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Volume 29 Number 1 2006 (2008)
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JIABS
Journal of the International
Association of Buddhist Studies
Volume 29 Number 1 2006 (2008)
Jikido TAKASAKI,
Between translation and interpretation – Cases in the
Chinese Tripiaka – (Presidential address at the XIVth
Conference of the International Association of Buddhist
Studies, London, August 29 – September 3, 2005) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 3
•
Ben BROSE
Crossing thousands of Li of waves: The return of China’s
lost Tiantai texts . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 21
William CHU
Syncretism reconsidered: The Four Eminent Monks and
their syncretistic styles . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 43
Johan ELVERSKOG
The Mongolian Big Dipper Sūtra . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 87
Juhyung RHI
Fasting Buddhas, Lalitavistara, and Karuāpuarīka
........
125
Martin SEEGER
The Bhikkhunī-ordination controversy in Thailand . . . . . . . . . . . . 155
•
Notes on the contributors
.................................
185
THE MONGOLIAN BIG DIPPER SŪTRA
JOHAN ELVERSKOG
Introduction
Ever since the European discovery of Buddhism and the subsequent
development of Buddhist Studies, there has been an intense focus on
“the text” and its implied notions of authority. The origins of this
methodological propensity and its ramifications are now rather
well-known, and many scholars have begun to re-evaluate previous
categories that shaped the trajectory of this textual criticism. One
such category is the entire concept of the “canon” and its tandem
concepts of “apocryphal,” “authentic” and ultimately “true/pure” –
elements that have shaped both Buddhist and academic discourse.1 In
much the same way as East Asian Buddhists produced graded hierarchies of the Buddha’s Dharma, scholars have produced graded scales
of value towards the “canons” that allow them access to the Dharma.
The Pali and Chinese canons (as well as the Tibetan, depending on
the topic) are recognized as essential and authoritative, while the
Tangut, Mongol and Manchu canons are relegated to the category of
secondary or tertiary importance. It also needs to be recognized,
however, that any intellectual mapping has an agenda and that it produces aporias with inevitable implications. In the case of Zhiyi 智顗
and his Tiantai 天台 tradition, the result of this “theological”/intellectual engagement with the Dharma was the elevation of the Lotus
Sūtra to the pinnacle of the Buddha’s teachings, a development with
profound consequences for the history of the Buddhist tradition.
While it is unlikely that the contemporary scholarly evaluation of the
Buddhist canon will have as much impact as did Zhiyi, it is still
necessary for scholars of Buddhist history to continually interrogate
1
For a valuable introduction to issues surrounding the problem of Buddhist “canon(s)”
see Buswell, and more recently Freiberger.
Journal of the International Association of Buddhist Studies
Volume 29 • Number 1 • 2006 (2008) pp. 87–123
88
JOHAN ELVERSKOG
our own canonical categorizations, in particular how they potentially
repress or distort the historical development of the Buddhist tradition. It is with this aim in mind that I present the following translation of the Mongolian Big Dipper Sūtra with a discussion of its
theoretical and historical implications.
Overview of scholarship and translation history
This translation is based on the text of the Big Dipper Sūtra as found
in the Kanjur, the Mongolian translation of the Tibetan bKa’-’gyur
(the collected teachings of the Buddha), with reference to two manuscript copies housed in the Inner Mongolian Academy of Social Sciences.2 This is not the first translation of this Buddhist sūtra. Scholars have paid close attention to this work for nearly a century. The
first, Berthold Laufer, noted in 1907 that according to the colophon
of the Tibetan version of the sūtra it had been translated into Uygur,
the Turkic language of northwest China. This claim was corroborated when German expeditions in the Tarim Basin discovered thousands of fragments of Uygur Buddhist texts, several of which were
in fact translations of the Big Dipper Sūtra. These fragments were
subsequently published by the Turkologist G.R. Rachmati with the
sinological commentary of Wolfram Eberhard (1937). Subsequently,
these fragments, their history, relation to other translations, cultural
implications, etc. have been the focus of numerous scholarly endeavors,3 culminating in the magisterial study of Herbert Franke, who
2
This translation is based on Ligeti’s transcription (1963: 103–114) of the Mongolian
Doluγan ebügen neretü odun-u sudur found in the Beijing Kanjur (vol. 92 No. 1123
[Ligeti 1942–44: 303]), in addition to two manuscripts housed in the Inner Mongolia
Academy of Social Sciences, Hohhot, China (CMC #588 and 589 – 49.328 1403:1 and
49.328 1403:2). The two manuscripts do not differ in any substantial way from the Kanjur
version, except that both lack the important colophon. There are no early extant Mongolian fragments from the Yuan period that would provide evidence of its translation history
(Cerensodnam and Taube 1993), particularly the relation of the Mongol text to the Uygur
fragments. Aside from the two manuscripts used in the preparation of this edition there are
extant manuscript copies in the Mongolian collections in Copenhagen (Heissig 1971: 221),
Germany (MHBL #287) and the library at the University of Inner Mongolia (CMC #590).
3
For a bibliography of studies on the Uygur fragments and related works, see
Elverskog (1997: 93–95).
THE MONGOLIAN BIG DIPPER SŪTRA
89
compared the Chinese, Tibetan, Uygur and Mongolian Buddhist versions and showed their Daoist origins (1990). In the wake of his
work, Jampa Panglung prepared an edition and translation of the Tibetan version (1991).4 Henrik Sørensen translated a Korean ritual
text for the worship of the Big Dipper and investigated the tradition
in Korea (1995). And most recently Charles Orzech and James Sanford published three texts from the Chinese canon involved with the
worship of the Big Dipper (2000).
Value of new translations to scholarship
Invariably, one may wonder what is the value of translating a secondary, or perhaps even tertiary, Mongolian text. Indeed, what is the
point of exploring the Mongolian version of a work that was clearly
produced in a Chinese cultural context and is found in the Chinese
canon?
A valid point. However, our own theoretical suppositions make
such a conjecture valid. The primary such supposition is that the
Chinese canon is of paramount historical importance (a claim amplified in this case with reference to the Daoist borrowings of the
work). As a result, it is generally taken for granted that the Chinese
version contained in the Taishō canon is the “ur-text” and thus it is
the reference point for all others.5 This may be true, but such an
assumption is not without problems. Much may be lost in selecting a
text produced in Japan,6 and found in a canon compiled in Japan during the 1920s over a text clearly produced in China and dated to the
early 14th century. While this is a philological problem beyond the
bounds of this paper, for our present concern, the modern focus on
the Chinese canon and its perceived authority has had two ramifica4
The Tibetan text Sme-bdun zhes-bya-ba’i skar-ma’i mdo is found in the Peking
bKa’-’gyur (Suzuki 1955–61: vol. 40, p. 370–372, P286b6–290a8).
5
This text (Fo shuo beidou qi xing yan ming jing 佛說北斗七星延命經) is found in volume 21 of the Taishō shinshū daizō-kyō, T 1307: 425b–426b.
6
The canonical version in the Taishō includes a picture of the Big Dipper, the “Ladies
of the Dipper” and the amulets corresponding to each star are labelled with a Japanese
kana symbol (Orzech and Sanford 2000: 387).
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JOHAN ELVERSKOG
tions. First, it has obscured the simple fact that the Taishō text and
the Mongolian sūtra are not the same, thus affecting our understanding of the development of this tradition. Second, the fixation on the
“Chineseness” of Big Dipper worship has obviated the fact that this
work was important among the Mongols, and thus has led us to neglect what this worship among the Mongols tells us about Mongolian
Buddhism and the process by which new ideas and practices cross
both religious and cultural boundaries.
Regarding the first issue, the importance of the Mongolian text
and its history lies in the fact that it preserves a Chinese Buddhist
text for the worship of the seven stars/Buddhas of the Big Dipper
that is not found in the Chinese canon. The opening passage of the
Mongolian text provides a history of its translation: it was translated
from Chinese into Mongolian, which in turn was used as the basis
for the Tibetan translation. The colophon also notes that an Uygur
translation was prepared and printed, but it never states explicitly
whether it was used as an intermediary in the translation from Chinese into Mongolian. This fact, coupled with the fragmentary nature
of the Uygur pieces, has led to as yet unresolved speculation as to its
possible role in the translation process. Regardless, it is clear that
both the Uygur and the Mongolian texts are based on some Chinese
original, and the text always referenced in this regard is the Chinese
text found in the Taishō canon. If one compares the Chinese and
Mongolian versions, however, it becomes clear that there are prominent differences between the two.
The Mongolian version is, first of all, twice as long. The narrative
of the Mongolian text can be broken down into six major sections:7
1. List of the seven Buddhas, their food offerings, relations to
cyclical birth signs and amulets.
2. Invocation of the Buddhas affiliated with each star and their
respective dhāraīs.
7
This division is based on Franke’s discussion of the text; however, he notes eight sections instead of six (1990: 86). For my analysis, the other two sections, the introductory
passage with the text’s translation history and the colophon, are not relevant in terms of
the Chinese text.
THE MONGOLIAN BIG DIPPER SŪTRA
91
3. Buddha’s sermon to Mañjuśrī on the benefits of this sūtra.
4. List of the relation between the color of a person and the element to which he belongs.
5. Hymn of praise to the seven Buddhas.
6. A list of days when lamps for worshipping the seven stars
should be lit.
Of these six sections, the canonical Chinese version (T 1307) contains only the first three. The Mongolian version of these three sections is a nearly verbatim translation of the Chinese text, but the
Mongolian continues where the Chinese ends. Indeed, the Mongolian
text proclaims after section three, the end of the Chinese text, “One
chapter of the scripture of the God of Gods, Buddha’s preaching of
The Sūtra on Prolonging One’s Life Through the Big Dipper is finished.” The final three sections also reflect a Chinese origin, most
strikingly the explanation found in section four of the connection between people’s birth colors and their natural element. As a result, it
is clear that the canonical Chinese text (T 1307) is a truncated version of what is preserved in the Mongolian translation.8 Exactly how
this came to be is rather unclear, but, the popularity of the work, its
complicated development in China, and its translation history provide some avenues for investigation.
Aside from the Mongolian version studied here, there are also extant other texts and fragments of the Buddhist worship of the Big
Dipper that provide evidence of the existence and persistence of ritual texts outside the canonical matrix. The 1651 Korean work, the
Pukdu ch’ilsong chong uimun 北斗七星請儀文,9 includes sections
two and three of T 1307, as well as a lengthy introduction and sec8
Taking into account the differences between the texts it is important to re-evaluate
Sørensen’s critique of Franke’s dating of “the text” to the Yuan dynasty (1995: 74–79).
While it is clear there was an earlier version of the text produced during the Tang dynasty,
the time and place of the origin of the Sino-Mongolian text from the Yuan is far from
clear. Perhaps it was produced during the Yuan using the earlier text as a model?
Nevertheless, by ignoring the differences between the two works the complexity of its
transmission and historical development is overlooked.
9
This text is translated in Sørensen 1995: 97–100.
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JOHAN ELVERSKOG
tion six of the “Mongolian” text. Uygur fragments from the Yuan period and a text produced in Singapore in the 1960s also differ from T
1307. What is distinctive about these two texts is that both of them
contain the worship of nine stars of the Dipper, as opposed to the
seven of T 1307 and other Buddhist works (Franke 1990: 96). This
variety points to the clear fact that multiple versions, or texts, of the
Buddhist worship of the Big Dipper were being produced and used
in China and Inner Asia. Which is more “authoritative”? In traditional philological analysis and the production of textual lineages, it
is valid to highlight the importance of the Chinese version since it
appears to be the “original” core of later texts. Yet, might not this
Chinese version only be a later Japanese redaction from a/the fuller,
and certainly more Daoist influenced text, as found in the Mongolian
version? Where do the Uygur fragments and the Singapore text fit
into the genealogy? Are they a different tradition entirely? Perhaps.
However, while these questions are important and worthwhile, it
is also important to understand how this sort of textual criticism,
focusing on textual transmission and perceived categories of authority, operates in the same manner as Buddhist lineage production to
obviate the most obvious question: how and why do Daoist concepts
and ritual practices become Buddhist? In the same way as modern
scholarship has focused on the Chinese text in lieu of the Mongolian
text because of constructed notions of authority, it is important to
investigate how and why medieval Chinese Buddhists appropriated
Daoist concepts and the process of legitimation that made them Buddhist.
Chinese background of sūtra
Of course, the cultural conflict that ensued upon the introduction of
Buddhism to China is well known.10 Likewise it has been amply illustrated that the Buddhist and Daoist traditions developed within an
interface of mutual borrowing. Just as the Daoist Lingbao 靈寶 tradi10
See for example Zürcher 1959, Gregory 1991, Teiser 1988, Sharf 2002, and Kieschnick 2003.
THE MONGOLIAN BIG DIPPER SŪTRA
93
tion adopted and transformed Buddhist concepts within a Chinese
sensibility (Bokenkamp 1990, 1997: 373–392), it is not surprising
that Buddhists incorporated Chinese concepts into their own religious framework.11 And one of the most prominent features of Chinese religion that has continued from the earliest dynasties until the
present day is the worship of the Big Dipper.12 Already during the
Han dynasty (206 BCE–220 CE), the Dipper was painted on the ceiling of many tombs and its recognized power had reached such levels
that it was incorporated into the rituals of emperorship. In his attempt to seize the throne, the usurper Wang Mang 王莽 (r. 9–23 CE)
adopted the Dipper as a symbol of power and a protective talisman
against his enemies (Sørensen 1995: 72). At the same time a cosmogonic dance attributed to the legendary hero Yü the Great of the Xia
dynasty also developed, intended to increase the life-span of the
practitioner and also help the state relieve the suffering of the empire’s people from various disasters.13 In accord with these conceptions Emperor Huan 桓帝 of the Han 漢 (140–187 CE), paralleling
Constantine on the Milvia Bridge, was advised by his court ritual
specialists (fangshi 方士) to carry a standard bearing an image of the
Big Dipper (Robinet 1997: 43).
The imperial appropriation of the Dipper was grounded in
pre-Daoist cosmology, which saw the Pole Star as the abode of the
Supreme One, Tai Yi 太一. Thus as the Dipper circumambulates the
divine abode the rhythms of the universe are enacted. This concentrated visual representation shaped the subsequent Daoist conceptu11
On the early interface between Buddhism and Daoism, see Strickmann 2002.
The Big Dipper was venerated as a deity as early as the late Shang 商 dynasty
(13–11th century BCE) (Little 2000: 128). In regards to its continuing worship, Schipper
notes in his study of contemporary Daoist practice in Taiwan that the most important ritual
the priest performs is the worship of the Big Dipper (1993: 72–75). Franke (1990: 96) also
notes that the worship of the Big Dipper continues among the Chinese Buddhist community, as evidenced in the recent publishing of the Miraculous Sūtra of the Great Bear that
Dispels Calamaties and Prolongs Life in Singapore.
12
13
For a representation of this dance as found in the Taishang zhuguo jiumin zongzhen
biyao 太上助國救民總真祕要 TT 987, see Robinet (1993: 223). On this practice see Robinet (1993: 221–225), and for its origins and development see Andersen (1989–90) and
Schafer (1977).
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JOHAN ELVERSKOG
alization of the Big Dipper as the center of the Celestial Bureaucracy, where the cosmic order is put into place. This is an idea that is
echoed in Ge Hong’s 葛洪 (ca. 284–363) Bao pu zi 抱朴子, one of
the earliest collections of Daoist practices, where worship of the
Dipper is understood to protect against plague, avoid calamities, and
bestow blessings (Sørensen 1995: 73). Also in the 4th century Daoist
practice known as “Method of Holding the Three Ones” (shou sanyi
守三一), the worship and meditation upon the Dipper played a pivotal role (Sørensen 1995: 73; Andersen 1980). By the 3rd–4th century the basic shape of future Daoist understandings of the Dipper
was in place. The Dipper regulated the fate of one’s life – not only
the nature of one’s life, through its arbitrary fluxes, but more importantly, the length of one’s life. Many of the Daoist texts that involve
the Dipper are concerned with the issue of asking for pardon of one’s
sins and having one’s name erased from the register of the dead.
Both of these areas are under the authority of gods resident in the
Big Dipper. Paralleling these related duties, in an early Daoist text of
the Shangqing 上清 revelations (364–370 CE), the Text of the Three
Diagrams That Open the Sky,14 the Big Dipper is affiliated with death
and the hell realms. And yet, through proper practice and meditation
on the Dipper one can achieve the ultimate goal of immortality
(Robinet 1997: 146).
With this understanding of the historical importance of the Big
Dipper in China and the early Daoist textual explication of its worship in place, the question arises, why in the process of crossfertilization did the Buddhist tradition not engage with these ideas
until several centuries later? Only at the end of the 7th and beginning
of the 8th century were Buddhist texts explicating the worship of the
Big Dipper produced.15 The answer lies in the important linkage be14
15
Kaitian santu jing 開天三圖經 TT 1027.
Vajrabodhi’s (669–741 CE) Ritual Procedures for Invoking the Seven Stars of the Big
Dipper (Beidou qi xing niansong yigui 北斗七星念誦儀軌 T 1305, translated in Orzech
and Sanford 2000: 392–393), Yixing’s (673–727 CE) The Method of Making a Homa
Offering to the Seven Stars of the Big Dipper (Beidou qixing humo fa 北斗七星護摩法 T
1310), and Guiding’s (d.u.) The Secret Essentials for Performing a Homa Offering to the
Seven Stars of the Big Dipper (Beidou qixing humo mimi yao yigui 北斗七星護摩秘密要儀
THE MONGOLIAN BIG DIPPER SŪTRA
95
tween the Big Dipper and state power noted above, and its relation to
the political climate in China. Although Buddhism had a certain
political influence during the post-Han period, it was a time of great
political and social instability and Buddhism never became a fundamental element in the production of legitimate emperorship. This
continued up through the Tang 唐 dynasty (618–907), during which
the court held Daoism above Buddhism in all religious matters
(Weinstein 1987). In 684, however, Empress Wu 武后 seized power
and set about creating a Buddhist empire (Forte 1976), and it is then
that the earliest Buddhist ritual texts for the worship of the Big Dipper appear. This is likely not a simple coincidence. Instead, the
importance of the Big Dipper in Chinese statecraft mandated, or allowed for, its incorporation into the Buddhist tradition at a time
when a Buddhist held the throne.16
The Big Dipper and the Medicine Buddha
Another element that lends credence to this hypothesis is the
identification of the stars of the Big Dipper with the Seven Healing
Buddhas. This connection is not made in the three earliest Buddhist
texts for the ritual worship of the Big Dipper. However, in the later
canonical Chinese text (T 1307), produced in the second half of the
Tang dynasty, the connection is made (Sørensen 1995: 77). As a result, what factors can explain the appearance of the Seven Healing
軌 T 1306, translated in Orzech and Sanford 2000: 393–395).
16
A similar example of the Big Dipper continuing its relevancy in statecraft in the face
of a radical political shift is found in a tourist guide to Beijing prepared in 1957. This
guide was prepared shortly after the 1949 communist victory over Chiang Kai-shek’s
nationalist government while Tiananmen Square was being created as the sacred center of
the new China.
T’ien-an-men is known to us all. Its beautiful features form an important part of
our state emblem. People turn to T’ien-an-men and see it as the people’s Great
Dipper. The people of the entire world are very familiar with T’ien-an-men;
T’ien-an-men symbolizes magnificent new China (quoted in Wagner 1992: 392).
Although this was at the apogee of Marxist-Leninist thought in China the cultural mapping of the new ideology and its attendant nation building enterprise drew upon a well
recognized cultural symbol. Paralleling the phenomenon that occurred in the Buddhist
tradition during the reign of Empress Wu.
96
JOHAN ELVERSKOG
Buddhas and their respective dhāraīs (section 2) in T 1307? Again,
the political changes at the Tang court provide some clues. Empress
Wu died in 705 and the son whom she had sent into exile when she
seized the throne in 684 returned to rule as the Zhongzong 中宗 emperor (r. 684/705–710). During his period of banishment he had
prayed to Bhaiajya-guru, the medicine Buddha. Feeling indebted to
this Buddha upon his return, he requested the learned monk Yijing to
translate a new version of the Bhaiajya-guru Sūtra into Chinese.
The monk completed the translation in 707, with the emperor acting
as recording scribe.17 Two important developments in this text from
the earlier versions of the Bhaiajya-guru Sūtra were the expansion
of the Medicine Buddha into seven manifestations, and the inclusion
of protective dhārāīs given by the Seven Buddhas (Birnbaum 1979:
70). These are exactly the two elements that appear in the new Buddhist ritual text for the worship of the Big Dipper.18
The appropriation of the Seven Medicine Buddhas as the stars of
the Big Dipper fused the earlier Daoist concepts of the Big Dipper
with Buddhist ideas about Bhaiajya-guru. As noted above, in the
Daoist tradition, the Big Dipper was the controller of one’s fate, and
the ritual aim of these practices tried to erase one’s name from the
registry of the dead thereby prolonging one’s life. In the early Bhaiajya-guru Sūtra, one can pray to the Medicine Buddha for exactly
the same thing. In this work it is described that at death, Yama, the
king of the dead, sends out emissaries to collect the two inner spirits
17
Sūtra on the Merits of the Fundamental Vows of the Seven Buddhas of Lapis Lazuli
Radiance, the Masters of Healing (Yaoshi liuliguang qifo benyuan gongde jing 藥師光七佛
本願功德經 T 451, vol. 14). Translated in Birnbaum (1979: 173–216).
18
Franke (1990: 95) has identified the names of the Buddhas affiliated with stars 2, 3, 4,
6 and 7 as the names of the Medicine Buddhas found in Yijing’s 義淨 707 translation of
the Bhaiajya-guru Sūtra (Sūtra on the Merits of the Fundamental Vows of the Seven
Buddhas of Lapis Lazuli Radiance, the Masters of Healing [Yaoshi liuliguang qifo benyuan
gongde jing 藥師光七佛本願功德經 T 451, vol. 14]. Translated in Birnbaum [1979:
173–216]). Why the names of the first and fifth Buddhas in the Big Dipper Sūtra do not
correspond to the Medicine Buddhas “Auspicious King” and “Thundering Sound of the
Dharma Sea” is unclear. Does the Big Dipper Sūtra reflect an earlier or different tradition
of the Seven Medicine Buddhas now lost? Did the difference arise in an attempt to produce a modicum of differentiation? Unfortunately, these questions cannot be answered
with the available sources.
THE MONGOLIAN BIG DIPPER SŪTRA
97
of the deceased. These two spirits are brought to his tribunal and on
the basis of their deposition of all the person’s deeds Yama decides
their destiny. If one prays to Bhaiajya-guru, however, one can
change one’s destiny and even overcome death (Strickmann 1990:
83). Similarly, the Big Dipper texts allow one to alter one’s karmic
registry, which is controlled by the Big Dipper, thereby prolonging
one’s life. Guiding’s The Secret Essentials for Performing a Homa
Offering to the Seven Stars of the Big Dipper (T 1306) proclaims,
“On behalf of those who make the offerings, these deities will order
the appropriate natal star to remove them from the death records and
restore them to the life records” (Orzech and Sanford 2000: 394).
Vajrabodhi’s text (T 1305) presents a parallel passage, “If you want
long life [they will] scratch out your karmic register and restore your
life register” (Orzech and Sanford 2000: 392–393). This represents a
clear parallel to the Daoist image of the Big Dipper and its worship,
and thus the linkage of the Seven Medicine Buddhas with the Big
Dipper fully coalesces these traditions – a development eloquently
captured in a visual representation from the important Scripture of
the Ten Kings that developed in the 7th–9th centuries. In this work,
which ushered Chinese visions of hell and purgatory into the Buddhist tradition, Yama is portrayed as wearing the mian 冕, an emperor’s hat decorated with the Big Dipper (Teiser 1994: 175).19 Buddhist worship of the Big Dipper may have developed in a particular
context, but, it continued in a multiplicity of ways.
Politics also served to fuse the worship of the Big Dipper with the
Medicine Buddha tradition and perpetuate its practice. As noted
above, the Dipper was not only linked to long life in the Chinese
tradition but also to imperial rule and the maintenance of harmony
19
Sørensen (1995: 73) argues that the most important Daoist text for the worship of the
Big Dipper probably dates to the second half of the Tang dynasty (The Perfect Scripture of
the Highest Arcane Marvel, the Great Dipper Fundamental Extension of the Length of Life,
Taishang xuanling beidou ben mingyan sheng zhen jing 太上玄零北斗本命延生真經 TT
622). In light of the growing Buddhist appropriation of Big Dipper worship in the beginning of the 8th century, it is possible to conjecture that this Daoist text may have been
produced in reaction to these Buddhist texts.
98
JOHAN ELVERSKOG
within the empire.20 Both the oldest version of the Bhaiajya-guru
Sūtra and the version of the text found in the fifth century Consecration Sūtra (Guanding jing 灌頂經 T 1331), articulate one idea regarding the worship of the Medicine Buddha: “By doing homage to
Bhaiajyaguru a consecrated king can resolve all problems in his
dominions: eclipses, drought, disease, demonic attacks, and the like.”
(Strickmann 1990: 83) While this factor certainly played a role in the
development of this Buddhist ritual practice during the Tang, it was
the multivalency of Dipper worship that enabled its continued appropriation especially during the Mongol Yuan dynasty (元 1271–1368).
Big Dipper rites during the Yuan
As was the case with the later Manchu Qing dynasty (清 1644–1911),
the Mongols were a foreign people ruling the predominantly Han,
though also multi-ethnic, Chinese empire. As a result, their systems
of rule entailed a multiplicity of rhetorics for political legitimacy.21
In both of these dynasties the notions of imperial identity explicated
in the Confucian-Daoist and Tantric Buddhist traditions were employed simultaneously, a policy which at times created tensions with
political and social implications. In such a climate, a practice which
fused both of these traditions, or at least the Chinese and Buddhist
conceptualizations, offered unique possibilities for ritual and ideo20
A fine example of the continued importance of worshipping the Big Dipper as a part
of Chinese imperial rule is found in the 1568 Marvelous Scripture of Salvation that Prolongs Life. This superbly illuminated manuscript written in gold is a collection of Daoist
texts for the worship of the Big Dipper and the gods of the Southern, Eastern, Western,
and Central Dippers for the benefit of the emperor and the nation. The colophon reads,
“Respectfully manifesting a sincere heart, [I] have inscribed in gold characters [these]
various Dipper Scriptures. [I] look up and pray that the great perfected on high bless [this]
august nation, and guard the path of the emperor so that it is enduring and prosperous, so
that all households and the nation enjoy prosperity, that the people be at peace, that all
things be abundant, and that all dwellings be in order, forever abiding in good fortune and
extended years” (Little 2000: 246–247).
21
The multiple identities of the Manchu emperors and the process of creating the Qing
emperorship has recently been the focus of extensive scholarship (e.g. Farquhar 1978,
Rawski 1998, Crossley 1999, Di Cosmo 1999 and Elliott 2001). However, it is important
to recognize that the Mongol rulers of the Yuan were engaged in a similar enterprise (e.g.
Franke 1978, Langlois 1981, Chan and de Bary 1982, Rossabi 1983).
THE MONGOLIAN BIG DIPPER SŪTRA
99
logical innovation, especially since worship of the Big Dipper had
always been an element of Chinese imperial rule.
During the reign of Khubilai Khan, the founder of the Yuan dynasty, Daoist masters of the Taiyi 太一 sect were commissioned to
perform the Big Dipper rituals. Franke writes:
Like other rituals for deities, those for the Great Bear stars were regarded as
a duty of the state. On the first day of the new moon in the eighth lunar
month of 1285 (September 1, 1285) the responsible officials were ordered to
worship the Great Bear for three full days. A similar edict was issued at the
end of the lunar year (January 25, 1286), presumably to pray for upcoming
good luck and prosperity (1990: 107).
Worship of the Big Dipper drew upon both Daoist and Buddhist
precedents, but it also allowed for the incorporation of Mongolian
religio-cultural concepts. This amalgam was of crucial political
importance as one of the perpetual divisions within the Yuan ruling
elite was between Confucian and Mongolian steppe theories of
rule.22 And just as Big Dipper worship could mobilize Chinese and
Buddhist symbols and ideas, it also coalesced with Mongolian
cosmology and soteriology, for they too believed that the stars of the
Dipper were gods who controlled one’s fate and therefore needed to
be offered animal sacrifices (Banzarov 1981–2: 55). The worship of
the Big Dipper therefore operated as a perfect medium in the creation of a multi-ethnic emperorship, incorporating disparate
conceptualizations in forms recognizable across cultural, linguistic
and religious boundaries.
The importance of the connection between the Big Dipper and
forging the emperorship through modes of cultural continuity is also
reflected in the appearance of these new and multiple translations
during the early 14th century. The only dated Uygur colophon is
from a text prepared in 1313 and then published in a thousand copies
(Zieme 1985: 161). The merit for this scriptural production is presented to the emperor, the empress-dowager and the empress. This
may be considered a standard supplication. But it is important to
22
The following discussion of the debate between Confucian and “Mongolia-oriented”
politics during the Yuan is based on the work of Dardess (1973).
100
JOHAN ELVERSKOG
keep in mind that the Renzong emperor (仁宗 r. 1313–1321) had
only taken the throne the year before and that his succession had
been marred by the escalating violence between the “Mongolia-centred” and “China-centred” factions within the Yuan ruling
elite. The Renzong emperor, well-known for his filial devotion to his
mother, Confucian learning, and Chinese orientation, took the throne
after the death of his brother, an ardent anti-Chinese ruler and supporter of “Mongolia-centred” policies. As a result, the course of
Yuan rule was radically shifted towards a “China-centred” focus.
Notably, in 1315 the Renzong emperor re-instituted the Confucian-based civil service examination. In this volatile religio-cultural
and political context, the Uygur Big Dipper Sūtra, with its embedded
multi‐vocality, was produced in honor of the Renzong emperor.
After his death, however, the over-arching feud between these factions continued to shape the course of Yuan political culture. His
successor, the Yingzong emperor (英宗 r. 1320–1323), continued
with his predecessor’s policies and advocated a Confucian-oriented
style instead of supporting the Turko-Mongol elite. Because of this
policy he was assassinated and replaced by the Taiding emperor (泰
定 r. 1323–1328) who repudiated the coup, yet he made no attempt
to purge his administration of anti-Confucian elements. Rather he attempted to force a reconciliation between the two factions, which,
instead of producing equanimity, culminated in the coup d’état of the
“restoration” forces of 1328. The “restoration” consisted in the return to Mongolia-oriented policies by a powerful clique of Mongol
and Turkic elites who put the Mingzong emperor (明宗 r. 1328) on
the throne. Shortly thereafter he was killed by his younger brother,
the Wenzong emperor (文宗 r. 1328–1332), and the restoration
continued. It is again in this chaotic period of shifting political winds
and the attendant vision of the emperorship that a high-ranking
Uygur official in the Wenzong court, Urug Böke, had the Big Dipper
Sūtra produced in Mongolian in 1328 and two thousand copies
printed. At the same time, Alin Tämür, another Uygur official at the
Wenzong court, had a thousand copies of an Uygur version of the
sūtra printed. That these texts appeared at two separate times in the
service of competing political wills, again underscores the power of
THE MONGOLIAN BIG DIPPER SŪTRA
101
the worship of the Big Dipper to function as a medium of imperial
multi-vocality.
The Big Dipper and the Post-Yuan Mongols
The connection of Big Dipper worship to political power is further
re-confirmed in the example of the Tibetan translation and in the
production of the text among the post-Yuan Mongols.23 In 1337 a
Tibetan translation of the Mongolian text sponsored by Urug Böke
was prepared at Gung-thang monastery outside of Lhasa. The
circumstances surrounding the translation are unclear. We do know,
however, that in 1330 the Wenzong emperor ordered Tibetan monks
to worship the stars, thus this practice was not entirely foreign to the
Tibetans prior to the translation (Franke 1990: 107). In addition on
December 18, 1336 in a purge of the Wenzong clique at court under
the Shundi emperor (順帝 r. 1333–1368), Urug Böke, the sponsor of
the 1328 Mongolian text was “sent to Tibet to become a Buddhist
monk” (Franke 1990: 83). It is unlikely that he had anything to do
with the translation as this phrase was simply a euphemism for exile.
Rather, Urug Böke was purged because of his support of the Wenzong emperor at a time when Bayan held supreme power during the
early years of the Shundi emperor’s reign. Bayan was a strident
anti-Confucianist and once again the Yuan was seized in spasm of
political orthodoxy. Possibly, the multiplicity of the Big Dipper Sūtra offered an alternative to this rigidity, which was invariably
doomed to failure in the multi-ethnic Yuan, and thus it was translated in Tibet in 1337. This seems even more likely since the monastery where it was prepared had strong connections with the Mongol
court. Nevertheless, the text made no lasting impact upon the Tibetans (Panglung 1991: 400). Shorn of its religio-cultural and, most
importantly, its political implications the Big Dipper Sūtra survived
in the Tibetan milieu only as cultural relic of the past, though its
Nor was its importance solely limited to the Mongols as evidenced in the Hongwu 洪
武 emperor’s tomb in Nanjing 南京, which was layed out according to the shape of the Big
Dipper.
23
102
JOHAN ELVERSKOG
preservation in Tibetan allowed it to be mobilized again in the
multi-ethnic rhetoric of a new Inner Asian empire.
In 1572, in accordance with their peace treaty with Altan Khan,
the Ming court sent Buddhist monks, texts, statues, artisans etc. to
the Mongol ruler. In addition, Altan Khan’s envoys were allowed to
cross Ming territory in order to go to Tibet to obtain Tibetan sūtras
and bring them back to Mongolia. A letter by the Ming statesman
Wang Chonggu 王崇古 records that the Big Dipper Sūtra was among
these texts (Coyiji 1996: 15). As evidenced in the 1607 Mongolian
history of Altan Khan, the Jewel Translucent Sūtra,24 Altan Khan
envisioned himself as a new Chinggis or Khubilai Khan, a universal
ruler of a multi-ethnic empire.25
The religio-cultural multiplicity of the Big Dipper Sūtra was again
mobilized in creating an emperorship that incorporated Mongols,
Tibetans and Chinese. A mode of rule that was emulated for the last
time in the failed attempt of Ligdan Khan to once again revive the
Yuan or Mongol empire. Before he was defeated by the Manchus
and the Mongols were brought into the Qing dynasty, Ligdan Khan
tried to recreate himself in the mold of the great Yuan emperors. He
even rejected the Dalai Lama’s Dge-lug-pa lineage in favor of the
Sa-skya as the Yuan had done. He built stupas, received tantric
initiations, and most importantly, he had the entire Kanjur
24
This important Mongolian history is available in Mongolian (Jürungga 1984), Chinese
(Zhu-rong-ga 1990), Japanese (Yoshida et al. 1998: 111–207), German (Kollmar-Paulenz
2001) and English (Elverskog 2003).
25
In this work Altan Khan is presented as not only ruling over the Mongols, but also the
Chinese and Tibetans, thus he was in fact re-creating the Yuan. As an example, in the text
when Altan Khan met the Dalai Lama in 1578, he “gave” Tibet back to the leader of the
Dge-lugs-pa, much as in Buddhist histography it is imagined that Khubilai Khan presented
Tibet as an appanage to ’Phags-pa Lama of the Sa-skya school. In addition, the work includes multiple references to Chinese and Altan Khan’s relations with them in his role as
emperor. This representation was not purely fanciful grandiosity on the part of Mongol
historians. Chinese sources, most notably Qu Jiusi’s 瞿九思 Wanli Wugong Lu 萬曆武功
錄, record that 50,000 Chinese, either Ming rebels, White Lotus practitioners or economic
refugees had re-settled in Altan Khan’s territory. Thus Altan Khan’s empire was in fact
multi-ethnic, and this reality is reflected in the Jewel Translucent Sūtra and its presentation
of Mongol emperorship.
THE MONGOLIAN BIG DIPPER SŪTRA
103
(re)translated into Mongolian.26 The director of this multi-volume
project was the monk Kun-dga’ ’od-zer who is also identified as the
translator of thirteen sūtras, including the 1624 Mongolian
re-translation of the 1337 Tibetan Big Dipper Sūtra. That this
translation was done before the Kanjur project began in 1628 reflects
its distinctiveness relative to the canonical sūtras of the Tibetan
bKa’-’gyur. Its earlier translation at a time when Ligdan Khan was
frantically attempting to re-unite the fractious Mongols, and possibly
requesting support from the Ming in the face of Manchu expansion,
underscores its ritual and symbolic importance for multi-ethnic
emperorship. In addition, that Kun-dga’ ’od-zer, the most illustrious
translator at the court, prepared the translation, reinforces the influence of this text and the power of Big Dipper worship in echoing
multiple cultural voices.
Conclusion
Of course, while it is vital to recognize the political dimension in the
transmission of the Big Dipper Sūtra from the Tang dynasty up
through the Qing, other cultural or religious factors cannot be dismissed. After the fall of Ligdan Khan and any possible linkage of the
26
The oldest redaction of the Mongolian Kanjur is from the time of Ligdan Khan, who
commissioned its translation in 1628–1629. At that time six manuscript copies were
supposedly prepared, one written in gold (now housed in the Library of the Academy of
Social Sciences in Hohhot, which, however, may actually be older [Heissig 1998: 158]),
and five in black ink (one of which is housed at St. Petersburg University [Kasyanenko
1993]; Kollmar-Paulenz has recently argued this may be a draft of the final version
[2002]). However, as evidenced in this work and in several colophons (including one
which confirms the translation of the Kanjur in 1602–1607 as claimed in the Jewel
Translucent Sūtra [Kasyanenko 1993: 158; Kollmar-Paulenz 2001: n. 771]) it is clear that
the idea, and possibly even the work of translating the entire Kanjur, was begun and completed at the time of Altan Khan and his descendants (Heissig 1998; Uspensky 1997: 113).
It is possible that when Ligdan Khan was engaged in his failed campaign against the Ordos
in 1627 he acquired a copy while residing in Hohhot (Altan’orgil, Narancogtu, Altanjiya-a
1999: 22), after which he returned east and began the re-translation project of 1628–29;
which included the altering of colophons to erase the evidence of Altan Khan’s initial
work and the reorganization of the contents. A similar phenomenon occurred when the
Kangxi emperor ordered a Mongolian Kanjur to be prepared in Beijing in 1718–20
(Heissig 1954: 110).
104
JOHAN ELVERSKOG
Big Dipper Sūtra with Mongolian imperial aspirations, the sūtra was
included in a collection of important Buddhist dhāraī texts printed
in Beijing by the Qing court in 1707 (Matsukawa 1994:185). Only
ten years later it was incorporated into the imperial Kanjur prepared
during the reign of the Kangxi emperor (康熙 r. 1662–1723). Thus, it
began, in a sense, to have a life of its own. Though its connection
with polyvalency was not lost on the Manchus,27 who, for example,
incorporated its power and imagery into one of the central incense
burners in Yonghegong, the imperial center of Qing Buddhism.
The Big Dipper Sūtra, however, also had resonances and influences among the Mongols far beyond the rarefied realm of emperorship and political discourse. The Mongols called upon the Big Dipper in hunting rituals, rituals to make one shoot straight, and most
Buddhist and “shamanist” rituals in general.28 An important measure
of the sūtra’s influence in Mongol culture generally is its name: By
the Qing, the Big Dipper is no longer called by its traditional name
the “Seven Old Men” in Khalkha (the main Mongolian dialect), but
the Seven Buddhas. Of course, it is through such a broad and deep
cultural penetration that the Big Dipper Sūtra became such a pivotal
element in the production of emperorship. It was this breadth and
depth that produced and preserved the Mongolian text in a static
form over the centuries, but this should not blind us to the multiple
versions of the text and different visions of Big Dipper worship that
existed at various times and in different cultural areas. What began
within the narrow confines of a Tang dynasty Buddhist-Daoist discourse spread over all East Asia with extraordinary, diverse religio-cultural and political implications. It is important that we
recognize that, in the same way that the Big Dipper Sūtra was used
to create emperorship by concealing difference, our own focus on
the Chinese canon and its implied representation limits our vision of
the multiple narratives of the Buddhist tradition. Only by moving
beyond its confines can we begin to understand and appreciate the
27
28
On the polyvalency of Qing imperial ritual see Waley-Cohen 2002.
See Bawden (1963), the “shamanist” texts collected by Rintchen (1959), and the “folk
religion” texts in Heissig (1966).
THE MONGOLIAN BIG DIPPER SŪTRA
105
rich complexity of the Buddhist life and its spread over the vast cultural landscape of Asia.
Translation
Namowa buddhay-a :: Namowa dharmay-a :: Namowa sangghay-a
::29
In Chinese [this text is called]: Bei deuči sing ging.30
In Mongolian [this text is called]: The Constellation of the Seven Old
Men Sūtra.31
In Tibetan [this text is called]: Smi dun zis byau-a skarmai mdowa.32
29
This opening homage praising the Buddha, Dharma and Sangha is a standard
introductory formula found in almost all Mongolian Buddhist texts. It is a formula that
was borrowed from Uygur Buddhist texts which may have derived from a Sogdian
convention (Nattier 1986).
30
The Mongolian transcription Bei deuči sing ging, and the corresponding Tibetan transcription Bea du ched zing ging are both transcriptions of the Chinese Bei dou qi xing jing
北斗七星經, Sūtra of the Seven Stars of the Northern Dipper. The full title of work, however, is Sūtra Spoken by the Buddha that Prolongs Life through the Seven Stars of the
Northern Dipper (Fo shuo bei dou qi xing yan ming jing 佛說北斗七星延命經) which is
corroborated by the Uygur fragment U 4829a (Zieme 1985: 160).
31
The Mongolian name for the Big Dipper, doloγan ebügen “seven old men,” is found
in the oldest Sino-Mongolian glossary, the Zhi yuan Yi yu 至元譯語, prepared during the
reign of Khubilai Khan (Ligeti 1990: 259–277). However, in the Hua yi Yi yu 華夷譯語, a
Sino-Mongol glossary from 1389, the Big Dipper is called simply doloγan odun “seven
stars” (Mostaert 1977). This variety is also reflected in modern Mongolian languages e.g.
Daur dolō xod “seven stars”; Santa doloη xoduη “seven stars;” though it is interesting to
note the influence of this text on Khalkha where the Dipper is indeed called the “Seven
Buddhas,” doloon burxan (Kara 1990: 279–344; see also Birtalan 2001: 970–971).
32
This is the Mongolian transcription of the Tibetan title of this work, Sme-bdun zhesbya-ba’i skar-ma’i mdo. The term Sme-bdun is a common literary term for the Big Dipper; however, the more common term is byang-skar spun-bdun, “the seven star brothers of
the north” (Panglung 1991: 400). This difference certainly does not explain the Tibetans’
disregard for this ritual text, though it does reflect some of the disconnect between this
ritual text and its cultural connections in Tibet. Unlike in China and among the Mongols
the Big Dipper did not play a prominent role in Tibetan religion and culture and therefore
even though it was translated within a particular context it had no lasting influence.
Among the Mongols this was obviously not the case and thus in 1624 Kun-dga’ ’od-zer
prepared a new Mongolian translation of the work based on the 1337 Tibetan translation.
106
JOHAN ELVERSKOG
Homage to the Seven Tathāgathas.
Thence the Blessed One, the God of Gods, Buddha said to the youthful Bodhisattva Mañjuśrī, “In the constellation of the Big Dipper the
first star is named Tan-lang.33 Its amulet is this:34
As a result this opening passage, with its chronological presentation of the text’s history, is
a direct copy of the Tibetan text. Indeed, the 1624 Mongolian text is a near verbatim copy
of the 1337 Tibetan version, attesting to Kun-dga’ ’od-zer’s translation skill. He did, however, make one mistake. In Kun-dga’ ’od-zer’s colophon the sponsor of the 1328 Mongolian text is identified with the title yeke sikürtü (“great parasol holder”), though in the
Yuan period there was actually only the title “sikürtü.” And indeed the 1337 Tibetan text
transcribes his title as zu-gur-che. Kun-dga’ ’od-zer mistook the che as an adjective (Tib.
chen=great) and over-translated it with yeke, “great” (Matsukawa 1994: 184).
33
The Mongolian Tan-lang, Tibetan Ta-lang (P 286b8), and Uygur [t]amlang are transcriptions of the Chinese name for the first star (α) in the dipper’s bowl: Tan lang 貪狼,
“greedy wolf.” The fact that the Uygur and Tibetan transcriptions retain the Old Mandarin
final -m, while Mongolian has the more recent final -n points to Mongolian version being a
more recent revision (Franke 1990: 87).
The names in this text correspond to the following stars:
Wu-qu 武曲
Lian-zhen 廉貞
°
°
Tan lang 貪狼
°
°
°
Po-jun 破軍
Wen-qu 文曲
Lu-cun 祿存 °
° Ju-men 巨門
Previously, the names for the stars comprising the Big Dipper in this work were considered “bizarre” (Lévi 1908: 453); however, Franke (1990: 103–107) has shown that the
names can be traced back to the fifth century astrological and chronomantic treatise of
Xiao Ji 蕭吉 (d. 614) the Compendium of the Five Agents (Wu xing da yi 五行大義), which
in turn is based on the the Dipper Chart of the Yellow Emperor (Huang di dou tu) 黃帝斗
圖 (Kalinowski 1991: 339). In other astronomical works and in the most important Daoist
text on Beidou 北斗 worship, e.g the Tai shang xuan ling bei dou ben ming yan sheng zhen
jing 太上玄零北斗本命延生真經 (TT 622, vol. 341), the stars have other names, 1)
Yang-ming 陽明; 2) Yin-jing 陰精; 3) Zhen-ren 真人; 4) Xuan-ming 玄冥; 5) Dan-yuan 丹
元 ; 6) Bei-ji 北極; 7) Tian-guan 天關. For a comprehensive list of other names used for
these stars see Kalinowski (1991: 102–103)
34
Neither the canonical Mongolian nor Tibetan version of this work contains the amulets which are found in the canonical Chinese text (see T 1307 or Orzech and Sanford
2000: 390). The early Uygur fragments do have these amulets and they are similar to the
ones found in the Chinese text (Rachmati 1937: Plate 5). Why the Tibetan and Mongolian
Kanjur versions do not have these amulets is not certain. Nevertheless, the amulets contained in the Chinese and Uygur Buddhist texts both graphically and ideologically seem to
be premised on the Daoist concepts of amulets (fu 符). This system is premised on the idea
that amulets are bipartite, one piece existing in heaven and the other on earth, and through
possessing the earthly amulet one receives protection from the deities in heaven (see
THE MONGOLIAN BIG DIPPER SŪTRA
107
A person [born in the] year of the Rat is born under the jurisdiction of this star.35 Its food offering is large-grained millet. If there are
evil spirits and obstacles,36 this scripture is to be worshipped and this
amulet should be worn on one’s own body, and thus the evil spirits
and obstacles will be annihilated, and one will become very joyful.
The second star is named Giyu-men.37 Its amulet is this:
A person [born in the] years of the Ox and the Pig is born under
the jurisdiction of this star. Its food offering is pearl millet. If there
are evil spirits and obstacles, this scripture is to be worshipped and
this amulet should be worn on one’s own body, and thus the evil
spirits and obstacles will be annihilated, and one will become very
joyful.
The third star is named Lu-cun.38 It’s amulet is this:
A person [born in the] years of the Tiger and the Dog is born under the jurisdiction of this star. Its food offering is rice. If there are
evil spirits and obstacles, this scripture is to be worshipped and this
amulet should be worn on one’s own body, and thus the evil spirits
and obstacles will be annihilated, and one will become very joyful.
The fourth star is named Uen-kiuu.39 Its amulet is this:
Kaltenmark 1960, Legeza 1975, Seidel 1983).
35
In Daoist texts it is understood that depending upon the time of one’s birth, a particular star/god of the Big Dipper governs the course of one’s life, or “root destiny” (benming
本 命). “Six times each year, on the cyclical day of one’s ‘root destiny,’ the ‘Root Destiny Realized Officer’ of that cyclical day would descend to the human world, at which
time people born under the influence of that officer were to fast and make offerings”
(Little 2000: 248).
36
“Evil spirits and obstacles” is a translation of ada todqar, an Uygur (ada tuda) hendiadys loanword originally meaning “danger, obstacle, hindrance” (Clauson 1972: 40;
Röhrborn 1977: 43–45). After it was borrowed into Mongolian, ada quickly became
personified as a demon or evil spirit, while todqar kept the original meaning of “obstacle”
(Lessing 1995: 9, 813).
37
Mongolian Giyu-min, Tibetan Ku-men (P 287a1), and Uygur Kumun are transliterations of Chinese Jumen 巨門, “Great gate.”
38
Mongolian Lu-cun, Tibetan Lu-sun (P 287a3), and Uygur Liusun are transliterations
of the Chinese Lucun 祿存, “Happiness retained.”
39
Mongolian Uen-kiuu, Tibetan ’Un-khu (P 287a4), and Uygur Yunkiu are transliterations of the Chinese Wenqu 文曲, “Literary song.”
108
JOHAN ELVERSKOG
A person [born in the] years of the Hare and the Chicken is born
under the jurisdiction of this star. Its food offering is wheat. If there
are evil spirits and obstacles, this scripture is to be worshipped and
this amulet should be worn on one’s own body, and thus the evil spirits and obstacles will be annihilated, and one will become very joyful.
The fifth star is named Liyan-cim.40 Its amulet is this:
A person [born in the] years of the Dragon and the Monkey is
born under the jurisdiction of this star. Its food offering is hemp
seeds. If there are evil spirits and obstacles, this scripture is to be
worshipped and this amulet should be worn on one’s own body, and
thus the evil spirits and obstacles will be annihilated, and one will
become very joyful.
The sixth star is named Vuu-kiuu.41 Its amulet is this:
A person [born in the] years of the Sheep and the Snake is born
under the jurisdiction of this star. Its food offering is black beans. If
there are evil spirits and obstacles, this scripture is to be worshipped
and this amulet should be worn on one’s own body, and thus the evil
spirits and obstacles will be annihilated, and one will become very
joyful.
The seventh star is named Bo-jiyün.42 Its amulet is this:
A person [born in the] year of the Horse is born under the jurisdiction of this star. Its food offering is green beans. If there are evil
spirits and obstacles, this scripture is to be worshipped and this amulet should be worn on one’s own body, and thus the evil spirits and
obstacles will be annihilated, and one will be very joyful.
40
Mongolian Liyan-cim, Tibetan Lim-chim (P 287a5–6) and Uygur Limcin are
transliterations of the Chinese Lianzhen 廉貞, “Pure virtue.”
41
Mongolian Vuu-kiuu, Tibetan Vu-khu (P 287a7), and Uygur Vukuu are transliterations
of the Chinese Wuqu 武曲, “Military song.”
42
Mongolian Bo-jiyün, Tibetan Bu-gum (P 287b1 and pu-gun in the Berlin manuscript
bKa’-’gyur [Panglung 1991: 446]), and Uygur Pakun are transliterations of the Chinese
Pojun 破軍, “Destroyer of armies.”
THE MONGOLIAN BIG DIPPER SŪTRA
109
Now we do homage: To the sanctity of the star Tan-lang. You are
an emanation of the Buddha, “Who Has Penetrated the Wisdom of
the Mind’s Will,” of the Most-Surpassing-World of the East.43 His
dhāraī is namah samanta budda nan om amidhayayi suva-ha.44
We do homage to the sanctity of the star Giyu-men. You are an
emanation of the Buddha, “Powerful in Scintillating Voice,” of the
Sublime-Bejeweled-World in the East. His dhāraī is, namah samanta budda nan om cinda hūm ni suva-hā.
We do homage to the sanctity of the star Lu-cun. You are an
emanation of the Buddha, “Completely Gone Beyond Gold-Colored,” of the world like a perfect full moon in the East. His dhāraī
is nam-ah samanta budda nan om ni mirini angata-n45 bar-a ma
rutu-sū suva-hā.
We do homage to the sanctity of the star Uen-kiuu. You are an
emanation of the Buddha, “Most Supremely Holy Bliss,” of the Sinless World in the East. Your dhāraī is nam-ah samanta budda nan.
om vi-ha suva-hā.
We do homage to the sanctity of the star Liyan-cim. You are an
emanation of the Buddha, “Effortlessly Breaking Through All Obstacles with Intellect and Wisdom,” of the Completely-Pure-Land in
the East. His dhāraī is nam-ah samanta budda nan om prati cer-a
maran-a suva-hā.
We do homage to the sanctity of the star Vuu-kiuu. You are an
emanation of the Tathāgatha Śākyamuni, “Who delights in the Ocean
of Dharma,” of the Dharma-Worshipping-World in the East. His
dhāraī is nam-ah samanta budda nan om sarva dhar-a samay-a
suva-hā.
43
On the names of the Buddhas see note 18.
44
These dhāraīs seem to be in Sanskrit; however, they do not correspond to any
recognizable Sanskrit text or those found in Yijing’s Bhaiajya-guru Sūtra T 451. Instead
it is more likely that these are “artificial” Sanskrit dhāraīs that lend a tone of authority to
Chinese texts.
45
Ms I (5r) has this term as laka-ha, with a Tibetan interlinear gloss la-ga-ha-na.
110
JOHAN ELVERSKOG
We do homage to the sanctity of the star Bo-jiyün. You are an
emanation of the Buddha, “Who is the Emperor of Herbalists with
Lapis Lazuli Splendor,” of the World made of Lapis Lazuli and jewels in the East. His dhāraī is nam-ah samanta budda nan: om sapita
par-a manica suva-hā.
If anyone is confronted with an evil spirit in one’s [birth/animal]
year, then that person should pray to this Dharma Jewel seven times.
And thus all evil spirits and obstacles will be pacified and one will
become happy.
The God of Gods, Buddha said to the Bodhisattva Mañjuśrī, “Oh
Mañjuśrī, this sūtra which I have preached is the most supreme,
majestic, scintillating, great and powerful of Dharmas. It is a protector and hedge against all the tortures and afflictions for beings who
have gone astray. It is the pacifier and disperser of the demons’
calamities and misfortunes, characterized by sins and obstacles.
Monks, nuns, princes and princesses, townsmen and women, famous
people, men and women of high stature, the respectable and the
unrespectable; whoever, great or small, hears, learns, memorizes and
personally worships this Dharma, and even more, if you enlighten,
teach and establish it for your friends, retinue and family, you will in
this life obtain the good rewards of this merit.
Whatever gentleman or lady, [whose ancestors] have passed away
and been born in hell and made to suffer various bitter sufferings, if
they revere and worship this scripture with devout minds, their
majestic souls will be liberated and saved from the sufferings of hell,
and they will be born in the Very Blissful World, the realm of Amitābha Buddha.
If whatever gentleman or lady who is held in contempt by zombie
ghosts,46 or tormented by evil demons, or if they dream evil dreams,
46
For the Mongolian term “zombie ghosts,” eliy-e čidkür, the Tibetan text has gdon
(Panglung 1991: 412), meaning “an evil spirit, a demon causing disease” (Das 1985: 663),
and the Chinese is translated as “imp” by Orzech and Sanford (2000: 391); nevertheless,
the exact form of this malevolent spirit is unclear. However, based on Bawden’s study of
the various types of disease causing entities refered to as eliye it seems likely that, in
particular on account of its connection with čidkür, eliye in this case should be “that of a
THE MONGOLIAN BIG DIPPER SŪTRA
111
and if they are frightened and terrified after having seen wicked and
bad omens; if they hear, learn, memorize and worship this scripture,
they will be liberated and relieved from these evil spirits so that their
mind will become firm and pacified, and all their fears will be completely dispersed.
Whatever gentleman or lady, or whoever, if they personally meet
a prince and princess and wish, ‘I want to become their confidante
and a member of their retinue;’ if that person, especially if s/he is a
servant, comes across this scripture and worships and reveres it with
a devout mind; then s/he will become an intimate favorite of the
prince and princess, and as a result his/her fame will increase and
s/he will become famous, and there will be vast, great rejoicing.
If a gentleman or lady contracts some [disease] and chronically
suffers from a severe illness, and if they wish to be liberated from
that illness, if they light incense in a pure house,47 make offerings to
this scripture, and have this Dharma recited, their illness will be
healed.
Whatever gentleman or lady who goes on the road and travels far,
[who feels] they are content doing business to gain profit, and
obtaining goods and merchandise; if they wish to vastly increase the
inheritance for their children and grandchildren, then worship and
revere this scripture with a devout mind. Forthwith what he desires
will be fulfilled according to his wishes. Whether at home or abroad,
there will be vast, great rejoicing.
Also if some gentleman or lady plants grain or fruit and does not
get a harvest, and if there is a plague among the animals,48 then if
dead person who has been transformed into a ghost” (1994: 70). In this case the “zombie
ghost” is thus one of a host of disease causing spirits in Mongol world. For more information on these entites see the illustrated survey in Bethlenfalvy (2002).
47
The Mongolian ariγun ger, “pure house,” is a calque of the Chinese jingzhu 淨住,
“pure abode,” a term for a Buddhist monastery.
48
It is interesting to note that translators of Buddhist sūtras use different culturally specific terms in their translations. For example, a translation prepared in the north of China
will use the locally grown “dry rice,” while a Southern translation of the same text will
speak of “wet rice.” Similarly in this work, the Mongolian and Tibetan texts describe the
problems of a poor grain and fruit harvest (Tib. zhing-la lo-tog dang / shing-tog-gi
112
JOHAN ELVERSKOG
one lights incense in a pure house and worships this Dharma Jewel,
the grains and earth will become good, and one’s animals will
greatly increase. Also there will not be any other evil spirits or obstacles.
Gentleman and lady, if there is a fetus in the womb, and if you
come across an inauspicious month, if you then worship and revere
this scripture with a devout mind, you will be liberated from this evil
spirit and you will be healthy and safe. Your son or daughter that is
born will be fortunate, blessed and have a long life.
Also, gentlemen and ladies, you should know, people who are
born are all the same in that the Big Dipper rules over [your fate].49
The Big Dipper decrees when one lifetime begins and ends, and can
protect against however many evil spirits and obstacles, useless and
vain debates, and those hundred evil bad omen marks. Thus, you
should know and understand if you worship and revere the meaning
of this Dharma with a devout mind, all the evil spirits and obstacles
will not be able to harm you,” preached [the Buddha].
Then the four-fold community, led by the youthful Mañjuśrī, revered and established this Dharma teaching, and led [them] in bowing down and prostrating themselves with the five skandhas. Namo
ratn-a cir-a citima-hādica cir-a ayabar-a ay-a suva-hā.
One chapter of the scripture of the God of Gods, Buddha’s
preaching of the Sūtra on Prolonging One’s Life Through the Big
Dipper is finished.
A person with a metal50 blessing has a white body. A person with
a wood blessing has a blue body. A person with a water blessing has
a black body. A person with a fire blessing has a red body. A person
with an earth blessing has a yellow body.51
’bras-bu [Panglung 1991: 413]); however, the Chinese version talks of the hazards of raising silkworms, and the danger of empty cocoons (Orzech and Sanford 2000: 391).
49
The idea that the gods resident in the Big Dipper are the protectors and deciders of
one’s fate is an integral element of Daoist thought, see introduction.
50
The text reads altan, “gold,” however, it is based on the Chinese jin 金 and thus here
translated “metal” according to the five elements.
51
These correspondences are based on the Chinese concept of qi 氣 as the underlying
THE MONGOLIAN BIG DIPPER SŪTRA
113
These are the eulogies praying for blessings from the Big Dipper:
You are the Goddess of the Earth, Supreme Mother, who dwells
on the summit of Mount Sumeru which is 80,000 yojanas high.
You are the Supreme Great Power over all four continents.
My God, you are the Protector of a being’s four births52 and five
fates.53
You are like a rosary that is made to be worn as a diadem by the
Emperor of the Gods, Indra.
You are the one who causes the sun and moon, at the head of the
seven planets, the 28 lunar mansions and the 30,000 billion stars, to
worship [yourself].
My God, you are the Wish Granter of all that is desired in this life.
Deign to satisfy whatsoever thought I think and desire that I desire!
My God, you are the destroyer and annihilator of a hundred types
of evil spirits and obstacles.
You are the one who prolongs long life. Deign to accomplish
every good deed.
I will speak of the days for lighting candles for the Big Dipper. On
the seventh day of the first moon of Spring; on the second day of the
third moon of Spring; on the 27th day of the first moon of Summer;
on the fifth day of the second moon of Summer; on the 23rd day of
the last moon of Summer; on the 20th of the first moon of Fall; on
the 17th of the second moon of Fall; on the 20th of the third moon of
matter of existence. In Chinese thought, qi is understood as the lineaments that shape the
system as a whole, which is characterized by change in a regular and cyclical pattern. It is
a cycle that is mapped out according to yin and yang, the five phases and the eight trigrams, whereby qi is the matrix in which things on the same point of the cycle influence
one another (Bokenkamp 1997: 15–16). In the passage here, the connections are based on
the five phases, of which a detailed chart can be found in Boehmer (1977: 5).
52
The four different births are from moisture, from an egg, from a womb and miraculously.
53
The five fates refer to a person’s possible reincarnation in one of the the lower five
realms in the wheel of life: hell, hungry ghost, animal, human, and asura.
114
JOHAN ELVERSKOG
Fall; on the 11th of the first moon of Winter; on the 15th of the second moon of Winter; and the eighth of the last moon of Winter, candles are to be lit and [the scripture] is to be worshipped. The Big
Dipper Sūtra is finished.
[Colophon]:
Knowing well of the benefits for whoever worships mindfully
with an intent to rely on the fully enlightened Buddha Teacher’s
preaching of the Big Dipper Sūtra, Urug Böke,54 a Great Parasol
Holder,55 continually recited [this text] with humility and a reverent
and pure mind. [He prepared this text] because he prays for the
intercession of his blessing, hoping for the long life of the Meritorious Lord, an incarnation of the Buddha who performs Liberation,
Tug Temür;56 and wishes that he will be the greatest Emperor of all,
54
Urug Böke was a prominent Uygur Buddhist official who at the end of his life was
purged for his support of the Wenzong emperor (r. 1328–1332). He is first mentioned in
the Yuanshi 元史 in 1328, when he was promoted to Deputy Censor and shortly thereafter
made commissioner of the Bureau for Imperial Cults (Taixi zongyin yuan 太禧宗禋院). In
1330 he was promoted to Chief Censor, the title he holds in the colophon, yet shortly
thereafter he requested to resign though the emperor refused until the following year. He
was then stationed in the south and ordered to suppress rebellions among the inhabitants of
Hainan 海南. Afterwards, the sources are silent about Urug Böke until 1336, when it is
recorded that he was “sent to Tibet to become a monk,” a euphemism for exile. Between
1336 and 1340 he passed away and in a 1340 edict he is described as a “rebellious official” for his support of the Wenzong emperor (Franke 1990: 81–83).
55
“Great Parasol Holder” is an over-translation of sikürtü (see note 4), meaning “parasol holder.” It was a title during the Yuan given to those, numbering 400, who were
responsible for the personal accoutrements and needs of the emperor (Cleaves 1957: 438
n. 41).
56
Tug Temür was put on the throne as the Wenzong emperor (文宗 r. 1328–1332) after
his elder brother Qoshila (Mingzong 明宗, r. 1328) was assasinated in the name of the
restoration of 1328. This coup d’état was engineered by the Kipchak El Temür and the
Merkid Bayan in the name of Tug Temür’s father, Qaishan, the Wuzong emperor (武宗 r.
1307–1311). In the eyes of the restoration forces Qaishan had been the last “steppe” ruler
whose style of rule had been replaced by Confucian-oriented rulers beginning with Qaishan’s successor, the Renzong emperor (仁宗 r. 1312–1321). The restoration was therefore reputedly an attempt to restore the lineage and ruling style of Qaishan; however, it in
fact ushered in Confucianism as the dominant ideology of the latter Yuan. As a result,
there was extensive internal political power struggles and purges within the ruling elite,
however, in general the empire as a whole remained peaceful during Wenzong’s reign.
THE MONGOLIAN BIG DIPPER SŪTRA
115
he being a pure minded Bodhisattva Lord. Having learnt Wisdom
and Skill and Means he will take the throne of Sechen Khan.57
[Previously], whoever wished one’s own mind to be free of
attachments and doubts, had to produce faith in this Dharma in Uygur, since this Dharma Sūtra was not translated. Saying, “In order to
have many Mongol subjects worship it with faith,” I [Urug Böke],
had it translated into pure Mongolian. In order to accomplish my
idea, “To satisfy the wishes of a thousand people, and thus satisfy
their desires,” one thousand complete copies were printed and all
were disseminated.
By the power of the fruit of this good merit may the Lord Emperor, the Queen, the Imperial lineage, all eternally rejoice, spread
merit, and finally obtain the sanctity of the Buddha. May the agitating enemies of the Empire be pacified, and there be peace with no
Nevertheless, on account of his rise to power with the help of Bayan, who launched an
anti-Confucian campaign in 1337–1340, in 1341 with the triumph of Confucian politics
the Wenzong emperor was vilified and his ancestral tablet removed from the imperial
temple (Dardess 1973).
57
Sechen Khan, “Wise Khan,” is the Mongolian reign title of Khubilai Khan
(1215–1294, r. 1260–1294, Shizu 世祖), the second son of Tolui, Chinggis Khan’s youngest son. In 1251 his elder brother Möngke was elected khan, wresting power away from
the designated successors of Ögedei’s lineage. Khubilai was given northern China as an
appanage and given the duty of defeating the Dali 大理 kingdom in Yunnan 雲南. After
this success he began consolidating his power in north China and began the building of a
city north of the capital called Shangdu 上都, and acted as mediator in the fierce Buddhist-Daoist debates of the 1250s. In 1258 Möngke and Khubilai began the conquest of the
Southern Song 南宋 (1127–1279), though a year later Möngke died and although Khubilai
was elected khan a bitter succession struggle ensued with his younger brother Arig Böke.
This feud continued until Arig Böke suddenly died in 1266. Afterwards Khubilai turned
his attention to conquering the Song, which was fought on both land and sea, yet did not
end till the last Song emperor died at sea in 1279. During this protracted engagement, in
1271 Khubilai proclaimed the founding of the Yuan 元 dynasty (1271–1368), subjugated
Korea, and launched a disastrous invasion of Japan in 1274. Yet as his power increased in
the East, his right to rule was being threatened from Central Asia by steppe-oriented Mongols under Khaidu, though they were also defeated in 1279. After he had consolidated his
control Khubilai turned to reforming the government, particularly in the economic and
legal spheres. Yet, although he tried to foster social and economic advances, his rule was
beset with financial problems, stemming from tax policies, the building of the Grand
Canal extension to the capital and failed campaigns in South Asia. Nevertheless, during
his rule there were improvements in other areas, including science, trade, and the arts
(Rossabi 1988).
116
JOHAN ELVERSKOG
evil spirits and obstacles. May all of the various weathers and rains
come at the proper time, may there be no destruction or insufficiency
of the livestock, and may whatever I think and speak be accomplished. By means of this scripture may my wishes and those of my
parents, relatives and children, living and deceased older and
younger brothers and all living beings be satisfied in this world, and
may they all reach the peaceful world of Sukhāvatī.58
In the first year of Tianli,59 a Dragon year, on the first day of the
tenth month, wooden blocks [of this sūtra] were carved. This book
was brought from India by an Indian paita and the wise Xuanzang,60 and it was translated in China. When it completely spread in
the Land of Supreme Customs,61 the nobles and officials of the Great
Emperor gave rise to Bodhicitta and became complete in their faith,
wisdom and samādhi-dhyāna.
When he brought these things to mind, Parasol Keeper and Chief
Censor62 Urug Böke had the Lord of the Religion63 of the Uygurs,
58
Sukhāvatī, the Land of Bliss in the west, is the Pure Land of the Buddha Amitābha.
The Mongolian teng-li and Tibetan then-li are transcriptions of Tianli 天曆, the first
reign year title (nian hao 年號) of the Wenzong emperor (r. 1328–1332).
59
Xuanzang 玄奘 is identified in the Mongolian as Tang san chang and Tibetan as
Thang zam chang, which are transliterations of the famous Tang 唐 dynasty pilgrim and
translator Xuanzang’s title “Tang Traipitika” Tang san zang 唐三藏. The claim that Xuanzang brought this work back from India is incorrect; however, it fits the pattern of attributing Chinese texts to Xuanzang in order to bolster their authenticity. This attribution to
Xuanzang is not found in either the Chinese (T 1307) or the Uygur fragments. The Chinese text attributes its appearance in China to an Indian monk. Orzech and Sanford translate the Chinese bo-luo-men seng 羅門僧 as “Brahman monk,” though as pointed out by
Paul Demiéville (1987: 25) this phrase means simply an “Indian monk” (Franke 1990: 81).
One of the Uygur colophon fragments also notes that the text was brought to China by an
“Indian monk,” änätkäk toyin (Zieme 1981: 390). The connection with Xuanzang as found
in the Mongolian colophon is therefore “new,” or at least differs from the other two versions. This variation again only reaffirms the multiplicity of texts for the worship of the
Big Dipper produced in China and Inner Asia.
60
61
The “Land of Supreme Customs” (Mong. erkin yosud-un oron) is an an epithet for the
Yuan dynasty (1271–1368).
62
The Mongolian Gin-si gong lu tai buu: giui siin tai buu and Tibetan Gim rce gong lu
ta’i hu’i gyu’i shi tha’i hu are transcriptions of Urug Böke’s titles in Chinese, Jin zi guang
lu da fu 金紫光祿大夫, a high court rank and Yu shi da fu 御史大夫, “chief censor”
(Franke 1990: 81).
THE MONGOLIAN BIG DIPPER SŪTRA
117
Prajñāśrī64 translate it into Mongol language and script, and had two
thousand copies printed. Alïn Tämür65 translated it into Uygur, and a
thousand woodblock prints were collected and distributed as Dharma
alms among the Mongols and Uygurs. The Grand Empress Dowager,66 who had previously held the principles of the Mongolian religion, truly entered the Buddha’s Dharma and experienced the
tranquility of the guas of meditation by the blessing of this scripture. Afterwards in the Ding Ox year,67 the translator Matiphala and
63
The Mongolian Sajin-u ejen and Tibetan Yu-gur-gyi bstan-pa’i bdag-po are renderings of the original Uygur title Shazïn aïγučï, “speaker for the religious discipline”
(Franke 1990: 85).
64
Mongolian Bra-dir-a-siri and Tibetan Bra-jñā-śri are transcriptions of the Sanskrit
Prajñāśrī, who was an Uygur from Qamul (present day Hami 哈密 in Xinjiang 新彊). He
was a multi-lingual translator and poet who was a favorite of several emperors, and under
Wenzong received the title State Preceptor (Guoshi 國師), though in the following year,
1332, he was accused of being a conspirator with Urug Temür and was executed (Franke
1990: 84–85).
65
Alïn Tämür’s dates are uncertain though he was a prominent Uygur official in the
Yuan adminstration, and this sentence notes the fact that he prepared an Uygur translation
of this work. He is first mentioned in Chinese sources in 1311 on account of his role as a
Hanlin 翰林 expositor, and the Renzong emperor had just read a Tang manual of statecraft
(the Zhenguan zhengyao 貞觀政要) and being duly impressed wanted Alïn Tämür to translate it into Mongolian. In 1317 he was ordered to translate the Daxue yanyi 大學衍義 into
Mongolian, and by 1326 he had become a chancellor of the Hanlin Academy. At that time
he was asked to prepare a Mongolian translation of the early Yuan emperors’ precepts and
admonitions. In 1330, he was bestowed with the rank of Dasitu 大司徒, and began a
Mongolian translation of the Yuan statutes. Later he became a prominent supporter of the
Wenzong emperor (Franke 1990: 77–78).
66
The Grand Empress-Dowager (Mong. Tai quu; Tib. Ta’i hu; Ch. Tai hou 太 后) is not
identified by name, thus who it refers to is unclear. Though since other elements point to a
later date for the colophon than the year of printing 1328, e.g. Urug Böke’s title of chief
censor which was not received until 1330, one can wonder whether the Empress-Dowager
cited herein is the Wenzong emperor’s wife the Qonggirad Budashiri. After he passed
away in 1332 she became a powerful figure and played a key role in bringing Togan
Temür to the throne (Dardess 1973: 54–56). In the context of the affiliation of all the
individuals in the colophon with the Wenzong Emperor, it is possible that the Grand Empress is here a reference to Budashiri.
67
The Ding 丁 Ox Year was 1337, which corresponds with the Tibetan text of the Fire
Ox Year, me glang-gi lo, 1337.
118
JOHAN ELVERSKOG
Śrī Ānandavajra, at Gung Thang monastery,68 corrected and translated it into Tibetan language and script.
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