ten men only kept their ground. This provided Khalid ibn al
Walid, Commander of the Makkan cavalry, the golden opportunity to attack and seize
the mountainside where the archers were. He eliminated the remainder of the
Muslim archers and occupied the mountainside. The other Muslims were not aware of
what was happening, preoccupied as they were in gathering everything of value on
the field. After he occupied the mountainside, ibn al Walid signaled to the Quraysh to
attack again and he advanced upon the Muslims from the rear. The defeated
Makkans rallied to his call, turned about and resumed the fighting. The Muslims
dropped the booty they carried, drew their swords and defended themselves. But
their victory was lost. Their ranks were disorderly and their unity was in shreds.
Quraysh took a heavy toll of Muslim lives. Earlier, the Muslims were fighting by the
command of God and out of their faith in Him and in victory; now they fought in
order to save their own lives from certain death and humiliation. Earlier, the Muslims
were fighting in a united and orderly manner, under a strong and resolute
leadership; now they fought without order or leadership. So great was the disorder
that some may have struck their own fellows. Finally, when somebody raised the cry
that Muhammad was killed, chaos reined supreme, Muslim morale plunged to the
bottom and Muslim soldiers fought sporadically and purposelessly. This chaos was
responsible for their killing of Husayl ibn Jabir Abu Hudhayfah by mistake, as
everyone sought to save his own skin by taking flight except such men as 'Ali ibn
Abu Talib whom God had guided and protected.
The Prophet's Injury
When the Quraysh heard of the fall of Muhammad, their forces fell upon Muslim
ranks with renewed vigor. Every one of them was seeking to hit Muhammad, even if
dead, that he might have the honor and pride of having participated in his downfall.
The Muslims who stood close to the Prophet protected him and drew a close circle
around him. Their faith had come back to them and they now stood their ground
anxious to lay down their lives in order to save their Prophet. The fact is that one of
the stones thrown by the Quraysh had hit the Prophet and caused him to fall to the
ground, with a cut lip, a wounded face, and a broken tooth. The stone that hit the
Prophet was thrown by `Utbah ibn Abu Waqqas. It landed with such force that it
pushed two links of Muhammad's helmet chain into his wound. Muhammad
attempted to stand up behind a shield of his companions, but he fell again, this time
in a hole which Abu `Amir had dug as a trap for the Muslims. `Ali ibn Abu Talib ran
to Muhammad and gave him his hand and, together with Talhah ibn `Ubaydullah,
lifted him again to his feet. He and his .companions then began to retreat toward the
mountain of Uhud while fighting their pursuing enemies.
Desperate Defense of the Prophet's Person
In a moment, however, a number of other Muslims joined the circle of the Prophet,
and these were so determined and desperate in their defense that they formed an
impregnable barrier between the Prophet and the enemy. Umm `Amarah al
Ansariyyah, the Madinese, had been on the battlefield since the morning to give
water to the Muslim fighters to drink. When the Muslims suffered defeat, she threw
down her water jug, drew her sword, and joined the other fighters around the
Prophet for his protection. She shot a number of arrows until she herself was
wounded. Abu Dujanah placed himself as a shield before the Prophet and even
exposed his back to the falling arrows lest they should hit the Prophet. Sa'd ibn Abu
Waqqas shot arrows which Muhammad passed to him while lending him
encouragement. A little earlier, Muhammad himself was using his bow and shot at
the enemy until the string of his bow broke. Those who thought that Muhammad had
perished, including Abu Bakr and `Umar, went toward the mountain and sat down.
When Anas ibn al Nadr inquired why they were giving up so soon, and was told that
the Prophet of God had been killed, he retorted: "And what would you do with
yourselves and your lives after Muhammad died? Rise, and die like he did." He
turned, charged against the enemy, and fought gallantly. He kept on fighting despite
his wounds and did not give up until he was hit seventy times. His body was so torn
up with wounds that only his sister could identify it by means of his fingers alone.
The Prophet's Escape
Quraysh took the news of Muhammad's death with exhilaration and joy, and Abu Sufyan began a
search for his body on the battlefield. The Muslims around Muhammad did not deny the news of
his death in obedience to Muhammad's own commandment designed to prevent any new
onslaught by the Quraysh against him. Ka'b ibn Malik, however, came close to the circle and,
bending himself over Abu Dujanah, noticed that the Prophet was there and still alive. He
proclaimed at the top of his voice: "O Believers, be glad, for the Prophet of God is here and still
alive." The Prophet, however, asked him to keep quiet. The Muslims then reinforced the
protective circle around the Prophet and moved with him farther up toward the mountain; they
were led by Abu Bakr, `Umar, 'Ali ibn Abu Talib, al Zubayr ibn al `Awwam and others. The cry of
Ka'b brought about a different effect upon the Quraysh. Most of the latter did not believe it but
regarded it as an enemy trick designed to rally the Muslims to fight again. A few Makkans ran
toward the Muslims shouting, "Where is Muhammad? Death to me if he lives!" The Prophet hurled
the javelin of al Harith ibn al Simmah at the oncoming party. It hit the leader, threw him off his
horse, and killed him. When the Muslims reached the entrance to the valley on the other side, 'Ali
filled his shield with water, washed Muhammad's face and poured some water on his head. Abu
`Ubaydah ibn al Jarrah pulled out the two links of chain from Muhammad's wound, and his two
front teeth fell off in the process. While this was taking place, Khalid ibn al Walid pursued the
Muslims on the hillside with a small force of Makkan cavalry. But they were repelled by `Umar ibn
al Khattab and a number of the Prophet's companions. The Muslims continued their retreat. So
great was their exhaustion that when it was noon, the Prophet led the prayer seated, suffering as
he was from his wounds, and the Muslims prayed behind him seated also.
Mutilation of the Muslim Dead
Quraysh was intoxicated with her victory and deemed her vengeance for Badr fully taken. The
occasion gave Abu Sufyan such cause for pride that he said, "A great day was won against the
day of Badr. Next year will see the same." His wife Hind, daughter of `Utbah, was not satisfied
with this victory. Nor was she satisfied with the death of Hamzah ibn `Abd al Muttalib. With her
women companions she ~ ran toward the battlefield and began the mutilation of the Muslim
dead. She cut off a number of noses and ears in order to make a string and a necklace of them.
She then cut the body of Hamzah open and pulled out his liver which she began to chew. These
ugly deeds of hers and of her women companions were so unbecoming that even Abu Sufyan, her
husband, denounced her. He said to one of the Muslims: "Your dead were indeed mutilated; but I
swear by God that I have never approved of such deeds. How can I be accused of commanding
them?"
Muhammad's Mourning of Hamzah
The Quraysh returned to Makkah after burying their dead. The Muslims returned to the battlefield
to bury theirs, and Muhammad sought out the body of his uncle, Hamzah. When he saw that his
body was mutilated, Muhammad felt profoundly sad and vowed that he would never allow such a
hateful thing to happen again and that he would someday avenge these evil deeds. It was on this
occasion that the revelation was made
"And if you punish, inflict the same punishment as has been meted out to you. But if you bear
patiently, it is certainly better for you. Do bear then patiently; for the reward of your patience is
with God. Do not feel sad nor give way to anger because of their plotting.?[Qur'an, 16:126-
127]
The Prophet of God then pardoned, bore patiently, and laid down an absolute prohibition against
mutilation. Hamzah was given burial on the spot where he lay, Muhammad conducting the
funerary prayer and Hamzah's sister, Safiyyah, daughter of `Abd al Muttalib, participating. All
prayed for God to show them His mercy. The Prophet then commanded burial for all the dead,
which numbered seventy; and, when this was completed, he led his party back to Madinah. The
Muslims were quite sad and solemn for having encountered such defeat after their victory, and
such humiliation after their splendid accomplishment. They fully realized that it was the archers'
disobedience of Muhammad as well as the Muslims' preoccupation with booty that had exposed
them to this sad turn of events.
Need for Recapturing the Lost Prestige
The Prophet went home and thought deeply. The Jews, the munafiqun, and the
associationists of Madinah were elated at the news of the setback. Muslim power in
Madinah had been such that none could effectively oppose it. Now it stood ready to
be shaken. `Abdullah ibn Ubayy ibn Salul did not participate in the Battle of Uhud
because Muhammad as well as the Muslims did not wish to ~ listen to his advice.
Moreover, Muhammad declared himself angry against `Abdullah's clients, the Jews.
Were this setback at Uhud the last judgment on the Muslims vis-a-vis the Quraysh,
the fate of Muhammad and his companions would have been easily disposed of by
the tribesmen of the Peninsula, and their political power in Yathrib would have
crumbled. The Muslims would have become objects of universal derision. In such
circumstances, the associationists and pagans would surely have been emboldened
to attack the religion of God, and that would have been the greatest tragedy. It was
necessary, therefore, to direct some strike against the enemy in order to offset the
defeat of Uhud and to recapture Muslim morale as well as to instill fear in the hearts
of the Jews and the munafiqun. Such a measure was necessary if the political power
of Muhammad and his companions in Yathrib was to regain its strength.
Resumption of Fighting on the Morrow
On the morrow, which fell on Sunday the 16th of Shawwal, the mu'adhdhin of the
Prophet called upon the Muslims to regroup and pursue the enemy. Only those who
had participated in the previous day's battle were, however, allowed to proceed.
When the Muslims set out toward the Makkan force, Abu Sufyan immediately learned
that his enemies had returned from Madinah with new reinforcements. Muhammad
reached Hamra' al Asad while Abu Sufyan and his companions were still at al Rawha'.
Since he passed by both camps, Ma'bad al Khuza`i, who was still an associationist,
was asked by Abu Sufyan about Muhammad and his forces. He replied that
"Muhammad and his companions are coming after you with such a large army that I
have never seen the like of it. Those who were not present yesterday are all with him
today shouting with anger and seeking revenge." Abu Sufyan, on the other hand,
though he wanted to run away from any more confrontations with Muhammad,
pondered the consequences of such a flight. Would not the Arabs say of Quraysh in
such an eventuality what he himself would have liked to say of Muhammad and his
companions? But then, were he to return to Muhammad and the Muslims defeat
them this time, would not the Quraysh be destroyed once and for all? He therefore
made recourse to a trick. With some riders of `Abd al Qays proceeding to Madinah,
he sent a message to Muhammad that the Quraysh had decided to pursue the
Muslims in order to finish them off. When this message reached Muhammad at
Hamra' al Asad, his will and determination remained constant and his decision
unchanged. The whole Muslim force, which remained in place for three days and
three nights, made large bonfires during the night in order to show the world that
they were there to stay. Finally, disagreeing with Abu Sufyan, the Quraysh preferred
to save the memory of their victory of Uhud and to return to Makkah. Thereafter,
Muhammad returned to Madinah with more confidence in Muslim power, though the
insincere believers began to raise their heads in derision of the Muslims and asked
"If the battle of Badr was a sign from God proving the veracity of Muhammad's
prophethood, what was the sign of the battle of Uhud ?"[Significantly, this is
the
same question which Western Islamicist Wilfred Cantwell Smith thinks
confutes Muslims in modern times because of its novelty. See his
Islam in Modern History, Princeton, New Jersey, Princeton University Press,
1957, ch. II, where he argues that the view that Islam's movement in
history is God willed and God-incepted-such as Islam holds-leads in
case of frustration, loss or defeat, to the absurdity either that God's
will is being frustrated or that the movement in question is not Godwilled. Smith omits here to consider that the unfolding of God's will in
history is, in Islam, not the working of blind necessity but that of free
men whose responsible decisions are the very stuff of divine will, so
that defeat or victory are attributable to them rather than to God. It
was this moralism of the Muslims that saved them after their defeat at
Uhud and at the hands of Crusaders and Tatars in the Middle Ages.
And it is likely to save them, too, after their defeat by an imperialist
West in modern times. -Tr.]
The Effects of Uhud
Muhammad's Policy after Uhud
After Uhud, Abu Sufyan returned to Makkah preceded by the news of his victory. He
arrived home exalted and overjoyed for having removed from Quraysh the stain of
defeat at Badr. As soon as he entered the city and before setting foot in his
residence, he went to the Ka'bah where he offered thanksgiving and prayers to its
high god Hubal. He then shaved his sideburns and returned to his residence feeling
that the vow he had made not to touch his wife until he had defeated Muhammad
had now been fulfilled. The Muslims, on the other hand, despite the fact that they
spent three whole days in the open, challenging their enemy to return and engage
them without avail, were derided by the Madinese. Nobody mentioned, the Muslim
victory in the first round of battle. Evidently, Madinah was simply not favorable to
the Muslims, Muhammad's great political power notwithstanding. The Prophet-May
God's peace and blessing be upon him-felt this hostility strongly, not only from
Madinah but also from all the surrounding Arab tribes who only a few days earlier
feared and respected Muslim power. The Battle of Uhud had enabled the non-Muslim
elements of Madinah and its surroundings to dare to stand in the face of Muhair mad
and even to oppose him. Hence Muhammad took especial care to keep himself
abreast of developments within and without the city, and he prepared himself for
recapturing and reestablishing Muslim power and reputation.
The Campaign of Abu Salamah ibn `Abd al Asad
The first news of enemy movement that came to Muhammad's ear told that Tulayhah
and Salamah, sons of Khuwaylid and leaders of Banu Asad, were inciting their
tribesmen and clients to attack Madinah and to seek Muhammad in his own house.
They were also inciting them to raid the city outskirts to seize the cattle of the
Muslims. Apparently, they were emboldened by the consideration that Muhammad
and his companions were still shaken by defeat and that their power was on the
decline. As soon as the Prophet heard of this, however, he sent forth Abu Salamah
ibn `Abd al Asad at the head of an expeditionary force of one hundred and fifty
fighters including Abu `Ubaydah ibn al Jarrah, Sa'd ibn Abu Waqqas, and Usayd ibn
Hudayr. He ordered the force to march by night along untrodden paths, to lie still by
day, and to surprise the enemy wherever possible. Abu Salamah followed the
instructions of the Prophet and found his enemy unprepared. Shortly before dawn,
he talked to his men, inspiring them to holy war, and they attacked. The enemy ran
away in defeat. The Muslims pursued them and returned after having stripped them
of all their possessions. They divided the booty among themselves after saving one
fifth of it for God, His Prophet, the poor, and the wayfarer; then they returned to
Madinah victorious. Their accomplishment restored some of the Muslim prestige
which had been lost at Uhud. Abu Salamah, however, did not live long after this raid,
for his wound at Uhud had not been completely cured. His participation in this raid,
during which he reopened the wound, finally brought about his death.
The Campaign of `Abdullah ibn Unays
Later Muhammad learned that Khalid ibn Sufyan ibn Nubayb al Hudhali was either at
Nakhlah or `Uranah arousing the people and inciting them to raid Madinah. He
commanded `Abdullah ibn Unays to travel to Madinah in order to reconnoiter for
him. After going forth, `Abdullah found Khalid in the company of women. When
asked by Khalid about his identity, `Abdullah answered, "I am an Arab tribesman
who has heard of you and of the army you are raising to fight Muhammad and I have
come to you to join your ranks." Khalid did not hide the fact that he was actually
raising an army in order to attack Madinah. In a moment of separation from his men,
and in the company of his women, `Abdullah asked Khalid to walk with him a little
while in order to discuss certain affairs. When they were at a safe distance, he fell on
him with his sword and killed him. Khalid's women were the only witnesses and they
began to cry and mourn for him. `Abdullah returned home and informed the Prophet
of his exploits. This single-handed campaign had the effect of silencing the Banu
Lihyan branch of the Hudhayl tribe for some time. But the Band Libyan began to
think of ways and means to avenge the murder of their leader.
The Battle of al Raji` (625 C.E)
About this time, a group of tribesmen living in the district of Muhammad came to him
saying, "There are some Muslims among us. Please send with us some of your
companions to teach us the law of Islam and to recite the Qur'an." Muhammad was
in the habit of sending his companions upon request to such areas and tribes in
order to perform such religious functions and to call men to the true faith and
guidance as well as to find new political allies. It will be recalled that Muhammad
sent such companions to Madinah after the great covenant of `Aqabah. In fulfillment
of this new request, Muhammad sent six of his notable companions. When they were
all camping at a welt belonging to the tribe of Hudhayl in the Hijaz at a place called
al Raji', their host betrayed them to the Hudhayl tribe. The six Muslims arose to find
that they were surrounded by enemies with drawn swords. They drew their swords
too and prepared for battle. But the Hudhayl tribesmen said, "It is not our intention
to kill you but to sell you as captives to the people of Makkah. Lay down your swords
and we solemnly promise that we shall not kill you." The Muslims looked to one
another and decided that a humiliating captivity in Makkah was far worse than loss of
life. Rejecting the promise of Hudhayl, they began to fight knowing that they were
outnumbered. Hudhayl killed three of them and overpowered the other three. They
tied their hands and drove them toward Makkah. `Abdullah ibn Talib managed to pull
his hands free and seized his sword to fight his captors. But they overwhelmed and
killed him. The other two captives were brought to Makkah and sold by the Hudhayl.
Zayd ibn al Dathinah was purchased by Safwan ibn Umayyah in order to be killed in
revenge for his father, Umayyah ibn Khalaf. The captive was given over to Safwan's
servant Nastas for execution. Abu Sufyan questioned the captive: "Tell me, 0 Zayd,
would you not prefer that Muhammad were here in your place to receive this last
punishment while you were at home with your people?" Zayd answered, "No! By
God, I certainly prefer that Muhammad be where he is, safe from all harm. That is
more preferable to me than reunion with my people." Stupefied, Abu Sufyan
rejoined, "Never have I seen anyone more beloved by his companions than
Muhammad." Nastas executed the order of his master and killed Zayd, the man who
remained true to his religion and Prophet. As for Khubayb, lie was kept in jail until
such time as they would crucify him. In his last hour, he asked to be allowed to pray,
and they let him. After completion of his prayer, he exclaimed "By God, were I not
afraid that you might think I was not ready to die, I would have prolonged my
prayer." They lifted him to the cross and tied him to it. With great passion, he prayed
to God "O God, reduce their numbers, rout, and disperse them, do not let any one of
them escape." There was such a ring in his voice that his executioners were seized
with panic and fell to the ground as if his curse had really struck them. Like Zayd
before him, Khubayb died a martyr, true to his Creator, and loyal to His religion and
Prophet. It would have been possible for these two pure soils to save themselves
from death if they had apostatized. But their conviction of God, of His Spirit, of the
Day of Judgment-the Day on which every soul will receive its due, and no vicarious
substitutes will be allowed-caused them to see death ,is a fitting finale for the life of
faith. Undoubtedly, they must have believed that their innocent lives now being laid
down on Makkan soil would one day arouse their Muslim brethren to conquer that
city, destroy its idols, and purify it from paganism and associationism. They were
certain that someday the Ka'bah should rightly be sanctified as the House of God
ought to be and that someday its walls would reverberate with none but the name of
God alone.
The western Orientalists do not note this event as they do the execution of the two
captives of Badr by the Muslims. None of them has even condemned this treacherous
execution of two innocent Muslims who participated in no war but who were dragged
stealthily into the enemy camp while they were teaching the very men who were
planning their murder or sale to their enemies. None of them had thought to
condemn the Quraysh despite the fact that its behavior in this case was nothing
short of cowardice and cold-blooded murder. The rules of the most primitive justice
would have required of those western Orientalists who condemned the Muslims'
execution of the two Badr captives that they condemn, a fortiori, this treason of
Quraysh and of the men who sold her the two captives after killing their four
colleagues. Neither did Quraysh capture them in an honest fight. It bought them
from people who tricked them into their camp by inviting them to be the teachers of
truth, to instruct, and to enlighten them in matters of the faith.
Muhammad and the Muslim community were saddened by the news of the
martyrdom of their six colleagues as a result of the treachery of Hudhayl. Hassan ibn
Thabit, the Muslim poet, composed a poem in their memory in which Khubayb and
Zayd were objects of the warmest compassion and mourning. The event gave
Muhammad reason to ponder and to fear deterioration of Muslim prestige in case
such events were to recur. Nothing, of course, is more harmful to one's prestige than
to be slighted by the larger community. As he was engaged in these thoughts, he
was approached by Abu Bara `Amir ibn Malik, to whom Muhammad offered the faith
of Islam. Abu Bara turned down the offer of Muhammad, but he did not show any
enmity to the new faith. On the contrary, he asked Muhammad to send some of his
companions to the people of Najd .in order to preach Islam to them. "Perhaps," he
said, "they may respond favorably and enter the faith." Muhammad feared that any
such companions whom he might send to Najd might be subject to treacherous
attack as had befallen Khubayb and his companions on the part of the Hudhayl tribe.
Unmoved, he therefore rejected Abu Bara?s request. Abu Bara said, "I shall be their
guardian and protector. Send them over, therefore, and let them preach the faith."
Abu Bara was a notable with large influence among his people. No one had reason to
fear when Abu Bara had extended his personal protection to him. With this
consideration, Muhammad sent al Mundhir ibn `Amr, brother of Banu Sa'idah,
together with other men chosen from the foremost Muslim ranks.
The Battle of Bi'r Ma'unah
Delegates and escorts proceeded together until they reached the well of Ma'unah, at
the frontier between Banu 'Amir and Banu Sulaym. From there, they sent Hardin ibn
Milhan to `Amir ibn al Tufayl with Muhammad's message. `Amir, not even bothering
to read Muhammad's letter, killed its carrier forthwith. He then called on the
tribesmen of Banu `Amir to kill all the Muslims. When his tribesmen refused to
violate the protection already extended by Abu Bara, `Amir summoned other tribes
to do the job. A number of these responded to his call, gave fight to the Muslims,
surrounded them completely, and killed them. Not one Muslim survived this battle
except Ka'b ibn Zayd and `Amr ibn Umayyah. The former was left wounded in the
field on the assumption that he was dead, and the latter was set free by `Amir ibn al
Tufayl as atonement for a vow involving a man's life which his mother owed. On his
way home, `Amir met two men on the road whom he mistook as part of the enemy
hosts which killed his companions. He waited until they had gone to sleep and then
sprang upon them and killed them. When he reached Madinah, he gave the Prophet
a full report of what he did and what had happened. It then turned out that the two
men whom he killed were clients of `Amir and proteges of Abu Bara, with whom the
Prophet had entered into a covenant of good neighborliness. The Prophet therefore
commanded him to pay their bloodwits.
The fall of the Muslim martyrs at the well of Ma?unah deeply grieved Muhammad. He
blamed Abu Bard' for this loss since he was the author of the request which
Muhammad had satisfied, but only with apprehension and after much hesitation. Abu
Bara for his part, was extremely wrathful against `Amir ibn al Tufayl for violating his
protective covenant with the Muslims; and sent his own son, al Raji, to kill `Amir in
vengeance for the violated honor. Mourning his colleagues for one whole month,
Muhammad asked God fervently at every morning prayer to enable him to avenge
their death. All the Muslims were deeply affected by this tragedy that had befallen
their brethren in religion, though they believed that the martyrs were all in Paradise.
The Jews and Munafiqun of Madinah
The Jews and the munafiqun of Madinah found in the tragedies of Al Raji and Bi'r
Ma'unah occasion to remember the victory of Quraysh at Uhud and to forget the
Muslim victory over Banu Asad. In consequence, the prestige of the Prophet and his
companions declined, and grave concern was directed to the Muslims' political
fortune. With proper foresight, Muhammad realized that this deterioration of Muslim
prestige in Madinah had exposed the whole cause to the greatest danger. Nothing
would so inspire the tribes to dig their claws into Madinah as the suspicion that an
attack upon the Muslims would immediately bring about civil war within their city.
Muhammad also observed that both the Jews and the munafiqun were plotting
against him. He therefore decided to force them into betraying their intentions. As
the Jews of Banu al Nadir were the allies of Banu `Amir, Muhammad went to them
near Quba', together with ten of his prominent companions-including Abu Bakr,
`Umar, and `Ali and asked them to cooperate in furnishing the bloodwit money for
the two victims whom `Amr ibn Umayyah had killed by mistake, not knowing of their
convenant with the Muslims.
Jewish Plots against Muhammad
When Muhammad submitted his request to them, they pretended acquiescence to his
demand. But it was also noticeable that while some of them were showing signs of
reconciliation, others were plotting at a safe distance. They whispered to one another
in presence of the Muslims, and the Prophet overheard them mentioning the murder
by the Muslims of Ka'b ibn al Ashraf. When one of them, `Amr ibn Jahsh ibn Ka'b,
entered the house on whose wall Muhammad was leaning, in a suspicious and
stealthy manner, Muhammad could no more contain his doubts which their talk and
hush-hush conversation made gradually more certain. He rose and withdrew from
their midst, leaving behind his companions and giving, the impression that he was
soon to return. The Jews knew that he was leaving for good and addressed his
companions incoherently and hesitantly. They realized that if they were to kill his
men, Muhammad would surely take a bitter revenge. But if they let them go, the
Jewish plot against Muhammad would not be betrayed, and at any rate they could
count on the Muslims to continue to honor their part of the covenant. They therefore
tried to convince their Muslim guests of their good intentions and to counteract any
suspicions that their guests may have entertained. Soon, the companions began to
complain that the Prophet had not returned and that they had better leave and look
for him. They met a man on the way who assured them that Muhammad had safely
returned to the mosque. When they joined him, the Prophet told them of his
suspicions and of the Jewish plot to kill him. They then realized the meaning of
Jewish behavior and understood their moves at the recent interview. They became
convinced of the Prophet's penetrating insight, which seemed all the more convincing
when joined to the evidence of their own observations.
Warning to Banu al Nadir
Commanding Muhammad ibn Maslamah, the Prophet said: "Go to the Jews of Banu
al Nadir and tell them that I have sent you to them with the command that they
should leave this country. Tell them that by plotting to kill me, they have violated the
covenant which I gave them. Tell them also that I give them ten days to evacuate
after which any Jew seen in this area will be killed." When they heard of this
command, Banu al Nadir lost hope. In vain they looked for means to change the
verdict. Seeking to sway the Prophet', messenger to their own side, they said: "0
Muhammad ibn Maslamah, we did not expect that such command be conveyed by an
old ally of ours like you, a man from al. Aws tribe which is our ally against the
Khazraj." Ibn Maslamah replied, "The times have changed and so have the
affiliations."
Instigation to Defy the Prophet
The Jews spent a number of days preparing for war. In the meantime, `Abdullah ibn Ubayy sent
to them two messengers with the message that they should not depart from their land and
property, that they should remain in their fortresses, and that soon he himself would be coming
to their assistance with two thousand Jewish and Arab fighters prepared to defend them to the
death. Rams al Nadir pondered over the message of Ibn Ubayy and wondered how he could
have felt so certain of victory. They recalled that the same man had previously promised help to
Banu Qaynuqa`, just as he was doing today, but betrayed them when his help was needed by
running for his life. They considered that since Banu Qurayzah had contracted a peace with
Muhammad, they would not be prepared to come to their rescue. Hence, they inclined toward
removing themselves to Khaybar or a nearer place, considering that they could still come to
Yathrib to harvest their crops and return to their fortresses at Khaybar with no appreciable loss.
Huyayy ibn Akhtab, their leader, finally resolved against this view. "No," he said "I shall send to
Muhammad telling him that we shall not leave our homes and properties and that we refuse to
comply with his orders. As for us, all we have to do is to consolidate our fortresses, to fill up our
granaries, to barricade our streets, to supply ourselves with stones, and to get ready. We have
enough food reserves to keep us for a full year and our water supply never runs dry. At any
rate, Muhammad will not blockade us for as long a time as a year." The ten days therefore
passed and no Jew left Madinah.
Blockade of Banu al Nadir
The Muslims took up arms and began to fight the Jews. For twenty days and nights the battle
raged. Whenever a Jew showed up on the public street or outside of his quarters, the Muslims
would engage him in battle. But the Jews would withdraw quickly and often would even destroy
their own property or houses before withdrawal to deeper lines. Subsequently, Muhammad
ordered his companions to cut down the date trees and to burn them in order to reduce the
Jews' will to stay in Madinah to protect and enjoy their properties. The Jews were angry and
argued, "0 Muhammad, how could you, who always forbade corruption and injustice and
castigated their perpetrators, command the destruction of our date orchards?" On this occasion
the following verse was revealed: "Whatever tree you have cut down or left standing, you have
done so with God's permission that the unjust may be overwhelmed."[Qur'an, 59:5] The Jews
waited in vain for military assistance to come from the side of ibn Ubayy or from that of some
other Arab tribes, and they dreaded the fate which awaited them in case they prolonged the
hostilities. In despair and with hearts trembling with fear, they asked Muhammad to guarantee
their lives and properties and to give them safe passage. Muhammad agreed, permitting each
one to take with him three camel loads of whatever property of goods they wanted to take
away. Huyayy ibn Akhtab, their leader, led this exodus; the emigrants settled either at Khaybar
or at Adhri'at in al Sham. They left behind them large amounts of booty consisting of food, fifty
pieces of armour, three hundred and forty swords, and large areas of land. This prize was
greater than anything the Muslims had so far seized. These properties were not divided among
the Muslims as war booty. They were all considered as a trust which the Prophet of God divided
among the early emigrants, after putting away some for the purposes of the poor and deprived.
Thus the necessary economic support of the Muhajirun by al Ansar was alleviated for the first
time, the Muhajirun having now acquired as much wealth as their hosts. None of the Ansar
received any of this new wealth except Abu Dujanah and Sahl ibn Hunayf. When they pleaded to
Muhammad that they were really in need, Muhammad ,rave them as liberally as the Muhajirun.
All the Jews of Banu al Nadir left Madinah except two who converted to Islam and kept their
property.
It is by no means easy to appreciate the true significance of the Muslim victory and of the forced
evacuation of Banu al Nadir from Madinah. The Prophet's apprehension of what their presence in
Madinah might lead to by way of civil strife, of emboldening the munafiqun to plot against the
Muslims whenever the latter suffered a set-back, and of the actual threat of civil war in case of
outside attack-all these weighed heavily in the Prophet's consideration. On the occasion of the
evacuation of Banu al Nadir, the whole Surah of "al Hashr" was revealed. In it God said: "Would
you not see the munafiqun, how they falsely promise their brethren-the faithless among the
People of the Book-to join them in evacuation if that were imposed, to refuse obedience to
anyone against them, and to come to their rescue in case of war? God knows that they lie. The
People of the Book are forced to evacuate; yet, the munafiqun would not leave with them, and
should the former be fought, they would not come to their assistance but would run away
without giving rescue. Indeed, they fear you more than they fear God, little that they think or
know."[Qur'an, 59:11-13]
The Surah continues with a discussion of faith and its power over the human soul and asserts
that only recognition of God gives the human soul value and dignity such as no other recognition
of any power can give. The Qur'an said
"God is the Being besides Whom there is no other God. He knows that which no man knows and
He is the Merciful, the Compassionate. God is the Being besides Whom there is no other God. He
is the King, the Holy, the Peace-giver, the Securer, the Dominant, the Mighty, the Great, the
Unchallengeable. Praised be He above everything they associate with Him. God is the Creator,
the Fashioner, the Form-giver. To Him belong the noble names. To Him everything on earth and
in heaven gives praise. He is the Omnipotent, the Wise."[Qur'an, 59:22-24]
The Prophet's Secretary
Until the exit of Banu al Nadir from Madinah, the Prophet's secretary was a Jew. He had
chosen him for his capacity to write letters in Hebrew and Syriac, as well as Arabic. After
the evacuation of the Jews from Madinah, the Prophet no longer trusted a non-Muslim to
write his letters. He therefore commanded Zayd ibn Thabit, a Madinese youth, to learn the
two languages and appointed him his secretary for all affairs. The same Zayd ibn Thabit
collected the Qur'an during the caliphate of Abu Bakr, supervised the collection of the
Qur'an when the readings of it varied during the caliphate of `Uthman, and finally
established the text known as "the recension of `Uthman," after which all other texts were
destroyed.
The city of Madinah recovered its peace after the evacuation of Banu al Nadir. The Muslims
no more feared the munafiqun, and the Muhajirun were quite satisfied with the new lands
they had acquired. On the other hand, al Ansar were equally happy that there was no
further need to support the Muhajirun. The period was generally one of peace and
tranquility as well as prosperity for both Muhajirun and Ansar. This continued until the
following year when, on the occasion of the memory of Uhud, Muhammad remembered
the promise of Abu Sufyan to fight the Muslims again a year thence to the day.
Muhammad also recalled that Abu Sufyan had challenged to meet him once more at Badr,
on the Day of Badr, a year later. The year was one of drought and Abu Sufyan wished to
postpone the encounter for another year. Nonetheless, he sent Nu'aym to Madinah to
inform the Muslims that Quraysh had rallied a tremendous army such as the Arabs had
never seen before, that Makkah was planning to fight them and destroy them once and for
all and inflict upon them unheard of misery and destruction. The Muslims first reacted with
apprehension and fear and were more eager to remain in Madinah than go out to meet
their enemy at Badr. Muhammad was indignant. He castigated their cowardice and warned
them that he was going to Badr even if he had to do so alone.
The Would-be Encounter at Badr
After this show of anger on the part of the Prophet, it was not surprising that all hesitation
and all fear on the part of the Muslims dissolved and that they picked up their arms in
order to run to Badr. The Prophet appointed `Abdullah ibn `Abdullah ibn Ubayy ibn Salul
to govern Madinah in his absence. The Muslims arrived at Badr and waited there for the
Quraysh army to come forth. Quraysh, on the other hand, sent two thousand fighters
under the leadership of Abu Sufyan. Abu Sufyan, however, was not enthusiastic about the
whole affair, and he decided to return to Makkah two days after he left. He advised his
people that since they could not do well in war outside of Makkah except in a fertile and
prosperous year, and since that year was one of drought and poverty, it was better for
them to return home and not to fight Muhammad. He returned to Makkah and the army
returned with him while Muhammad awaited them eight long days in their encampment at
Badr. While waiting for their enemy to appear, the Muslims began a little trade and they
made large gains for which they thanked God. It was on the occasion of this would-be
encounter that the following Qur'anic verses were revealed
"To those who did not go to war but remained behind complaining, `Had they only listened
to us and not gone out to war they would not have been killed,' [Allah says,] `If you are
truthful in your allegation, will you not seek to avoid death altogether and become
immortal? Think not that those who have laid down their lives for the sake of God are
dead. Rather, they are alive, in presence of their Lord, and they receive His gifts. They are
happy with what God had given them of His bounty and they are awaiting with joy the
arrival of those who were not as fortunate but who have neither reason to grieve nor to
sorrow. They are jubilant with God's bounty and grace, for God never suffers the reward of
the believers to be lost. On the other hand, those who responded to God's call and the
Prophet's even after they had been wounded in previous battles, and to those of them who
have done well and have been pious, will fall the great reward. As to those whom the
enemy wished to frighten by reports of the rallying of great armies, but whose faith grew
stronger at the challenge and who said, "Sufficient for us is God, for He is the most
excellent Guardian," to them God will show His favor and grant His bounty. No evil has
befallen them, only God's blessing and benediction. God is the Lord of great bounty. It is
Satan, rather, that instills fear in his friends and associates. Do not fear your enemies,
therefore, but fear Me if you are true believers.?[Qur'an, 3:168-75]
This would-be encounter at Badr erased completely every trace of Uhud. Quraysh had no
alternative but to wait another whole year, enduring in the meantime an opprobrium no
less great than that of her first defeat at Badr.
Campaign of Dhat at Riqa
Fully satisfied with the implicit victory God had sent to him, Muhammad returned to
Madinah. He was content that the Muslims recaptured their prestige, but he kept
constant vigilance lest the enemy should cheat him once more. In the meantime, the
news reached him that a group from Ghatafan in Najd were rallying an army to fight
him. He planned to surprise them before they could complete their preparations.
Gathering a force of four hundred, he led his men to Dhat al Riqa` where the Banu
Muharib and Banu Tha'labah of Ghatafan had rallied. The Muslims took the initiative
of surprise attack, and the enemy ran away leaving behind their women, equipment,
and property. Of these the Muslims carried what they could and returned to Madinah.
Taking care lest the enemy launch a surprise attack against them in turn, the
Muslims established night and day sentries, and Muhammad would only allow short
prayers to be held. While some of them prayed, the others would face the enemy
fully prepared for defense. The enemy, however, never showed his face; and the
Prophet returned to Madinah fifteen days after they had left it, jubilant and
victorious.
Campaign of Dawmat al Jandal
A little later, the Prophet led another campaign to Dawmat al Jandal. This is an oasis
on the frontier between al Hijaz and al Sham, midway between the Red Sea and the
Persian Gulf. There again, Muhammad could not find the tribes whom he had come
to punish for their attack upon the caravans. For as soon as any heard that he was
on his way, they would run, unmindful of what the Muslims might carry away of their
property as booty. The geographic location of Dawmat al Jandal shows the ample
extent of Muhammad and his companions' political influence and military sway. In
fact, the Arabian Peninsula shook under their feet. The foregoing accounts give
equally clear evidence of Muslim endurance, of their disregard for excessive heat, for
the desolateness of the countryside and shortage of water. These reports testify to
the Muslims' readiness to lay down their lives for the cause of God and to the
determination of their faith in Him as One.
After all these exploits and campaigns, it was time for Muhammad to settle down in
Madinah for a few months before Quraysh would trouble him again in fulfillment of
Abu Sufyan's resolution to make annual battle with the Muslims. In the meantime,
the Prophet had plenty to do to complete the organization of the nascent Islamic
society and to order and structure its various elements on the basis of revelation,
i.e., of what may be safely deduced from revealed truths. Muhammad elaborated a
complete system of rules for the guidance of man, state and society, which his
companions canonized after his death and which still stands viable for all ages.
The Prophet's Wives
The Zaynab Affair and the Orientalists
In the interval in which the events of the last two chapters took place, Muhammad
married Zaynab, daughter of Khuzaymah, Umm Salamah daughter of Umayyah ibn
al Mughirah, and Zaynab, daughter of Jahsh, after she had been divorced by Zayd
ibn Harithah. The last named is the same Zayd who was adopted by Muhammad and
set free after he was bought by Yasar for Khadijah. It is here that the Orientalists
offer their highest condemnation, in chorus with the Christian missionaries. Glowing
with vindictiveness, they say,
"Muhammad who in Makkah called men to asceticism and contentment, to
monotheism and abstinence from the pleasures of this life, has now become a man
of lust whose appetite every woman could whet. He is not satisfied with three women
whom he has so far taken into marriage but has now taken the three additional
wives just mentioned. Indeed, he was to marry three more yet in addition to
Rayhanah. Nor was he to be satisfied by marrying the widow. He fell in love with
Zaynab, daughter of Jahsh, while she was the wife of Zayd ibn Harithah, his own
client. Once, when he passed by the house of Zayd in the tatter's absence, he was
met by Zaynab wearing clothes which exposed her beauty. Muhammad's heart was
inflamed. It is reported that when his eyes fell upon her, he exclaimed, `Praise be to
God who changes the hearts of men!' and that he repeated this expression at the
time of his departure from her home. Zaynab heard him say this and noticed desire
in his eye. Proudly, she reported what happened to her husband. Zayd immediately
went to see the Prophet and offered to divorce his wife. Muhammad answered, `Hold
to your wife and fear God.' Thereafter, Zaynab was no longer a docile wife and Zayd
had to divorce her. Muhammad did not marry her immediately despite his love for
her. He waited until an express revelation came which permitted him to do so.
Addressing Muhammad, God said: `You said to Zayd, to whom God gave of His
bounty and you gave of yours, "Hold fast to your wife and fear God." Would you
hide, 0 Muhammad, that which God was going to bring to light? Would you fear the
gossip of the people? Isn't God more worthy of being feared? After a term of married
life with her husband, We permitted you to marry her so that it may hence be
legitimate and morally blameless for a believer to marry the wife of his adopted son
provided that wife had already been divorced. That is God's commandment which
must be fulfilled?[Qur'an, 33:37]. Thereupon, Muhammad married this woman
and satisfied his desire and lust. Now, what kind of Prophet is this? How could he
permit himself that which he forbade to others? How can he violate the law which he
himself had said had come to him from heaven? How would he amass this harem
which calls to mind the behavior of the old lustful and pleasure seeking kings rather
than the righteous reforming prophets? How could such a prophet fall prey to lust
and desire in the case of Zaynab that he would force his adopted son to divorce her
only so that he might marry her thereafter? That was definitely taboo in pre-Islamic
Arabia, and the Prophet of Islam lifted this taboo in order to satisfy his own lust and
fulfill his own desire."
Thus appears the Western Orientalists' claim.
The Orientalists' Portrait of Zaynab
Western Orientalists and missionaries pause in order to give full vent to their
resentment and imagination. In this chapter of Muhammad's biography, some of
them take inordinate pain to paint a sensual portrait of Zaynab. They relate that
when Muhammad saw her, she was half-naked, that her fine black hair was covering
half her body, and that every curve of her body was full of desire and passion.
Others relate that when Muhammad opened the door of the house of Zayd the
breeze played with the curtains of the room of Zaynab, thus permitting Muhammad
to catch a glimpse of her stretched out on her mattress in a nightgown. They then
tell their readers that this view of her stormed the heart of Muhammad who was
extremely passionate in his love and desire for women. They relate that Muhammad
had hidden his secret desire, though he could hardly bear to conceal it for long! This
and many like pictures have been painted arduously by Orientalists and missionaries
and may be read in the work. of Muir, Dermenghem, Washington Irving, Lammens,
and others. It cannot be denied that these stories are based upon reports in fanciful
Muslim biographies and Hadith books. But these books are questionable. And it is
extremely regrettable that our authors have used them without scrutiny. It is
inexcusable that these scholars had built "Castles in Spain" regarding Muhammad's
relations with women, castles which they thought were sufficiently justified by the
fact that Muhammad married a plurality of wives, probably nine, or even more
according to some versions.
Great Men and the Law
It is possible to refute all these claims with one argument. If supposed to be true,
they constitute no flaw in the prophethood of Muhammad, in his own greatness or
that of his message. The rules which are law to the people at large do not apply to
the great. A fortiori, they have no application on prophets, the messengers of God.
Did not Moses-may God's peace be upon him kill the gentile whom he noticed was
fighting with one of his compatriots? That was murder, forbidden by God, and there
was no war or hostility to justify it. It was a clear violation of the law. Nonetheless,
this did not impair Moses' prophethood, his greatness, or his status with God. The
case of Jesus violates the law even more flagrantly than either Moses or Muhammad
or for that matter any other prophet. For his case is not one of a unique
exemplification of power or desire but a persistent violation of natural law from birth
to death. First, the spirit of God appeared to Mary, his mother, in the likeness of a
handsome man to give her a fair son. Second she herself was surprised and said,
"How can I have a son when no man ever touched me and I have never lost my
chastity?" The messenger replied that God wished her son to be a sign to mankind.
Thirdly, when she gave birth to her son she said: "I wish I was dead, given to
oblivion, and lost before this." Her son, however, called unto her, "Do not grieve, for
God has made rivers to issue under your feet." Fourthly, when she brought her son
to her people, and they accused her of adultery, Jesus answered them from the
cradle: "I am the servant of God . . . etc." However the Jews may have denied the
facts of this story, and however they may have attributed Jesus' paternity to Joseph,
the carpenter-a claim believed today to be true by such rationalists as Renan-the
greatness and prophethood of Jesus constitute a miracle, and a miracle is precisely a
breech of natural law, the cosmic pattern, and the rules of creation. It is surprising
that Christians and missionaries call men to believe such breaches of the cosmic
pattern in the case of Jesus and yet blame Muhammad for much less. Muhammad's
violation was not one of a cosmic law but one of a social law, which is permissible to
every great man. Such status above the social laws of the community is usually
accorded to all kings and heads of states. Constitutional law usually grants to such
persons immunity which shields them from the pursuing hand of the law.
Incoherence of the Orientalists' Account
It is possible for us to give such an answer and to thereby refute all these
Orientalists' claims, the arguments of the missionaries and of those who follow in
their tracks. But if we did so we would be doing a great injustice to history itself as
well as to the true greatness of Muhammad and the magnanimity of his message.
For the fact is that Muhammad was not a man given to passion and desire as the
Orientalists and missionaries have pictured him. He did not marry his wives for lust,
desire, or love. If some Muslim writers in certain periods of history have allowed
themselves to attribute such things to the Prophet and thereby to present with good
intent an argument to the enemies of Islam, that is because their conservatism
caused them to adopt a materialistic view of things. In such a manner they pictured
Muhammad as superlative in everything including the lusts of this world. But the
picture they drew was clearly false. The history of Muhammad denies it outright, and
the logic of Muhammad's life is utterly inconsistent with it.
As Husband of Khadijah
Muhammad married Khadijah when he was twenty-three years old, i.e. at the height
of his youth, the fullness of manhood, and the apex of power and handsomeness. He
remained true and loyal to Khadijah for twenty-eight years until he was oven fifty
years old. This had been the case at a time when polygamy was normal among the
Arabs. Moreover, since no male offspring of Khadijah survived, Muhammad had all
necessary justification to marry another woman considering that newborn daughters
were customarily buried alive and male offspring alone were regarded as rightful
heirs. Before Muhammad became a prophet he had lived seventeen years of married
life, and thereafter eleven more years without ever thinking of marriage with any
other woman. Throughout his married life with Khadijah as well as during his celibate
years, Muhammad was never known to be one susceptible to womanly attractions at
a time when women wore no veils and showed their beauty and ornaments publiclythe evidence of which is implicit in Islam's prohibition of the same later on. It is
unnatural, therefore, now that Muhammad had passed the fifty year mark, for him to
suffer such a transformation as would make him fall suddenly in love with Zaynab,
daughter of Jahsh, while he was already married to five other women, among whom
was `A'ishah whom he loved dearly and constantly. It is therefore unnatural that
such a man would have given Zaynab, daughter of Jahsh, any thought at all, and
certainly unlikely that she had occupied his thought night and day, as the Orientalists
claim. It is certainly unnatural that Muhammad, now past fifty years old, would
collect in the short span of five years more than seven wives, and two years later to
increase the number to nine simply on account of sexual desire. Such a claim, first
made by Muslim authors and then uncritically imitated by the Western Orientalists, is
absurd. It is inconsistent with the natural predilection of the commonplace, not to
speak of the great, whose work has transformed the world, altered the course of
history, and still plays a role in retransforming the world and reorienting historical
development toward radically new goals. This claim is irrational and does not
correspond with the facts. It is contrary to nature to assume that the same man who
caused Khadijah to bear all her children before he reached fifty, and caused Mariyah
to conceive Ibrahim while he was sixty, could cause none of his numerous wives to
bear any children when they were all still young enough and capable of doing so. Nor
were they barren, since each of them had borne children before her marriage to
Muhammad. This fact, true of each of the nine women, would defy explanation if the
Orientalist and missionary claim is true. We must add to this consideration the fact
that Muhammad, a man like other men, was certainly anxious to obtain a male
offspring. His prophetic status had made him father to all Muslims at once from a
purely spiritual point of view. But that does not deny the human urge to fatherhood.
Muhammad's Marriage to Sawdah
History and the logic of its events furnish an unquestionable refutation of the
Orientalist and missionary claim regarding the Prophet's wives. As we have seen
earlier, Muhammad did not share his bed with any other woman besides Khadijah for
twenty eight years. When she finally passed away, he married Sawdah, daughter of
Zam'ah, widow of Sakran ibn `Amr ibn `Abd Shams. No one ever described Sawdah
as a beautiful woman, and no one has ever reported that she possessed any wealth
or social position which might have given a material reason for any one to marry her.
Rather, Sawdah was a wife of one of the early converts of Islam who suffered much
harm for the sake of the faith and who migrated to Abyssinia following the
instructions of the Prophet in order to find a measure of safety. Sawdah had
embraced Islam with her husband and migrated with him. She suffered as he did and
bore Makkan oppression as patiently as her husband did. If Muhammad married her
thereafter in order to provide for her and to raise her position to that of a "Mother of
Believers," [Title attributed to all wives of the Prophet. -Tr.] he certainly did
a most worthy and appreciable deed.
`A'ishah and Hafsah were daughters of his two viziers, Abu Bakr and `Umar,
respectively. It was this relation of their fathers to Muhammad which caused the
latter to cement his relationship with them by blood. That is why he married their
two daughters; that is why he gave in marriage his two daughters to `Uthman and
'Ali. If it is true that Muhammad did in fact love `A'ishah, it must have been a love
which arose after marriage, surely neither before nor at the time of marriage. He had
asked her hand from her father while she was only nine years old, and did not marry
her until two years later. It is contrary to logic to claim that he could have fallen in
love with her while she was at this tender age. Further evidence on this point is the
report of `Umar that Muhammad's marriage to his daughter was not based on love.
His report ran as follows: "In pre-Islamic times, we did not attach any importance to
women; but we changed radically after God revealed what He did and assigned to
them the rights He did. Once, my wife tried to change my mind about something and
suggested that I do otherwise. When I asked her to let my business alone, she
answered, `How strange of you, 0 Son of al Khattab! You forbid me to criticize you
while your daughter is permitted to criticize the Prophet of God himself-May God's
peace and blessing be upon him-and to do so so well that he would spend the whole
day angry.' When I heard this I immediately went to my daughter Hafsah and
inquired whether this was true. Hafsah confirmed her mother's report. I was
stupefied. I warned her that God's punishment as well as the wrath of the Prophet
would fall upon her if she persisted. I told her that she should not count either on her
beauty or on the Prophet's love for her, for I knew too well that the Prophet of God
did not love her and that were it not for my sake, he would have even divorced her."
There is then ample evidence that Muhammad did not marry either `A'ishah or
Hafsah out of any love or desire but in order to consolidate the ties of mutual
brotherhood within the new Islamic community, and especially between himself and
his two viziers. There is equally clear evidence that the Prophet married Sawdah in
order to teach the Muslim fighters that should they fall martyrs in the cause of God,
they would not leave their women and children without support but that the
community would take care of them.
Another conclusive proof of this sense of social concern is the case of Muhammad's
marriages to Zaynab, daughter of Khuzaymah, and Umm Salamah. The former was
the wife of `Ubaydah ibn al Harith ibn al Muttalib who fell at the Battle of Badr.
Surely she was not beautiful, but she was so kind and gentle that she acquired the
nickname of "mother of the destitute." She was past her prime in age and lived only
one or two years after her marriage to Muhammad. Besides Khadijah she was the
only wife of the Prophet who died before him. As for Umm Salamah, she was the
wife of Abu Salamah for whom she bore many children. It has already been
mentioned that Abu Salamah was wounded at Uhud, that he seemed to be
recovering from his wound when the Prophet assigned to him the duty of fighting
Banu Asad whom he defeated and whose wealth he seized. It was during the second
campaign of Abu Salamah that his wound reopened, and it caused his death a few
days later. The Prophet visited him in his last days and remained constantly by his
bedside praying for him until he died. Four months after his death, when the Prophet
asked the hand of Umm Salamah, she apologized by using the large number of her
children and her old age as an excuse. But the Prophet insisted until she accepted
and he assumed the duty of caring for and bringing up her offspring. Would then the
missionaries and the Western Orientalists claim that Umm Salamah was a woman of
rare beauty and that this is why Muhammad had married her? If Muhammad was
indeed looking for beauty, there were scores of virgin daughters of both Muhajirun
and Ansar far surpassing his women in beauty, in youth, in position and wealth, in
vitality, for him to choose from and to take in marriage. He did not have to choose
those women who would bring to him large liabilities of mouths to feed and old
people to take care of. The fact is that Muhammad married Umm Salamah because
of this noble motivation of his, the same reason for which he married Zaynab,
daughter of Khuzaymah. It was this same reason which caused the Muslims to love
their Prophet all the more and honor him as the Prophet of God and to see in him a
father to the destitute and the deprived and the weak and the poor as well as to
everyone who had lost his father as a martyr in the cause of God.
Historical Analysis and Its Results
What does true historical analysis conclude from all this? It concludes that Muhammad stood
for monogamy and counseled its observance. This is the substance of the example of his
married life with Khadijah, as well as that of the Qur'anic commandments,
"Marry such women as seem becoming to you, two, three, or four. But if you fear that you may
not be just, then marry only one, or your slaves" [Qur'an, 4:3]; and,
"You will not be able to do justice to more than one wife however much you may try. And if you
must marry another wife, do not incline excessively to one and leave the other like a thing
suspended.? [Qur'an, 4:129]
These verses were revealed toward the end of the eighth year of the Hijrah after the Prophet
had married all his wives. The purpose of these verses is to limit the number of wives to four
whereas, until their revelation, there was no limit to the number of wives a Muslim could marry.
This historical fact repudiates the claim that Muhammad has allowed himself that which he had
forbidden to the people. Furthermore, these verses were revealed in order to stress the
superiority of monogamy over polygamy. The Qur'an commanded the limiting of one's self to
one wife out of fear of the possibility of injustice and conviction that justice to more than one
wife is not within the limits of men's capability. The revelation, however, realized that in the
exceptional circumstances of a people, it is quite possible that there might be a need for more
than one wife; but it has limited polygamy to four and conditioned its practice to capacity for
fairness and justice on the part of the husband. Muhammad called the Muslims to realize these
values by exemplifying them in his own life in a period in which Muslims made battle and fell as
martyrs on every occasion. But could anyone in truth decide once and for all that monogamy is
the absolute commandment in all conditions and circumstances? What would be the effect of
such a law when wars and epidemics and revolution cut down thousands and millions of men in
a brief while? Would then monogamy still be better than polygamy when restricted to the
exceptional circumstances? Can the people of Europe in this age following World War I assert
categorically that monogamy is the law of life of their own citizens, even if they may say it is
the law in the books? Are not the social and economic disturbances which the world witnessed
in Europe following the War the direct result of this imbalance between the two sexes, of their
inability to bring about harmony and prosperity in their marital relations, and hence of their
insistence to seek that harmony outside the marriage bond? It is not my intention to decide the
issue here. But I leave the matter to the reader to ponder. I do wish to repeat, however, that
the happiness of the family and that of the community can best be served by the limitation
which monogamy imposes. That is so, however, if and only if the life of the community itself is
normal.
The Story of Zaynab, Daughter of Jahsh
As for the story of Zaynab, daughter of Jahsh, the chroniclers, Orientalists, and
missionaries have mixed it with such products of vivid imagination that they have
made of it a story of love and passion. Critical history, on the other hand, concludes
that it is one of the truly great facets of Muhammad's personality. It proves beyond
question that Muhammad was the perfect example of faith and conviction, for it is an
instantiation of the principle that the faith of man is complete only when he truly
loves for his brother that which he loves for himself. Muhammad had made himself
always the exemplar of his own legislation, especially of such laws as were intended
to replace the tradition and customs of pre-Islamic Arabia. He was the examplar of
the new system which God revealed through him as a mercy and guidance to
mankind. For a repudiation of the whole story of Zaynab as reported by these
chroniclers or Orientalists and missionaries, it is sufficient to realize that the said
woman was the daughter of Umaymah and grand-daughter of `Abd al Muttalib the
uncle of the Prophet of God-may God's peace and blessing be upon him. It is
sufficient to remember that this woman was brought up in sight of Muhammad and
under his care, and on this account was regarded by him as a daughter or a young
sister; that he knew too well whether she was beautiful or not before she ever
married Zayd ; that he saw her and followed her growth from childhood to maturity
and youth; and that it was he who asked her hand for Zayd, his adopted son. Once
the reader knows these historical data, then all the fictitious elements and tales spun
about him, namely, that he passed by her house in the absence of her husband and
was struck by her beauty; that he opened the door of her house and, as the breezes
played with the curtains of her room, he saw her stretched in her nightgown like a
real "Madame Recamier," that his heart was so struck by her beauty that he instantly
forgot Sawdah, `A'ishah, Hafsah, Zaynab, daughter of Khuzaymah and Umm
Salamah, his wives-not to mention the memory of Khadijah of whom `A'ishah used
to say that she had never felt jealous of any woman except Khadijah on account of
the memory he kept of her-all these tales must dissolve. If any grain of them was
true, Muhammad would have taken her in marriage himself at first, rather than give
her in marriage to Zayd. This historical relationship between Zaynab and Muhammad
rules out as utterly fictitious and groundless all the stories which have been
attributed to Zaynab's attractiveness.
History, however, has more yet to tell. It proves that Muhammad asked for the hand
of his own cousin Zaynab for his adopted son Zayd. Her brother, `Abdullah ibn
Jahsh, refused to let his sister, the Hashimi and Qurayshi noble girl that she was,
and the first cousin of the Prophet in addition, become the wife of a slave whom
Khadijah had bought and whom Muhammad had set free. Such a union was regarded
by him as well as by the Arabs in general as a thing of great shame. For the
daughters of the aristocracy to marry their slaves, even though their slaves had
become free, was plainly unthinkable. But Muhammad sought to wipe out these
racial and class distinctions between men. He sought to educate the whole world to
the truth that no Arab is superior to any non-Arab unless it be in virtue and piety.
For it was God who said,
"Highest in God's view is the most virtuous." [Qur'an,
49:13]
Muhammad did not choose to force this noble principle upon a woman outside his
own tribe and clan. Let it then be Zaynab, he thought, his very cousin, that will carry
the first burden of this flagrant violation of Arabian custom. Let her be the destroyer
of these pagan traditions. Let her cause herself, and therewith the whole tribe and
religion of Muhammad, to endure all the criticisms that such an act would engender.
And let Zayd, his awn adopted son, be the person of lesser lineage to marry the
noble Makkan aristocrat. On the other hand, Arab custom and tradition demanded
that the adopted son inherit from his adopted father, like the latter's legitimate
children. And since this custom too was the object of Muhammad's attack, his choice
of Zayd as the spearpoint of the first reform, would actually make of him-if he were
prepared to give up the inheritance to which Arabian custom gave him title-the
spearhead of another Islamic legislation prohibiting inheritance to any but the blood
heirs and relatives of the deceased. Thus, Muhammad insisted that Zaynab agree to
marry Zayd and that her brother `Abdullah ibn Jahsh accept Zayd as a brother-inlaw. Indeed, this furnished the occasion for the revelation that "No believer, whether
man or woman, has freedom to choose otherwise than as God and His Prophet have
resolved in any given case. To do so is to disobey God and His Prophet, to err and
fall into manifest misguidance."[Qur'an, 33:36]
Once the foregoing verse was revealed, neither `Abdullah nor his sister Zaynab had
any alternative but to acquiesce in the Prophet's order. The Prophet helped Zayd
furnish a dowry for his bride-to-be and the marriage took place. After the wedding,
the husband found in his wife a woman very hard to manage and to live with. Her
pride continued to know no bounds. Indeed, she continued to deride Zayd, to boast
of her lineage in his presence and to look down on him because of his having once
been a slave. Zayd complained about her to the Prophet more than once and even
consulted with him in the matter of divorcing her. All along, the Prophet would
counsel him in these terms
"Hold fast to your wife and fear God." Zayd's home life, however, did not improve
and, unable to bear her false pride any longer, Zayd divorced her.
Adoption in Islam
The All-Wise Legislator willed to undo the Arab practice of adopting children and
passing onto them the adopter's genealogy and name, his investment of them with
all the rights of the legitimate son including that of inheritance and the prohibition of
marriage on grounds of consanguinity. The divine Legislator willed to give the
adopted son only the right of a client and co-religionist. In this sense, the verse was
revealed that: "God did not make your adopted son a. your own sons. To declare
them so is your empty claim. God's word is righteous and constitutes the true
guidance."[Qur'an, 33:4] It follows from this revelation that the adopter may
marry the ex-wife of his adopted son and viceversa. But how is such provision to be
implemented? Who, among the Arabs, could implement this legislation and thereby
openly repudiate the ancient traditions? Even Muhammad himself, despite his
tremendous willpower and profound understanding of the wisdom implicit in the
divine command, found himself disinclined to implement this judgment by marrying
Zaynab after Zayd had divorced her. Indeed, the criticisms of the commonplace and
the vituperations with which he was indicted in the public eye for breaking down
such well established custom did, for a time, influence Muhammad's judgment and
affected his decision. It was at this stage that the following divine criticism was
addressed to Muhammad: "Would you hide, 0 Muhammad, within yourself that which
God was going to bring to light anyway? Would you fear the gossip of the people?
Isn't God more worthy of being feared?" [Qur'an, 33:37] The truth is, however,
that Muhammad was the exemplar of obedience to God; his life was the
implementation of that which he was entrusted to convey to mankind. The outcome,
therefore, was that Muhammad would not give any weight at all to the gossip of the
people if he were to marry the ex-wife of his adopted son, since the fear of social
condemnation is nothing comparable to that of condemnation by God, of
disobedience to divine commandment. Thus, Muhammad married Zaynab in order to
provide a good example of what the All-Wise Legislator was seeking to establish by
way of rights and privileges for adoption. In this regard, God said: "After a term of
married life with her husband, We permitted you to marry her so that it may hence
be legitimate and morally blameless for a believer to marry the wife of his adopted
son provided that wife has already been divorced. That is God's commandment which
must be fulfilled." [Qur'an, 33:37]
Return to the Orientalists' Views
Such is the evidence critical history furnishes in the case of Zaynab, daughter of
Jahsh, and of her marriage to Muhammad. She was his first cousin whom he knew
well long before Zayd ever married her. It was he who asked for her hand on Zayd's
behalf. Muhammad often saw Zaynab even after her marriage to Zayd, for the veil
was not then known. It was also the custom, on account of Zaynab's blood relation
to Muhammad and Zayd's relation as adopted son, that the couple would refer to the
Prophet any complaint each may have against the other. As Zayd was not happy in
his marriage with her, it was natural that both of them would seek advice and
judgment in their domestic disputes. All these provisions of the divine law have been
revealed, and they have been instanced in the case of Zayd and Zaynab's marriage
and divorce, and of Zaynab's later marriage to Muhammad. These provisions had
one purpose, namely the raising of the manumitted slave to the full status of
freedom, and the repudiation of all the rights of masters, protectors, and adoptive
parents in clear and unequivocal terms. There is hence no ground for these fictitious
stories woven by Orientalists and missionaries and repeated by Muir, Irving,
Sprenger, Weil, Dermenghem, Lammens and other biographers of Muhammad. Their
so-called scholarship is a scandalous piece of missionarizing. It is a masquerade of
science. Their traditional antagonism to Islam, going back to the Crusades, has
simply taken possession of their conscience, dictating and determining all that they
write on the subject. It is this fundamental prejudice which vitiates their writing.
Their "history" is a crime against history itself, for they choose to see, to note, and
to report only the most scurrilous and fictitious reports to satisfy this end. Even if,
though impossible, their claims were true, we would still refute them with the simple
argument that the great stand above the law; that Moses, Jesus, Jonah, and others
before Muhammad have likewise risen above the laws of nature as well as of society,
some in their birth, others in their lives. None of this has affected their greatness.
Muhammad, moreover, legislated for man and society by means of his Lord's
revelation. He executed those laws equally by his Lord's command. His life
constitutes the highest ideal, the perfect example, and the concrete instance of his
Lord's command. Would those missionaries have Muhammad divorce his wives in
order not to exceed the limit of four prescribed by lslamic law after Muhammad?
Wouldn't they then subject him to more severe criticism? But Muhammad's
treatment of his wives was just and noble. We have seen in the above-mentioned
tradition of `Umar ibn al Khattab some evidence thereto, and we shall see more yet
in the sequel. Evidently, Muhammad not only honored woman more than did any
other man, but he raised her to the status which truly belongs to her-an
accomplishment of which Muhammad alone has so far been capable.
The Campaigns of al Khandaq and Banu Qurayzah
Muhammad's Caution and Arab Instinct
After the forced evacuation of Banu al Nadir from Madinah, and the events of the
"second Badr," the campaigns of Ghatafan and Dawmat al Jandal, it was high time
the Muslims felt a measure of security within their city. Hence, they applied
themselves to the task of organizing their own internal affairs. Their constant
preoccupation with security and war had largely prevented their engagement in
agriculture or commerce. Nonetheless, their state of privation and need was largely
ameliorated by the booty they acquired through these campaigns. Though
Muhammad felt relatively secure, he was always cautious lest the enemy strike
without notice. He therefore had to maintain eyes, ears, and channels of
communication throughout the Arabian Peninsula in order to learn of all the news of
the tribes so that the Muslims might have time to prepare for defense in case of
emergency. It is easy for us to appreciate the need for all these precautions after
hearing of the treacherous attacks of Quraysh and other tribes against the Muslims.
The Arabian Peninsula of those days was covered with autonomous little republics,
each of which extended over the territory inhabited or used by its various clans, and
depended for its security on an intricate system of intertribal customs, pacts, and
traditions, which we do not usually expect to find in the organizations of states in
modern times. Since Muhammad himself was an Arab and understood the will to
retaliate innate in Arab character, he took extreme care to guard the Muslim
community from all sides. Quraysh, the Jews of Banu Qaynuqa` and Banu al Nadir,
the tribes of Ghatafan and Hudhayl as well as those living in the vicinity of al Sham,
were all lying in wait for Muhammad and his companions. Each one of these groups
awaited the opportunity to avenge itself on this man who had divided the Arabs in
their religion, and, though emigrating from Makkah devoid of power or ally, had
acquired, within the last five years by virtue of his great faith, such prestige and
power as to make him a real threat to the strongest cities and tribes of Arabia.
Jewish Enmity
The Jews were perhaps the most cognizant of Muhammad's teachings and the most
apprehensive of the success of his message. They knew too well what consequences
to them would be implied in the victory of Islam. In Arabia, having distinguished
themselves through their monotheistic teachings, they competed with the Christians
and were hoping soon to wrest all power from them throughout Arabia. They were
right in their expectation inasmuch as the Semitic soul was by nature more inclined
toward monotheism than to Christian trinitarianism. As if to spoil that promise and
dash those hopes, Muhammad, the pure Arab and pure Semite, was calling men to
the monotheistic truth with strong and emphatic words which penetrate to the
nethermost depths of consciousness. His revelation overwhelmed and intoxicated the
soul. It caused man to transcend himself. Furthermore, Muhammad achieved such
political and worldly power that he had forced the evacuation of Banu Qaynuqa`
from Madinah, and the Banu al Nadir from their lands. Would they then leave him
alone and return to their previous abodes in al Sham and in the promised land of
Jerusalem, or would they confront him here in Arabia by rallying the Arab tribes to
seek revenge from him?
Jewish Preference of Paganism to Islam
It was the latter idea that finally gripped Banu al Nadir. In pursuit of it, their leaders
Huyayy ibn Akhtab, Sallam ibn Abu al Huqayq, Kinanah ibn al Huqayq, together with
Hawdhah ibn Qays and Abu `Ammar, both of the tribe of Banu Wail, went to Makkah
for consultation with the Quraysh leaders. When Huyayy was asked about his tribe,
he told the Quraysh that he had left them between Khaybar and Madinah awaiting
the arrival of the Makkans that they might join them in battle against Muhammad
and his companions. When the Makkans inquired about Banu Qurayzah, he answered
that they had remained within Madinah in order to plot against Muhammad and to
spring against his men from behind once the Makkans launched their attack. The
Quraysh hesitated. They knew only too well that in the last analysis, there was no
difference between them and Muhammad except in this matter of his new faith; and
even in it, they were not quite certain that Muhammad was entirely wrong since his
worldly power had been on the increase every day. The Quraysh therefore asked the
Jews to tell them, since they were the first People of the Book and held the keys of
knowledge in the matters in which the Quraysh disagreed with Muhammad, whether
or not Muhammad's religion was better than Makkan religion. The Jews answered by
giving preference to Makkan religion over Islam and to Makkan rights over
Muhammad's. It was to this that the Qur'an referred when it said, "Would you
consider those who were given part of the scripture, that they believe in evil and
injustice and commend to the unbelievers their own unbelief as guidance superior to
the true faith of those who believed? Such men are accursed of God. And whosoever
God curses, will never prevail. Nor will anyone ever come to his rescue." [Qur'an,
4:51-52] This attitude of the Jews toward Quraysh and their favoring of the latter's
paganism over the monotheism of Muhammad was the subject of a severe rebuke by
Dr. Israel Wolfenson, who wrote in his The Jews in Arabia: "It was the duty of the
Jews not to allow themselves to get involved in such a scandalous mistake. They
should have never declared to the leaders of Quraysh that the worship of idols was
better than Islamic monotheism even if this were to imply frustration of their
requests. The Jews, who have for centuries raised the banner of monotheism in the
world among the pagan nations, who have remained true to the monotheistic
traditions of the fathers, and who have suffered throughout history the greatest
misfortunes, murders, and persecutions for the sake of their faith in the One God
should, in loyalty to this tradition, have sacrificed every interest-nay their very livesto bring about the downfall of paganism. Furthermore, by allying themselves with
the pagans they were in fact fighting themselves and contradicting the teachings of
the Torah which commands them to avoid, repudiate-indeed to fight-the pagans."
The Jews' Rallying of the Arab Tribes
This brazen self-contradiction, this favoring of paganism over monotheism and the
encouragement of pagan forces to rise against the monotheistic forces-all this was
not enough for Huyayy ibn Akhtab and the Jewish leaders who accompanied him on
his trip to Makkah. After securing a definite date from the Makkans for the attack
against Muhammad, the same leaders went to the Ghatafan clan of Qays Ghaylan, to
the tribes of Banu Murrah, Banu Fazarah, Ashja`, Sulaym, Banu Sa'd, Asad, and all
those who had fought with the Muslims to instigate a general mobilization on the
side of Quraysh for a revengeful war on Muhammad. In order to placate these tribes,
the Jews commended and praised their pagan practices and prophesied that victory
would certainly belong to paganism. All these parties which the Jews had rallied
against Muhammad marched against Madinah. The Quraysh sent an expeditionary
force of four thousand infantrymen, a cavalry of three hundred, and a camel corps of
one thousand five hundred. This huge army was led by Abu Sufyan in person. The
flag of Makkah and, hence, the leadership of battle was assigned to `Uthman ibn
Talhah, whose father had been killed carrying that same flag in the Battle of Uhud.
The Banu Fazarah tribe sent a large number of infantrymen and a camel corps of one
thousand under the leadership of `Uyaynah ibn Hisn ibn Hudhayfah. The tribes of
Ashja` and Murrah supplied four hundred soldiers each, under the leadership of al
Harith ibn `Awf and Mis'ar ibn Rukhaylah respectively. Sulaym, the tribe which
engages; the Muslims at the battle of the well of Ma'unah, sent seven hundred
soldiers. To this tremendous number, the tribes of Banu Sa'd and Banu Asad added
more soldiers and more cavalry until the total number reached ten thousand or
more. This whole army moved in the direction of Madinah under the general
leadership of Abu Sufyan. After they had reached the outskirts of Madinah and
encamped, the leadership of the army as a whole really revolved among the leaders
of the various tribes.
The Muslims' Panic
When news of this tremendous mobilization reached Muhammad and the Muslims in
Madinah, it struck them all with panic. The mobilization of the whole of Arabia
against them instilled fear in their hearts as they faced the prospect of being not only
defeated but wiped out. The gravity of the situation was evident in the fact that the
army the Arab tribes had now raised surpassed in number and equipment anything
the Peninsula had ever seen before. If the Quraysh had won a victory over the
Muslims at Uhud single-handed, what was likely to be the outcome of a battle in
which the enemy's force was many times greater in number and equipment? What
would they do against such an overwhelming preponderance of men, horses, camels,
arms, and ammunitions? Obviously, there was no defense open to them except selffortification within the walls of Yathrib, the invincible city, as `Abdullah ibn Ubayy
had previously described it. But would such fortification stand in face of such
overwhelming power? Salman al Farisi, who knew far more of the techniques of
warfare than was common in the Peninsula, advised the digging of a dry moat
around Madinah and the fortification of its buildings within. The Muslims hurried to
implement this counsel. The moat was dug and the Prophet-May God's peace and
blessing be upon him-worked with his hands alongside his companions lifting the
dirt, encouraging the Muslim workers, and exhorting everyone to multiply his effort.
All the Muslims picked up their digging utensils, their picks and shovels, and
borrowed more tools from the Qurayzahh Jews who remained true to their covenant
with Muhammad. With tremendous effort and exertion, the whole moat was dug in
six days. At the same time, the walls of the buildings on the perimeter of the city
facing the enemy were also reinforced, their inhabitants were evacuated and the
buildings were reserved for military use. The women and children were removed to
the interior and placed within fortified walls. Rocks were gathered and placed on the
inner side of the moat for use as possible projectiles against the enemy if the need
arose.
Quraysh in Front of the Dry Moat
The Quraysh and their allies arrived at Uhud hoping to meet the Muslim forces there.
Disappointed in this, they proceeded to Madinah where, to their surprise, they found
an impassable ditch surrounding the whole city. They never expected this kind of
defense, and their anger and resentment became so strong that they accused the
Muslims of cowardice for taking refuge behind such an unusual trick of war. Their
army encamped in the plain called Rumah, and the forces of Ghatafan and its allies
encamped in the plain called Dhanab Naqama. Muhammad amassed three thousand
Muslims on the side of Sal' mountain in Madinah. Only the ditch separated him from
the enemy. There the Muslim army built a number of tents to prepare itself for the
long siege, and Muhammad had his own red tent erected for his use. The Quraysh
and the Arab tribes realized the impossibility of crossing the moat and were,
therefore, forced to restrict their military activity to the exchange of javelins for a
number of days.
Soon, Abu Sufyan and his colleagues became convinced that they were going to have
to lay siege to Yathrib for a very long time before they could storm it. The season
was winter, the cold unbearable, and wind and storm continually threatened heavy
rain. It was possible for the people of Makkah and Ghatafan to protect themselves
from the storm only if they were in the shelter of their own cities. But here, the tents
which they had put up before Yathrib provided little or no protection. They had joined
the expedition in search of easy victory, expecting the whole affair to last a day or
two, as did the Battle of Uhud. They expected to return quickly home, there to
celebrate with songs of victory while dividing all kinds of wealth and booty. How
could the army of Ghatafan return empty handed when the sole reason for its
participating in this war was the Jewish promise that in case of victory a whole year's
crop of the orchards of Khaybar would be theirs as a free gift? Now, they realized
that victory was not going to be easy, for it was going to cost at least the trouble of
spending the whole wintry season, and this alone counterbalanced all the fruits and
crops of the orchards. As for Quraysh, they were eager to avenge themselves for the
previous defeats. But it was becoming amply clear that victory was impossible as
long as Muhammad controlled the other side of the ditch while the Banu Qurayzah
supplied Madinah with enough food provisions to enable them to hold to their
fortress for months and even years. No wonder, then, that some of the allies of
Makkah began to think of returning home. Their leaders realized, however, that the
remobilization of such an overwhelming force would not be easy to accomplish once
they were demobilized and allowed to disperse. Led by Uuyayy ibn Akhtab, the Jews
had been capable of mobilizing these tribes as they sought to avenge themselves on
Muhammad for all the injuries he had inflicted upon them as well as upon the Banu
Qaynuqa`. If this opportunity were to escape, would it ever return again? If
Muhammad were to gain an easy victory by the withdrawal of the Makkans and their
allies, would he then not turn against the Jews?
Jewish Fear of Makkan Withdrawal
Huyayy ibn Akhtab weighed all these considerations. He realized that there was no
escape from using the very last trump card he had. He told his allies that he would
convince the Banu Qurayzah to violate their covenant with the Muslims in order to
join his camp, and that Muslim supplies would then be cut off and a road to the
interior of Yathrib would lie open. Quraysh and Ghatafan were quite pleased with the
news. Pursuing this scheme, Huyayy went to the quarter of Banu Qurayzah and
asked to see Ka'b ibn Asad, their leader, whose door was slammed shut in his face.
Apparently, Banu Qurayzah knew too well that treason might bring some advantages
in case of Muslim defeat but that it would provide cause for extermination in case of
Muslim victory. Huyayy, however, insistently kept knocking at the door until the gate
was opened and he was let in. He asked Ka'b to listen to his warning that he had
come with the greatest army ever assembled in Arabia, the armies of Quraysh,
Ghatafan, and all their leaders and noblemen. He pleaded that all these allies and
leaders had pledged not to leave the place until Muhammad and his companions
were utterly destroyed. Ka'b hesitated, remembering Muhammad's loyalty to his
covenant. He feared the evil consequences a sad turn of events might bring. Huyayy
determinedly continued to reiterate the sufferings which the Jews had borne at the
hand of Muhammad and which they would have to bear in case the war did not
succeed. At last Ka'b weakened and began to lend his ear. Huyayy described the
forces of the Makkan allies, their equipment and number, and reasoned that only the
ditch prevented the forces from assaulting the Muslims and finishing them off in a
brief hour. To Ka`b's question as to what would be the fate of the Banu Qurayzah in
case the Makkans and their allies were to withdraw, Huyayy answered that he. and
his party of Jews would then join the Bane Qurayzah in their own quarter and share
with them whatever fate might bring. At this, Ka`b's Jewish feeling stirred, moving
him to yield to Huyayy, to accept his demands, to repudiate his covenant with
Muhammad and the Muslims, and to join the ranks of their enemies.
The Prophet's Warning to Banu Qurayzah
The news of this betrayal by the Banu Qurayzah reached Muhammad and his
companions and shook them greatly. Sa'd ibn Mu'adh, leader of al Aws, and Sa'd ibn
`Ubadah, leader of al Khazraj, together with `Abdullah ibn Rawahah and Khawwat
ibn Jubayr, were ordered by Muhammad to ascertain the news and report back to
him. They were instructed not to announce their findings in case the news was true,
for fear it might adversely affect the army's morale. The delegates came to the
Jewish quarter and found the situation worse than it had been reported. They sought
by argument to bring the Jews back to honoring their covenant with Muhammad. But
Ka'b impertinently required that the Muslims return the Jews of Banu al Nadir back to
their quarters in Madinah. Sa'd ibn Mu'adh, with whose tribe the Banu Qurayzah
were closely allied, sought to convince Ka'b that the fate of Banu al Nadir or
something worse might befall them in case they persisted in this treason. Giving full
vent to their resentment, the Jews began to insult the Prophet-May God's peace be
upon him. Ka'b said: "And who is this so-called Prophet of God? There is neither
covenant nor peace between us and him." The conversation was quickly ended, and
the Muslims left the scene hastily to prevent the possible outbreak of open fighting.
Morale of the Makkans and Their Allies
Muhammad's delegates returned and reported to him what they had seen and heard. Muslim
leaders were gravely apprehensive. They feared that the side of Qurayzah would now open
for the Makkans and their allies, that the latter would enter the city and rout them. Their fear
was not imaginary but quite real. As was expected of them, Band Qurayzah immediately cut
off all supplies to the Muslims. On the Makkan side, there was rejoicing when Huyayy ibn
Akhtab reported the treason of Banu Qurayzah, and their rallying to Quraysh and Ghatafan.
The morale of the Makkan forces took a sharp rise as they began to prepare for the day of
battle. The Banu Qurayzah had actually requested the Makkans, first, to wait ten days before
invading Madinah so that they might prepare themselves; and second, to keep constant
pressure upon the Muslims and thus prevent any Muslim attack upon them before their
military preparations were complete. That was exactly what happened. The enemy divided
itself into three main brigades. The first, led by Ibn al A'war al Sulami, was to assault the
Muslims from across the valley. The second, led by `Uyaynah ibn Hisn, was to attack from
the flank. Finally, the third under the command of Abu Sufyan was to launch its attack across
the ditch. It was with reference to this deployment of enemy forces that the Qur'an said
"When they attacked you from above and from below, when your eyes knew no more where
to turn and your hearts were ready to give up and you entertained all sorts of thoughts about
God, then the believers were truly shaken and faced disaster. Then did the false pretenders
and the disheartened doubt that what God had promised them and His Prophet was all in
vain. Then did a group of them counsel the people of Madinah against war and suggested
withdrawal while another group sought the Prophet's permission to withdraw on the ground
that their houses were exposed whereas their houses were neither exposed nor in danger,
but the suppliants only sought to flee." [Qur'an, 33:10-13]
It was only too human for the people of Yathrib to grumble with fear and panic. They were
disappointed at this turn of events. Whereas Muhammad had promised them the wealth and
treasures of Chosroes and Caesar, they now felt as afraid to venture outside the confines of
their own city as did those who were disheartened at the prospects of the war. Did they not
see death advancing upon them, shining in the brilliance of the swords which were being
brandished by the Quraysh and Ghatafan tribesmen? Did they not have reason to be
disheartened when their immediate neighbors, the Banu Qurayzah, threatened to attack
them treacherously from within and to enable their enemies to infiltrate behind their lines?
Would it not have been better for them, they pondered, to have utterly destroyed the Banu al
Nadir rather than allow them to emigrate and take their possessions with them? Had the
Muslims finished them then, Huyayy and his companions would not have now instigated this
general Arab war. Certainly, this was a moment of great apprehension and danger. Surely
this was a terrible and fateful day. Its disposal was in the hand of the Almighty alone.
Engagement of the Forces
The Makkans and their allies were encouraged and their morale was uplifted by the
news of the new alliance. Some Quraysh horsemen, including `Amr ibn `Abd Wudd,
`Ikrimah ibn Abu Jahl, and Dirar ibn al Khattab sought to advance across the ditch.
After finding a point where the ditch was narrow, they succeeded in entering it and
took position on its inner side near Sal'. 'Ali ibn Abu Talib and other Muslims
proceeded to meet them and to seal the breach through which they advanced. `Amr
ibn `Abd Wudd challenged the Muslims to a duel. When `Ali ibn Abu Talib answered
his call, `Amr replied: "Why, 0 Cousin! By God, I do not wish to kill you." `All
answered, "But I do." The duel started, and no sooner had it got under way than `All
killed `Amr and the companions of the latter ran for their lives. They jumped over
the ditch thinking only of the death which was following them. Nawfal ibn `Abdullah
ibn al Mughirah sought to jump over the ditch shortly after sunset on that same day.
But the ditch was too wide and both horse and rider fell into it to their death. Abu
Sufyan then demanded one hundred camels as bloodwit. The Prophet rejected the
demand, however, and condemned Nawfal as an aggressor whose death was
unworthy of bloodwit.
The Makkans and their allies now launched a tactical war of nerves against the
Muslims in order to destroy their spirit. In order to frighten the Muslims, tribesmen of
Banu Qurayzah began to descend from their fortifications and occupy the houses
closer to the Muslim quarters. Safiyyah, daughter of `Abd al Muttalib, was at Fari`,
the fortress of Hassan ibn Thabit, which was also full of women and children. A Jew
approached their house and started to circumscribe it, inspecting its sides and
fortifications. Safiyyah asked old Hassan to go out and kill the Jew because he was
obviously reconnoitering the fort preliminary to storming it. At the time the Prophet
and his companions were busy with other matters, and Safiyyah felt that the danger
should be eliminated at once by herself, if not by Hassan. When Hassan declined to
do as she requested, she seized a solid bar, went to the Jew, and beat him with it
until she killed him. When she returned, she asked Hassan to go down and to
dispossess the Jew of what he had. She apologized, saying that she would have
finished the job herself had the victim not been a man. Nonetheless, Hassan refused
to budge.
Dividing the Enemies against Themselves
While the people of Madinah suffered from fear and threat, Muhammad concentrated
his thoughts on finding means of saving .the community. Certainly no purpose would
be fulfilled by forcing a confrontation with the enemy. The only alternative left for
him was to attempt a ruse. He therefore sent a messenger to Ghatafan with the
promise of one third of the total crop of Madinah if they withdrew and went home.
Actually, Ghatafan was beginning to show signs of exhaustion and disapproval of this
long siege for which they were not prepared. They had joined in this venture simply
in order to appease Huyyay ibn Akhtab and his other Jewish companions. On the
other hand, the Prophet sent Nu'aym ibn Mas'ud to the Banu Qurayzah, their old
friend from pre-Islamic days whose conversion to Islam was not yet known to them,
with the message that they should not join the ranks of the Makkans and fight with
them unless and until the latter would give them a concrete guarantee that they
would not be left alone to the mercy of Muhammad should the tide of battle turn
against them. Nu'aym had been a very good friend of the Banu Qurayzah for a long
time before his conversion, and they therefore had no reason to doubt him. He
reminded them of this friendship and warned them that their rallying to the side of
Quraysh and Ghatafan against Muhammad was liable to bring disaster, especially
since neither Quraysh nor Ghatafan were likely to continue the siege for long. In that
eventuality, nothing would prevent Muhammad from inflicting upon them great
harm. This made such good sense that the Banu Qurayzah were dissuaded from their
treacherous course. Nu'aym then proceeded to the Quraysh camp and there
intimated to their leaders that the Banu Qurayzah had repented their violation of the
covenant with Muhammad and that they were seeking to appease and befriend him
anew by plotting to give up the noblemen of Quraysh that Muhammad might execute
them. Furthermore, he counseled them not to send their men to the Banu Qurayzah
for fear that the latter might seize them and give them up to Muhammad. Nu'aym
then proceeded to Ghatafan and there repeated the same offer and warning. His ruse
worked, and the leaders of Quraysh and Ghatafan began to probe each other on the
matter. When Abu Sufyan sent to Ka'b, leader of Banu Qurayzah, asking him to
advance against the Muslims on the morrow and promising to follow up their
advance with an advance of their own by Makkan forces, his messenger was turned
back with the message that since the next day was a Saturday the Jews would
neither fight nor work. Angry at their disobedience, Abu Sufyan believed the words of
Nu'aym. He sent word to them that they had better hold their Sabbath on another
day as fighting Muhammad had become extremely necessary and the need for
engaging him immediate. Abu Sufyan also warned that unless they joined the
Makkans in battle on Saturday he would declare his pact with them null and void
and, indeed, subject them to the brunt of Makkan attack. When the Banu Qurayzah
heard this message of Abu Sufyan, they reiterated their resolution not to violate the
Sabbath, reminding the messenger of divine wrath against its desecration. Moreover,
they demanded guarantees for their future security. Their response dissipated any
lingering doubts in Abu Sufyan's mind regarding Nu'aym's report. Discussing the
problem with the leaders of Ghatafan, he discovered, much to his great dismay, that
they deliberately hesitated to start the fight because of the Prophet's promise to
them of one-third of the crops of Madinah. Evidently, the Muslims' maneuver
worked, much as it was objected to at the time by Sa'd ibn Mu'a,dh, the leaders of al
Aws and al Khazraj tribes, and other elderly consultants of the Prophet.
The Anger of Nature
On that same night a very strong wind blew and an extremely heavy rain fell.
Thunder deafened the ears and the lightning was blinding. The storm was so wild
that it swept the tents of the enemy off the ground and brought havoc to their camp.
It struck fear into their hearts, and they believed that the Muslims were seizing this
opportunity to launch their attack. Tulayhah ibn Khuwaylid was the first to rise and
openly to suggest to the Makkans and their allies to flee for their lives. He claimed
that these evil omens signaled the start of Muhammad's attack. Abu Sufyan followed
him with the same counsel. "0 people of Quraysh," he said, "Surely this is no place
for you. The date trees around are uprooted and our work camels have perished. The
Banu Qurayzah have abandoned us and cooperated with our enemies; the storm has
taken its toll. All these things have brought terrible disadvantage to us. Let us move
away from here. I shall be the first to give up." The armies prepared to withdraw,
and each man carried as little as his camel, horse, or shoulders could bear and
began to move while the storm continued to rage. The withdrawal was led by
Quraysh, followed by Ghatafan and their allies. When the morning came, there was
not one of them to be seen in the area. The Muslims returned to their homes in
Madinah with the Prophet and gave praise and thanks to God for their escape from
the travails of war.
The Campaign against Banu Qurayzah
Muhammad pondered the general situation of the cause of Islam. God had seen fit to
remove the outside enemy, but the Banu Qurayzah remain in the midst of Madinah.
Surely they were capable of repeating their treason in another season. Were it not
for the internal division and sudden withdrawal of the Makkans and their allies, the
Banu Qurayzah would have attacked Madinah and helped in the routing of the
Muslims. Did not the common saying counsel, "Do not cut off the tail of the viper and
allow it to go free?" The Banu Qurayzah, therefore, must be completely destroyed.
The Prophet-May God's peace and blessing be upon him-ordered a mu'adhdhin to
proclaim: "No pious Muslim will hold the mid-afternoon prayer except in the quarter
of Banu Qurayzah," and a general invasion began. He appointed `Ali commander of
the operation. Despite their exhaustion after the long siege, the Muslims advanced
fully confident of the result. It is true that the Banu Qurayzah had fortified houses
like those of Banu al Nadir. But if these were sufficient for defending them from
Makkan attack, they were futile against the Muslims who were already in possession
of the lands surrounding the Banu Qurayzah. Upon arrival at the Banu Qurayzah
quarters, the Muslims found Huyayy ibn Akhtab al Nadir! bitterly reviling
Muhammad, refuting his message and attacking the honor of his women. It was as
though the Banu Qurayzah had a notion of what was coming to them now that the
Makkans and their allies had withdrawn. When the Prophet arrived at the scene, he
was met by `Ali, who asked him not to approach the Jewish camp. Upon enquiry,
Muhammad heard the Jews reviling him, and he said: "Miserable wretches that you
are, didn't God Himself put you to shame and send His curse upon you?" In the
meantime, the Muslims continued to pour into the area, and soon thereafter
Muhammad ordered the siege to begin.
The siege lasted twenty-five days and nights during which only a few javelins,
arrows, and stones were shot between the two combatants. The Banu Qurayzah did
not dare leave their quarters a single time. When, exhausted, they realized that their
fortifications were not going to avail them, and that they must sooner or later fall
into Muslim hands, they sent word to the Prophet asking for Abu Lubabah, an al Aws
tribesman and former ally, to negotiate with them. As he arrived, he was met by
women and children in tears whose sight touched his heart. The Jews asked whether
he counseled acquiescence to Muhammad's judgment. He answered, "By all means!"
And, passing his hand over his throat, he said: "Otherwise, it will be a general
carnage." Some biographer?s report that Abu Lubabah later regretted having given
them this counsel. After he left, Ka'b ibn Asad, their leader, suggested that they
follow Muhammad and convert to his faith, thereby securing themselves, their
children, properties, and wealth from any harm. But the majority refused, promising
not to abandon the Torah or exchange it for anything else. Ka'b then suggested that
they kill their own women and children and go out to meet the Muslims with drawn
swords free of any apprehension for their loved ones, and to fight Muhammad to the
bitter end. His idea was that should they lose, there would be neither family nor
children for which to worry, but if they should win, Muslim women and children
would all become theirs. Once more, the Banu Qurayzah said "No." They argued that
life without their families was not worth the effort. Finally, Ka'b said that there
remained no alternative for them but to acquiesce in Muhammad's disposal of their
case. After consulting one another, they decided that their fate would not be worse
than that of Banu al Nadir, that their friends and former allies from al Aws tribe
would give them some protection and that if they were to remove themselves to
Adhri'at in al Sham, Muhammad would: have no objection to letting them go.
Arbitration of Sa'd ibn Mu'adh
Banu Qurayzah sent word to Muhammad proposing to evacuate their territory and
remove themselves to Adhri'at, but Muhammad rejected their proposal and insisted
on their abiding by his judgment. They sent to al Aws pleading that they should help
them as al Khazraj had helped their client Jews before them. A group of al Aws
tribesmen sought Muhammad and pleaded with him to accept from their allies a
similar arrangement to that which he accepted from the allies of al Khazraj.
Muhammad asked, "0 men of al Aws, would you be happy if we allowed one of your
men to arbitrate the case?" When they agreed, he asked them to nominate
whomsoever they wished. This was communicated to the Jews, and the latter,
unmindful of the fate that was lying in store for them, nominated Sa'd ibn Mu'adh.
Sa'd was a reputable man of al Aws tribe, respected for his sound judgment.
Previously, Sa'd was the first one to approach the Jews, to warn them adequately,
even to predict to them that they might have to face Muhammad one day. He had
witnessed the Jews cursing Muhammad and the Muslims. After his nomination and
acceptance as arbitrator, Sa'd sought guarantees from the two parties that they
would abide by his judgment. After these guarantees were secured, he commanded
that Banu Qurayzah come out of their fortress and surrender their armour. Sa'd then
pronounced his verdict that the fighting men be put to the sword, that their wealth
be confiscated as war booty, and that the women and the children be taken as
captives. When Muhammad heard the verdict, he said: "By Him Who dominates my
soul, God is pleased with your judgment, 0 Sa'd; and so are the believers. You have
surely done your duty." He then proceeded to Madinah where he commanded a large
grave to be dug for the Jewish fighters brought in to be killed and buried. The Banu
Qurayzah did not expect such a harsh judgment from Sa'd ibn Mu'adh, their former
ally. They thought that he would plead on their behalf as `Abdullah ibn Ubayy had
done in the case of Banu Qaynuqa`. It must have occurred to Sa'd that if the
Makkans and their allies had achieved victory through the treachery of Banu
Qurayzah, the Muslims would surely have been subjected to the same fate of being
killed and mutilated. He therefore imposed upon them the fate to which they sought
to subject the Muslims. That the Jews showed great patience in the midst of tragedy
is recorded for us in the story of Huyayy ibn Akhtab when he was brought for
execution. The Prophet said to him, "Had not God put you to shame, 0 Huyayy?"
Huyayy answered, "Every man is going to taste of death. I have an appointed hour
which has now come. I do not blame myself for arousing your emnity." He then
turned toward the people present and said, "0 Men, it is all right to suffer God's
decree. This tragic fate has been decreed by God for Banu Isra'il." A1 Zubayr ibn
Bata al Quraziyy, another Jew, had done a favor to Thabit ibn Qays on the day of
Bu'ath when he let him free after capturing him. Thabit wanted to reciprocate the
good deed on this occasion and asked the Prophet to grant him the favor of al
Zubayr's life. The Prophet approved Thabit's request. When this came to the
knowledge of al Zubayr, he pleaded that being an old man condemned to live in
separation from his family and children, he had no use for life. Thabit then begged
the Prophet of God to grant him also the life of Zubayr's wife and children, and the
sparing of his property that al Zubayr might live in happiness. The Prophet again
granted his request. After al Zubayr heard of his family's salvation, he inquired about
Ka'b ibn Asad, Huyayy ibn Akhtab, `Azzal ibn Samaw'al, and other leaders of the
Banu Qurayzah. When he was told that they had all been killed, he asked to be
dispatched with them, pleading: "I ask you, 0 Thabit, to dispatch me with my people,
for life without them is not worth living, and I shall have no patience until I have
rejoined my loved ones." Thus, he was killed at his own demand. The Muslims were
always opposed to killing any women or children. On that day, however, a Jewish
woman was executed because she had killed a Muslim by dropping a millstone on his
head. It was of this woman that 'A'ishah used to say: "By God, I shall never cease to
wonder how serenely that woman met her death." On that day, four Jews converted
to Islam and were saved from death.
Huyayy's Responsibility for the Tragedy
We have seen how the lives of Banu Qurayzah were dependent upon Huyayy ibn al Akhtab,
though the lives of both were terminated at the same time. It was he who violated the
covenant that he, himself, had entered into with Muhammad when the latter forced Banu al
Nadir's evacuation from Madinah without killing a single person. Also, it was he who so incited
the Quraysh, Ghatafan, and the other Arab tribes to fight Muhammad that he became the
very embodiment of Jewish-Muslim enmity. It was he who indoctrinated the Jews with the
idea that they should have no peace unless Muhammad and the Muslims were utterly
destroyed. Likewise, it was he who inspired Banu Qurayzah to violate their covenant with
Muhammad and to repudiate their neutrality in the struggle needlessly and at such terrible
cost. Finally, it was he who came to the Banu Qurayzah after the withdrawal of the Makkans
and aroused them to engage the Muslims in a hopeless fight that was doomed before it
started. Had the Banu Qurayzah acquiesced in the judgment of Muhammad from the first day,
and acknowledged their mistake in violating their previous covenant, their lives would have
been saved. Unfortunately, Huyayy's soul was possessed by a consuming Jewish enmity to
the Muslims. He imparted such a measure of this enmity to the Band Qurayzah that their own
ally, Sa'd ibn Mu'adh, believed that even if they were forgiven, they would soon rally the
tribes again to fight the Muslims anew. Such was their obsession with hatred of Muhammad
and the Muslims that the Jews believed no life was worth living as long as the Muslim power
was not broken and the Muslims were not subjugated or killed. However harsh the verdict
which the arbitrator had reached in this regard, it was dictated by self-defense, as the
arbitrator had become convinced that the presence or destruction of the Jews was a question
of life and death for the Muslims as well.
The Spoils of War
The Prophet divided the properties, women, and children of Banu Qurayzah among the
Muslims after he had separated one-fifth for public purposes. Each man of the cavalry
received two shares, one for himself and one for his horse. On that day, the Muslim force
included thirty-six cavalrymen. Sa'd ibn Zayd al Ansari sent a number of Banu Qurayzah
captives to Najd where he exchanged them for horses and armour in order to increase Muslim
military power.
Rayhanah, a captive woman of Banu Qurayzah, fell to the share of Muhammad, who offered
her Islam. But she refused obstinately. Muhammad even offered to marry her, but she
preferred to remain his captive. It was her strong attachment to her religion and people which
must have prevented her from joining Islam as well as from marrying the Prophet. Her hatred
for the Muslims and for their Prophet must have continued. No one had spoken of her beauty
as they spoke of Zaynab, daughter of Jahsh, though a slight mention of this could be found in
the chronicles. There was some disagreement as to whether she, upon entering the quarters
of the Prophet, was asked to wear a veil as the protocol of the Prophet's house demanded, or
whether she remained like most other women of the Peninsula without a veil. One thing,
however, is certain: namely, she remained in the quarters of Muhammad until her death.
This expedition of the Makkans and their allies with its resultant destruction of the Banu
Qurayzah enabled the Muslims to establish themselves as Madinah's absolute masters. The
power of the munafiqun was finally broken, and all Arab tribes admired Muslim power,
dominion, and the new prestige of Muhammad as sovereign of Madinah. The Islamic
message, however, was not meant for Madinah alone but for the whole of mankind. The
Prophet and his companions still faced the task of preparing for the greater task ahead,
namely bringing the word of God to the wide world, calling all men to the true faith and
making that faith secure against all enemies. That is precisely what awaited them, and what
we shall study in the sequel.
From the Two Campaigns to the Treaty of Hudaybiyah
Organization of the Arab Community
After the Battle of the Ditch and the destruction of Banu Qurayzah, the situation in Madinah
stabilized in favor of Muhammad and the Muslims. The Arab tribes so feared the Muslims that
many Qurayshis began to think that it might have been better for their tribe to have made
peace with Muhammad, especially since he himself was a Quraysh tribesman and the
Muhajirun were all among its leaders and noblemen. The Muslims felt quite secure after they
had destroyed Jewish power within and outside Madinah once and for all. For six months, they
remained in Madinah during which their commerce prospered and they enjoyed a spell of
peace and comfort. At the same time, the message of Muhammad crystallized in the minds of
his followers, and they learned better to appreciate his teachings and observe his precepts.
The Muslims followed their Prophet in reorganizing and remodeling the Arab community.
Departing from tradition and reshaping society according to model principles were necessary
steps in the making of that new society that Islam sought to establish in the world. In preIslamic days, the only social system known to the Arabs was that which their own customs
had sanctified. In the matters of family and its organization, of marriage and its laws and
divorce, and of the mutual relations of parents and childrenin all these human relations-preIslamic Arabia had not gone beyond the elementary dictates of its hard topography; namely,
extreme laissez-faire on the one hand and extreme conservatism reaching to slavery and
oppression on the other. Islam was therefore called upon to organize a nascent society which
as yet had developed no traditions and looked with disdain on its heritage of social customs.
Muslim society had great ambitions, however, for it looked forward to becoming within a short
time the nucleus of a great civilization ready for a destiny of absorption of the Persian,
Roman, and Egyptian civilizations. Islam was to give this nascent civilization its character and
gradually to impress it with its own ethos and brand until, some day, God might find it proper
to say of it
"Today I have completed for you your religion; my bounty and grace have been conferred
upon you conclusively; and I am pleased that your religion shall henceforth be Islam."
[Qur'an, 5:3]
Relations between Men and Women
Whatever the nomadic nature of Arabian civilization had been before Islam, and regardless of
whether or not such cities as Makkah and Madinah had enjoyed a level of civilization unknown
to the desert, relations between men and women had never extended much beyond the
sexual. According to the witness of the Qur'an, as well as of the traditions of that age, such
relations were determined only by considerations of class or tribe, and were quite primitive in
every other respect. The women used to show themselves off not only to their husbands but
to any other men they pleased. They used to go out into the open country singly or in groups
and meet with men and youths without hindrance or sense of shame. They exchanged with
men glances of passion and expressions of love and desire. This was done with such blase
frankness and lack of shame that Hind, wife of Abu Sufyan, had no scruples whatever about
singing on such a public and grave occasion as the Day of Uhud
"Advance forward and we shall embrace you!
Advance forward and we shall spread the carpets for you!
Turn your backs and we shall avoid you!
Turn your backs and we shall never come to you."
Arab Eroticism
Among a number of tribes, adultery was not at all regarded as a serious crime.
Flirting and courting were common practices. Despite the prominent position of Abu
Sufyan and his society, the chroniclers tell, concerning his wife, a great many tales
of love and passion with other men without implying any stain on her reputation.
Whenever a woman gave birth to an illegitimate child, she felt no restraint about
proclaiming the identities of all the men with whom she had had love affairs so that
her child might be attributed to the man whom he most resembled. Likewise, there
was no limit to the number of wives a man could take or to the number of his women
slaves and concubines. Men were completely free to do as they pleased, and women
were perfectly free to give birth as they pleased. The whole domain of man-woman
relations had no seriousness or gravity except where a scandal was uncovered which
brought about disputes, fighting, or libel between one clan and another within the
larger tribe. Only on such occasions did the flirtations, courtings, and adulterous
rendezvous become reasons for shame, vituperation, or war. When hostility broke
out between one house and another, men and women alike felt free to claim and
accuse as they wished. The Arab's imagination is by nature strong. Living as he does
under the vault of heaven and moving constantly in search of pasture or trade, and
being constantly forced into the excesses, exaggerations, and even lies which the life
of trade usually entails, the Arab is given to the exercise of his imagination and
cultivates it at all times whether for good or for ill, for peace or for war. Should a
man, for instance, pour out his imagination in the most sentimental and affected
forms when addressing his sweetheart in private, one would think that was normal.
But when the same man readily and publicly pours out that same imagination, in the
event of war against his sweetheart's tribe or in personal disaffection for her, by
describing her neck, breast, waist, hips, and all other aspects of her feminine form,
we must conclude that that imagination knows little more of the woman than her
sex, feminine form, and adeptness at making love. Despite the decisive blow which
Islam had directed at this excessive cultivation of the imagination, much of it was
embedded in the Arab psychic character described in the poetry of `Umar ibn Abu
Rabi'ah. Indeed, Arabic love poetry has hardly ever been free of this trait; a measure
of it can still be found in the modern poetry of our own day.
Woman in Other Civilizations
The foregoing account may have struck the reader who is full of admiration for the
Arabs and their civilization, including the Arabs of pre-Islam, as somewhat
exaggerated. Such a reader is certainly excused for so thinking, for he must be
comparing the picture we have given with the actualities of the present age,
intermingled as they certainly are with the ideal relations between man and woman,
parents and children. Such comparisons, however, are false and lead the investigator
astray. If the comparison is to be fruitful, one should undertake to contrast Arab
society as we have described it in the seventh century C.E. with other societies of
the same period. I do not think it is an exaggeration to say that Arab society, despite
all its aberrations, was far superior to the societies of Asia and Europe. We do not
have enough information to speak with authority on Chinese or Indian society of that
age. But we do know that Europe was wallowing in such darkness that its family
structure stood little higher than the most primitive levels of human organization.
The Imperium Romanum, possessor of the law, master of the world, and the sole
competitor of the Persian Empire, regarded woman as far more inferior to man than
she was in the Arabian desert. In Roman law, woman was regarded as a piece of
movable property, owned by a man and disposable by him in any way he wished.
The Roman male citizen exercised the right of life and death over his women, and did
so by law. The law enabled the Roman citizen to treat his women as he would his
slaves, making no distinction between them. It regarded a woman as the property of
her father, then of her husband, and finally of her son. The right of property
exercised over her person was complete, just as complete as the right of property
over animals, things, and slaves. Moreover, woman was looked upon as a source of
desire. Like an animal, she was not expected to have any control over her sex life.
Because morality did not apply to her, it was necessary to fabricate the western
artificial framework of absolute chastity in order to instill a sense of ethics in manwoman relations. This necessary though artificial framework furnished the womanly
ideal of that society for several centuries afterwards. It will be recalled that JesusMay God's peace be upon him-was quite compassionate toward women, and that
when his disciples expressed surprise at his fair treatment of Mary Magdalene, he
proclaimed: "He that is without sin among you, let him first cast a stone at her."
[John, 8:7] Despite this charitable attitude toward women on the part of
Christianity, Christian Europe continued to deride woman and to hold her in the
greatest contempt very much as pagan Europe had done before. Europe did not only
regard the relation of man to woman merely as a relation of male and female. It
coalesced with this relationship that of owner to owned, master to slave, and the
honorable to the dishonorable and contemptible. These attitudes have so determined
the mind of Europe so long that for centuries the Europeans have asked whether
woman has a soul; whether she is a morally responsible being; whether she is to
render account on the Day of Judgment; or whether, like an animal, she is devoid of
soul, subject to neither judgment nor responsibility, and entitled to no place at all in
the kingdom of God.
Muhammad and Social Reconstruction
Led by divine revelation, Muhammad recognized that there can be no social reconstruction
of society without the cooperation of all its men and women members in mutually helping,
loving, and sympathizing with one another. He realized that no society is viable where
women do not enjoy rights as well as duties, where these rights and duties are not
exercised in cooperation, reciprocal love and respect, and where men are nonetheless the
leaders. To realize these conditions in Arab society quickly and by force of authority was not
an easy affair. However strong the faith of Muhammad's Arab followers, to take them slowly
forward without exposing them to undue hardships was surer to succeed than otherwise.
Slow progress intensifies the faith of the adherents and wins more converts, whereas forced
progress creates dissension and weakens the faith of many. The same was true of every
social reconstruction God prescribed for the Muslims. Indeed, the same progressive
reconstruction characterized the religious duties of Islam, namely prayer, fasting, zakat,
abstaining from gambling, eating pork, and the like. Muhammad began to teach social
reconstruction and to define the rights and duties of men and women to one another by
talking about exemplary instances occurring between himself and his wives which all
Muslims could witness. The veil was not imposed upon the wives of the Prophet until shortly
before the Campaign of al Khandaq, and the limitation of polygamy to four was not imposed
until after that Campaign, indeed a whole year there-after. It would be interesting to see
how the Prophet anchored the relationships of man and woman to sound foundations and
how he prepared his followers for the equality of men and women under Islam. Islam
wanted its women to have the same rights even as they have duties. But it wanted these
rights and duties to be exercised in an atmosphere of mutual love, fairness, and
compassion, and its men to enjoy the position of leadership.
Islam Forbids Fornication
As we saw earlier, the relationship between man and woman among the Muslims of the
period, as among all Arabs, was limited to that of male to female. Fornication, exposure of
the woman's flesh and ornaments in a way inviting molestation by men and arousing in
them sexual desire, dominated the relationship. There was little or no room for any
relationships expressing human spirituality, or for any communion between man and
woman in their service to God. The presence of Jews and munafiqun in Madinah and their
hostility to the new faith caused many of their men to molest the Muslim women and led, as
in the case of Banu Qaynuqa`, to serious harm and injury to Muslim women. A great many
unnecessary problems resulted from this situation. Had the Muslim women not exposed
themselves outside their homes, thus inviting fornication, their identities would not have
been known to the public and they would not have been harmed. Had this been the case,
the Muslims would have avoided all these problems and could have made a fair start toward
realizing the equality which Islam sought to realize between the sexes. This ideal might
have been realized even without hardship to Muslim men and women. It was in this spirit
that the Qur'an announced
"Those who harm the believers unjustly, whether men or women, do great wrong. O
Prophet, command your women, your daughters, and the women of the believers to
lengthen their garbs that they may not be harmed. God is merciful and compassionate. If
the munafiqfcn, those who are ill of heart or cause agitation in the city do not stop their evil
work, We shall give you mastery over them and the power to terminate forthwith their
residence in your midst. They shall be accursed wherever they go, seized, and put to the
sword. That is the pattern of God, already realized in earlier history and immutable for ever
and ever." [Qur'an, 33:58-62]
With this simple introduction, the Muslims were taught the necessity of outgrowing the
customs of their predecessors. The Islamic legislation aimed at reorganizing society on a
foundation of pure family life, free of intrusion from the outside. To reach this purpose,
Islam declared adultery a grave sin. In consequence, the Muslims learned to appreciate the
evil inherent in a woman's fornication and entanglement outside her family. The Qur'an
said,
"Command the believers to lower their eyes and to live a life of chastity. That is better for
them, for God knows what they do. Command the women believers also to lower their eyes,
to live the life of chastity, not to show off their beauty and ornaments except what must be
shown in the course of daily life. Command them to cover themselves up, not to show their
beauty and ornamentation except to their husbands, their fathers, the fathers of their
husbands, their sons or the sons of their husbands, their brothers or the sons of their
brothers, the sons of their sisters, their women-slaves or eunuchs, or immature children.
Command them not to stamp their feet in order to show off their hidden ornaments. O
Believers, repent to God that you may achieve felicity.? [Qur'an, 24:30-31]
Thus Islam worked toward the transformation of man-woman relations into one in which sex
is possible only when legitimate, and illegitimate sexual relationships are condemned as
evil. In all other matters of human life, the relationships of men to women and vice versa
are based on a foundation of absolute equality. Everybody is a servant of God, and
everybody is mutually responsible for promoting virtue and the fear of God. If anyone
stirred the sexual passion in other people, he would be guilty and obliged to repent and
atone to God.
All this, however, was not sufficient to transform Arab character and wean it away from its
original customs. Unlike the repudiation of associationism, the tranformation of character
could not be brought about with speed. This was only natural, for once a material has been
given a certain form, it is not easy to transform that material except slowly and
progressively. Even so, the desired change cannot be too radical. Human life is such that
inherited custom and local traditions knead and mold it into a definite pattern. If this
pattern is to bring change, it must be done slowly by degrees. Moreover, no such gradual
change may be undertaken unless man transforms his inner self. It is possible for man to
change one aspect of himself by removing the hindrances abetting such change in that
aspect. That is precisely what Islam did with the Muslims when it converted them to the
unitization of God, to faith in Him, in His Prophet, and in the Day of Judgment. But many
other aspects of Arab character, especially the material or social aspects, were not so
radically transformed but remained nearer to what they had been before Islam. Arab
laziness and love of conversation with women, traits kneaded into their character by life in
the desert, were chronically resistant to change.
The Prophet's Home and His Wives
In spite of the aforementioned rectification by the new religion of the relationships
between the sexes, the Muslims did not depart radically from their previous customs.
Often, one of them would enter the Prophet's house and stay there for a long time
enjoying conversation with the Prophet or with his wives. But the Prophet had no
time to spend on listening to each of his visitors, nor could he tolerate them to
converse with his wives and broadcast their gossip. Seeking to free the Prophet from
these minor cares, God revealed the following verses:
"O Men who believe, do not enter the house of the Prophet without permission. Do
not wait there until meal time, but eat if food is served. Enter therein if you are
invited; but once fed, disperse and do not tarry. Such gossiping in his presence
harms the Prophet, who is shy to ask you to leave. But God is not shy of saying the
truth. And if you ask the wives of the Prophet for something, then talk to them from
behind a curtain. That is purer and more seemly for you and for them. It behooves
you not to hurt the Prophet of God nor to marry his wives after him. If you do, your
deed will be a great crime in God's eye." [Qur'an, 33:53]
While this verse was addressed to the believers, the following was addressed to the
Prophet's wives:
"O Wives of the Prophet, you are distinguished only as long as you are righteous. Do
not, therefore, be soft or tempting in speech lest the ill-hearted fall to temptation. Be
always gentle and good. Maintain your homes with dignity and do not show off
yourselves as pre-Islamic women were wont to do. Observe prayer, pay the zakat,
and obey God and His Prophet. God only wishes to keep you pure and to remove
from you all uncleanliness and temptation." [Qur'an, 33:32-33]
Social Foundations of Muslim Brotherhood
On this foundation Islam sought to construct the social order of the human
community. Its core was the new relationship between man and woman. By its
means Islam sought to remove the unchallenged dominion sex had hitherto
exercised over this relationship. Its aim was to direct the community to a higher life
where man might enjoy the pleasures of this world without corrosion of his moral
fabric, and to lead man to a spiritual relationship with all creatures transcending
agriculture, industry, trade, and the other preoccupations of life-the relationship
implicit in the life of faith which makes man the partner of angels. Other means
which Islam employed for that same purpose were fasting, prayer, and zakat-by
virtue of what each commands against adultery, injustice and evil doing and by
virtue of what each enjoins by way of self-purification, submission to God alone,
fraternity between the believers, and communion between man and all that is.
The Campaign of Banu Lihyan
The slow reorganization of society in preparation for the great transformation for which Islam was
preparing humanity did not prevent Quraysh and the tribes from lying in wait for Muhammad. Nor
did it prevent Muhammad from taking the requisite precaution and being always on the alert, ready
to strike terror in the hearts of his enemies should the need arise. A case in point was the campaign
of Band Lihyan. Six months after the destruction of Band Qurayzah, it came to Muhammad's notice
that the Band Lihyan were marching from a locality near Makkah. Immediately, he remembered the
case of Khubayb ibn `Adiy and his companions, who were murdered by Band Lihyan at the well of al
Raji two years ago, and sought to avenge them. However, he did not announce his purpose for fear
that the enemy might be alerted and take refuge. He therefore announced that he wanted to go to al
Sham and, after mobilizing his forces, he led them toward the north. When he felt secure that
neither the Quraysh nor their neighbors were aware of his intentions, he turned to Makkah and
proceeded in its direction full haste until he reached the camping grounds of the tribe of Band Lihyan
at `Uran. Some people, however, had noticed his change of direction, and eventually the Banu
Lihyan were informed of his plan. They took refuge in the heights of the surrounding mountains,
gathering with them their cattle and property. The Prophet, therefore, could not reach them. He sent
Abu Bakr and a hundred cavalrymen in hot pursuit until they reached a place not far from Makkah
called `Usfan. He himself returned to Madinah on a day that was remembered for the hardship to the
traveller which its extreme heat presented, as the following tradition clearly states
"We returned and, by God's leave, we repent to God and praise Him. We take shelter and refuge in
God from the travail of travel, the sadness of tragedy, and the realization of loss in relatives and
property."
The Campaign of Dhu Qarad
A few days after Muhammad returned to Madinah, a group led by `Uyaynah ibn Hisn raided the
outskirts of the city, seized the camels grazing in the area, killed their shepherd, and carried off his
wife. Apparently, he thought that the Muslims would not realize what had happened in time to catch
up with him. Salamah ibn `Amr ibn al Akwa` al Aslami, however, who happened to be going that
way to the forest with bow and arrows, beheld the raiders running away with their booty as they
passed through the place called Thaniyyah al Wada near al Sal'. He followed them, shot arrows at
them and called for help throughout the pursuit. His call was soon heard by the Prophet who alerted
the people of Madinah, and Muslim cavalrymen came out from every direction. Muhammad ordered
them to pursue the raiders immediately, and he followed a little later with another force until he
arrived at the mountain of Dhu Qarad. `Uyaynah and his companions pressed ever faster toward
Ghatafan where they could find protection from its tribesmen and escape from the Muslims. The
Madinese cavalry overtook the enemy's rear, seized the stolen camels, and liberated the captive
woman. Some companions were prepared to press the pursuit further and avenge the Muslims
against `Uyaynah. The Prophet advised against this course, knowing that `Uyaynah and his
companions had already reached the tribe of Ghatafan and had fallen under their protection. The
Muslims therefore returned to Madinah bringing with them the liberated woman and the camels.
While in captivity and driving her own camel, the Muslim woman vowed that should that camel ever
bring her back home, she would sacrifice it to God. When she informed the Prophet of her vow in
Madinah, the Prophet answered: "What a terrible reward you propose to the camel which served you
and carried you to freedom! That is clearly an evil act, and no vow to perform an evil is valid."
The Campaign of Banu al Mustaliq
Muhammad remained in Madinah for about two months, until the campaign of Banu
al Mustaliq at al Muraysi`, which has arrested the attention of every biographer of
the Arab Prophet and every historian. The importance of this campaign lies not in its
military significance, but rather, in the internal division which it almost caused within
the Muslim community, and which the Prophet settled resolutely. Another important
aspect of this campaign is its connection with the Prophet's marriage to Juwayriyyah,
daughter of al Harith. A third aspect is its connection with the malignant slander of
`A'ishah who, though hardly seventeen years of age, was able to repulse these
falsehoods by her strong faith and sublime character.
The news reached Muhammad that the Banu al Mustaliq, a clan of Khuza'ah tribe,
were mobilizing for war in the vicinity of Makkah and inciting the Arab tribes around
them to assassinate Muhammad. Their leader was al Harith ibn Abu Dirar. Acting
quickly in seizing the initiative, Muhammad hastened to strike and take them by
surprise as was his custom. The two divisions of al Muhajirun and al Ansar which
rallied to his immediate call were led by Abu Bakr and Sa'd ibn `Ubadah,
respectively. The Muslims encamped near a well called al Muraysi`, not far from the
encampment of their enemies. The allies of Banu al Mustaliq ran away upon hearing
the news of the advancing Muslim army, with the result that the Banu al Mustaliq
themselves were quickly encircled. In the short engagement which followed, the
Muslims lost one man, Hisham ibn al Khattab by name, who was killed accidentally
by a fellow Muslim. After losing ten men, the Banu al Mustaliq realized that they had
better surrender to the Muslim forces. They were all made captives and their cattle
confiscated.
The Plot of `Abdullah ibn Ubayy
`Umar ibn al Khattab had a servant charged with taking care of his horse. After the
Campaign of Banu al Mustaliq was over, this servant crowded out one of the al
Khazraj tribesmen from the proximity of the well. As they quarreled together the
man from Khazraj called on al Ansar for help; the other called for help from al
Muhajirun. `Abdullah ibn Ubayy, who had accompanied the Muslim forces on this
expedition in order to secure some booty, arose when he heard the call and, venting
his old hatred of al Muhajirun as well as of Muhammad, said to al Ansar
"Indeed, al Muhajirun have not only crowded us here but even in our own homes.
The case of our hospitality to them has been nothing short of the common saying,
`Feed your beast and one day it will devour you.' Surely when we return to Madinah,
the stronger party shall force the evacuation of the weaker. Such is the fate that you
have incurred with your own hands. You have allowed the Muslims to occupy your
lands; you have willingly shared your wealth and crops with them. By God, if you
could only deny them these privileges, they would have to leave you alone and seek
somebody else's help."
The news of this speech of `Abdullah ibn Ubayy was soon reported to the Prophet of
God. Muhammad, satisfied that operations against the enemy had all been
completed, was visiting with `Umar ibn al Khattab at the time. When the latter heard
the report, `Umar suggested that Bilal be sent out to kill him instantly. With his
usual foresight, patience, experience, and sense of leadership, the Prophet declined
`Umar's suggestion, saying: "O `Umar, what would the people think if they heard
that Muhammad had begun to kill his own companions?"
Nonetheless, the Prophet calculated that unless he took some resolute action, the
situation might worsen. He therefore commanded his people to start off on their
return to Madinah despite the inappropriateness of the hour. Ibn Ubayy in turn heard
what had been reported to the Prophet, and he ran to him to deny the report and to
explain that he had never entertained such ideas. This action did not affect
Muhammad's resolution to command the return. He traveled with his people
continuously throughout the whole day and night and most of the second morning
until they could bear the desert sun no longer. As soon as the people dismounted or
sat down, they were so exhausted that they fell asleep. Their exhaustion caused
them to forget the affair of Ibn Ubayy; and after they had rested, they hurried to
Madinah carrying the captives and booty from Banu al Mustaliq. One of those
captives was Juwayriyyah, daughter of al Harith ibn Abu Dirar, the leader of the
vanquished tribe.
Ibn Ubayy's Resentment of the Prophet
After his return to Madinah with the victorious Muslims, Ibn Ubayy could not reconcile himself to
their success, and his resentment of Muhammad and the Muslims stirred with unabated vigor. His
hatred continued despite his apparent adherence to the faith and his emphatic claim that what
was reported to the Prophet at al Muraysi` was false. It was on this occasion that the Surah "al
Munafiqun" was revealed in which we read the following verses
"It is the munafiqun who counsel against spending anything for the benefit of the Muhajiran so
that the latter may get out of Madinah. But it is to God that all the treasures of heaven and earth
belong. The munafiqun are simply ignorant. They threaten that when the Muslims return to
Madinah, the stronger will force the evacuation of the weaker. But they do not know that might
belongs to God, to his Prophet, and to the believers." [Qur'an, 63:7-8]
Some people believed that the revelation of these verses was a verdict of death passed on Ibn
Ubayy and that Muhammad would soon command his execution. Upon learning of this revelation,
`Abdullah, son of `Abdullah ibn Ubayy, who was a true and loyal Muslim, ran to the Prophet and
said: "O Prophet of God, I have heard that you are seeking to kill `Abdullah ibn Ubayy because of
reports which have reached you about him. If this is true, I ask that you command me to do the
execution, and I promise to bring to you his head forthwith. By God, it is known that nobody
supported al Khazraj tribe as my father did. Should anyone else besides me kill him, I will have to
suffer myself to see the murderer of my father go about without avenging him. But I cannot bear
such a torture, and the results may be that I will kill the murderer of my father, thereby killing a
believer and incurring eternal punishment for myself in hell." Such were the words of `Abdullah
ibn Ubayy's son to Muhammad. It is hardly possible to appreciate the struggle within `Abdullah's
soul of filial loyalty, genuine faith, tribal chivalry, concern for the preservation of peace, and the
prevention of blood feuds among the Muslims. Though he realized that his father was going to be
killed, he did not plead to save the condemned life. He believed that the Prophet does what he is
commanded by his Lord, and was absolutely certain of his father's treason. But his filial loyalty,
personal dignity, and Arab chivalry demanded that he avenge the death of his father. Hence, he
was prepared to undertake the killing of his own father, however such a deed might rend his heart
and expose his conscience to ruinous self-reproach. He found consolation for his tragedy in his
own faith in the Prophet and in Islam. This faith convinced him that if he were to follow the voice
of Arab chivalry and filial piety and kill the executioner of his father, he would incur eternal
punishment. His was a sublime struggle between faith, emotion, and moral character; and his
tragedy was beyond comparison. After hearing his plea, the Prophet answered: "We shall not kill
your father. We shall be kind to him, and we shall appreciate his friendship as long as he wishes to
extend it to us."
The sublimity and greatness of forgiveness! Muhammad was touched and he stretched forth a
kindly hand toward the one who had incited the people of Madinah to rise against the Prophet and
his companions. His gentleness and pardon were to have far greater effect than punishment. After
this episode, whenever an occasion arose for the Muslims to criticize 'Abdullah ibn Ubayy, they
used to remind him that his very life was a gift Muhammad had made to him. One day, when the
Prophet was conversing with 'Umar on the affairs of the Muslim community, the criticism ibn
Ubayy was meeting from his peers was mentioned. Muhammad asked 'Umar : "Had I commanded
him to be killed the day you advised me to do so, many men would have never entered Islam.
These same men, were I to command them today to kill him they would do so without hesitation."
'Umar apologized and acknowledged the Prophet's superior judgment.
`A'ishah at the Campaign of Banu al Mustaliq
All the foregoing took place after the Muslims had returned to Madinah with their
fruits of victory. Something else had happened on that expedition which was far
removed from military affairs and concerning which there was little talk at first. The
Prophet was in the habit of drawing lots among his wives whenever he went on an
expedition, and would take in his company that wife whose lot happened to be
drawn. On the occasion of the campaign of Banu al Mustaliq, it was the lot of 'A'ishah
that was drawn. 'A'ishah was petite, slim and light; her presence inside the
palanquin in which she rode was hardly noticeable by the men who would lift it for
placement on camelback. As the Prophet and his expeditionary force were returning
to Madinah after their long and exhaustive journey, they camped not far from
Madinah in order to spend the night and recover their energies. At dawn or before,
Muhammad gave the sign to resume the travel. `A'ishah had stepped out of the
Prophet's tent while her palanquin was placed at the entrance of it that she might
ride therein and travel be resumed. On her way back she realized that she had lost
her necklace. She quickly retraced her own footsteps, looking for the lost necklace. It
took her a long time to find it. She had had very little sleep the previous day, and it
is possible that she might have fallen asleep in her search for the necklace. At any
rate, by the time she returned to her tent, she discovered that her servants had
disappeared with the palanquin and that the whole company had vanished into the
desert. Apparently thinking that `A'ishah was inside for there was hardly any
difference in its overall weight, the servants attached it to the camel's back and
proceeded unaware that the "Mother of the Believers" was left behind. `A'ishah
looked around herself, and though not finding anyone, she did not panic; for she
believed that her people would soon discover her absence and would return to seek
her. She judged that it would be better for her to stay where she was rather than to
strike out in the desert on her own and risk getting lost. Unafraid, she wrapped
herself in her mantle and laid down waiting for her people to discover her. While she
waited, Safwan ibn al Mu'attal al Salami, who had been out of camp on an errand in
the desert, returned to camp to find that he had missed his companions who were
already on their way to Madinah. When he came close to `A'ishah and discovered
that she was indeed the wife of the Prophet, he stood back surprised and angry that
she had been left behind. He asked her why she had been left behind and, receiving
no reply, he brought her his camel and invited her to ride on it. `A'ishah rode on the
camel and Safwan rushed toward Madinah as fast as he could, hoping to join the
Muslims before their entry into the city. The Muslims, however, were traveling at a
very fast pace, purposely commanded by the Prophet of God in order to keep them
exhausted and unable, as it were, to bring to a head the old hatreds between the
various Muslim factions which `Abdullah ibn Ubayy had been fomenting. Safwan
arrived at Madinah in full daylight; `A'ishah was riding on his camel. When he
reached the Prophet's house, `A'ishah dismounted and entered her home. No one
present ever entertained any suspicion of unusual behavior on anybody's part, and
the Prophet himself never suspected either the daughter of Abu Bakr, or Safwan, the
loyal Muslim and pious believer, of the slightest misdemeanor.
Considering that `A'ishah entered Madinah during the day and in front of everybody,
and that her return was soon after the return of the Muslim forces, nobody could
entertain any suspicion as to her behavior. She entered Madinah bearing her usual
pride and unperturbed by any feeling of guilt. The whole city went about its business
as usual, and the Muslims occupied themselves with dividing the captives and booty
which they had seized from the Banu al Mustaliq. Their life in Madinah was actually
becoming more prosperous as their faith gave them more power over their enemies.
Their faith had reinforced their wills and had encouraged them to think lightly of
death, whether in the cause of God and of His religion, or in defense of religious
freedom which they had earned after such a long and hard struggle against their own
fellow tribesmen.
Muhammad's Marriage to Juwayriyyah
Juwayriyyah, daughter of al Harith, was one of the captives of the Banu al Mustaliq.
She was a noble and attractive woman and her lot fell to a man of al Ansar. She
sought to ransom herself but her captor, knowing that she was the daughter of the
leader of the Banu al Mustaliq, demanded. a very high price which he thought her
people were capable of paying. Afraid of him and his ambition, Juwayriyyah sought
the Prophet in the house of `A'ishah and, announcing her identity as the daughter of
al Harith ibn Abu Dirar, chief of the Banu al Mustaliq, she asked for the Prophet's
assistance in ransoming herself from captivity. After listening to her story, the
Prophet thought of a better fate for her. He suggested that he ransom and marry her
as well. Juwayriyyah accepted his proposal. When the news reached the people,
everyone who held a captive of the Banu al Mustaliq granted that particular captive
his or her freedom in deference to the new status the new captives had acquired as
the in-laws of the Prophet. `A'ishah had said of her
"I know of no woman who brought as much good to her people as Juwayriyyah."
Such is the story according to one version. Another version tells that al Harith ibn
Abu Dirar came to the Prophet to ransom his daughter, and that after talking to the
Prophet, he believed in him and declared his conversion. The same version tells that
Juwayriyyah followed her father and was converted to Islam, whereupon the Prophet
asked for her hand and offered her a dowry of four hundred dirhams. A third version
tells that her father was not agreeable to her marriage to the Prophet and that a
relative of hers intervened and gave her to the Prophet against the will of her father.
Muhammad did in fact marry Juwayriyyah and built for her a room adjoining his
other quarters by the mosque. By this, Juwayriyyah became one of the "Mothers of
the Believers." While still busy in the aftermath of the wedding, some people began
to whisper about `A'ishah's delayed return to the camp mounted on the camel of
Safwan. Safwan was a young and handsome man. Zaynab, daughter of Jahsh, had a
sister called Hamnah who knew too well that `A'ishah was preferred by Muhammad
to her own sister. It was this Hamnah who began to broadcast gossip about `A'ishah.
In Hassan ibn Thabit she found a helper and in `Ali ibn Abu Talib, an audience.
`Abdullah ibn Ubayy found her gossip of inestimable value in dividing the community
and satisfying his hatred. He therefore spread the news in the market places. Al Aws
tribesmen defended `A'ishah' however, for they knew she was an example of
nobility, chastity and purity. This story and the gossip to which it gave rise almost
led to civil war.
'A?ishah's Illness
When the gossip finally reached the ear of Muhammad, he felt deeply hurt. He could
not believe `A'ishah would violate her marriage vows. Such indictment was
impossible. `A'ishah was pride and purity personified. She enjoyed such fervent love
and strong affection from her husband that the mere thought of accusing her was
the greatest crime. Yes indeed! But then, woe to women ! Who can ever understand
them or reach with certainty to their inner core? `A'ishah was still a child. For, how
could she lose her necklace and then retrace her steps looking for it in the middle of
the night? And why didn't she say anything about her loss when she came to the
camp? These and other questions bothered the Prophet; he did not know what to
believe and what not to believe.
As for `A'ishah, nobody dared inform her of the people's gossip. She noticed that her
husband was unusually laconic and unfriendly to her, a departure from his usual
tenderness and preoccupation with her. She fell severely ill and was attended by her
mother. But when Muhammad visited her, he hardly said any more than, "How are
you?" Indeed, noticing this coolness on the part of the Prophet, `A'ishah asked
whether or not Juwayriyyah had now taken her place in his heart. These strained
relations being too much for her patience, she one day asked her husband's
permission to move to her parent's quarters where her mother could take care of
her. After permission was granted, she moved to her parent's house all the more
alarmed at this new expression of unconcern. She remained bedridden for over
twenty days, and no knowledge of the gossip spreading around her was ever brought
to her notice. The people continued to gossip and annoyed the Prophet so much that
he found himself obliged to mention the matter in one of his speeches, "O Men," he
said, "why are some of you staining the reputation of my family by accusing them
falsely? By God, the members of my family have always been good. Why are you
staining the reputation of one of my companions whom I know to be good and who
has never entered my house except in my company?" Usayd ibn Hudayr rose and
said, "O Prophet of God, if the false accusers are our own fellows of al Aws tribe, we
promise that we shall put a quick stop to them. But if they are of the tribe of al
Khazraj, then command us and we shall obey. By God, to whichever tribe they
belong, they are worthy of having their heads struck off." Sa'd ibn `Ubadah
commented on Usayd's proposition that the latter had made it because he knew too
well that the false accusers belonged to al Khazraj tribe. A spirit of civil dispute and
strife hovered over the whole community that took the Prophet's wisdom and sound
judgment to dissipate.
The Gossip and `A'ishah
The gossip finally reached `A'ishah through a woman of al Muhajirun. When she
learned of it she almost collapsed in alarm. She cried so hard that she felt as if she
were falling apart. Despondent and dejected, she went to her mother and blamed
her with broken voice. "May God forgive you, O Mother," she said. "People talk as
they do and you do not inform me of it?" Realizing her anguished state, her mother
sought to alleviate her pains and said, "O, my daughter, relax and take things lightly.
Surely, hardly ever has a beautiful woman such as you, more loved by her husband
than his other wives, not been slandered and gossiped about by those wives."
`A'ishah, however, was not consoled by this. It began to dawn upon her that the
Prophet's coolness and disaffection which had recently replaced his gentleness and
affection must have been the result of this gossip and of the suspicion which it has
caused. But what could she do now? Would she openly discuss the matter with him?
Would he believe her if she swore to him that she was innocent? Or would she
acquiesce in the false accusations and seek to offset them by her faith and pleading?
Would she show him the same cold shoulder which he had shown her? But he is the
Prophet of God, and he has loved her more than any of his other wives. It is surely
not his fault that the people have gossiped about her delay in returning to the camp
and her return to Madinah with Safwan. Would to God that she could discover some
way of convincing Muhammad of the truth so that the real facts might be made clear
once and for all and that Muhammad would return to his old love and gentle
treatment of her!
The Revolt of `A?ishah
Muhammad was not in a better position. The gossip of the marketplace had hurt him so much
that he was forced to consult on the matter with his personal friends. He proceeded to the house
of Abu Bakr and there called `Ali and Usamah ibn Zayd to join him. Usamah denied all that had
been attributed to `A'ishah as falsehood and lies. He claimed that the people had no more
knowledge of any inclination to disloyalty on the part of `A'ishah than he had. On the contrary,
they knew as much about her loyalty and innocence. As for `Ali, he answered, "O Prophet,
women are many. Perhaps you might get some information out of the servant of `A'ishah, loyal
as we all know her to be to you." The servant was called in and `Ali immediately seized her and
struck her painfully and repeatedly as he commanded her to tell the truth to the Prophet of God.
The servant, however, continued to deny all the gossip and assert that she knew nothing but
good as far as `A'ishah was concerned. Finally, Muhammad had no alternative but to put that
question directly to his wife, asking that she confess and tell him the truth. He went into her room
and, in the presence of her parents and another woman of al Ansar, he found her and that
woman crying together. As he entered the room, `A'ishah could see the suspicious look on his
face and this cut most deeply into her heart. The man whom she loved and adored, the man in
whom she believed and for whom she was prepared to lay down her life, loved her no more. On
the contrary, he suspected her. As she composed herself, she listened to him say: "O `A'ishah,
you have heard what the people are saying about you. Fear God. If you have done an evil such as
they say you did, repent to God for God accepts the repentence of His servants." No sooner had
he finished than 'A'ishah sprang to her feet, her tears completely vanished, her blood rushing to
her face. She glanced at her father and mother hoping that they would speak out for her. But
when they remained silent, her rebellious spirit could hold her tongue no longer. She shouted to
the top of her voice addressing her parents: "Don't you answer? Won't you speak out?"
Despondently, her parents replied that they had nothing to say. At that moment `A'ishah broke
out in tears, and this seemed to temper the fire of the storm raging within her. Her tears drying
again, she turned suddenly to the Prophet and said: "By God, I will not repent to God because I
do not have anything to repent for. If I were to agree with what the people are saying, God
knows that I am innocent and that I would be admitting that which is not true. And yet if I persist
in my denial, you do not seem to believe me." After a pause, she said: "Rather, I shall say to
myself as did the father of Joseph of his lying sons: `Patience and more patience. God is my
refuge against what you describe.'"
Revelation of `A'ishah's Innocence
Silence reigned for a while; nobody could describe it as long or short. Muhammad had not moved
from his spot when revelation came to him accompanied by the usual convulsion. He was
stretched out in his clothes and a pillow was placed under his head. `A'ishah later reported,
"Thinking that something ominous was about to happen, everyone in the room was frightened
except me, for I did not fear a thing, knowing that I was innocent and that God would not be
unjust to me. As for my parents, when the Prophet recovered from his convulsion, they looked
pale enough to die before the gossip was proven true." After Muhammad recovered, he sat up
and began to wipe his forehead where beads of perspiration had gathered. He said, "Glad tidings!
O `A'ishah, God has sent down proof of your innocence." `A'ishah exclaimed, "May God be
praised." Immediately Muhammad went to the mosque and there read to the Muslims the verses
which had just been revealed to him.
"Those who brought forth this lie and spread it are some of you. However, do not regard this, O
Muhammad, as an evil. You may yet draw good therefrom. Everyone of those who spread the lie
shall have his share of due punishment. As for him who has taken the chief part in that gossip,
his will be the greatest punishment . . . . When you heard the great lie, you thought that it was
unbecoming of you to listen or to respond to it, and you condemned it saying, `Holy God, that is
a great calamity!' God admonishes you never to do such a thing if you are believers. He, the
Omnipotent, the All-Wise, shows forth His signs to you. Those who like to see immorality spread
among the believers will receive a painful punishment in this world as well as in the next. God
knows and you do not." [Qur'an, 24:11, 16-17]
It was on this occasion that the punishment for false accusation of adultery was promulgated
through the revelation of the following verse
"Those who falsely accuse chaste women of adultery and do not bring forth four witnesses to this
effect shall be flogged with eighty stripes and their witness shall never be admitted as evidence in
any matter. Those are the decadent, the immoral." [Qur'an, 24:4] In pursuit of this Qur'anic
injunction, Mistah ibn Athathah, Hassan ibn Thabit, and Hamnah, daughter of Jahsh, who had
spread the false accusation of `A'ishah in the marketplace were flogged eighty stripes each, and
`A'ishah returned to her rightful place in the house as well as in the heart of Muhammad.
Commenting on this event in the life of the Prophet, Sir William Muir concluded: "The whole
career and life of `A'ishah before that event as well as after it furnishes unquestionable evidence
that she was sincere and innocent. There should therefore be no hesitancy in rejecting every
report of malconduct imputed to her." Despite his grave misdemeanor, Hassan ibn Thabit
repented, made amends with Muhammad and was able to win back the latter's friendship. On the
other hand, Muhammad himself asked Abu Bakr not to deny Mistah ibn Athathah the kindness
which he used to extend to him. Henceforth, the whole event was forgotten in Madinah.
`A'ishah's health improved rapidly, and, after returning to her quarters in the Prophet's
residence, she recaptured her favorite position with him and with all the Muslims. Thus, the
Prophet was able to devote all his energies to his message, to the administration of policy, and to
preparing himself for the events leading to the Treaty of Hudaybiyah that would bring to the
Muslims new and certain victories.
The Treaty of Hudaybiyah
Six years had passed since the emigration of the Prophet and his companions from Makkah to
Madinah. During that time, they were constantly occupied with war and conflict, now with the
Quraysh, now with the Jews. All along, Islam was gaining converts as well as power. From the
first year of the Hijrah, Muhammad changed his orientation in prayer from al Aqsa Mosque to the
Mosque of Makkah. The Muslims turned toward the house of God which Ibrahim had built in
Makkah and which was renewed and reconstructed during Muhammad's youth. The reader will
remember that it was Muhammad who lifted and placed the Black Stone in its position in the wall
of that house, long before he could have ever thought that he was to become the recipient of a
revelation from God on High.
Proscription of the Sanctuary to Muslim Entry
For hundreds of years, this Mosque had been the center toward which the Arabs turned in their
worship and to which they went in pilgrimage during the holy month of every year. Everybody
entering the area of the Mosque was to be safe and secure. The most hostile enemies met on its
grounds without anyone ever drawing his sword or shedding the blood of his enemy. Ever since
Muhammad had emigrated with the Muslims to Madinah, the Quraysh resolved to prevent them
from entering the Mosque. This prohibition applied only to the Muslims among all the Arabs of the
Peninsula. To this effect, God said in the Qur'anic verses revealed during the first year of the
Hijrah
"They challenge you regarding the sacred month, that there should be no fighting whatsoever
during its whole course. Answer, that fighting in the holy month is a great transgression. But to
hinder men in their pursuit of God's path, to be blasphemous to Him and to the Holy Mosque, to
force the worshippers out of the Mosque-all these are greater transgressions in the eye of
God."[Qur'an, 2:217]
Likewise, the following verse was revealed after the Battle of Badr : "And why should they not be
punished by God when they prevent men from entering the Holy Mosque for worship? Surely,
they are not its guardians. The guardians of the Holy Mosque are only the pious and righteous.
But most of them are utterly ignorant. As for their worship in the House of God, it is nothing but
whistling and clapping and garbling. They should then be punished for their ungodliness. The
unbelievers spend of their wealth for the purpose of hindering men from the path of God. Their
expenditure is wasted and will bring about their own ruin. For it is to Hell that they shall finally be
assigned [Qur'an, 8:34-36]. During these six years many other verses were revealed
centering on the Mosque of Makkah which God had declared to be a place of repentance and of
security for mankind. But the Quraysh never saw in Muhammad and his companions who turned
their backs on the idols of that house-namely, Hubal, Isaf, Na'ilah and the others-anything but
men who ought to be fought and combatted and denied the privilege of pilgrimage to the Ka'bah
until they repented and returned to the gods of their ancestors.
Muslim Yearning for Makkah
During the whole time the Muslims were kept from fulfilling their religious duty, they
suffered deeply. The Muhajirun especially felt this privation more strongly as it was
combined with banishment from their own hometown and people. All the Muslims,
however, were convinced that God would soon give victory to His Prophet and to
them and would raise Islam high above all other religions. They firmly believed that
the day would soon come when God would unlock for them the gates of Makkah that
they might perform their pilgrimage to the ancient house and thus fulfill the duty
which God had imposed upon all men. If so far the years had passed one after
another with frequent campaigns and battles, beginning with Badr, Uhud, the Ditch
and others, so too the day of victory which they believed to be necessary must soon
come. How strong was their longing for this day! And how intensely did Muhammad
himself share their very faith in the proximity of that day of victory!
The Arabs and the Ka'bah
The truth is that the Quraysh had done a great injustice to Muhammad and his
companions by forbidding them to `visit the Ka'bah and to perform the duties of
pilgrimage and 'umrah. [Pilgrimage to the Sanctuary of Makkah at a time
other than that prescribed for it by custom and the Qur'an. -Tr.] The
ancient sanctuary of Makkah was not a property of the Quraysh but of all the Arabs
together. The Quraysh enjoyed only the services attached to the Ka'bah such as the
sidanah, siqayah, and other functions pertinent to the sanctuary or to the care for its
visitors. The fact that one tribe worshiped one idol rather than another never
permitted the Quraysh to forbid any tribe from visiting the Ka'bah, from
circumambulating it, or from filling any religious duties or acts of worship demanded
by the tribe's loyalty to that god. If Muhammad came to call men to repudiate idol
worship, to purify themselves from paganism and associationism, to raise
themselves to the worship of God alone, devoid of associates, to conduct themselves
for the sake of God in a manner free of all moral flaws, to elevate their spirit to
consciousness of the unity of being and the unity of God, and if the new faith
imposed on its adherents the duty of pilgrimage and 'umrah to the sanctuary of
Makkah, it would be sheer aggression and injustice to prevent the followers of that
faith from fulfilling their religious duty. The Quraysh, however, feared that were
Muhammad and his Makkan companions to visit Makkah, they might persuade the
majority to follow them, especially since they were related to the Makkans with
bonds of blood and family and had been separated from them long enough to arouse
in them the strongest longing. Such a development would start a civil war in Makkah
which the Quraysh wanted to avoid. Moreover, Makkan leaders and noblemen had
not forgotten that Muhammad and his companions had destroyed their faith, cut off
their trade route to al Sham, and antagonized them so deeply that no common
loyalty to the sanctuary and no common feeling that it belonged to God and to all the
Arabs could compose their differences. The Quraysh could not be convinced that
their relationship to the house was merely one of taking care of it and of its visitors.
The Muslims and the Ka'bah
Six whole years had passed since the Hijrah, during which the Muslims longed to
visit the Ka'bah and perform the pilgrimage and `umrah. One day, while they
congregated in the mosque in the morning, the Prophet informed them of a vision he
had seen that they should enter the holy sanctuary of Makkah secure, shaven, and
unarmed, and without fear for their safety. As soon as the Muslims heard of the
news, they praised God for His grace and spread the tidings all over Madinah. No
one, however, could imagine how this was going to be accomplished. Would they
fight and enter Makkah after battle? Would they force the evacuation of Quraysh and
pull down its guardianship of the Ka'bah? Or would Quraysh open the road to them in
humiliation and acquiescence?
Muhammad's Proclamation Concerning Pilgrimage
No! There was to be neither war nor fighting. Muhammad proclaimed to the people
that pilgrimage to Makkah would take place in the holy month of Dhu al Qi'dah. He
had sent his messengers to the tribes, whether Muslim or otherwise, inviting them to
participate with the Muslims in a visit to the sanctuary of God in security and peace.
Apparently, he sought to make the group performing the pilgrimage the largest
possible. His objective was to let the whole Peninsula know that this expedition of his
during the holy month was intended purely for pilgrimage and not for conquest, as
well as to proclaim the fact that Islam had imposed pilgrimage to Makkah just as
preIslamic Arab religion had done and, finally, that he had actually invited even the
Arabs who were not Muslims to join in the performance of this sacred duty. If,
despite all this, the Quraysh insisted on fighting him during the holy month and
preventing him from the performance of a duty commonly held by all Arabs
regardless of their personal faith, the Quraysh would surely find themselves isolated
and condemned by all. In that eventuality, the Quraysh would find the Arabs
unwilling to help them in fighting the Muslims. In the eyes of all the tribes, the
Quraysh would have indicted themselves. They would have to appear as stopping
men from visiting the sanctuary, as combating the religion of Isma'il and of his
father, Ibrahim. By this means, the Muslims would guarantee that the Arab tribes
would not rally against them under Makkan leadership as they did hitherto in the
campaign of the Ditch, and their religion would itself gain some credit among the
tribes who had not yet been converted to it. What would the Quraysh say to a people
who came to their doors armless except for their undrawn swords, and in a state of
ritualistic purity, accompanied by the cattle which they planned to sacrifice near the
Ka'bah and whose every care was simply to circumambulate the House, the duty
common to all the tribes of the Peninsula?
Muhammad publicly proclaimed that the pilgrimage had started and asked the tribes,
including the non-Muslim, to accompany him on that holy mission. Some of the
tribes rejected his invitation and others accepted. His procession set forth on the first
of Dhu al Qi'dah, one of the holy months; and it included al Muhajirun, al Ansar, and
a number of other tribes. He led the procession riding on his she-camel, al Qaswa'.
Their total number was about one thousand four hundred men. They took with them
seventy camels and donned the garb demanded by the ritual of `umrah that the
people might know that this was no military campaign but a pilgrimage to the holy
sanctuary and a fulfillment of religious duty. When he reached Dhu al Hulayfah, the
pilgrims shaved their heads, purified themselves as the ritual demanded, and
isolated their sacrificial cattle by placing them to their left. The sacrificial cattle
included the camels of Abu Jahl which were seized in the Battle of Badr. No man in
the whole group carried any arms except the undrawn sword usually worn by all
travelers. Umm Salamah, the wife of the Prophet, accompanied him on this trip.
Quraysh and Muslim Pilgrimage
When the Quraysh learned that Muhammad and his companions were approaching
Makkah for purposes of pilgrimage, they were filled with fear and pondered whether
or not Muhammad was now playing a war game against them in order to enter
Makkah after they and their allies had failed to enter Madinah. Their fear was not
dissipated when they learned that the pilgrims had actually donned the ritual garb
demanded by 'umrah, nor by Muslim proclamation across the Peninsula that they
were coming solely to fulfill a religious duty approved and accepted by all the Arabs.
None of this prevented them from resolving to stop Muhammad from entering
Makkah at whatever cost. Quickly, they mobilized an army, including a cavalry force
of two hundred. They gave the command to Khalid ibn al Walid and 'Ikrimah ibn Abu
Jahl. This army advanced to Dhu Tuwa and took up position to prevent the Muslims'
religious march to Makkah.
Encounter
Muhammad and the Muslims continued their march. At 'Usfan, they met a tribesman
of Banu Ka'b whom the Prophet questioned regarding the Quraysh. The man
answered: "They heard about your march; so they marched too. But they wore their
tiger skins, their traditional war apparel, pledging that they will never let you enter
Makkah. Their general, Khalid ibn al Walid, set up camp for his cavalry at Kara' al
Ghamim." Upon learning this, Muhammad said: "Woe to Quraysh ! Their hostility is
undoing them. Why should they object to letting me settle this affair with all the
tribes without intervention? If the Arab tribes destroy me, that will be the realization
of their objective. If, on the other hand, God gives me victory, then they can enter
into Islam with dignity; and if they resist, they can then fight with good cause. What
does the Quraysh think? By God, I shall continue to serve that for which God has
commissioned me until the divine message has become supreme or I lose my neck in
the process." Pondering over the issue, he thought that, whereas he did not come
thither as a conquerer but as a Muslim pilgrim seeking the sanctuary as a religious
duty, he might be compelled to fight and perhaps lose unless he should take the
precaution of arming his people. Should he lose in such an engagement, the Quraysh
would parade their victory throughout the Peninsula and thus deal a tragic blow to
the Muslim position. Indeed, it is perhaps for that reason that the Quraysh delegated
the command of their army to Khalid ibn al Walid and 'Ikrimah, their most illustrious
generals, that they might attain this very objective, knowing that Muhammad was
not prepared to fight on this occasion.
Muhammad's Caution to Safeguard the Peace
While Muhammad pondered these issues, Makkan cavalry was looming on the
horizon. The presence of the enemy prepared for war showed the Muslims that it was
impossible for them to reach their objective without going through these lines and
engaging in a battle in which the Quraysh had come prepared to repulse the threat
to their dignity, honor, and homeland. Such would have been a battle undesired and
uncalled for by Muhammad and forced upon him. The Muslims were not afraid of
battle. With the high morale they enjoyed, their swords alone would be sufficient to
stop this new aggression of the Makkans. But if they did fight the Makkans, the
peaceful purpose of the whole affair would not be realized. On the contrary, the
Quraysh would use such fighting as proof of Muhammad's guilt before the tribes.
Muhammad was too farsighted to allow such a course to be followed. He therefore
asked his party to find someone who could show them a road to Makkah other than
the main one which was blocked by the Quraysh. Apparently, he was still of the
same mind as before he started out from Madinah. A man was found to lead the
procession by a different route which was yet more desolate and full of hardships.
That road led them to a valley at the end of which a turn by al Murar brought them
to the locality of al Hudaybiyah, south of Makkah. When the Quraysh discovered the
movement of Muhammad and his companions, they returned quickly to Makkah in
order to defend it against what they thought to be a Muslim invasion from the south.
Upon arrival at the plain of al Hudaybiyah, al Qaswa', she-camel of the Prophet,
stopped. The Muslims thought the she-camel was exhausted; but the Prophet
explained that it was stopped by the same power which stopped the elephant from
entering Makkah. He continued, "If only the Quraysh would ask us for guarantees of
Muslim intentions based upon our blood relationship to them, we should be happy to
give them the same." He then called upon the Muslims to encamp. When they
complained that the place was waterless, he sent a man with a stick to one of the
wells of the area and asked him to verify the existence of water. When the man
plunged his stick into the bottom of the well, water sprang up; the people felt
reassured, and they put up camp.
Quraysh's Delegates to the Muslims
The Muslims encamped and the Quraysh observed their moves. The Makkans had
resolved to prevent the Muslims by force from entering their city. To them, this was
a clear and final commitment. The Muslims, on the other hand, did not know whether
or not they were heading for an all-out war with the Quraysh which would decide the
matter between them once and for all. Undoubtedly, some people on both sides
preferred a settlement by the sword. The Muslims who approved of this course
thought their victory would bring about a final destruction of the Quraysh. The
Quraysh's reputation throughout the Peninsula as well as their sidanah and Siqayah
functions in pilgrimage-indeed, their pride and religious distinction-would be
eliminated. The two camps were poised seeking an answer. Muhammad did not
change his original plan to perform the `umrah in peace and to avoid war unless
attacked. In case of attack, there would be no escape from recourse to the sword. As
for the Quraysh, while hesitant, they decided to send some delegates to the Muslim
camp, partly to reconnoiter Muslim strength and partly to dissuade Muhammad from
executing his plan. For this purpose, Budayl ibn Warqa' arrived at the Muslim camp,
together with some tribesmen from Khuza`ah. Inquiry into Muhammad's objectives
convinced them that he did not come to fight but to honor the sanctuary and pay to
it the homage due. The delegation returned to the Quraysh and counseled that the
Muslims be permitted to fulfill their religious wish. The Quraysh, however, remained
unconvinced. Indeed, they accused their own delegates of conniving with
Muhammad. They argued that even though Muhammad might not have come to
make war, he should not be allowed to enter Makkah against their will and with such
preponderant numbers. Otherwise, the Quraysh would become the mockery of
Arabia. In order to make sure that their first delegates told them the truth, the
Quraysh sent another delegation which returned with exactly the same reports,
which the Quraysh now believed. The Quraysh were depending for their war against
Muhammad upon their Ahabish allies. [A group of strong bowmen from
Arabia-i.e. Abyssinians-so called for their dark complexion. Another
possible explanation for their name is that it refers to Hubshi, a
mountain south of Makkah.] They thought of sending the Ahabish leader to talk
to Muhammad with the hope that the two leaders would misunderstand each other
and the Quraysh ally would become increasingly committed to fight on Makkah's side
against Muhammad. A1 Hulays, as the leader of the Ahabish was called, went to the
Muslim camp to see for himself. When the Prophet saw him arriving, he ordered the
sacrificial cattle paraded in front of him as material proof of Muslim intention to
perform the pilgrimage and to honor the sanctuary. A1 Hulays saw the seventy
sacrificial camels shaved and readied for sacrifice and was moved by the view of this
display of Arab religiosity. He soon became convinced that the Quraysh were doing
an injustice to those people who had come neither for war nor for hostility. Without
bothering to meet Muhammad and converse with him, he returned to Makkah and
told the Quraysh of his opinion. Full of resentment, the Quraysh slighted al Hulays as
a Bedouin and neglected his advice as that of one uninstructed. Al Hulays was
naturally angered, and he threatened them that he had not allied himself with them
in order to stop pilgrims from performing their religious duties. He even threatened
that unless they allowed Muhammad and his party into the sanctuary, he would
remove himself and his tribe from Makkah. The Quraysh feared the consequences of
such a move and begged him to give them time to reconsider.
The Delegation of `Urwah ibn Mas'ud al Thaqafi
The Quraysh then thought of sending somebody whom they could trust and whose
judgment stood beyond suspicion. They approached `Urwah ibn Mas'ud al Thaqafi
and apologized to him for having slighted the delegate whom they had sent before
him to negotiate with Muhammad. When they assured him of their respect and
pledged their compliance with his advice, he agreed to meet with Muhammad. He
proposed to the latter that since Makkah was his own hometown whose honor it was
his duty to safeguard, it would be opprobrious for him to prefer the commonplace
people he brought with him to the noblemen of Quraysh who were none other than
his own people. `Urwah stressed the point that such opprobrium would attach to
Muhammad as well as to the Quraysh even though the two had been at war with
each other. On hearing this, Abu Bakr objected loudly to `Urwah's request that the
Prophet of God separate himself from the people. While talking to Muhammad,
`Urwah touched Muhammad's beard in supplication, and al Mughirah ibn Shu'bah,
standing on the side of the Prophet, struck the hand of `Urwah every time it was
stretched toward Muhammad's beard despite the fact that `Urwah had ransomed al
Mughirah by paying the bloodwit of the thirteen men whom all Mughirah had killed
prior to his conversion to Islam. Accordingly, `Urwah returned to Makkah after
convincing himself that Muhammad had not come to wage war but to honor the holy
sanctuary in fulfillment of a divine imperative. Upon return to the Quraysh, he said to
them: "O Men of Quraysh, I have visited Chosroes, Caesar, and the Negus in their
respective courts. By God, I have never seen a king attaching himself to his people
as Muhammad does. His companions love him and honor him and revere him so
much that they carefully lift every hair that falls off his body, and they save the
water with which he performs his ablutions. They will never allow any hand to fall on
him. Judge then accordingly."
Muhammad's Delegation to Quraysh
In this way, negotiations between Muhammad and the Quraysh lasted a long time.
Muhammad wondered whether or not the delegates of Quraysh had enough courage
and initiative to convince the Quraysh with the facts which they had noted. He
therefore sent a delegate from his own camp to inform the Quraysh of the Muslim
view. The Makkans slew the camel of Muhammad's delegate and were about to kill
him when the Ahabish intervened and let him go free. This conduct of the Makkans
only confirmed their hostile spirit and, consequently, the Muslims began to lose
patience and think of fighting their way through. While still considering what to do,
some plebeians from Makkah went out under the cover of night to throw stones at
the tents of the Muslims. The latter sent out forty or fifty men who encircled the
attackers, captured them and brought them to the Prophet for judgment. To the
surprise of everyone, Muhammad forgave the attackers and allowed them to go free
in accordance with his general plan for peace and in deference to the holy month in
which no blood was to be shed in al Hudaybiyah, an area falling within the holy
ground of Makkah. The Quraysh for their part were stupefied by this conduct of
Muhammad and lost every argument they had that Muhammad wanted war. It had
become absolutely certain that any attack on the part of the Quraysh against
Muhammad would be regarded by all Arabs as a sneaking, treacherous act of
aggression which Muhammad would be perfectly entitled to repel with all power at
his disposal.
The Prophet of God-May God's blessing be upon him-tested the patience of the
Quraysh once more by sending a delegate from his camp to negotiate with them. He
called 'Umar ibn al Khattab for the job of conveying his message to the noblemen of
Quraysh. 'Umar, however, pleaded with the Prophet of God that since none of his
people, the Banu 'Adiyy ibn Ka'b, were left in Quraysh, he would be unprotected prey
for them to pounce upon in revenge for his many offenses against them. He
counselled the Prophet to send another man, 'Uthman ibn 'Affan, who was far more
protected among the Quraysh than he. The Prophet called 'Uthman ibn 'Affan, his
son-in-law, and sent him to Abu Sufyan and the noblemen of Quraysh. 'Uthman
proceeded to Makkah, and on its outskirts was met by Aban ibn Said who extended
to him his protection for the duration of time that it would take him to convey his
message. 'Uthman approached the noblemen of Quraysh and handed over the
Prophet's message. They suggested to him that he might circumambulate the
sanctuary if he wished. But he declined, saying, "I shall never do so until the Prophet
of God had done so himself." He continued to insist that the Muslims had come to
Makkah simply in order to visit the holy shrine and to glorify it and to perform the
religious duty of pilgrimage. He pointed out that the Muslims had brought with them
their sacrificial animals and pleaded that if they were allowed to sacrifice them, they
would return in peace. The Quraysh pleaded that they had already sworn defiantly
that Muhammad would not be allowed to enter Makkah this year. The negotiations
lasted a long time during which 'Uthman was forced to stay in Makkah. Soon the
Muslims began to suspect that he had been treacherously put to death. Perhaps
during this time the noblemen of Quraysh were busy conversing with 'Uthman in an
attempt to find a common form in which their pledge not to allow Muhammad to
enter Makkah this year, and the Muslim's desire to visit the Holy House and to fulfill
their religious duty, could be composed. Perhaps, too, they appreciated 'Uthman's
frankness and sincerity and were seriously engaged in discussing with him how best
to reorganize the relations with Muhammad in the future.
The Covenant of al Ridwan
Whatever the reason, 'Uthman's failure to return quickly caused the Muslims at
Hudaybiyah no little anxiety. They began to give vent to their imagination by
picturing the Quraysh treacherously attacking them in the holy month despite the
sanctity of the occasion and of the purpose for which they came. They feared that
the Quraysh would violate the religious conscience of all Arabia with impudence,
even within the holy sanctuary or on the holy grounds of Makkah. With tension rising
in the Muslim camp, and everybody reaching for his sword, Muhammad assured
them that he would not allow them to return without challenging their enemies. He
called his companions to him under a large tree in the middle of that valley, and
there they covenanted with him to fight to the last man. Their faith was certain, their
conviction was strong, and their will was determined to avenge the blood of `Uthman
whom they thought the Quraysh had murdered in Makkah. This covenant was called
the Covenant of al Ridwan ; and in its regard, the following verse was revealed: "God
is pleased with the believers who have covenanted with you under the tree. God
knows what is in their hearts and, therefore, He has granted them His peace and will
soon give them great victory. [Qur'an, 48:18], When the Muslims concluded their
covenant, Muhammad-May God's peace and blessing be upon him-pledged the same
covenant on behalf of `Uthman, and the latter was regarded as if he were present.
Thereupon, swords shook in their scabbards and the Muslims realized that war was
now inevitable. Everybody looked forward to the day of victory or martyrdom with a
mind convinced and satisfied, and a heart reassured and at peace. While in this
state, the news reached them that `Uthman had not been murdered, and soon the
man himself returned safe and sound. The Covenant of al Ridwan, however, like the
great Covenant of al `Aqabah, remained a great landmark in Muslim history.
Muhammad was particularly pleased with this covenant for the evidence it furnished
of the strength of the bonds which tied him and his companions together, and for the
readiness of the Muslims to face the greatest dangers without fear. For whoever is
willing to face death will find that death itself shies away from him, life itself
surrenders to him, and victory is always his own to reach.
The Quraysh's Response
Upon return, `Uthman conveyed to Muhammad the message of the Quraysh. They
entertained no more doubt that the Muslims had come to Makkah for anything but
the religious purpose of pilgrimage to the Holy House, and they realized that they
had no right to prevent any Arab from performing his pilgrimage or `umrah during
the holy month. Nonetheless, they had mobilized their army under the leadership of
Khalid ibn al Walid to prevent Muhammad and his companions from entering
Makkah, and some skirmishes had taken place between the two parties. After all this
had happened, to let Muhammad enter Makkah would allow the tribes to conclude
that the Quraysh had been defeated and, as a result, their position in the Peninsula
would suffer greatly. Therefore, the Quraysh argued, they must insist on maintaining
this decision of theirs in order to preserve their reputation and prestige. They invited
Muhammad to think out with them both his and their position that together they
might find an outlet from this difficulty. By themselves they saw no escape from a
war which they would have to wage whether they wanted to or not. Rather, they
wished they might not have to fight during the holy months because of their religious
sanctity and out of fear that should those months be violated, then the tribes would
never feel secure that they would not be violated again in the future. The result of a
present conflict would be that the security of passage to Makkah and to its market,
of the religious rites and of the prosperity of the Makkans and Arabs alike would all
go aground.
Negotiations
Another round of negotiations between the two parties followed. The Quraysh sent
Suhayl ibn `Amr to reconcile Muhammad and to ask him to return for the same
purpose the following year. They argued that in such an arrangement the tribes
would not claim that Muhammad had entered Makkah in defiance of the Quraysh.
Suhayl began his negotiations with the Prophet, and these lasted a long time during
which they were interrupted and resumed again by both parties, anxious as they
were for the negotiations to succeed. In the Muslim camp the Muslims listened in on
these negotiations and often lost patience at their involvement and length, the
obstinacy with which Suhayl refused to make any concessions, and the leniency with
which the Prophet made his. Were it not for the absolute conf dence the Muslims had
in their Prophet, they would have never accepted the terms reached by those
negotiations. They would have fought with the Makkans and either entered Makkah
victorious or perished in the process. Even such a great man as `Umar ibn al Khattab
lost patience and said to Abu Bakr, "O Abu Bakr, isn't Muhammad the Prophet of God
and aren't we Muslims?" Abu Bakr answered in the affirmative. 'Umar then said,
"Why then should we give in to the unbelievers in a matter vital to our faith?" Abu
Bakr replied, "O 'Umar, do not trespass one inch where you ought not to go.
Remember that I witness that our leader is the Prophet of God." Angrily, 'Umar
acquiesced by replying: "I, too, witness that our leader is the Prophet of God."
Conclusion of the Treaty (March, 628 C.E.)
'Umar turned to Muhammad and complained to him with the same anger and
resentment, but could not alter the Prophet's determination and patience. Their talk
was concluded with the Prophet's statement that he was the servant of God and His
Prophet and that he would not deviate from the divine commandment nor entertain
any doubt of divine support. So patient was Muhammad in these negotiations that
many Muslims remembered anecdotes which speak most eloquently to this effect. It
is reported, for instance; that Muhammad called 'Ali ibn Abu Talib and said to him:
"Write, 'In the name of God, the Merciful, the Compassionate.'" Suhayl, the nonMuslim delegate of Quraysh interrupted. "Stop," he said, "I do not know either 'the
Merciful' or 'the Compassionate.' Write, 'In your name, 0 God.'" The Prophet of God
instructed 'Ali to write accordingly and continued: "Write, 'Following is the text of a
pact reached by Muhammad, the Prophet of God and Suhayl ibn 'Amr.' " Suhayl
again interrupted. "Stop it. If I accepted you as a Prophet of God I would not have
been hostile to you. You should write only your name and the name of your father."
The Prophet of God instructed 'Ali to write accordingly, referring to himself as
Muhammad ibn 'Abdullah. The text of the treaty was redacted and agreed upon. In
the opinion of most biographers, the treaty specified that the peace was to last for
ten years. According to al Waqidi, the peace was stipulated for only two years. The
pact also specified that any person from Quraysh emigrating to Muhammad's camp
without permission from his guardian would have to be returned to Makkah, whereas
any Muslim emigrating from Muhammad's camp to Makkah would not have to be
returned. It also specified that any tribe was free to ally itself to Muhammad without
incurring any guilt or censure from Quraysh, and likewise, any tribe seeking an
alliance with Quraysh could do so without let or hindrance from the Muslims. The
pact stipulated that Muhammad and his companions would leave the area of Makkah
that year without fulfilling their religious function but that they might return the next
year, enter the city and stay therein three days for this purpose while carrying no
more than swords in their scabbards.
Promulgation of the Treaty
As soon as this pact was solemnly concluded by the parties concerned, the tribe of Khuza`ah
entered into an alliance with Muhammad and that of Band Bakr with Quraysh. Soon after, Abu
Jandal ibn Suhayl ibn 'Amr left Makkah forever and came to the Muslim camp seeking to join
the Muslims. When Suhayl, the delegate of Quraysh to the Muslim camp, saw his son change
loyalties in his presence, he struck him in the face and pulled him by the hair to return to the
Quraysh. Abu Jandal was calling upon the Muslims to save him from the fate of being
returned to the unbelievers who would persecute him for his faith. This greatly increased the
Muslims' resentment and their dissatisfaction with the pact the Prophet had just concluded
with Suhayl. But Muhammad spoke to Abu Jandal. "0 Abu Jandal," he said, "have patience
and be disciplined; for God will soon provide for you and your other persecuted colleagues a
way out of your suffering. We have entered with the Quraysh into a treaty of peace and we
have exchanged with them a solemn pledge that none will cheat the other." Abu Jandal
returned to Quraysh in compliance with the demand of this treaty and Suhayl returned to
Makkah. Muhammad, too, was disconcerted with the resentment and dissatisfaction of the
Muslims around him. After reciting his prayers he felt reassured, sought his sacrificial animal,
and slaughtered it. Then, he sat down and shaved his head, thus declaring the `umrah, or
lesser pilgrimage, complete. His soul was satisfied and his heart full of contentment, as if the
peace of God had come upon him. When the people saw what he did and observed the peace
of soul shining through his face, they began to slaughter their animals and to shave off their
hair. Some of them shaved off their hair completely and others only in part. Muhammad said,
"God Bless those who shaved their heads." The people asked him about those who only cut
their hair short, and Muhammad repeated his blessing for the benefit of those who shaved
their heads. After the people asked him three times and he repeated the same blessing three
times, he was asked: "Why, 0 Prophet of God, do you exclude those who cut off their hair
short from your blessing?" He answered, "Because the shavers did not doubt, whereas the
others did." [It was customary for the pilgrim in pre-Islamic Arabia to shave his
head as evidence of desacralization after a complete performance of the
religious function of pilgrimage. When the performance of the religious
function had been interrupted or any one of its rituals for some reason
missed, the pilgrim would only cut his hair short rather than shave it. He
thereby gave evidence of his awareness that his religious function had not
been completely fulfilled and of the need to repeat the same function in the
following season. -Tr.]
The Treaty of Hudaybiyah: A Genuine Victor
Nothing remained for the Muslims to do except to return to Madinah and there await the
arrival of the coming season for another trip to Makkah, Most of them accepted this idea
grudgingly, and consoled themselves purely on the grounds that the unwelcome compliance
therewith was only the command of the Prophet himself. They were not accustomed to
acquiesce in a defeat or to surrender without a fight. Moreover, in their faith in God and in the
timely assistance that God would grant to His Prophet, his religion and themselves, they could
entertain no shadow of a doubt of their ability to storm Makkah if only Muhammad had
commanded it. They stayed in al Hudaybiyah a few days questioning one another regarding
the wisdom of this pact which the Prophet had concluded. Some of them were inclined to
doubt its wisdom. But they bore in patience and then returned home. On their way home
between Makkah and Madinah, the surah "al Fath" was revealed to the Prophet, and he
recited it to his companions.
"We have granted to you a clear victory that God may forgive you your past and future
shortcomings, grant you His blessings, and guide you to the straight path." [Qur'an, 48:1-
30]
There was hence no reason to doubt that the Hudaybiyah Treaty was a victory for the
Muslims. History has shown that this pact was the product of profound political wisdom and
farsightedness and that it brought about consequences of great advantage to Islam and
indeed to Arabia as a whole. It was the first time that Quraysh acknowledged that Muhammad
was an equal rather than a mere rebel and runaway tribesman. It was the first time that
Makkah acknowledged the Islamic state that was rising in Arabia. Makkan acquiescence in the
right of the Muslims to visit the sanctuary and to perform the pilgrimage was equally a
recognition on her part that Islam was an established and approved religion in the Peninsula.
Furthermore, the peace of the following two or ten years gave the Muslims the peace and
security they needed on their southern flank without fear of an invasion from Quraysh. The
peace also contributed to the spread of Islam. Even Quraysh, the most determined enemy of
Islam and its greatest antagonist, had by this pact come to recognize Islam and its
community, and to acquiesce in that in which it had never acquiesced before. Indeed, Islam
spread after this treaty more widely and quickly than it had ever spread before. While those
who accompanied Muhammad to Hudaybiyah counted one thousand and four hundred, those
who accompanied him on his conquest of Makkah two years later counted well over ten
thousand. The greatest objection to those who doubted the wisdom of the Hudaybiyah pact
was directed to the provision that any Quraysh member joining the Muslims without the
permission of his guardian would have to be returned to Quraysh, and that any apostate from
Islam would not have to be returned to Madinah. Muhammad's opinion in this matter centered
on the consideration that the apostate from Islam who seeks the shelter of Quraysh is not
really worthy of readmission to the Muslim community; that for the convert who wished to
join that community but who was not allowed to at present, God would soon find an outlet.
Events have confirmed this judgment of Muhammad far more quickly than his companions
anticipated, and given evidence that Islam had actually drawn great advantages. Indeed, the
treaty even made it possible two months later for Muhammad to begin to address himself to
the kings and chiefs of foreign states and invite them to join Islam.
The Story of Abu Basir
Events succeeded one another very rapidly, all of which confirmed Muhammad's
judgment and wisdom. Abu Basir became a Muslim and escaped from Makkah to
Madinah. Obviously, the provisions of the Hudaybiyah Treaty applied to him and
demanded his return to the Quraysh, for he had not obtained the permission of his
master. Azhar ibn `Awf and al Akhnas ibn Shariq wrote to the Prophet to this effect
and sent their letter with a tribesman of Banu `Amir and a slave of theirs. When the
demand was made, the Prophet called Abu Basir and said to him: "We have
covenanted with the Quraysh to honor the Treaty of Hudaybiyah which you well
know. In our religion, we are not permitted to cheat. You should therefore return to
your people. God will grant to you and to the other persecuted Muslims a means of
emancipation in His good time." Abu Basir objected to the Prophet that the
unbelievers would force him to apostatize. The Prophet, however, repeated the same
judgment to him. Abu Basir had, therefore, to give himself up to the two messengers
and accompany them back to Makkah. Once they arrived at Dhu al Hulayfah, Abu
Basir asked the Banu `Amir tribesman to show him his sword, and as soon as he laid
his hand upon it, he struck the tribesman with it and killed him. The Makkan slave
ran toward Madinalf and into the Prophet's presence with obvious signs of fear and
panic on his face. When interrogated, the slave told the Prophet that Abu Basir had
killed his master. Soon, Abu Basir himself arrived brandishing his sword and
addressing Muhammad: "0 Prophet of God, you have fulfilled your duty under the
Treaty and God has relieved you of your obligation, for you have in fact surrendered
me to my people as the treaty prescribed. But I was not willing to allow myself to be
persecuted, enticed away, or forced to abjure my religion." The Prophet did not hide
his admiration for him and wished that he had many companions. Later on, Abu
Basir went to al `Is on the sea coast, on the road which the Quraysh followed to al
Sham and which the Treaty of Hudaybiyah prescribed to keep open for Makkan
trade. When his story and that of Muhammad's admiration of him reached Makkah,
the Muslims still residing there were elated, and about seventy of them ran away to
al `Is to follow him as their chief. Abu Basir and his companions began to cut off the
trade route on their own initiative, killing any unbeliever they caught and seizing any
camels belonging to Quraysh. Only then did it dawn on the Quraysh what a loss they
had incurred by insisting as they did on keeping their Muslim members or slaves in
forced residence in Makkah. They realized that the man who is truly committed to
Islam was a greater handicap to them than the loss of him altogether to the Muslim
camp. Such a man would escape at the first opportunity without entering into the
camp of Muhammad and, hence, without becoming an outlaw under the prescriptions
of the Hudaybiyah Treaty. He would then wage a terrible war against the Makkans in
which the Makkans had everything to lose and nothing to gain. Remembering too
well that Muhammad had cut off the caravan road after his emigration to Madinah,
the Quraysh feared that Abu Basir would do likewise. They therefore wrote to the
Prophet asking him, in violation of the Hudaybiyah Treaty, to accept their fugitives
into his camp, in order to keep the caravan route open. In the consequent
negotiation, the Quraysh relinquished the privilege emphasized by Suhayl ibn'Amr so
strongly, namely, that the Muslims of Quraysh who escape therefrom without
approval of their masters or guardians be returned to Quraysh. Thus, the concession
criticized by 'Umar ibn al Khattab and for the sake of which he revolted against Abu
Bakr was dropped by request of the Quraysh. Muhammad then invited all the
Muslims to enter Madinah, and the caravan route to al Sham became once more
secure.
Muslim Women Emigrants
As for the Muslim women of Quraysh who escaped to Madinah, Muhammad had a
different opinion. Umm Kulthum, daughter of 'Uqbah ibn abu Mu'ayt, escaped from
Makkah to Madinah after the Hudaybiyah Treaty, and her two brothers 'Umarah and
al Walid came to the Prophet demanding her return under terms of the Treaty. The
Prophet refused, judging that the treaty did not apply to women and that if women
called for assistance and shelter, their request could not be turned down.
Furthermore, when a woman becomes a Muslim, she is no more legally tied to her
husband who is an unbeliever. Dissolution of the bond of marriage is then automatic.
On this point, the revelation is clear: "O Men who believe, if the women believers
come to you for shelter, examine them, remembering that God knows the nature of
their faith better than anyone. If you find them to be true believers, do not return
them to the polytheists to whom they are no longer legitimate. Return to them that
which they have spent and marry them if you wish; for there is no blame upon you if
you do so, provided you give them their dowries. Do not hold to your matrimonial
ties with women unbelievers, but ask them to return what you have spent and return
to them what they have spent and separate yourselves from each other. That is the
judgment of God and He wishes to see it observed among you. God is All-Knowing
and All-Wise." [Qur'an, 60:10] Thus events confirmed Muhammad's wisdom,
foresight, and deep political insight. History has indeed proved that the Treaty of al
Hudaybiyah actually laid down a very important foundation for Islam's political career
as well as for its spread throughout the world. That is the meaning of the clear
victory God had promised.
Relations between Quraysh and Muhammad became quite peaceful and settled after
the Treaty of al Hudaybiyah. Both parties felt secure. The Quraysh embarked on
enlarging trade, hoping to recapture the losses which had resulted from the war with
the Muslims in which the road to al Sham was cut. As for Muhammad, he embarked
on a wider policy of mission, seeking to bring his message to all men in all corners of
the earth and to lay down the foundations for the happiness and success of the
Muslims throughout the Peninsula now that their security was guaranteed. Both
these considerations enabled him to send his messengers to the kings in the
surrounding empires and, especially after the Battle of Khaybar, to expel the Jews
from the Arabian Peninsula altogether.
The Campaign of Khaybar and Missions to Kings
Muhammad and the Muslims returned from al Hudaybiyah to Madinah three weeks
after the signing of the treaty with Quraysh and the agreement that they would not
enter Makkah that year but the following year. Many of them returned with wounded
pride. They continued to feel dejected and despondent until arch "al Fath,"[1]
revealed on the road to Madinah, alleviated their despondency. While in Hudaybiyah
as well as after the return to Madinah, Muhammad thought about what he should do
to strengthen the faith of his companions and to spread the message of Islam. He
thought of sending messengers to Heraclius, Chosroes, the Archbishop of Alexandria,
the Negus of Abyssinia, King al Harith of Ghassan, and the satrap of Chosroes in
Yaman. He also pondered the necessity of eliminating Jewish influence in the Arabian
Peninsula once and for all.
Crystallization of the Islamic Call
In fact, the Islamic message had by this time reached a high level of crystallization
and comprehensiveness. The time was ripe for its dissemination among mankind.
Besides the doctrine of the unity of God and its implications for worship and ethics,
the Islamic message developed so widely as to include within its purview all aspects
of social activity and human relations. These it sought to regulate and infuse with its
ethos and spirit. It attached such importance to man's social relations that it put its
precepts for social behavior on a level with the doctrine of the unity of God. The
system of principles Islam elaborated came nearer than any other to enable man to
attain perfection and to realize the absolute, or the highest ideals in space-time.
Hence, a large number of specific proscriptions were revealed during this period to
regulate man's social relationships.
The Proscription of Alcohol
Biographers of the Prophet have disagreed regarding the time of the prohibition of alcohol.
Some assert that it took place in the fourth year A.H. Most of them; however, agree that it took
place in the same year as the Hudaybiyah pact. The purpose of the prohibition of alcohol was
purely a social one, unrelated to the unity of God as a purely theological doctrine. The evidence
for this is the fact that the Qur'an remained silent on this problem for a period of approximately
twenty years after Muhammad's commission to prophethood. Throughout this period, the
Muslims continued to use alcohol. Further evidence to this effect comes from the fact that the
prohibition itself was not categorically laid down all at once, but was revealed progressively and
at intervals. There was a series of prohibitions, each prescribing a limitative measure of use.
Total abstinence was not demanded until near the end of the Madinese period of the revelation.
It is told that `Umar ibn al Khattab inquired about the drinking of wine and prayed for God to
show the Muslims His will in this regard, and that it was in this connection that the verse was
revealed saying, "When they ask you about drinking wine and gambling, answer that they
constitute great evil as well as advantage to the people but that their evil is greater than their
good." [Qur'an, 2:219] Despite the indication this verse gave, the Muslims who were in the
habit of drinking did not stop. Some of them in a state of drunkenness would pray without
knowing what they were reciting. Again `Umar prayed God to show more of His will in this
matter. The common Arabic saying, "Alcohol causes the loss of both mind and money," is
attributed by tradition to him. Later, another step toward prohibition was taken with the
following revelation: "O Men who believe, do not hold the prayers while you are in a state of
drunkenness. Recover yourselves first until you become fully conscious of what you are about to
recite." [Qur'an, 4:43] From that day on, the town crier of the Prophet proclaimed at the times
of prayer: "Let no drunken man come to prayer." Despite this new limitation upon alcohol,
`Umar continued to pray to God to send down yet clearer revelation concerning it. Personally,
`Umar was quite opposed to alcohol because the Arabs often drank to the point of losing
decorum, pulling one another's beards and hitting one another. It so happened that at a
banquet which included Muhajirun and Ansar, a member of the former group boasted of his
peoples' superiority over the latter group. A member of al Ansar, equally intoxicated, wounded
the former in the nose by hitting him with a skull bone. Under the influence of liquor, the two
groups quarreled, fought, and generated all kinds of hatred toward one another until they
almost destroyed their previous harmony and mutual esteem. On this occasion, God said in a
special revelation
"O men who believe, alcohol, gambling, idols, and divination arrows are an abomination of
Satan's handiwork. Avoid them, therefore, that you may be felicitous. Satan wishes to infuse
enmity and hatred among you through alcohol and gambling. He wishes to keep you intoxicated
that you may not remember God, and hence fail to hold prayer. Will you not listen and stop
being his tools ?"[Qur'an, 5:90-91]
On the day this revelation was made and the prohibition of alcohol was instituted, Anas, the
wine seller and server, spilled all the alcohol in his possession. Other men who were not pleased
by the new legislation asked: "Could alcohol be a real abomination even though it was
consumed by some of the martyrs of Uhud and Badr?" In response to them, the following verse
was revealed: "Those who believed and did the good may not be blamed for what they
consumed, inasmuch as they feared God, believed, and did good works. For God loves the
virtuous. [Qur'an, 5:93]
By commanding mercy and compassion, the doing of good works, disciplining the soul and
character by means of worship, and eliminating false pride by means of kneeling and
prostration in prayer, Islam became the natural perfection of all previous religions, the religion
to which all men are called.
The Persian and Byzantine Empires
Heraclius and Chosroes were at the time the chiefs of the Roman and Persian
empires, the greatest states of the age and the makers and arbiters of world policy
and world destiny. Between them war was continual, as we have had occasion to
see. The Persians were at first victorious and conquered Palestine and Egypt. They
governed Jerusalem from where they moved away the cross of Christ. Later, the arm
of destiny moved, and it was the Roman flag that flew over Egypt, Syria, and
Palestine. Heraclius recovered the cross and put it back in its original place after a
pilgrimage to Jerusalem on foot in fulfillment of a vow he had taken before victory.
One can easily appreciate the position of the two empires if one remembers the
tremendous fear which their very names inspired in any person who fell within their
reach. Men were so awed by the two empires that no state or community could think
of opposing them, and every man kept on good terms with their authorities and
representatives as essential to survival. Since the world of the time was one divided
between the spheres of influence of these two giants, it was natural for the Arabian
Peninsula to fall within the one or the other. `Iraq was under Persia while Egypt and
al Sham were under the influence of Rome. Hijaz and the entire remainder of the
Arabian Peninsula were divided between the two. Whatever prosperity the Arabs
enjoyed depended wholly upon trade between Yaman and al Sham. It was absolutely
essential, therefore, that the Arabs enjoy the friendship of Khosrau as well as of
Heraclius if their trade was to be successful. The Arab population consisted of tribes,
sometimes mutually hostile, sometimes peaceful, but never related to one another
by a bond constituting a political structure capable of counteracting the influence of
either of the two great powers. It was hence amazing that Muhammad would think of
sending his messengers to the two great kings, as well as to Ghassan and Yaman, to
Egypt and Abyssinia, and to call them all to his religion without fear of the
consequences of such deeds for the Arabian Peninsula as a whole, or without fear
that Roman and Persian influence in Arabia might actually be transformed into a
solid yoke of subjugation.
The Prophet's Delegates
Muhammad, however, did not hesitate to call all these men to the religion of truth.
One day, addressing his companions, Muhammad said: "O men, God has sent me to
be a Prophet of mercy to all mankind. Do not, therefore, disagree and divide as the
disciples of Jesus, son of Mary, did after him." When his companions asked him to
explain, he replied: "Jesus had called his disciples to the same truth to which I have
called you. Those of them whom he sent to places close by accepted and observed
the truth that Jesus had conveyed; those whom he sent to faraway places did not
like that truth and could not accept it." Muhammad mentioned to them that he was
planning to send messengers to Heraclius, the Archbishop of Alexandria; to al Harith
of Ghassan, King of al Hirah; to al Harith of Himyar, King of Yaman; and to the
Negus of Abyssinia, calling them all to Islam. The companions approved and made
for him a seal out of silver which read "Muhammad, the Prophet of God." Muhammad
sent letters to these chiefs, an example of which is the message sent to Heraclius. It
read as follows: "In the name of God, the Merciful, the Compassionate. From
Muhammad ibn `Abdullah to Heraclius, Emperor of Byzantium. Peace be upon the
rightly guided. I call you to the religion of Islam. If you convert, you will be saved
and God will double your reward. If you do not convert, responsibility for the
salvation of your subjects rests with you. [Recognizing that there has been a large variety of views
regarding the voweling and meaning of the term "al arisiyyin," the author appended a footnote in which he
preferred its meaning as "subjects." This view was based on the Nihayat of Ibn al Athir and other dictionaries of
the Arabic language, q.v. Rum. Another meaning of the term, which does not at all seem improbable, is "Arians."
In this case the Prophet would seem to be giving Heraclius the alternative of accepting the monotheism of Islam
or of remaining a trinitarian Christian. In the latter case, the emperor would fall under a new indictment of heresy
regarding the truth of Jesus Christ which Islam was teaching in consonance with Arianism. -Tr.]
`O People of
the Book, come now to a fair principle, common to both of us, namely, that we
worship only God, that we do not associate aught with Him and that we do not take
one another as lords besides God. But if they refuse, then say, "Take note that we
are Muslims." "' The Prophet gave this message to Dihyah ibn Khalifah al Kalb! and
asked him to convey it to Heraclius. He dictated a similar letter to Chosroes and
asked `Abdullah ibn Hudhafah al Sahmi to convey it to him. Another letter addressed
to the Negus was handed to `Umar ibn Umayyah al Damri. A letter to the Archbishop
of Alexandria was handed to Hatib ibn abu Balta'ah; to the King of Yamanah, to Salit
ibn `Amr ; to the King of Bahrayn, to al `Ala' ibn al Hadrami ; to al Harith of
Ghassan, King of the Approaches of al Sham, to Shuja` ibn Wahb al Asadi; to al
Harith of Himyar, King of Yaman, to Ibn Umayyah al Makhzumi. All these men went
out each to the destination assigned to him by the Prophet. Most historians affirm
that they started their journeys in various directions at the same time. Some,
however, assert that they were sent at different intervals.
Persia and Byzantium
That Muhammad sent such missions to the kings of the world is truly surprising.
More surprising still is the fact that within barely thirty years of the time he sent
those missions, the kingdoms of these kings were conquered by the Muslims and
most of their inhabitants converted to Islam. The surprise, however, is dissipated
when one remembers that the two great empires disputing the leadership of the
world and dividing it between their two civilizations were really disputing only the
material possessions of the world. In both of them, spiritual power had long been
decaying. Persia, for its part, was divided between paganism and Zoroastrianism.
The Christianity of Byzantium, on the other hand, was rife with dispute and
controversy between various sects. There was no single conviction, neither faith nor
world view, to inspire the hearts and satisfy the minds of the people. Rather, religion
had become a series of rites and superstitions by which the Church was exercising its
control and exploitation of the masses of mankind. As for the new call of
Muhammad, it was purely spiritual, raising man to the highest levels of his humanity.
Wherever matter contends with spirit, wherever care for the present contends with
the hope for eternity, matter and concern for the present are sure to lose.
Furthermore, despite their greatness, both Persia and Byzantium had lost the power
of initiative, creativity, and culture-building. In thought, feeling and action, the two
empires had declined to the level of ancestor-imitation where every novelty was
looked upon as misguidance and abomination. But human society, like individual
men and all living organisms, must renew itself every day. Either it remains youthful
renewing itself, recreating, reconstructing, and always adding to its life, or it reaches
old age and, being incapable of recreation and reconstruction, spends its own lifecapital. Its ensuing history is a continuing reduction and downfall toward a tragic
end. Any human society which has thus fallen is susceptible to renewal and
recreation by another society youthful enough to instill new life into anything it
touches. Such a new element, full of life power and youth and growing in close
proximity to Persia and Byzantium was Muhammad. His mission was so new and
vigorous that it breathed new life into the masses of mankind whose spirit had been
destroyed internally by the vacuitous rites and superstitions of the decaying societies
in the great empires. The fire of the new faith which illumined the soul of the Prophet
and the indomitable power of his soul explain the fact of his calling the kings of the
earth to Islam, the religion of truth and perfection, the religion of God-May He be
revered! The great kings were called to the religion which liberated the mind to
reason and the heart to see for itself. Islam was the religion which gave man,
whether in the life of worship or in the ordering of society, general principles which
harmonized the powers of spirit and matter and made possible the highest levels of
life on earth. Where such harmony prevails, there is neither weakness nor false
pride. After going through all the stages of necessary development, human society
can reach the highest possible level of existence designed for it.
Elimination of Jewish Influence in Arabia
But would Muhammad send his missions to the foreign kings while his own domain
was threatened by the treacherous Jews who were still living to the north of
Madinah? It is true that the Treaty of Hudaybiyah had secured his southern flank,
especially from Quraysh. But what about the north, where both Heraclius and
Chosroes might attack Madinah in cooperation with the Jews of Khaybar who were
anxious for an opportunity to take revenge upon Muhammad? It would be relatively
easy for either emperor to remind the Jews of the fate of their co-religionists, the
Banu Qurayzah, Banu al Nadir, and Banu Qaynuqa`, who had previously been
expelled from their dwellings after blockade, fighting, and war, and to incite them to
new ventures against Muhammad. For their enmity and bitterness surpassed that of
Quraysh. They were more attached to their religion, more intelligent, and more
learned. On the other hand, it was n6t possible to reconcile them with a peace treaty
like that of Hudaybiyah since the covenant of Madinah had been violated by them
much to their own detriment. Were help to come to them from the side of
Byzantium, their natural inclination to rise again against Muhammad could not be
contained. Hence, it was thought necessary to put a final end to their influence in the
Arabian Peninsula, and to do so quickly without giving them the time to forge any
new alliances with Ghatafan or any of other tribe hostile to Muhammad.
And such Muhammad did. He had hardly spent fifteen days after his return from al
Hudaybiyah-a month according to another version-when he commanded the people
to prepare for the campaign of Khaybar, restricting the call to arms to those who had
accompanied him to al Hudaybiyah. His purpose was to leave behind all those
interested in booty, and to go out with the truly loyal followers who sought service
for the sake of God. The Muslims marched forth one thousand and six hundred
strong, including a cavalry of one hundred. They were confident of God's assistance
and victory, and recalled surah "al Fath" which was revealed shortly after the signing
of the Hudaybiyah treaty; "When you go forth and booty lies ahead of you, those
who remained behind and did not participate in the previous campaign will ask to
accompany you that they might share in the spoils. Thus they seek to change the
decrees of God. Say to them, `It is not given to you to accompany us, for that is the
decree of God which has been given.' They will accuse you of jealousy and envy, but
their understanding is meager and their intelligence is dim." [Qur'an, 48:15]
The March against Khaybar
Muhammad and his men crossed the distance between Khaybar and Madinah in
three days. Khaybar did not learn of their move until the Muslims' forces stood in
front of their fortifications. In the morning, when the Khaybar workmen went out of
their homes to go to their plantations, they saw the Muslim army for the first time
and ran away shouting to one another, "There is Muhammad and his army." When
Muhammad heard them, he said: "Khaybar is doomed; whenever we enter the
enemy's land, the fate of that enemy is sealed."
Jewish Reaction
Nonetheless, the Jews of Khaybar did in fact anticipate Muhammad's move and
thought of ways and means of escape. Some leaders advised Khaybar to form a
block with the Jews of Wadi al Qura and Tayma' and to take the initiative in attacking
Madinah first. This group saw no point in depending upon Arab tribes. Other leaders
advised that it was more salutary for them to enter into a new pact with the Prophet
in order to mitigate Muslim hatred and hostility, especially among al Ansar. This
suggestion was particularly appealing after the experience in Madinah, when Huyayy
ibn Akhtab and his party had instigated the Arab tribes to attack Madinah and sack
its fortification in the Campaign of al Khandaq. The truth is, however, that neither
Jews nor Muslims were ready for any conciliation, especially since the Muslims had
killed Sallam ibn Abu al Huqayq and al Yasir ibn Razzam, two Khaybar chieftains,
before venturing out on their present expedition against Khaybar. As a consequence,
the Jews were constantly in touch with the tribe of Ghatafan and sent to them for
help as soon as they discovered Muhammad's army in their domain. Historians differ
regarding Ghatafan's answer to Khaybar's call, whether they actually did come to
Khaybar's rescue or whether the Muslim army prevented any such assistance from
reaching Khaybar.
The Two Armies
Regardless of whether Ghatafan had actually helped the Jews or not, it soon
renounced its attachment to them and became neutral as early as Muhammad
promised it a share in the spoils of war. The campaign of Khaybar was one of the
greatest. The masses of Jews living in Khaybar were the strongest, the richest, and
the best equipped for war of all the peoples of Arabia. The Muslims, for their part,
were certain that as long as the Jews held any power in the Peninsula, the two
religions would have to compete with each other endlessly. That is why they
advanced so resolutely and fought so valiantly. The Quraysh as well as the whole
Arabian Peninsula watched the campaign and awaited its results. Some Quraysh
tribesmen wagered with one another concerning its outcome; many believed that the
tables would now be turned against the Muslims, knowing how fortified were the
dwellings, how impregnable the city stood perched over rocks and mountains, and
how experienced its people were in the arts of war.
The Muslims' Blockade
The Muslims, on the other hand, brought to Khaybar all the equipment and
preparation they could muster. After consulting one another and listening to Sallam
ibn Miskham, their chief, the Jews decided to assemble their wealth and children in
the fortified quarters of al Watih and al Sulalim, to place their ammunition at Na'im,
and to deploy their fighting men at Natat where Sallam ibn Mishkam would lead
them in battle to the bitter end. The two armies met at Natat and fought each other
strongly. The encounter, however, was not decisive. There were fifty wounded
among the Muslims on the first day and probably many more than this among the
Jews. When Sallam ibn Mishkam was killed, al Harith ibn Abu Zaynab took over the
leadership of the Jewish forces. Charging from the fortress of Na'im, the new leader
attacked the Muslim army at the flank, but he was soon repulsed by Banu al Khazraj,
who were deployed in that area. As a result of this engagement, the Muslims
tightened their encirclement of Khaybar. Realizing that this was their last stand in
Arabia, the Jews fought desperately. As the days went by, the Prophet sent Abu Bakr
with a contingent and a flag to the fortress of Na'im ; but he was not able to conquer
it despite heavy fighting. The Prophet then sent `Umar ibn al Khattab on the
following day, but he fared no better than Abu Bakr. On the third day, the Prophet
called `Ali ibn Abu Talib and, blessing him, commanded him to storm the fortress.
`Ali led his force and fought valiantly. In the engagement, he lost his armor and,
shielding himself with a portal he had seized, he continued to fight until the fortress
was stormed by his troops. The same portal was used by `Ali as a little bridge to
enable the Muslim soldiers to enter the houses within the fortress. The fortress of
Na'im fell after the Jewish leader, al Harith ibn Abu Zaynab, was killed in battle.
Evidently, both Jews and Muslims were determined to fight it out to the end.
Having stormed the fortress of Na'im, the Muslims then directed their attention to
the fortress of al Qamus which they stormed after equally strenuous fighting.
Provisions were becoming rather scarce within the Muslim army, and many began to
approach Muhammad personally to ask him for something with which to stave off
their hunger. Unable to find provisions, Muhammad permitted them to eat horse
meat. Later on, a Muslim soldier noticed a herd of goats entering one of the
fortifications of the Jews, launched an immediate attack, and seized two animals
which were immediately killed and consumed. Not until after they had conquered the
fortress of al Sa'b ibn Mu'adh was their shortage relieved. For within that fortress,
they found large stores of food that enabled them to continue the blockade of other
fortresses. Throughout this campaign, the Jews would not give up a single inch of
territory without putting up a heroic struggle for it. Whenever they retreated, it was
only before preponderant Muslim forces. At one stage in the campaign, Marhab came
out of one of the fortresses fully covered with his military attire and singing the
following verses
"Khaybar knows that I am Marhab, that I am an experienced hero fully prepared for
war. I deal blows to my enemies and I strike them. Even the lions I face with drawn
sword. The ground I hold is unassailable. Even the most experienced in war dares
not approach it." Muhammad asked his companions, "Who will rise to meet him?"
Muhammad ibn Maslamah rose and said, "Send me, 0 Prophet of God. For I am the
angry bereaved who lost his brother yesterday." The Prophet permitted him and he
sprang to meet Marhab. The pair fought valiantly and, at one stage, Marhab almost
killed the Muslim. Ibn Maslamah, however, intercepted the falling sword with his
shield which bent under its weight and was cut so that the sword could not be pulled
out and disengaged. Muhammad ibn Maslamah seized the opportunity and gave
Marhab a fatal blow. This war between Muslim and Jew was a hard and savage
struggle, and the fortifications of the Jews made it even more so.
Jewish Despair and Collapse
The Muslims then directed their attention to the fortress of al Zubayr and surrounded
it for a long time, waging a number of harsh attacks without being able to storm it.
At one stage, they seized the water supply of the fortress and stopped its flow. The
Jews were forced to come out and engage the Muslims in battle but, faced with
preponderant Muslim forces, they fled. Their fortresses fell one after another into
Muslim hands, the last of them being those of al Watih and al Sulalim in the al
Katibah area. Only then did the Jews become truly desperate, and they begged for
peace. The Prophet had already seized most of their possessions at the fortresses of
al Shaqq, Natat, and al Katibah. In the circumstances, they had only their own skins
to seek to save. Muhammad accepted their plea and permitted them to stay on their
land whose title now passed to him by right of conquest. The terms of their
surrender provided that they would be given half their crops in compensation for
their labor.
The Jews of Khaybar were thus treated differently from those of Banu Qaynuqa` and
Banu al Nadir who were forced to evacuate their lands altogether. With the fall of
Khaybar, Jewish power no more threatened Islam or the Muslims. Moreover, Khaybar
had large areas of orchards and groves of date trees whose maintenance needed an
experienced labor force. Although al Ansar, the Muslims of Madinah, were
agriculturalists, they were needed back home to tend their own gardens and
orchards. The Prophet also needed his men for the purpose of war and could not
afford to demobilize his army for the sake of agriculture. The Jews of Khaybar were
hence allowed to continue to work their own groves after their political dominion had
been destroyed. Despite Muhammad's sharecropping arrangement, the agricultural
economy of Khaybar retrogressed after the destruction of Jewish political power.
`Abdullah ibn Rawahah, Muhammad's deputy for the division of the Khaybar crops,
dealt justly with the Jews, following in this regard the instructions of the Prophet
himself. So honorable was his conduct that he returned to them copies of the Torah
seized by the Muslims in the course of the hostilities. This is in direct contrast to the
manner in which the Romans treated the Jews when they conquered Jerusalem and
burned all the sacred writings they found in the temple and trampled them under
foot. It is also far from the Christian persecution of the Jews in Spain where every
Torah seized was put to the torch.
As the Jews of Khaybar pleaded for peace while the Muslims blockaded al Watih and
al Sulalim at Khaybar, the Prophet sent a message to the Jews of Fadak asking them
to surrender their properties and wealth or accept his terms. The people of Fadak
were so panic-stricken at the news of Khaybar that they agreed to give up half their
wealth without fighting. The wealth of Khaybar was to be distributed among the
members of the Muslim armed forces according to rule because they had fought to
secure it. The wealth of Fadak, on the other hand, fell to Muhammad, [Not
personally, but as chief of state. -Tr.] as no Muslims and no fighting were
involved in its acquisition.
The Prophet prepared to return to Madinah by way of Wadi al Qura where the Jews
of that area prepared to fight the Muslims. Some fighting did indeed take place, but
the Jews realized the futility of their resistance and pleaded for peace as Khaybar
and Fadak had done before. As for the Jews of Tayma', they accepted to pay the
jizyah without fighting. Thus, all the Jews of the Peninsula submitted to the authority
of the Prophet and their political influence was brought to an end. The northern flank
of Muslim power, namely the whole area north of Madinah, was now as secure as the
south had become through the Treaty of al Hudaybiyah. With the collapse of Jewish
political power, Muslim hatred of the Jews mellowed, and this was especially true of
the Ansar of Madinah who even closed their eyes when a number of Jews returned to
Madinah to resume their normal trades and professions. Indeed, the Prophet himself
sympathized with such Jewish returnees and joined with them in mourning `Abdullah
ibn Ubayy by presenting condolences to his son. Moreover, the Prophet took especial
care to instruct Mu'a,dh ibn Jabal not to sway the Jews from their religion but to
allow them to practice it as they had done before. He did not impose any jizyah on
the Jews of al Bahrayn despite the conservatism of the latter and their attachment to
the faith of their forefathers. The Prophet also reconciled the Jews of Banu Ghaziyah
and Banu `Arid and offered them his covenant and protection provided they agree to
pay jizyah. On the whole, the Jews of the Peninsula lost their political power and fell
under that of the Muslims. So much had their prestige deteriorated, however, that
they soon found themselves having to emigrate from a land which once felt their
influence. According to some versions, this Jewish emigration took place during the
lifetime of the Prophet; according to others, shortly after his death.
Jewish acquiescence in their fate under the dominion of Islam did not take place at
one and the same time or immediately after their military defeat, for they were
exceedingly resentful and full of hatred for their Muslim fellows. Zaynab, daughter of
al Harith, and wife of Sallam ibn Mishkam, cooked a goat and presented it to
Muhammad after the peace treaty with Khaybar and Jewish-Muslim relations
returned to normal. Muhammad sat down at the table with his companions to eat of
this Jewish prepared food. Taking the first mouthful, he realized that the taste was
strange. Bishr ibn al Bar&' likewise had the same realization and could hardly
swallow the first mouthful. As he threw his away, the Prophet said: "I have a
premonition that this dish is poisoned." He then called Zaynab and questioned her,
and she confessed. In defense of herself, she said to the Prophet: "You know what
has befallen my people at your hand, and you can appreciate my resentment and
hatred. In pondering the whole event, I arrived at the conclusion that if you, the
source of all the evil, were a king like other kings, then to put an end to your life
would bring peace to me and my people. If, on the other hand, you are a true
prophet, then surely you would find out that the food was poisoned and you would
not eat." The one mouthful which Bishr ate was fatal to him. The chroniclers disagree
regarding the fate of Zaynab. Most of them agree that the Prophet appreciated her
defense, forgave her, and sympathized with her loss of father and husband. Others
relate that she was killed in revenge for the life of Bishr.
Muhammad's Marriage to Safiyyah
This treacherous deed of Zaynab adversely affected the attitudes of the Muslims. It
destroyed whatever confidence they still had in the Jews. Indeed, it confirmed their
presentiment that there could be no peace with the Jews as long as they were not
finally destroyed. Safiyyah, daughter of Huyayy ibn Akhtab of Banu al Nadir, was one
of the captives the Muslims had seized inside the fortresses of Khaybar. Her
husband, Kinanah ibn al Rabi`, was known by the Muslims to have been the
guardian of all the wealth of Banu al Nadir. When the Prophet had asked Kinanah
about his treasure, the latter solemnly declared that he did not know where it was
hidden. Muhammad threatened him that in case the treasure was found hidden in his
place he would be put to death. Kinanah agreed. One day when Kinanah was seen
moving about an uninhabited house in the outskirts, his movement was reported to
the Prophet. After the Prophet ordered the inside of the house be dug out, part of the
treasure was revealed. Kinanah was killed as a result. When a companion learned of
Safiyyah's captivity, he approached the Prophet with the suggestion that, since she
was the lady of Banu Qurayzah and Banu al Nadir, she was fit to become the wife of
the Prophet alone. The Prophet granted her her freedom and then married her,
following the example of the great conquerors who married the daughters and wives
of the kings whom they had conquered, partly in order to alleviate their tragedy and
partly to preserve their dignity. Abu Ayyub Khalid al Ansari, however, feared that
Safiyyah's tragic loss of father, husband, and people might incite her to avenge
herself against the Prophet. He therefore spent the night near Muhammad's tent
where the wedding had taken place, with sword drawn. When the morning came and
the Prophet saw him in that state, he asked him for an explanation. Abu Ayyub
answered that he feared for the Prophet that this woman, who until very recently
had been a non-Muslim, might attack him. The truth, however, was otherwise.
Safiyyah remained loyal to Muhammad throughout his life. In his last illness, when
the Prophet was surrounded by his wives, Safiyyah came forward and said: "O
Prophet of God, I surely wish that that from which you suffer might be in me rather
than in you." Muhammad's wives winked at one another and the Prophet, observing
their reaction, said: "Go on and wink at one another! By God, I know that Safiyyah is
truthful and loyal." Safiyyah, who survived Muhammad, lived until the time of the
caliphate of Mu'awiyah. She was buried at al Baqi`.
Delegation to Heraclius
Whatever happened to the messengers whom Muhammad sent to Heraclius,
Chosroes, the Negus, and other kings and men of power surrounding Arabia? Did
they go forth before the Campaign of Khaybar, or did they participate in that
Campaign until Muslim victory had been achieved and traveled thereafter? Historians
differ so widely in this respect that it is very difficult to reach a conclusion. We are
inclined to think that they did not all go forth at the same time, that some of them
began their travel before the campaign of Khaybar and others thereafter. More than
one chronicler has asserted that Dihyah ibn Khalifah al Kalbi participated in the
operations at Khaybar. Yet it was he who was commissioned by the Prophet to go to
Heraclius. The Prophet's messenger met Heraclius at the time of the latter's
victorious return from the war with Persia and his recapture of the cross which had
been taken by the Persians when they occupied Jerusalem. The vow which Herachus
had made, namely, to perform a pilgrimage to Jerusalem on foot and return the
cross to its original place, could now be fulfilled. It was on this pilgrimage of
Heraclius, specifically when the imperial procession had reached the city of Hims
[The old city of Emessa in Syria.] that the message of Muhammad was
received. Whether Muhammad's letter was handed to the Emperor by one of the
latter's employees after Dihyah surrendered it to the Byzantine governor of Bosra, or
whether the group of Muslims headed by Dihyah was granted a court audience at
which Dihyah submitted the Prophet's letter in person, is not known for certain. At
any rate, it is known that the Prophet's letter did reach Heraclius, and that the
Emperor was not irritated by it. Instead of sending an army to conquer Arabia,
Heraclius did in fact send a gentle letter in reply to Muhammad's message. It was
this gentle response to Muhammad's message that a number of historians mistook
as meaning that Heraclius had joined the ranks of Islam.
At the same time, al Harith of Ghassan sent to Heraclius a message to the effect that
he had just received a letter from Muhammad, a message which Heraclius thought
was similar to what he himself had received from the same source calling him to
Islam. Al Harith applied for permission to send an expeditionary force against this
new "pretender." Heraclius saw otherwise and instructed al Harith to come to
Jerusalem and attend with him the ceremonies at which the cross would be
reinstated. Heraclius was apparently more interested in the pomp and circumstance
of those ceremonies than in the call of a new religion. He could not imagine that only
a few years would pass before Jerusalem, as well as the whole of al Sham, would fall
under Islamic dominion; that the Islamic capital would move to Damascus; that the
struggle between the Islamic state and the Byzantine Empire would not subside until
the Muslims had conquered Constantinople in 1.453 and converted its great church
[That is, Hagia Sophia. -Tr.] into a mosque in which the name of that Prophet
would be inscribed in honor; and that that same church would remain a mosque for
many centuries until the Muslim Turks would change it into a museum of Byzantine
art in modern times. Such was to be the influence of this Prophet whose message
Heraclius did not think sufficiently worthy to deserve attention.
Delegation to Chosroes
As soon as the message of Muhammad was read out to Chosroes, the Emperor of
Persia, he went into a rage, destroyed the letter, and dictated an order to his satrap
in Yaman commanding him to send forth to the capital the head of his Prophetpretender in al Hijaz. Perhaps he was moved to such a decision out of a need for
self-assertion following his defeat by Heraclius. When the Prophet heard of
Chosroes's response, he cursed him as well as his empire. Bazan, the satrap of
Yaman, sent his messengers in search of Muhammad, in compliance with the
command of his emperor. In the meanwhile, however, Chosroes passed away, and
his son, Cyrus, ascended the throne. Knowing the news of the accession, the Prophet
informed the messengers of Bazan and asked them to carry his call to Islam to
Bazan rather than carry out Bazan's instructions. The people of Yaman had learned
of the defeat of Persia and realized that Persian dominion was on the decline and
would soon pass away. They had heard, also, of the victories Muhammad had scored
over Quraysh and of his total destruction of Jewish power and dominion. When
BAzan's messengers returned and told their master of Muhammad's response, he
immediately converted to Islam and accepted Muhammad's appointment as governor
of Yaman. But what would Muhammad require of Bazan, as long as enemy Makkah
separated the two? Since he did not have much to fear, but rather everything to gain
because Persian dominion was on the wane, and because the new power rising on
the horizon of the Peninsula could, in fact, demand of him no price in return, Bazan
preferred to enter into friendly relations with Muhammad. Possibly, Bazan did not
quite appreciate the fact that his joining the ranks of Islam gave the latter a very
viable point d'appui in the south corner of the Peninsula, as events were to show two
years later.
Delegation to the Archbishop of Egypt
The Coptic Archbishop of Egypt answered in a radically different way from his
superior Herachus, or from Chosroes. He informed Muhammad of his belief that a
Prophet was indeed to appear in the world, but in al Sham. He accorded to
Muhammad's messenger a good reception and sent with him a gift to the Prophet
consisting of two slave girls, a white mule, a donkey, some money, and a variety of
Egyptian products. The two slave girls were Mariyyah, whom Muhammad took in
marriage and who gave birth to Ibrahim, and Sirin, who was given in marriage to
Hassan ibn Thabit. The mule was given by the Prophet the name of Duldul, for its
unique whiteness of skin which the Arabian Peninsula had never seen before. The
donkey was called `Ufayr or Ya'fur. The Archbishop explained that he did not convert
to Islam because of his fear of discharge by his superior, and that were he not a man
of authority and power, he would have been rightly guided to the true faith.
Delegation to Abyssinia
It was natural that the answer of the Negus of Abyssinia was favorable, for his
country had always been on good terms with the Muslims. Indeed, some historians
assert that the Negus was converted to Islam-a claim which the Orientalists suspect
very strongly. The Prophet sent to the Negus a second letter asking him to send back
the Muslims who had been living in Abyssinia under his protection. The Negus
provided these Muslims with two ships that carried them to the shore of Arabia. They
were led by Ja'far ibn Abu Talib, and the group included Umm Habibah, Ramlah,
daughter of Abu Sufyan and wife of `Abdullah ibn Jahsh who went to Abyssinia as a
Muslim, converted to Christianity and died there a Christian. Following her return
from Abyssinia, the same Umm Habibah became one of the wives of the Prophet, a
"Mother of the Believers." Some historians asserted that the Prophet married her in
order to forge a blood relation with the house of Abu Sufyan and to confirm thereby
the Treaty of al Hudaybiyah. Other historians saw in the marriage of Umm Habibah
to Muhammad an attempt on the part of the latter to punish and annoy Abu Sufyan
who was still a pagan.
Explanation to the Kings' Replies
Finally, as for the princes of Arab tribes and regions, it should be recorded that the
Amir of Yaman and `Uman sent the Prophet a very antagonistic answer. The Amir of
al Bahrayn sent a favorable reply and became a Muslim. The Amir of al Yamamah
declared his preparation to enter into Islam if his chair and office could be secured.
The Prophet cursed him for laying down conditions to his conversion, and the
historians assert that the man lived but one year after the event.
The reader might well pause to consider the preponderant friendliness and
appreciation which most of the kings and princes showed in response to
Muhammad's call. None of Muhammad's messengers was killed or imprisoned. Every
one of them returned to Madinah with the response with which he had been
entrusted. Some of these messages were coarse and harsh, but most of them were
gentle and sweet. Two questions naturally arise: Why did all these kings receive the
new religion without seeking to destroy the man who called them to it, and why did
they not unite to destroy him? The answer to these questions lies in the fact that the
world of those days was, like the world of today, one in which matter had come to
dominate everything, affluence and luxury had become the summum bonum, and
nations fought and destroyed one another for the sake of power and in satisfaction of
the ambitions of its king and ruling circles, or in order to increase their affluence and
luxury. In such a world, faith deteriorates to mere ritual, and men perform these
rituals without believing any of the truths which the rituals were meant to express.
In such kingdoms, the masses seldom care but to belong to such regimes as will
provide them with panem et, circencis, with wealth and luxury. Under such
circumstances, a religion is adhered to only in proportion to the material advantage
its practice promises. When such advantage is not in sight, the masses of people
quickly lose their attachment, and their power of resistance to another religion
evaporates. That is why as soon as these masses heard the voice of the new religion
with its strength and simplicity, its call to equality before the one God, the only Being
worthy of worship and prayer, and the only One capable of giving true good to man,
they began to thirst after the new faith and the spiritual satisfactions it provides.
Verily, a ray of God's blessing dissipates the fury of all the kings of the earth
combined! The fear of His wrath shakes the human soul to its very depths even
though the kings of the earth might have smothered that soul in blessings and
favors. The hope of God's forgiveness moves every man deprived of grace to repent,
to believe and to do good works. When the people heard that the author of this new
call was capable of vanquishing the enemies who persecuted him and who inflicted
upon him and his followers all sorts of injustice and suffering, it was not surprising
that they stretched out their necks and lent their ears to see him and hear him. For
them to witness Muhammad's victory over all the material forces assembled against
him and to see his power grow despite his original weakness, poverty, and
deprivation, for them to see this Prophet achieve that which no one else had ever
dreamt of achieving-be it in his own town or throughout the Arabian Peninsula-all
this was enough to incite them to examine this faith and to want to belong to it.
Were it not for their fear of the immediate consequences, most of them would not
have kept themselves separated from the truth. Hence, the majority of the
sovereigns answered with a consideration and sympathy which reinforced the
Muslims' faith and conviction.
Muslim Return from Abyssinia
Muhammad returned from Khaybar, and Ja'far and the Muslims returned from
Abyssinia. The messengers of Muhammad returned from those lands whither
Muhammad had sent them. All of them met again and were reunited in Madinah.
Inspiring each of them was the longing to go to Makkah in the following year and to
do so in security, with shaven heads or short hair, and to perform their pilgrimage
without fear. Muhammad was so pleased to be reunited with Ja'far that he said he
could not tell which was the greater: victory over Khaybar or reunion with Ja'far. It
was in this period that, according to a certain report, a Jew called Labid charmed
Muhammad and put him under a spell. The report is self-contradictory and highly
questionable. The claim that Muhammad did anything at any time without
consciousness or under a spell is a sheer fabrication and hence devoid of truth.
The Muslims were safe in Madinah where they led a prosperous and affluent life.
During this period they thought neither of war nor of fighting despite the fact that
they had to send some expeditionary forces to punish those who aggressed upon
their lands or seized any of their property. As the year [The year in question
was 7 A.H./629 C.E. -Tr.] came to a close, in the month of Dhu al Qi'dah, the Prophet
set out with two thousand men to perform the lesser pilgrimage, in accordance with
the provisions of the Hudaybiyah Treaty, and to satisfy the Muslim longing to visit
the holy sanctuary and to perform the holy ritual.
The `Umrah or Lesser Pilgrimage
The Muslims' March to Makkah
A full year had passed since the Treaty of al Hudaybiyah. Muhammad and his
companions were accordingly free to enter Makkah and to visit the Ka'bah under the
terms of that treaty. The Prophet, therefore, proclaimed to the people that they
might now prepare themselves to go to Makkah for performance of the lesser
pilgrimage. It is easy to appreciate the enthusiasm of the Muslims in response to
Muhammad's call. Many among them, the Muhajirun, were emigrants from Makkah
who had left their hometown seven years ago. Others, the Ansar, conducted wide
trade with Makkah and felt great love and loyalty to the holy sanctuary which they
longed to visit. Those who responded to Muhammad's call exceeded two thousand in
number. Hence, there were six hundred or more than in the previous year. In
compliance with the terms of the Hudaybiyah Treaty, none of them carried any arms
except his sword which he kept in its scabbard. Muhammad feared treachery. He
therefore equipped a hundred cavalrymen and assigned them to Muhammad ibn
Maslamah. He instructed them to reconnoiter the fields ahead of the procession of
Muslims but not to tread on the holy, ground surrounding Makkah. His order was
that they should turn to a nearby valley as soon as they reached the canyon of al
Zahran. The Muslims herded before them the sacrificial animals; the entire
procession was led by Muhammad riding his she-camel, al Qaswa. They set out from
Madinah in the direction of Makkah moved by the strongest emotion to
circumambulate the House of God and to see the places where they were born. Each
longed to visit the house and quarter where he had grown up and played as a child.
They were quite anxious to visit their old friends whom they had had no opportunity
to see during those long years, and, in short, to breathe the air of their dear
homeland. The non-Makkan Muslims were equally anxious to see and touch this
blessed holy city which had brought out the Prophet of God and in which the
revelation of God was first heard. One can imagine this great procession of Muslims
numbering over two thousand, pushing forward toward Makkah with their hearts
practically leaping out of their breasts in exaltation and reverence. At every
opportunity, a pilgrim would tell his companion what he knew of Makkah and would
recall nostalgically the days of his childhood or youth in that city. He would tell about
his friends that were still there and the wealth and property which he had abandoned
for the sake of God when he left it. One can imagine this unique procession animated
by faith, indeed bursting with religious enthusiasm, pulling forward toward the
universally revered sanctuary. The reader may well imagine the jubilation of this
procession of men who for the last seven years had been prevented from performing
this sacred duty but who were now certain they could enter Makkah in peace, with
shaven head or cut hair, for an opportunity to re-express their loyalty to God.
The Quraysh Evacuate the City
The Quraysh learned of the arrival of Muhammad and his companions, and they
evacuated the whole town as the treaty demanded. They removed themselves with
their families to the hills surrounding Makkah where they erected tents for this
purpose. Those who could not afford tents spent the time in the shade of trees. From
the mountains of Abu Qubays and Hira' as well as from every mound or hill
surrounding Makkah , the Makkans looked down upon their city which appeared to be
invaded by this "refugee" and his companions. The Muslims entered the city without
resistance, indeed w