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The ancient Egyptian Old Kingdom was an era lasting from roughly 2700-2200 BCE during which unprecedented levels of architectural and technological achievement took place. These advancements were able to occur due to a “perfect storm” of social and religious characteristics of Egypt during this period. Religious beliefs and practices necessitated extravagant structures and monuments, while Egypt’s socioeconomic order facilitated their construction. Khufu, a pharaoh during the Old Kingdom, oversaw the construction of the Great Pyramid of Giza and a massive ship known as the Solar Barge of Khufu (colloquially referred to as the Khufu ship), religious structures that served as a means of attaining eternal life in the afterworld, a cornerstone of Egyptian religion. The great forces of religion and society working in tandem were the driving force behind the construction of many of Egypt’s lasting cultural symbols. These two powers were intertwined in such a way that there was no clear distinction between them for the Egyptian citizenry. While religion is, by definition, a social product and thus necessarily associated with society, the level of harmony between ancient Egyptian religion and society in this period should not be understated. The socioeconomic benefits of the religiously motivated extravagance of Khufu’s construction projects exemplify a tightly knit alliance between ancient Egyptian religion and society. The first aspect of this alliance that must be expounded is the religious portion: the common Egyptian notions of the afterlife and the practices associated with these beliefs. While one cannot discuss Egyptian religion without including society, this (somewhat arbitrary) distinction must be made in order to establish a logical flow for this paper. All Egyptians, regardless of socioeconomic status, sought to ensure their place in the afterlife through various rites and rituals. Mummification, tomb-building, and various incantations were used to ensure the safe passage of the ka, or spirit, into the afterworld (Pendragon 2011). Additional steps that could be taken to reach the afterlife can be found in a collection of Egyptian writings known as the Book of the Dead. These pieces essentially provide a guide for the ka to reach the afterlife. Sections of the book contain guides for proper mummification, the ka’s journey through the afterlife, and judgment by various deities (Budge n.d.)1. An understanding of these beliefs and practices provides a practical explanation for the construction of Khufu’s various monuments. Khufu’s pyramid was built to provide a place for his ka to remain after death, as well as hold supplies such as food and drink that the ka would need for its journey to the afterlife (Howard 1996). Items left in tombs were not limited to foodstuffs. Symbols of wealth, as well as practical tools for use in the afterlife, were also included (Pendragon 2011). One such practical item left in (or near, in this case) Khufu’s tomb was the Khufu Ship. While the ship’s exact function is ambiguous, it is typically believed to have served as a means of transportation for Khufu’s ka to the afterworld (Ackerman 1954, 1). Khufu’s Ship considered in conjunction with the Giza Pyramid embodies the aspects of ancient Egyptian religion that are relevant to this paper. While ancient Egyptian religion was certainly multifaceted, the most important aspects were rooted in death and the afterlife. The desire for eternal life was both intense and universally understood. This desire was so universal because life after death was considered to be far superior to life in the physical world, with the deceased having plentiful food and fine clothing While this text provides valuable insight into the more universal aspects of ancient Egyptian religion, it should be noted that many parts of the text were written long after the reign of Khufu. Because of this, its status as a primary source is somewhat dubious. However, the Book of the Dead is a highly relevant and useful source, particularly for the subject matter of this paper. In a constantly changing and extremely heterogeneous religion, the presence and content of the Egyptian death cult was one factor which remained relatively stable throughout history. For this reason, sources regarding this particular aspect of Egyptian religion can be used relatively anachronistically. 1 available in the afterlife (Pendragon 2011). Furthermore, while Egyptian religion tended to vary by region, the fear of death is an attribute universal to all humans. The universality of this fear provides an explanation for the ubiquity of this particular aspect of Egyptian religion. The afterlife was viewed as a mere continuation of one’s earthly life, so extravagant funerary preparations were a way to improve one’s conditions. Leaving expensive items in an extravagant tomb allowed for one to remain wealthy and content in the afterlife. This provides a rationale for Khufu’s ornate funerary preparations, as he sought to preserve the massive power and wealth that his status as pharaoh had provided for him. Widespread belief in the concepts of death that necessitated this extravagance provided justification for these massive and expensive projects that might otherwise seem frivolous. Logic may dictate that outrageously expensive construction projects such as the Pyramid of Giza would be detrimental to Egypt’s society and economy. However, the benefits of these projects extended into secular life, stimulating both society and the economy. One common myth regarding society’s role in the construction of the pyramid is that Khufu utilized slave labor on a massive scale in order to construct this monument (Herodotus Histories: Book 2). This myth has been perpetrated by Herodotus, an ancient Greek historian. Firstly, it should be established the Herodotus’ authority historian has been brought into serious question by scholars throughout history. Thucydides, a fellow Greek historian, claimed that Herodotus had no regard for the truth, and that his works were intended for entertainment and profit rather than historical accuracy (Armayor 1978, 60). Furthermore, many of Herodotus’ alleged meetings with Egyptian priests and nobility are found only in his accounts, implying that they may have been exaggerated, if not completely fabricated (Armayor 1978, 63-64). Herodotus’ lack of credibility as a historian and tendency to fabricate stories in the interest of sensationalism renders any of his accounts of Egypt suspect, if not completely falsified. Rather than slave labor, Khufu is believed to have employed conscripted workers to construct the pyramids (Hawass, The Discovery of the Tombs of the Pyramid Builders at Giza 1997). While whether these workers received pay is debatable, the notion that their conscription had a negative effect on society or the economy is simply incorrect. Zahi Hawass, citing the fact that workers were brought in from areas across Egypt, claims that the conscription and pyramid building processes were a socializing force for Egyptians (Hawass, The Discovery of the Tombs of the Pyramid Builders at Giza 1997) . Archaeological surveys have revealed tombs and large makeshift cities that are believed to have existed for both the skilled and unskilled (conscripted) laborers (Hawass, The Discovery of the Tombs of the Pyramid Builders at Giza 1997). Bringing common Egyptian citizens from entirely different areas together under a shared goal undoubtedly provided a sort of socialization and unity that may not have been able to otherwise take place in a polytheistic and heterogeneous culture. This holds true regardless of whether Khufu’s use of corvée labor is interpreted as despotic. It is not so much the attitude of the Egyptian citizenry towards the policy of conscription as the effects that their labor had on society that is the focus of this paper. The benefits of Khufu’s projects extend beyond those of socialization. While it may appear counterintuitive, these projects also had economic benefits for the nation. David Warburton has used Keynesian economic principles to postulate that the construction of the pyramids served as a stimulus to the Egyptian economy, providing employment and general prosperity for the nation (Warburton 1998, 144). Expenditures on these projects would not have caused inflation or deficit because the economy was essentially grain-based. This allowed them to circumvent the issues commonly associated with spending on stimulus projects by simply taxing grain production rather than engaging in deficit spending (Warburton 1998, 144). Neither the taxation nor conscription of peasant farmers negatively affected production of Egypt’s food supply, as these workers tended to be summoned during the seasonal inundation of the Nile (which rendered farming impossible) or at points during which less workers were necessary (Cooney 2007, 164-165). Additionally, exemption decrees were issued for those working in sectors deemed vital by the state (Cooney 2007, 166). While the attitude of individual Egyptians towards the policy of conscription cannot be known, the policy’s effect on the nation as a whole was certainly positive. The project would have benefitted the Egyptian economy, providing employment and a demand for skilled and unskilled labor, as well as the various building materials and precious metals that were incorporated into the pyramid design. Planning by the state allowed this to take place without a serious decline in other sectors of the Egyptian economy. As previously established, Egyptian religion necessitated extravagant construction projects, which essentially translates into a source of nearly infinite demand for building materials and labor. This allowed for a continuous cycle of demand to occur, and was surely a contributing factor to Egypt’s lasting greatness. Old Kingdom Egypt provided the perfect environment for incredible feats of architecture and science. The Great Pyramid of Giza exists as a testament to the great power of Egyptian religion and society. The wondrous accomplishments of the ancient Egyptians could not have occurred without all of the forces outlined in this paper functioning as one. Had Egyptian society been more secular or less extravagant, there would have been no reason to construct the pyramids. Similarly, had the socioeconomic order of Egypt not existed as it had, the projects would have bankrupted or destabilized the nation. Egyptian religion and society existed in a completely unified way, with no clear line existing between the two. Areas of further study might include a more in-depth analysis of the economics of pyramid building, as well as broadening the area of focus beyond Khufu’s pyramid. Works Cited Ackerman, Phyllis. "Letters to The Times." New York Times, June 1, 1954: E10. Armayor, O. Kimball. "Did Herodotus Ever Go to Egypt." Journal of the American Research Center in Egypt, 1978: 59-73. Budge, E.A. Wallis. The Book of the Dead. Translated by E.A. Wallis Budge. n.d. Cooney, Kathlyn M. "Labour." In The Egyptian World, by Toby Wilkinson, 145-174. Abingdon: Routledge, 2007. Hawass, Zahi. "The Discovery of the Tombs of the Pyramid Builders at Giza." The Plateau: Official Website of Dr. Hawass. 1997. http://www.guardians.net/hawass/buildtomb.htm (accessed October 10, 2013). Herodotus. "Book 2: Euterpe." In Histories, by Herodotus, translated by George Rawlinson. Howard, Deborah. The Egyptian Culture Reflected in Worship. Essay, University of Evansville, 1996. Pendragon, Jasmyne. An Interpretation of the Ancient Egyptian Concept of Death and Dying. May 29, 2011. http://www.heritagedaily.com/2011/05/an-interpretation-of-the-ancient-egyptianconcept-of-death-and-dying/3610 (accessed Sept 24, 2013). Warburton, David. "Economic Thinking in Egypt." Studien zur Altägyptischen Kultur, 1998: 143-170.