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Transcript
Warfare and Society in Ancient Greece
Lecture 14
The end of the Greek century?
The emerging powers of the fourth century


i. Conon, Alcibiades and the “end of the Greek century”?
Iscorates, To Philip
Consider first the exploits of Alcibiades. Although he was exiled from Athens and observed that the others
who had before labored under this misfortune had been cowed because of the greatness of the city, yet he did
not show the same submissive spirit as they; on the contrary, convinced that he must attempt to bring about
his return by force, he deliberately chose to make war upon her. [59] Now if one should attempt to speak in
detail of the events of that time, he would find it impossible to recount them all exactly, and for the present
occasion the recital would perhaps prove wearisome. But so great was the confusion into which he plunged not
only Athens but Lacedaemon and all the rest of Hellas as well, that we, the Athenians, suffered what all the
world knows; [60] that the rest of the Hellenes fell upon such evil days that even now the calamities
engendered in the several states by reason of that war are not yet forgotten; and that the Lacedaemonians, who
then appeared to be at the height of their fortune, are reduced to their present state of misfortune,—all on
account of Alcibiades. [61] For because they were persuaded by him to covet the sovereignty of the sea, they
lost even their leadership on land; so that if one were to assert that they became subject to the dominion of
their present ills when they attempted to seize the dominion of the sea, he could not be convicted of falsehood.
Alcibiades, however, after having caused these great calamities, was restored to his city, having won a great
reputation, though not, indeed, enjoying the commendation of all.[62]
The career of Conon, not many years later, is a counterpart to that of Alcibiades. After his defeat in the naval
engagement in the Hellespont, for which not he but his fellow commanders were responsible, he was too
chagrined to return home; instead he sailed to Cyprus, where he spent some time attending to his private
interests. But learning that Agesilaus had crossed over into Asia with a large force and was ravaging the
country, he was so dauntless of spirit [63] that, although he possessed no resource whatever save his body and
his wits, he was yet confident that he could conquer the Lacedaemonians, albeit they were the first power in
Hellas on both land and sea; and, sending word to the generals of the Persian king, he promised that he would
do this. What need is there to tell more of the story? For he collected a naval force off Rhodes, won a victory
over the Lacedaemonians in a sea-fight, deposed them from their sovereignty, and set the Hellenes free. [64]
And not only did he rebuild the walls of his country, but he restored Athens to the same high repute from
which she had fallen. And yet who could have expected that a man whose own fortunes had fallen so low
would completely reverse the fortunes of Hellas, degrading some of the Hellenic states from places of honor
and raising others into prominence? [65]

ii. The war in the Aegean (Ionian War): Athenian victories and lost opportunities
Xenophon, Hellenica I.5.10-17 (battle of Notium and dismissal of Alcibiades)
As for Lysander, when he had finished organising his fleet, he hauled ashore the ships which were at Ephesus,
now ninety in number, and kept quiet, while the ships were being dried out and repaired. [11] Meantime
Alcibiades, hearing that Thrasybulus had come out from the Hellespont and was investing Phocaea, sailed
across to see him, leaving in command of the fleet Antiochus, the pilot of his own ship, with orders not to
attack Lysander's ships. [12] Antiochus, however, with his own ship and one other sailed from Notium into the
harbour of Ephesus and coasted along past the very prows of Lysander's ships. [13] Lysander at first launched a
few ships and pursued him, but when the Athenians came to the aid of Antiochus with more ships, he then
formed into line of battle every ship he had and sailed against them. Thereupon the Athenians also launched
the rest of their triremes at Notium and set out, as each one got a clear course. [15] From that moment they fell
to fighting, the one side in good order, but the Athenians with their ships scattered, and fought until the
1
Athenians took to flight, after losing fifteen triremes. As for the men upon them, the greater part escaped, but
some were taken prisoners. Then Lysander, after taking possession of his prizes and setting up a trophy at
Notium, sailed across to Ephesus, while the Athenians went to Samos. After this Alcibiades came to Samos, set
sail with all his ships to the harbour of Ephesus, and formed the fleet in line at the mouth of the harbour as a
challenge to battle, in case anyone cared to fight. But when Lysander did not sail out against him, because his
fleet was considerably inferior in numbers, Alcibiades sailed back to Samos. And a little later the
Lacedaemonians captured Delphinium and Eion. [16]
When the Athenians at home got the news of the battle at Notium, they were angry with Alcibiades, thinking
that he had lost the ships through neglect of duty and dissolute conduct, and they chose ten new generals,
Conon, Diomedon, Leon, Pericles, Erasinides, Aristocrates, Archestratus, Protomachus, Thrasyllus, and
Aristogenes. [17] So Alcibiades, who was in disfavour with the army as well, took a trireme and sailed away to
his castle in the Chersonese. [18] After this Conon set sail from Andros, with the twenty ships which he had, to
Samos, there to assume command of the fleet in accordance with the vote which the Athenians had passed.
They also sent Phanosthenes to Andros, with four ships, to replace Conon.

iii. Athens on the trail
Xenophon, Hellenica I.5.20
When, meanwhile, Conon had arrived at Samos, where he found the Athenian fleet in a state of despondency,
he manned with full complements seventy triremes instead of the former number, which was more than a
hundred, and setting out with this fleet, in company with the other generals, landed here and there in the
enemy's territory and plundered it.
Diodorus, XIII.76.1
About this time Conon, the Athenian general, now that he had taken over the armaments in Samos, fitted out
the ships which were in that place and also collected those of the allies, since he was intent upon making his
fleet a match for the ships of the enemy.
Xenophon, Hellenica II.1.13-14
At this point Cyrus sent for Lysander, for a messenger had come to him from his father with word that he was
ill and summoned him, he being at Thamneria, in Media, near the country of the Cadusians, against whom he
had made an expedition, for they were in revolt. [14] And when Lysander arrived, Cyrus warned him not to
give battle to the Athenians unless he should far outnumber them in ships; for, Cyrus said, both the King and
he had money in abundance, and hence, so far as that point was concerned, it would be possible to man many
ships. He then assigned to Lysander all the tribute which came in from his cities and belonged to him
personally, and gave him also the balance he had on hand; and, after reminding Lysander how good a friend he
was both to the Lacedaemonian state and to him personally, he set out on the journey to his father.

iv. Conon in Persia
Diodorus, XIV.81
Pharnabazus, after the truce had been made with the Lacedaemonians, went back to the King and won him
over to the plan of preparing a fleet and appointing Conon the Athenian as its admiral; for Conon was
experienced in the encounters of war and especially in combat with the present enemy, and although he
excelled in warfare, he was at the time in Cyprus at the court of Evagoras the king. After the King had been
persuaded, Pharnabazus took five hundred talents of silver and prepared to fit out a naval force. [2] Sailing
across to Cyprus, he ordered the kings there to make ready a hundred triremes and then, after discussions with
Conon about the command of the fleet, he appointed him supreme commander at sea, giving indications in the
name of the King of great hopes Conon might entertain. [3] Conon, in the hope not only that he would recover
the leadership in Greece for his native country if the Lacedaemonians were subdued in war but also that he
would himself win great renown, accepted the command. [4] And before the entire fleet had been made ready,
he took the forty ships which were at hand and sailed across to Cilicia, where he began preparations for the
war.
2
Pharnabazus and Tissaphernes gathered soldiers from their own satrapies and marched out, making their way
towards Ephesus, since the enemy had their forces in that city. [5] The army accompanying them numbered
twenty thousand infantry and ten thousand cavalry. On hearing of the approach of the Persians Dercylidas, the
commander of the Lacedaemonians, led out his army, having in all not more than seven thousand men. [6] But
when the forces drew near each other, they concluded a truce and set a period of time during which
Pharnabazus should send word to the King regarding the terms of the treaty, should he be ready to end the
war, and Dercylidas should explain the matter to the Spartans. So upon this understanding the commanders
dispersed their armies.

v. Conon, Pharnabazus and the politics of autonomy and liberty
Xen. Hell. III.5.1-2: Timocrates’ mission in Greece
Being at his wits' end how to manage matters, he resolved to send Timocrates the Rhodian to Hellas with a gift
of gold worthy fifty silver talents, and enjoined upon him to endeavour to exchange solemn pledges with the
leading men in the several states, binding them to undertake a war against Lacedaemon. Timocrates arrived and
began to dole out his presents. In Thebes he gave gifts to Androcleidas, Ismenias, and Galaxidorus; in Corinth
to Timolaus and Polyanthes; in Argos to Cylon and his party. The Athenians, though they took no share of the
gold, were none the less eager for the war, being of opinion that empire was theirs by right.
Diod. XIV.84.3-4: the battle of Cnidus (394) and the end of Spartan imperialism
After the sea-fight Pharnabazus and Conon put out to sea with all their ships against the allies of the
Lacedaemonians. First of all they induced the people of Cos to secede, and then those of Nisyros and of Teos.
After this the Chians expelled their garrison and joined Conon, and similarly the Mitylenaeans and Ephesians
and Erythraeans changed sides. 4 Something like the same eagerness for change infected all the cities, of which
some expelled their Lacedaemonian garrisons and maintained their freedom, while others attached themselves
to Conon. As for the Lacedaemonians, from this time they lost the sovereignty of the sea. Conon, having
decided to sail with the entire fleet to Attica, put out to sea, and after bringing over to his cause the islands of
the Cyclades, he sailed against the island of Cythera.
Xenophon, Hell. IV.81-3
Pharnabazus and Conon, after defeating the Lacedaemonians in the naval battle, made a tour of the islands and
the cities on the sea coast, drove out the Laconian governors, and encouraged the cities by saying that they
would not establish fortified citadels within their walls and would leave them independent. [2] And the people
of the cities received this announcement with joy and approval, and enthusiastically sent gifts of friendship to
Pharnabazus. Conon, it seems, was advising Pharnabazus that if he acted in this way, all the cities would be
friendly to him, but if it should be evident that he wanted to enslave them, he said that each single city was
capable of making a great deal of trouble and that there was danger that the people of Greece also, if they
learned of this, would become united. [3] Pharnabazus was accordingly accepting this counsel. Then,
disembarking at Ephesus, he gave Conon forty triremes and told him to meet him at Sestus, while he himself
proceeded by land along the coast to his own province. For Dercylidas, who had long been an enemy of his,
chanced to be in Abydus at the time when the naval battle took place, and he did not, like the other
Lacedaemonian governors, quit the city, but took possession of Abydus and was keeping it friendly to the
Lacedaemonians.
Xen. Hell. IV.8.9
But Conon had a proposal to make:--If Pharnabazus would allow him to keep the fleet, he would undertake, in
the first place, to support it free of expense from the islands; besides which, he would sail to his own country
and help his fellow-citizens the Athenians to rebuild their long walls and the fortifications round Piraeus. No
heavier blow, he insisted, could well be inflicted on Lacedaemon. "In this way, I can assure you," he added,
"you will win the eternal gratitude of the Athenians and wreak consummate vengeance on the Lacedaemonians,
since at one stroke you will render null and void that on which they have bestowed their utmost labour." These
arguments so far weighed with Pharnabazus that he despatched Conon to Athens with alacrity, and further
supplied him with funds for the restoration of the walls. Thus it was that Conon, on his arrival at Athens, was
able to rebuild a large portion of the walls--partly by lending his own crews, and partly by giving pay to
carpenters and stone-masons, and meeting all the necessary expenses. There were other portions of the walls
3
which the Athenians and Boeotians and other states raised as a joint voluntary undertaking.

vi. The Peace of Antalcidas
Xen. Hell. V.1.31-32: the Peace of Antalcidas (386)
“King Artaxerxes thinks it just that the cities in Asia should belong to him, as well as Clazomenae and Cyprus
among the islands, and that the other Greek cities, both small and great, should be left independent, except
Lemnos, Imbros, and Scyros; and these should belong, as of old, to the Athenians. But whichever of the two
parties does not accept this peace, upon them I will make war, in company with those who desire this
arrangement, both by land and by sea, with ships and with money”.
Upon hearing these words the ambassadors from the various states reported them to their own several states.
And all the others swore that they would steadfastly observe these provisions, but the Thebans claimed the
right to take the oath in the name of all the Boeotians. Agesilaus, however, refused to accept their oaths unless
they swore, just as the King's writing directed, that every city, whether small or great, should be independent.
But the ambassadors of the Thebans said that these were not the instructions which had been given them. “Go
then,” said Agesilaus, “and ask your people; and report to them this also, that if they do not so act, they will be
shut out from the treaty.”
Xen. Hell. V.1.36
From a condition which, during the war, can only be described as a sort of even balance with their antagonists,
the Lacedaemonians now emerged; and reached a pinnacle of glory consequent upon the Peace of Antalcidas,
so called. As guarantors of the peace presented by Hellas to the king, and as administrators personally of the
autonomy of the states, they had added Corinth to their alliance; they had obtained the independence of the
states of Boeotia at the expense of Thebes, which meant the gratification of an old ambition.

vii. The second Athenian League
Diod. XV.28.2-3: The rebuilding of Athens’ naval league
The Athenians sent their most respected citizens as ambassadors to the city which were subject to the
Lacedaemonians, urging them to adhere to the common cause of liberty. For the Lacedaemonians, relying on
the size of the force at their disposal, ruled their subject peoples inconsiderately and severely, and consequently
many of those who belonged to the Spartan sphere of influence fell away to the Athenians. The first to respond
to the plea to secede were the peoples of Chios and Byzantium; they were followed by the peoples of Rhodes
and Mytilenê and certain others of the islanders; and as the movement steadily gathered force throughout
Greece, many cities attached themselves to the Athenians. The democracy, elated by the loyalty of the cities,
established a common council of all the allies and appointed representatives of each state.
The decree of Aristoteles (IG II2, 43)
In the name of the good fortune of the Athenians and of the allies of Athens, in order that the Spartans may
leave the Greeks in peaceful enjoyment of liberty and autonomy and in secure possession of [the whole of their
territory], and so that [the joint peace sworn to by the Greeks] and the King according to the agreements may
be valid and [lasting forever,] the demos has resolved by vote: if any Greek or barbarian, whether he lives on
[the mainland] or is an Islander, and is not subject to the King, so wishes, he is permitted to be a free and
autonomous ally of the Athenians and of their allies, keeping to whatever constitution he wishes, neither
admitting a [garris]on nor resident official nor paying tribute, on the same terms as the Chians, the Thebans,
and the rest of the allies. To those who have made an alliance with the Athenians and their allies, the demos is
to surrender all landed property privately or publicly owned by Athenians in the t[erritory of those join]ing the
alliance, and (the demos) is to give them a guarantee [of this. If there] exist at Athens stelai unfavorable to any
of the cities [forming] this alliance with the Athenians, the Council of the year is empowered to destroy them.
From the archonship of Nausinikos it is forbidden, either privately or publicly, for any Athenian to acquire in
the territories of the allies either a house or land, either by purchase, mortgage or in any other way whatever.
4