Download Lode Rosseels Gaṇeśa`s Underbelly From Hindu Goblin God to

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Lode Rosseels
Gaṇeśa’s Underbelly
From Hindu Goblin God to Japanese Tantric Twosome
Promotor: Dr. Andreas Niehaus
Vakgroep Talen en culturen van Zuid- en Oost-Azië
Masterproef voorgelegd tot het behalen van de graad van
Master in de Oosterse Talen en Culturen
Japan
2015-2016
De auteur en de promotor(en) geven de toelating deze studie als geheel voor consultatie beschikbaar te
stellen voor persoonlijk gebruik. Elk ander gebruik valt onder de beperkingen van het auteursrecht, in
het bijzonder met betrekking tot de verplichting de bron uitdrukkelijk te vermelden bij het aanhalen
van gegevens uit deze studie.
Het auteursrecht betreffende de gegevens vermeld in deze studie berust bij de promotor(en). Het
auteursrecht beperkt zich tot de wijze waarop de auteur de problematiek van het onderwerp heeft
benaderd en neergeschreven. De auteur respecteert daarbij het oorspronkelijke auteursrecht van de
individueel geciteerde studies en eventueel bijhorende documentatie, zoals tabellen en figuren. De
auteur en de promotor(en) zijn niet verantwoordelijk voor de behandelingen en eventuele doseringen
die in deze studie geciteerd en beschreven zijn.
Preface
During my last stay in Japan, I was graciously accepted into the IMAP program at Kyushu
University, where the main research focus is Buddhism. I thus came in contact with the wondrous and
complex religion and art of Buddhism, which I soon came to find very interesting. Buddhism and
Hinduism are closely related and cannot be studied separately, yet I found it remarkable that there
seemed to be no representations of the very popular Hindu god Gaṇeśa in Japan. I then came across
Japanese representations of a couple of elephant-headed deities in an erotic embrace, which is in fact
the Japanese version of Gaṇeśa. This remarkable representation prompted me to to look further into
the evolution of this figure, which I will describe briefly in this paper.
This paper is intended for those with a basic knowledge of Japanese religions and Buddhism.
Even though it may be possible to enjoy the reconstruction of Gaṇeśa’s transformation without any
background knowledge of these religious topics, the uniqueness of the concurrence of developments
that has led to the remarkable appearance of the Japanese version of Gaṇeśa may not become fully
apparent.
I would like to offer my gratitude toward the teachers and staff of the Department of Eastern
Languages and Cultures of Ghent University, who supported me during my research and helped me to
adopt an interdisciplinary approach to this topic. I am especially grateful to Dr. Andreas Niehaus for
his guidance throughout this project.
Contents
Introduction ........................................................................................................................................... 2
Chapter 1: The Indian Gaṇeśa ............................................................................................................. 4
1.1. The Development of the Indian Gaṇeśa ........................................................................................... 4
1.1.1. The Emergence of a Demonic Proto-Ganeśa ........................................................................... 4
1.1.2. Gaṇeśa’s Adoption into the Indian Pantheon ........................................................................... 6
1.1.3. The New Benevolent Gaṇapati................................................................................................. 8
1.1.4. The Emergence of a Tantric Gaṇeśa Cult ................................................................................ 9
1.1.5. Gaṇeśa after the Gupta Period ................................................................................................ 10
1.2. Some Notes in Regard to Femininity ............................................................................................. 11
1.2.1. Vināyaki: a Female Gaṇeśa .................................................................................................... 11
1.2.2. Gaṇeśa’s Marital Status .......................................................................................................... 12
1.2.3. Yogācāra and the Significance of Consorts ........................................................................... 13
Chapter 2: Gaṇeśa’s Journey to Japan ............................................................................................. 14
2.1. The Diffusion of Buddhism ............................................................................................................ 14
2.1.1. The Interaction between Hinduism and Buddhism ................................................................ 14
2.1.2. The Rise of Vajrayāna Buddhism .......................................................................................... 15
2.2. Tibetan Interpretations of Gaṇeśa .................................................................................................. 16
2.1.1. Tibetan Tantric Buddhism ...................................................................................................... 16
2.1.2. Tibetan Fearsome and Erotic Representations ....................................................................... 17
2.3. Chinese Interpretations of Gaṇeśa .................................................................................................. 18
2.3.1. Gaṇeśa’s First Appearance in China ...................................................................................... 18
2.3.2. A Four-legged Gaṇeśa from Endere ....................................................................................... 19
2.3.3. Some Dual-Vināyaka Sūtras .................................................................................................. 20
2.3.4. Occult Versions of Vināyaka-Gaṇapati .................................................................................. 22
2.3.5. The Construction of the Ryōkai Mandala .............................................................................. 23
Chapter 3: The Japanese Kangiten.................................................................................................... 24
3.1. The Japanese Religious Landscape ................................................................................................ 24
3.1.1. The Introduction of Buddhism and its Art ............................................................................. 24
3.1.2. The Development of Honji Suijaku and Ryōbu Shintō .......................................................... 25
3.1.3. Kūkai and the Ryōkai Mandala .............................................................................................. 26
3.1.4. Shingon and Secrecy .............................................................................................................. 27
3.2. The Japanese Interpretations of Ganeśa ......................................................................................... 28
3.2.1. Demon Vināyakas and Kōjin ................................................................................................. 28
3.2.2. Vināyaka’s Double Nature as Placenta Kōjin ........................................................................ 30
3.2.3. Gaṇapati and the Three Devas Triad ...................................................................................... 31
3.3. The Esoteric Sōshin Kangiten ........................................................................................................ 32
3.3.1. The New Twin Deva .............................................................................................................. 33
3.3.2. Sōshin Kangiten as a Transcendental Esoteric God ............................................................... 34
3.3.3. Rituals and Worship of Sōshin Kangiten ............................................................................... 36
Conclusion ............................................................................................................................................ 38
Bibliography ........................................................................................................................................ 41
Appendices ........................................................................................................................................... 44
(19166)
1
Introduction
A legend tells that there is a mysterious statue in the Hōkaiji Temple in Kamakura that is able
to grant fertility and success to those who pray to it, but also curses those who do not come back show
their gratitude afterwards. A young woman who had once prayed for a child to this statue had died
shortly after giving birth, which made her unable to make a return visit. Her soul could not find peace
until she appeared in the dreams of another woman who lived near the temple shortly after the Second
World War. The spirit of the young woman repeatedly appeared at her bedside and asked her to
perform a ritual to thank this statue in her stead, which she eventually also did. Afterwards, the young
woman appeared once again to thank her and promised that she would be rewarded. The woman who
saw this spirit and prayed to the statue for her was the wife of the famous Kawabata Yasunari 川端康
成 (1899-1972), who won the Nobel Prize in 1968, which is one year after these events. He committed
suicide on the sixteenth of April four years later, which is also the monthly celebration day of this
statue.1
The statue in question shows a male and a female elephant-headed deity in an erotic embrace,
and is called the Dual God of Bliss (Sōshin Kangiten 雙身歡喜天), which is the Japanese version of
the Hindu god Gaṇeśa. This legend reveals the enigmatic nature of the Japanese interpretation of
Gaṇeśa, as there are still many questions concerning the meaning and origin of this unique dual figure.
(Fig. 1)
Kangiten is the only Japanese god that is depicted as an embracing couple, and the explicit
erotic aspect, which is only rarely shown in Buddhist depictions, makes this figure even more
remarkable. It also raises the question of how the Hindu Gaṇeśa, a corpulent elephant-headed male,
relates to a Buddhist erotically embracing couple, and what the significance of this new form is. It is
also remarkable how such a twin form could even develop, as the depiction of a god as an amourous
couple seems to be very rare in Asia. Whereas Gaṇeśa is a very powerful and popular Hindu deity in
the whole of South-East Asia, this Japanese form is seen extremely rarely, which raises the question of
why and how he was imported into a Buddhist nation and underwent such a dramatic transformation,
only to be forgotten and hidden. The difference between the benevolent Gaṇeśa and the Japanese
blissfully copulating couple also makes one wonder if Kangiten is indeed the rightful and only
Japanese version of Gaṇeśa.
This paper aims to demystify the Japanese notion of Gaṇeśa and will attempt to expose the
underbelly of the unique and very elusive Sōshin Kangiten. To accomplish this, the development and
subsequent transmission and transformation of the general concept of Gaṇeśa will be situated in the
broader framework of cultural and religious interactions between India and Japan, in order to give a
1
This story was published in “Kawabata Yasunari fujin no mamakura de uttae – yoroi musha no gan wo toku 川
端康成夫人の夢まくらで訴え・ヨロイ武者の願をとく,” Kanagawa Shimbun 神奈川新聞 No. 313.
November 11, 1970.
2
complete oversight of the developments and underlying dynamics that led to the unique Japanese
interpretation of Gaṇeśa. This method will also illustrate how, why and when the figure of Gaṇeśa
underwent several processes of assimilation and reinterpretation that other deities were not subject to.
Additionally, throughout the whole paper, additional information will be given on topics such as the
synergy and conflicts between different religious schools of thought, the development of tantrism and
the iconography of religious art, to ensure a complete account of the development of the Japanese
interpretation of Gaṇeśa.
Due to the esoteric nature of the Japanese Sōshin Kangiten and his seemingly marginal
position in the Japanese pantheon, depictions and literature that refer to him are very rare. This also
explains the lack of research on this topic, as there is a significant shortage of information. Most
literature on Gaṇeśa is very subjective and contains information pertaining to a single geographical or
temporal domain. Several of these works are also outdated and provide incomplete information. Both
the theoretical framework of this paper and the sources on which the reconstruction of Gaṇeśa’s
evolution is based, thus consist of a variety of sources that contain overlapping information on several
topics, which allows previous misconceptions to be corrected and correct information to be refined.
This approach of overlapping several sources on a common topic is also applied to classical Indian,
Chinese and Japanese texts that give accounts of Gaṇeśa to ensure their reliability. Even though
esotericism limits the production of texts and their accessibility, it also requires strict obedience to
traditional rules and scriptures, which guarantees that worship of Kangiten has remained virtually
unchanged for long periods of time, even though this is not apparent at first sight. This makes it more
practical to older ut more reliable sources to re-trace the evolution of Gaṇeśa than to reverse-engineer
his evolution based on ill-documented recent developments.
The first chapter will thus discuss the development of the Brāhmanic and Hindu Gaṇeśa and
his subsequent rise in popularity before he left India. Some peculiar early traits that can be linked to
the creation of the Japanese Kangiten will also be discussed. The second chapter bridges the gap
between the Hindu Gaṇeśa and the Japanese Kangiten both temporally and geographically. It will
elaborate on the emergence of new Buddhist and tantric concepts and subsequently illustrates how
different interpretations of Gaṇeśa were created in Tibet and China, drawing upon several travel
records, tantric manuals and iconographic representations. The last chapter gives an introduction to the
Japanese religious climate that shaped the unique interpretations of Gaṇeśa, followed by a detailed
explanation of how the previous developments were reinterpreted and thus created several Japanese
versions of Gaṇeśa. The most remarkable Sōshin Kangiten form will be discussed more elaborately.
3
Chapter 1: The Indian Gaṇeśa
In order to trace the origin of the Japanese interpretation of the god Gaṇeśa as Sōshin Kangiten,
it is first necessary to elaborate on the very diverse and complex development of the original Indian
version of Gaṇeśa in order to construct a standard form which will serve as the basis for further
developments and comparisons. Even before this god left his birthplace of India and was introduced to
neightbouring nations and religions, there was a remarkable degree of diversity in the interpretations
and representations of Gaṇeśa in India. Gaṇeśa was for example known by countless other names
(such as Vināyaka, Gaṇapati and Vighneśa) which each referred to a particular set of characteristics.
This chapter will thus give an oversight of the most important developments during the creation of the
Indian Gaṇeśa, followed by an explanation of several other remarkable issues that have later affected
the formation of the Japanese Kangiten.
1.1. The Development of the Indian Gaṇeśa
1.1.1. The Emergence of a Demonic Proto-Ganeśa
The precise origin of Gaṇeśa is rather unclear, but orthodox believers assert that he has first
emerged in the Vedic-Brāhmanic period (1500-500 BCE). Nevertheless, the Vedas, the oldest Sanskrit
literature, show no traces of an elephant-headed god. They do however contain vague references to
evil demons called vināyakas, which is a term that was later used to refer to Gaṇeśa.2
Yet another name for Gaṇeśa, Gaṇapati (Leader of the Gaṇas), is found in the Rig Veda3 (2nd
millennium BCE), but this name does not refer to Gaṇeśa either. It was instead used as a title for other
gods, and used the word gaṇa in an unusual sense.4 Gaṇa usually refers to a troop of demons and
goblins ruled by Śiva, but here it was used in its more basic meaning of group or association.5 The
connection between Gaṇeśa and the titles gaṇapati and vināyaka will be explained further on. The
Theravada Buddhist Piṭakas (ca. 500 BCE) also show no trace of him.6
The earliest Indian evidence of an elephant-headed god is found on a plaque from Rairh,
Rajasthan (1st century BCE to 1st century CE), which depicts a female elephant-headed figure which
was later identified as a different elephant-headed goddess.7 (Fig. 2) Near the Stupas of Amaravati and
Mathura, sculptures dating from the second century have been found that depict several elephantheaded figures. These figures however still predate Gaṇeśa, which suggests that they are merely
2
Winternitz, M. "Gaṇēśa in the Mahābhārata." The Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society of Great Britain and
Ireland (Cambridge University Press, 1898): 380-4.
3
RigVeda 2, 23, 1 uses ganapati as an honorific for Bṛhaspati, whereas RigVeda 10, 112, 9 uses it to refer to
Indra, translated in Wilson, H. H. R̥ig-Veda-Sanhitā: A Collection of Ancient Hindu Hymns. (New Delhi:
Cosmo Publications, 1977).
4
Grimes, John A. Ganapati: Song of the Self. (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1995): 17-19.
5
Coomaraswamy, Ananda. "Ganesha." Bulletin of the Museum of Fine Arts 26, no. 153 (Museum of Fine Arts,
1928): 30. Wilson, vol IV: Mandalas 9 and 10.
6
Winternitz, 380-4.
7
Mundkur, Balaji. "The Enigma of Vaināyakī." Artibus Asiae 37, no. 4 (Artibus Asiae Publishers, 1975): 292.
4
elephant-headed yakṣas (nature-spirits). It is in fact believed that these yakṣas are part of Śiva’s gaṇas
and represent some of the aforementioned vināyakas.8
It is very likely that there were folk legends that involved yet other elephant-headed deities,
but no evidence of Gaṇeśa has been found before decriptions in iconographical treatises in the Hindu
Purāṇas.9 Such local deities would have stood for fertility and would be worshipped for good harvests,
as is common for early agricultural societies. The existence of elephant-headed deities is supported by
more recent Buddhist sources which showed that elephants were already worshipped in the Vedic
period.10
One of the greatest Indian epics, the Mahābhārata, contains no references to Gaṇeśa in its
original version, which was compiled by Vyāsa around 350 CE. It does however describe the same
vināyakas that were mentioned in the Vedas, and associates them with other demons such as bhūtas
(deceased spirits) and rākṣasas (man-eaters) that were also part of Śiva’s gaṇas.11 There is however an
eighth century interpolation to the Mahābhārata that explains how Gaṇeśa became its scribe, which
also contains the first reference to the name Gaṇeśa. This interpolation explains that Gaṇeśa broke off
his tusk so that he could use it to write down the Mahābhārata as Vyāsa dictated it to him.12
Another text that mentions these vināyakas is the Mānavagŗhyasūtra (7th century BCE-4th
century CE).13 This text however specifically mentions four named vināyakas that are said to represent
an innumerable horde of vināyakas. It states that these four figures are evil demons that cause all types
of suffering and interfere with trade, farming and fertility. It also provides rituals to placate them and
instructs that meat and wine should be offered to appease them and stop them from creating
hindrances.14 A similar description of these rites is found in the Yājñavalkyasmṛti (3-4th century CE).
More importantly, this text also states that these four elephant-headed vināyakas are actually four
aspects of one single deity called Mahāgaṇapati (Great Gaṇapati), who was appointed by Brahmā and
Śiva as the supreme lord of their gaṇas.15 This reference to Gaṇapati thus marks the emergence of a
proto-Gaṇeśa which had a normal human body and an elephant’s head.
The earliest representations of this proto-Gaṇeśa are pañca-gaṇeśa (Gaṇeśa-quintet) forms
which are based upon groups of older elephant-headed yakśas that are found on the stupa of Amarāvatī.
The oldest pañca-gaṇeśa representation dates from the third century and is found on a bas-relief in
8
Krishan, Yuvraj. "The Origins of Gaṇeśa." Artibus Asiae 43, no. 4 (Artibus Asiae Publishers, 1982): 287.
Mundkur, 296. Thapan, Anita R. Understanding Gaņapati: Insights into the Dynamics of a Cult. (New Delhi:
Manohar Publishers, 1997): 75.
9
Courtright, Paul B. Gaṇeśa: Lord of Obstacles, Lord of Beginnings. (New York: Oxford University Press,
1985): 10-1.
10
Mundkur, 292.
11
Krishan, "The Origins of Gaṇeśa," 287-297.
12
Winternitz, 380-4.
13
Mānavagṛhyasūtra 2.14.1 names the four vināyakas Śāla-kaṭaṅkaṭa, Kūṣmāndarājaputra, Usmita and
Devayajña. Quoted in Krishan, "The Origins of Gaṇeśa," 287-297.
14
Rocher, Ludo. "Gaņeśa's Rise to Prominence in Sanskrit Literature." In Ganesh: Studies of an Asian God, by
Robert L. Brown, 69-84. (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1999): 70-2.
15
Yājñavalkyasmṛti 1.271-94. Quoted in Duquenne, Robert. "Ganapati Rituals in Chinese." Bulletin de l'Ecole
Française d'Extrême-Orient 77 (1988): 326.
5
Mathura. It shows five elephant-headed vināyakas of which the central one is believed to be their
leader.16 (Fig.3) After this stage, Vināyaka gradually became represented individually.
1.1.2. Gaṇeśa’s Adoption into the Indian Pantheon
By the end of the fourth century, the demonic vināyakas had thus completely merged into one
single elephant-headed proto-Gaṇeśa.17 (Fig. 4) This proto-Gaṇeśa is known under two names. The
name Vināyaka emphasizes his function as arch-demon, whereas his name (Mahā)Gaṇapati represents
his function as controller of these demons. The unification of these four vināyakas into the protoGaṇeśa created a deity that was easier to address and worship than the countless vināyakas that caused
failed harvests, financial loss and disease. As a result of his new status as a proper god, VināyakaGaṇapati became popular fairly rapidly.18 Worship of Gaṇeśa subsequently started to spread outside of
India, as is indicated by several statues dated between the fourth and fifth centuries that have been
found in Sakai Dhar and Gardez (Afghanistan), and Akra (Pakistan).19 (Fig. 5)
His new popularity had earned Gaṇeśa a place among the pañca-devatās, the five principal
deities of the Indian Vedic-Brāhmanic pantheon at that time (the four others were Rudra, Viṣṇu, Śakti
and Sūrya). He became associated first and for all with the Vedic Rudra and his Hindu counterpart
Śiva, who represented all malevolence and wildness in the world. Both were evil and powerful ancient
gods, but also fulfilled the role of protector when appeased. Accordingly, the pot-bellied Gaṇeśa
started to be depicted with the attributes of these Vedic gods, which included the axe, goad, lotus and
vajra, which gave him an equal status to these important Vedic-Brāhmanic gods.20 (Fig. 6)
His function as leader of the countless obstacle-creating demons also made Gaṇeśa known as
Vighneśa, Vighnesvara or Vighnarāja, all of which mean Lord of Obstacles.21 Additionally, by his
other name Mahāvināyaka, he was regarded as the sum of all evils, and offerings to him were
supposed to include wine, fish and meat. These are offerings which were considered taboo in early
Hinduism, which indicates that Gaṇeśa was not among the most positive or normal deities. He was
also associated with the saptamātṛkās, seven pestilence mothers that personalize various plagues and
16
Agrawala, Prithvi Kumar. "Some Varanasi Images of Gaṇapati and Their Iconographic Problem." Artibus
Asiae 39, no. 2 (Artibus Asiae Publishers, 1977): 139-143.
17
Agrawala, "Some Varanasi Images of Gaṇapati," 152. Winternitz, 380-4.
18
Krishan, "The Origins of Gaṇeśa," 287-297.
19
Ibid. 285-7.
20
The goad, lotus and vajra are associated with Indra, the crescent moon and snake with Rudra/ Śiva, the sceptre
and discus with Viṣṇu and the garland with Brāhma. In Rajarajan, R.K.K. "Sugarcane Ganapati." East and West
51, no. 3 (Istituto Italiano per l'Africa e l'Oriente, 2001): 380. Narain, A. K. "Ganesa: A Protohistory of the Idea
and the Icon." In Ganesh: Studies of an Asian God, by Robert L. Brown, 19-49. (Albany: State University of
New York Press, 1991): 19.
21
Krishan, "The Origins of Gaṇeśa," 297-300. Courtright, 136,156, 213 for more on these three names.
6
diseases, which also indicates his negative perception.22 Gaṇeśa is depicted among the saptamātṛkās in
a carving in the Ellora Caves (7th century).23 (Fig. 7)
After Vināyaka-Gaṇapati had earned his place in the Vedic-Brāhmanic Indian pantheon, new
myths were created starting from the fourth century that aimed to explain his peculiar appearance and
origin. Around this time, classical Hinduism was also developing and incorporated Gaṇeśa into its
pantheon. The early Hindu Pūraṇas contained numerous myths and birth stories of Gaṇeśa, but are
unfortunately very inconsistent.24 Only some of the most relevant myths are given below.
The Matsya Purāṇa and the Skanda Purāṇa state that Gaṇeśa was born from the impurities of
the goddess Pārvatī’s skin.25 His creation out of Pārvatī’s filth is also repeated in the Vāmana Purāṇa.
His birth story in the Varāha Purāṇa differs, as Gaṇeśa is said to have come into existence out of the
laughter of Śiva. Pārvatī then became aroused by his good looking appearance, which angered Śiva so
much that he cursed him to be the chief of the elephant-headed vināyaka-demons. 26 In the Linga
Purāṇa however, it is stated that Śiva created Gaṇeśa on purpose, so that he could lead the former’s
army against the demons. Gaṇeśa then conquered the army of demons and eventually became their
leader.27 According to the Śiva Purāṇa on the other hand, Gaṇeśa was created by Pārvatī, who wanted
a personal threshold guardian. Being a faithful servant and guardian, Gaṇeśa once refused to let Śiva
enter Pārvatī’s bathing quarters while she was bathing. Gaṇeśa then succeeded in defeating the army
of gaṇas that Śiva had sent as revenge, but was decapitated nonetheless. Some versions state that
Gaṇeśa had lost a piece of his tusk in the struggle with Śiva. Pārvatī, who was angered by the death of
her son, created one thousand śakti (goddesses) to fight his killers. The battle was eventually resolved
and Gaṇeśa was appointed ruler of the gaṇas. Pārvatī then ordered the head of the nearest animal to be
cut off and placed on Gaṇeśa’s headless body. The nearest animal happened to be an elephant with a
broken tusk, which granted him the nickname Ekadanta (One Tusked One).28 Evidence of this broken
tusk is only found in later representations. Additionally, some Nepalese legends claim that Gaṇeśa was
self-manifest and was discovered by Śiva and Pārvatī.29 Another unique legend describes that Śiva and
Pārvatī transformed into elephants during a sexual roleplay session, which resulted in the creation of
Gaṇeśa.30
22
Agni Purāṇa translated in Mundkur, 294.
Faure, Bernard. "The Elephant in the Room: The Cult of Secrecy in Japanese Tantrism." In The Cult of
Secrecy in Japanese Religion, by Bernard Scheid and Mark Teeuwen, 255-268. (New York: Routledge, 2006):
256.
24
Nagar, Shanti Lal. The Cult of Vinayaka. (New Delhi: Intellectual Publishing House, 1992: 7-14 for additional
Purāṇic birth stories.
25
Matsya Purāṇa and Skanda Purāṇa translated in Krishan, "The Origins of Gaṇeśa," 285.
26
Varāha Purāṇa quoted in Rocher, 77.
27
Linga Purāṇa in Krishan, "The Origins of Gaṇeśa," 285-7.
28
Shiva Purāṇa in Krishan, "The Origins of Gaṇeśa," 285-7. Coomaraswamy, 30.
29
Brahmavaivarta Purāṇa in Nagar, 11-3 and Krishan, "The Origins of Gaṇeśa," 285-7.
30
Krishan, "The Origins of Gaṇeśa," 285-7. Rao, Gopinatha T.A. Elements of Hindu Iconography. (Madras:
Law Printing House, 1914): 44-5 for this last legend.
23
7
What is generally accepted is that he was the son of Śiva and Pārvatī and that he was created
out of Pārvatī’s filth, which is a reference to his evil nature. Most legends also treat him as a loyal
guardian deity who lost his head in attempt to perform his task, after which he was rewarded with the
rule over of an army of gaṇas.31 What is also clear is that the Purāṇas made a very deliberate attempt
ro rewrite Gaṇśa’s dark history, and tried to incorporate him into to the Hindu pantheon as well as lift
his position above his earlier lowly status.32
1.1.3. The New Benevolent Gaṇapati
By the fifth century, images of Gaṇeśa started to show fixed features and could be found all
over India. He was also worshipped by followers of all religious backgrounds and layers of the Indian
society, owing to his thorough incorporation in the Purāṇas.33 The Purāṇas also deliberately disguised
that Vināyaka-Gaṇapati was in fact a powerful demon who created obstacles, and restored his identity
to a powerful protective deity by making him Pārvatī’s personal threshold guardian and subduer of the
army of demos. 34 He was now also seen as a remover of obstacles and a god of auspicious
beginnings.35
His new function in the mainstream Purāṇic Hindu theology was thus remover of obstacles,
contrary to his pre-Purāṇic status as arch-demon and creator of obstacles.36 This was accomplished by
the belief that Gaṇeśa could not only create obstacles but obstruct the manifestation of evil. He could
for example create obstacles that functioned as a test, which eventually lead to spiritual selfrealization. 37 The name Vināyaka was also avoided in the Purāṇas because it had a negative
connotation, so that instead his name Gaṇapati became more popular. The originally Vedic name
Gaṇapati also made him seem older, which helped to legitimize his adoption into the Purāṇas.38
After being adopted into the Purāṇic pantheon, the earlier two-armed Vināyaka was now
described as having four arms.39 The Vedic axe, vajra, goad and noose remained, but he gained several
new attributes, which included a plate of sweets or a sugarcane, and his broken tusk. He also started to
display the varada (protection) or abhaya (fearlessness) mudras, and sometimes had a snake wrapped
around his stomach. 40
31
Rocher, 76-8. Coomaraswamy, 30.
Krishan, "The Origins of Gaṇeśa," 285-7.
33
Brown, Robert L. "Gaṇeśa in Southeast Asian Art: Indian Connections and Indigenous Developments." In
Ganesh: Studies of an Asian God, by Robert L. Brown, 171-234. (Albany: State University of New York Press,
1991):175.
34
Courtright 134 for the Purāṇic restoration of his image. Also in Faure, "The Cult of Secrecy in Japanese
Tantrism," 256.
35
Krishan, "The Origins of Gaṇeśa," 287-297.
36
Saraswati, Swami Tattvavidananda. Gaṇapati Upaniṣad. Delhi: D.K. Printworld Ltd, 2004, 80.
37
Coomaraswamy, 30. Krishan, Yuvraj. Gaņeśa: Unravelling an Enigma. (Delhi: Motilal Banarsidass
Publishers Private Limited, 1999): viii.
38
Krishan, "The Origins of Gaṇeśa," 287-297.
39
Agrawala, "Some Varanasi Images of Gaṇapati," 140.
40
Krishan, Gaņeśa: Unravelling an Enigma, 89. Heras, H. The Problem of Ganapati. (Delhi: Indological Book
House, 1972): 29. Martin-Dubost, Paul. Gaņeśa: The Enchanter of the Three Worlds. (Mumbai: Project for
32
8
Starting from the seventh century, a rat, which is his vahāna (vehicle), can be seen next to him
or underneath him. It reminds the viewer to be humble, as it expresses the corruption of desire,
symbolized by the rat, which causes destruction to crops and is able to penetrate the most sacred
places. It is not surprising to see a rat here, as it may also refer to the original role of Gaṇeśa as a deity
connected to fertility, before he rose to fame.41
His new function as remover of obstacles had granted him the privilege of being worshipped
ahead of other deities, as he was able to remove any possible obstructions that blocked communication
with the world of spirits. 42 He was also worshipped at the start of important political events,
ceremonies and ventures in order to guarantee success, prosperity and protection against adversity.43
He then also became associated with three goddesses that personified his positive characteristics,
which were called Siddhi (success), Riddhi (wealth) and Buddhi (wisdom). Gaṇeśa was thus
occasionally given the epithets Siddhidātā (bestower of success), Vṛiddhidātā (bestower of wealth) and
Buddhidātā, (bestower of wisdom). 44 The Purāṇic myths also praise him as patron of letters and
knowledge, and provide stories of his cleverness and intelligence. 45 He is also seen as patron of
sciences and learning, which is reflected in the legend where the four-armed Gaṇeśa breaks off his
tusk and acts as a scribe of the Mahābhārata, which was inserted in the Mahābhārata itself as an
interpolation.46 (Fig.8)
1.1.4. The Emergence of a Tantric Gaṇeśa Cult
The shift from a malevolent creator of obstacles to a benevolent remover of obstacles, which
occurred in the Purāṇas from the fourth century onwards, had started a reframing of Gaṇeśa’s identity
which eventually led to the emergence of the Gāṇapatya cult by the end of the fifth century, which was
dedicated to the worship of Gaṇeśa.47
One of the Gāṇapatyas’ texts that aimed to promote Gaṇeśa is the Gaṇeśa Purāṇa (9th-14th
century). In the Upaśāna Khaṅda section is described how Gaṇeśa helps Indra, Śiva, Viṣṇu and Skanda
overcome the obstacles that prevented them from completing their tasks, which is an obvious attempt
to elevate Gaṇeśa’s position above that of the primary Purāṇic gods.48 The Gaṇeśagītā chapter follows
Indian Cultural Studies, 1997): 202-4. Bühnemann, Gudrun. "Tantric Worship of Gaṇeśa according to the
Prapancasāra." Zeitschrift der Deutschen Morgenländischen Gesellschaft 137, no. 2 (Deutsche
Morgenländischen Gesellschaft, 1987): 372-3.
41
Krishan, "The Origins of Gaṇeśa," 287-297. Significance of the rat is described in Martin-Dubost, 231 and
Grimes, 86. The association with secrecy is found in Rocher, 73.
42
Burham, Harold. The Esoteric Codex: Deities of Knowledge. (Raleigh: Lulu Press, 2015): 91.
43
Krishan, Gaņeśa: Unravelling an Enigma, 38.
44
Krishan, "The Origins of Gaṇeśa," 285.
45
Burham, The Esoteric Codex, 95. Nagar, 5.
46
The interpolated legend in Mahabhārata 1.1.77 is described in Heras, 58 and Coomaraswamy, 30.
47
Dhavalikar, M. K. "Origin of Gaṇeśa." Annals of the Bhandarkar Oriental Research Institute 71, no. 1
(Bhandarkar Oriental Research Institute, 1990): 49. For more info on the Gaṇeśa cult, see Thapan, 176-213:
Chapter 6, “The Gāṇapatyas”
48
Stevenson, Dr. "Analysis of the Ganeśa Purána, with Special Reference to the History of Buddhism." The
Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society of Great Britain and Ireland 8 (Cambridge Universiy Press, 1846): 319.
9
a similar trend as it treats Gaṇeśa as a supreme deity and gives detailed descriptions of rituals and
offerings of sweets such as sugarcanes and sweet cakes to receive boons from Gaṇeśa.49 Another
section claims that the sages of that time, the supreme god Brāhma, the Vedas, the Upanishads and all
the other earlier religious texts have little or no knowledge of the real potential of Gaṇeśa. This sect
thus very actively promoted the worship of Gaṇeśa and was not only based upon Vedic religion, but
even attempted to rewrite it by creating interpolations to the Purāṇas to promote him to a supreme
deity.50
A more recent tantric text dedicated to Gaṇeśa is the Gaṇapati Upanishad, also called the
Gaṇapati Atharvaśīrṣa (16th-17th century).51 This text, as well, describes him as a supreme deity, as it
states that Gaṇapati manifests himself as Brahmā, Viṣṇu and Indra. He is considered to be fire and air,
the sun and the moon, the cosmic essence, and the earth in all its elements. It also calls him om,
cosmic resonance.52 The text further explains that he produces, sustains and destroys the universe as
well as embodies supreme truth and eternal bliss.53 Even though this is a more recent text, it perfectly
indicates how Gaṇeśa was regarded as a supreme god in the esoteric Gāṇapatya cult.
His role as a threshold guardian thus not only caused him to be worshipped as god of
beginnings, but allowed him to evolve into a deity who was considered even more powerful than the
other Purāṇic gods. He was thus regarded as a creator of life and the governor of cosmic essence.
Art of the Gupta period (4th-6th century) connected to this sectarian worship of Gaṇeśa mainly
focuses on the iconographic form called Mahodara (Big Bellied One).54 Cultists claim that his belly
contains all the universes, the past, present and future, and houses all the cosmic eggs from which life
hatches.55 This big-bellied and happy looking Gaṇeśa was usually displayed with six or more arms and
was sometimes accompanied by a consort. This form has become the most popular representation of
Gaṇeśa and has spread across the whole of South and East Asia.
1.1.5. Gaṇeśa after the Gupta Period
After the sixth century, Ganeśa’s appearance and interpretations underwent few significant
developments. He was mainly worshipped for success, wealth and wisdom and for good fortune in
general. The negative aspect of the Indian Gaṇeśa seems to have disappeared completely, except in his
cult, where his negative side was still worshipped.
Owing to the many legends that appeared in the Purāṇas, Gaṇeśa had also gained a multitude
of different iconographic forms. The Mudgala Purāṇa was the first to list thirty-two different
49
Krishan, "The Origins of Gaṇeśa," 287-297. Stevenson, 320-1. Martin-Dubost, 204.
Narain, 270.
51
Courtright, 252. Grimes, 21-36 for a summary.
52
Adapted version of a quote contained in Chinmayananda, Swami. Glory of Ganesha. (Bombay: Central
Chinmaya Mission Trust, 1987): 125-7. Translation in "The Śrī Gaṇapati Atharvaśīrṣa" appendix in Courtright.
53
Courtright, 253 and Grimes, 24-6 for further examples of such statements.
54
Nagar, 101.
55
Thapan, 200 quotes such statements from the Brahmanda Purāṇa and Mudgala Purāṇa.
50
10
iconographic forms.56 These forms are also contained in the nineteenth century Śrītattvanidhi, where
detailed descriptions are given of his different representations.57 In these various forms, he assumed
different postures, had different colours or proportions, or held different attributes. Only the most
common forms of Gaṇeśa are mentioned in this paper, as there is only a limited number of forms that
were introduced to Tibet and China and eventually could have influenced the creation of the Japanese
Kangiten.
Gaṇeśa’s identity and different representations had fully developed between the sixth and
seventh centuries, after which he was adopted into the Tibetan and Chinese Buddhist pantheons.
Consequently, later developments of the Hindu Gaṇeśa will have had no impact on the already
exported Buddhist interpretations of Gaṇeśa in Tibet and China and will thus not be discussed here.
1.2. Some Notes in Regard to Femininity
At first sight there seem to have been no representations or interpretations up until this final
stage in the development of Gaṇeśa that explain the origin of the Japanese Dual Kangiten. There are
however some peculiarities concerning the representation of Gaṇeśa as well as some external
developments that that have not yet been fully explained, that could have had an influence on his
reception in other religious and cultural spheres, including Japan.
1.2.1. Vināyaki: a Female Gaṇeśa
As mentioned above, the very first image of an elephant-headed deity in India was not an
image of Gaṇeśa, but of a similar-looking female deity. The existence of a female version of Gaṇeśa
raises the question if the couple of deities represented in the Japanese interpretation of Gaṇeśa could
consist of Gaṇeśa and this other elephant-headed deity.
This female deity, which has been identified as Vināyaki, looks very similar to Gaṇeśa, but is
more elusive, since there are only a handful of sources that confirm her existence. Descriptions of her
are also very inconsistent and give contrasting accounts of her attributes and features.58 The earliest
reference to this figure is found in the Matsya Purāṇa, which was compiled in 550, and thus coincides
with the period during which Gaṇeśa became a powerful Purāṇic god. It states that Vināyaki is one of
two hundred celestial mothers created by Śiva, but contains no descriptions of her appearance. She
cannot, however, be one of Gaṇeśa’s consorts, as her name is not found in any of the sections of the
Purāṇas that list his consorts, and consorts are always smaller, fully human figures. Even though
representations of her are rare, she is usually seen with a distinct pair of breats and a red saree, which
is not at all similar to the female elephant-headed deity in the Japanese Kangiten. Vināyaka was thus
56
Grimes, 52.
Indian representations can be found in Rao, Chapter 6-9. These forms are also found in Martin-dubost 120-3.
See Chinmayananda, 85, 118 and Grimes, 60-1 for more illustrations and descriptions.
58
Mundkur, 291-295.
57
11
an independent deity which was never represented alongside Gaṇeśa and was completely
overshadowed by her male counterpart, which has made her virtually inexistent outside of India.59 Her
appearance also proves that she did not influence the creation of the Japanese couple.
1.2.2. Gaṇeśa’s Marital Status
Another theory that could explain the presence of the female deity in the Japanese couple is
that she is not a female Vināyaka, but simply Gaṇeśa’s wife. However, there seems to be a lot of
confusion surrounding Gaṇeśas marital status, as different legends provide very different accounts.60
A number of legends claim that Gaṇeśa was an unmarried ascetic.61 Others confirm this but
add that he had two consorts, which are identified as the aforementioned Buddhi and Siddhi.62 Some
legends in the Gaṇeśa Purāṇa and Mudgala Purāṇa state that he is actually married to them, and that
they are not independent figures, but merely the female personifications of his powers.63 This also
explains why these figures are only rarely found outside of India.
There are also legends that couple Gaṇeśa to Sarasvatī, the goddess of culture and arts, or with
Lakshmi, the goddess of luck and prosperity. These more prominent deities are sometimes portrayed
as his consorts in more recent art, but have very clear characteristics and can be identified fairly
easily.64 These goddesses, however, also look very different to Gaṇeśa and the female part of the
Kangiten couple.
He may also have had a relationship with the Aṣṭasiddhi, which are personifications of the
eight spiritual attaintments that can be obtained by the practice of Yoga. In art, this is represented by a
group of young women that surround Gaṇeśa.65 It is believed that these were transformations of the
Saptamātṝkas and eventually merged into the single unnamed consort that is sometimes seen
accompanying Gaṇeśa.66
It is thus apparent that none of these independent goddesses that are sometimes associated
with Gaṇeśa have left a permanent impression on his appearance or interpretation. Moreover, these
figures can be recognized very easily and bear no resemblance to the female in the Japanese couple.
Representations of Gaṇeśa with a single undefined and unnamed human consort, on the other hand,
are quite common both inside and outside of India. 67
59
Ibid.
Cohen, Lawrence. "The Wives of Gaṇeśa." In Ganesh: Studies of an Asian God, by Robert L. Brown, 115-140.
(Albany: State Universit of New York Press, 1991): 115-140 for a more elaborate review of legends.
61
Krishan, Gaņeśa: Unravelling an Enigma, 63. See Cohen, 126-129 for the celibacy of Gaṇeśa.
62
Getty, Alice. Gaņeśa: A Monograph on the Elephant-Faced God. 1992. (New Delhi: Pilgrims Publishing,
2006): 36.
63
Mudgala Purāṇa and Ganesha Purāṇa quoted in Courtright 124 and 213. Krishan, Gaņeśa: Unravelling an
Enigma, 62 for associations with Buddhi, Siddhi, and Riddhi.
64
Cohen, 131-3 for associations with Sarasvatī and Lakshmi.
65
Martin-Dubost, 332.
66
Mundkur, 294.
67
Cohen, 120-122 the motif of the single śakti.
60
12
1.2.3. Yogācāra and the Significance of Consorts
Since this single female deity that sometimes accompanies Gaṇeśa does not appear to be an
independent figure, a closer look should be taken into the representation of Indian deities with their
consorts. The Indian custom of displaying gods with a consort on their knee is quite popular, and is the
Indian representation of Gaṇeśa that is the most similar to the Japanese couple. The representation of
Gaṇeśa with a consort is a product of the Yogācāra teachings of Indian Buddhism that had started to
develop in the fourth century. Yogācāra focused on profound meditation as a means to achieve the
union of the spirit of an individual with the spirit of the universe. According to Yoga, deities were
regarded as abstract personifications and emanations of the universal spirit and were often represented
with a śakti to express the material half of this duality. 68 This śakti was in fact regarded as the
personification of a deity’s creative, female power and had no erotic connotation. Gaṇeśa was one of
the many gods that had been accepted by the Yogācarins and had started to be displayed with a śakti
on his knee starting from the sixth century. Eventually he became represented with a śakti in six of his
thirty-two iconographic representations.69
More erotic forms of these depictions can be found in connection to tantric branches of the
Gaṇāpatya cult, in which Gaṇeśa and his śakti are seen fondling each other, using his trunk to pleasure
his śakti.70 Śakti in Indian erotic and non-erotic representations of deities are, however, exclusively
fully human, and are always smaller than the main deity, which eliminates the possibility that the
elephant-headed female in the Japanese Dual Kangiten is a representation of his śakti. Explicit sexual
motifs of gods and their śakti are virtually inexistent in Hindu tantric traditions, but are plentiful in
Nepalese and Tibetan tantric Buddhism, which will thus be discussed in the next chapter.71
68
Getty, Gaņeśa, 68-70 for Yoga, and 83-84 for a discussion on śakti.
These six forms are called Shakti Ganapati, Ucchista Ganapati, Mahāganapati, Urdhva Ganapati, Uddanda
Ganapati, and Sankastharana Ganapati. Elaborate descriptions in Chinmayananda, 87-118.
70
Bühnemann, Gudrun. "Erotic Forms of Gaņeśa in Hindu and Buddhist Iconography." In Script and Image:
Papers on Art and Epigraphy, by Adalbert J. Gail, Gerd J. R. Mevissen and Richard Salomon, 15-28. (Delhi:
Motilal Banarsidass, 2006): 16.
71
Bühnemann, "Erotic Forms of Gaņeśa," 20. Getty, 71.
69
13
Chapter 2: Gaṇeśa’s Journey to Japan
After having explained the creation of the Indian Gaṇeśa and some other peculiar Indian
developments in relation to the Japanese Dual Kangiten, a closer look at the construction of his twin
form is in order. First of all, Gaṇeśa did not enter Japan in his pure Brāhmanic or Hindu identity that
had stopped evolving after the sixth century. Like many other deities, he was first incorporated into the
Buddhist pantheon and subsequently traveled with Buddhism through various other cultural and
religious spheres - and received different interpretations - before eventually reaching Japan. The
remarkable difference between the Indian Gaṇeśa and the Japanese Dual Kangiten must thus have
been the result of cultural and religious interactions before this figure reached Japan. This chapter will
thus discuss the transfer and the change in perception of the Buddhist Gaṇeśa as it traveled through
Tibet and China.
2.1. The Diffusion of Buddhism
2.1.1. The Interaction between Hinduism and Buddhism
Early Buddhism was very much intertwined with Hinduism and as such, Hindu iconography
and Buddhist iconography mutually influenced each other. 72 It is well-known that Buddhism (and
especially tantric Buddhism) contains several Brāhmanic and Hindu deities as result of the common
source of Buddhism and Hinduism.73 Several Hindu deities were adopted into the Buddhist pantheon
as is, whereas others became associated with already existing Buddhist deities, and yet others were
integrated rather violently. Śiva was for example associated with the Buddhist Avalokiteśvara, and
Brahmā was associated with the Buddha Mañjuśrī. Less powerful local, Brāhmanic and Hindu gods
could only advance on the path to salvation by voluntarily converting to Buddhism. Other deities that
were harder to incorporate, were initially seen as opposers of Buddhism, and were submitted violently
by Buddhist protector deities.74
Graphically, the integration of these newly converted foreign deities, often called devas, is
seen in the appearance of their smaller, sometimes violently submitted figures in the outside circles of
Buddhist mandalas. These devas are also displayed with their distinctive non-Buddhist characteristics
and attributes in order to be able to discern them more easily. One of these iconic - and in this case
Vedic - attributes is the vajra (diamond), which later became an important object in tantric
Buddhism.75 Eventually, these converted deities would become powerful Buddhist role models. Hindu
deities were sometimes also considered to be personifications of dark magic spells, which gave them a
72
De Mallmann, Marie-Thérèse. "Divinités Hindoues dans le Tantrisme Bouddhique." Arts Asiatiques 10, no. 1
(1964): 70.
73
Bühnemann, Gudrun. "Buddhist Deities and Mantras in the Hindu Tanras: I The Tantrasārasamgraha and the
Īsānasivagurudevapaddhati." Indo-Iranian Journal no. 42 (Kluwer Academic Publishers, 1999): 303.
74
De Mallmann, 69-72. Faure, Bernard. Unmasking Buddhism. (Chichester: Wiley-Blackwell Publishing, 2009):
63-4.
75
De Mallmann, 74-8.
14
rather sinister undertone.76 It thus becomes clear that even though Brāhmanic and Hindu deities have
been incorporated successfully into the Buddhist pantheon, they remained minor deities and
sometimes gained negative connotations.
The same was also true for the Buddhist version of Gaṇeśa. Whereas the Indian Gaṇeśa was
regarded as a remover of obstacles, a powerful guardian deity and provider of wisdom and wealth, his
Buddhist interpretation emphasized his destructive side as creator of obstacles and his function as
demon king. He was mostly seen as the personification of all obstacles, and can be seen being
trampled by the Buddhist Vighnantaka (Remover of Obstacles). Even the evil Vināyaka was never
represented in such a humiliating fashion in India. On the rare occasion that the early Buddhist
Vināyaka was represented individually, he was seen as an assessor of the Buddha Mañjuśrī, and was
thus not considered important enough to become an independent deity worthy of worship. Some
Buddhist mandalas also show how Vināyaka is being trampled by Mahākala, a wrathful Buddhist
avatar of Śiva. Gaṇeśa had to be violently converted to Buddhism and was thus portrayed as a
demonic obstacle that had to be removed, which almost completely nullified Gaṇeśa’s function as
remover of obstacles. This explains why the preferred Buddhist name of Gaṇeśa is Vināyaka, which
emphasizes his control over obstacles and his role as an obstacle himself, rather than Gaṇapati, which
was his title as remover of evil.77
2.1.2. The Rise of Vajrayāna Buddhism
The emergence of tantric Buddhism was initiated by the creation of the Diamond Vehicle in
India between the fifth and seventh century, which was a reaction against mainstream Buddhism. In
accordance with its reactionary nature, tantric Vajrayāna (Diamond Vehicle) Buddhism considers
foreign and classical practices more accurate than orthodox teachings and makes use of classical
Sanskrit texts and traditional rituals.78 It emphasizes the use of symbols such as mantras, mudras and
mandalas, which provide quicker access to enlightenment than Mahāyāna merit-making, and can
bestow mystical powers upon those who use them.79 Practicioners of tantric Buddhism usually focus
on the sun Buddha Mahavairocana, who they regard as the creative spirit of the universe and the
supreme sovereign of the cosmos. Especially in tantric Buddhism, which also shows a particular liking
for violent and oppressive deities, Hindu deities are almost always subjugated by the protectors of
Buddhism.80
76
Sørensen, Henrik K. "Central Divinities in the Esoteric Buddhist Pantheon." In Esoteric Buddhism and the
Tantras in East Asia, by Charles D. Orzech, Henrik K. Sørensen and Richard K. Payne, 90-132. (Leiden: Brill,
2011): 115.
77
De Mallmann, 73-4. Krishan. "The Origins of Gaṇeśa," 297-300.
78
Rambelli, Fabio. "True Words, Silence, and the Adamantine Dance: On Japanese Mikkyō and the Formation
of the Shingon Discourse." Japanese Journal of Religious Studies 21, no. 4 (Nanzan University, 1994): 377.
79
Faure, Unmasking Buddhism, 10. Rambelli, "True Words, Silence, and the Adamantine Dance," 375.
80
Thakur, Upendra. India and Japan: A Study in Interaction During 5th-14th Century A.D. (Abhinav
Publications, 1992): 41. Sørensen, Central Divinities, 115.
15
Tantric Buddhism spread to Tibet, China, Japan and South-East Asia in the eighth and ninth
centuries, but only managed to survive in its pure tantric form in Tibet and Japan. Tibetan Vajrayāna is
rather unique, as it appears to be a comination of tantrism and scholasticism. Chinese tantrism, on the
other hand, was identical to the Indian traditions at first, but eventually gained a Chinese style, which
was then passed over to Japanese esotericism. 81 Whereas mainstream Buddhism regarded Gaṇeśa only
as a minor and rather negative deity, tantric Buddhism in Tibet, China and Japan started to describe
Gaṇeśa as a subjugator of demons once again.82
2.2. Tibetan Interpretations of Gaṇeśa
In an attempt to Buddhicize Tibet, the king sent an envoy to India in the first half of the
seventh century to retrieve Mahāyāna texts. He eventually returned not only with Mahāyāna texts, but
also with Yogācara teachings and some tantras on śakti-worship, thus introducing both orthodox and
tantric Buddhism to Tibet. Tantric Buddhism reached Tibet through the Silk Road, and had also
influenced several Buddhist centres along the way, one of which is Dunhuang. 83 The indigenous
animistic religion of Tibet had created a climate that was more accepting toward tantrism and esoteric
religions than toward the abstract Mahāyāna teachings, so that eventually the tantric Yoga doctrines
gained the upper hand in Tibet.84
2.1.1. Tibetan Tantric Buddhism
Tibetan Buddhism thus showed a particular liking for esoteric ideas, and interpreted the mystic
union of the Yoga teachings as achievable by the creation of a physical extatic union between
individuals. The traditional Hindu way of portraying gods with a śakti on their knee was used rarely,
and was replaced by grotesque and overemphasized depictions of sexual acts. The most iconic Tibetan
representations of this sexual mystic union are yab yum (father and mother) depictions, which show a
female and male deity intimately having intercourse. (Fig. 9) Nevertheless, Tibetan representations of
gods having intercourse with their śakti are restricted to humanoid deities, which means that the
elephant-headed Gaṇeśa was unsuitable for this particular style of representation. No classical yab yum
style representations thus exist of a pair of elephant-headed deities. 85 The single Ganeśa was
nonetheless worshipped in Tibet for his original benefits, which are the destruction of obstacles and
the granting of wealth.86
A different characteristic of Tibetan Buddhism is the frequent depiction of wrathful guardian
deities, which are shown in a more fearsome fashion than their original Hindu version. This form is
81
Faure, Unmasking Buddhism, 10. Thakur, 28-33.
De Mallmann, 73.
83
Bogel, Cynthea J. "Esoteric Art, East Asia." In Encyclopedia of Buddhism, by Robert E. Buswell, 252-57.
(New York: Macmillan Reference USA, 2004): 254.
84
Getty, 71.
85
Ibid.
86
Nagar, 185-6. Bühnemann, "Erotic Forms of Gaņeśa," 19.
82
16
not restricted to fully human figures and thus allowed for the elephant-headed Gaṇeśa to be
represented in this style as well. Plenty of depictions of a fearsome Gaṇapati wielding several weapons
thus exist as part of this tradition. A Nepalese Gaṇapati-hṛdaya illustrates such an aggressive
emanation of Gaṇapati and provides a list of spells that summon him to not only bestow wealth, but
cause him to trap, strike, cleave and maim his enemies as well. Also worth mentioning is that these
spells also associate him with the three wish granting jewels (cintāmaṇi). 87
2.1.2. Tibetan Fearsome and Erotic Representations
One of the most popular fearsome forms of Gaṇeśa in Tibet is called Mahārakta Gaṇapati
(Great Red One).88 Mahārakta Gaṇapati has a bright red body, three eyes and twelve arms, and holds
various weapons, as well as skull-cups filled with human blood and body parts. This form is often seen
dancing happily.89 (Fig. 10) Another non-erotic representation popular in Tibet and Nepal is Heraṃba
Gaṇapati (Mother’s Beloved Son), who usually has five heads and up to ten arms.90 In this version he
sits on his rat mount, has a third eye and a skull crown, and holds a skull cup in one of his hands. He
carries his traditional Vedic attributes and has a snake-belt wrapped around his waist.91 (Fig. 11, 12)
Yet another version of Gaṇeśa, shown as a small pink elephant, can be seen being trampled by
Mahākāla (Daikokuten 大黒天), a ferocious emanation of Avalokiteśvara.92 Perhaps the most popular
erotic representation of Gaṇeśa is called Ājñāvinivarta Gaṇapati (Rāgavajra, Authority Averting
Gaṇapati). In this form, Gaṇapati receives fellatio from an animal-headed goddess and sometimes has
a monkey’s head and a cat’s head flanking his elephant’s head. Most versions have six arms and carry
the usual radishes, plates of sweet cakes, cintāmaṇi jewels, skull cups, axes and swords. A feline
goddess is supporting him while performing fellatio on him, and her menstrual blood is collected in a
skull cup by four other menstruating goddesses.93 (Fig. 13, 14)
Yet another type of Tibetan erotic depictions exists in which Gaṇeśa’s wide open eyes and
erect penis show his excitement as he is being pleasured by a monkey headed śakti sitting in his lap.
His hands hold the double vajra, a goad, a noose and cintāmaṇi. It is remarkable that, for a still
unknown reason, there is not a single other Tibetan deity that is depicted as receiving fellatio. Fellatio
and other sexual acts without intercourse also serve no reproductive function and thus symbolize pure
pleasure instead of fertility. 94 (Fig. 15) In Tibet, two very distinct styles of Gaṇeśa have thus
developed. One is the wrathful version of Vināyaka, who serves as a protector of Buddhism, and the
87
The text can be found in Duquenne, 325-6.
Pal, Pratapaditya. Ganesh: The Benevolent. (Mumbai: Modern Architectural Research Group Publications,
199): 130.
89
Nagar, 185-6.
90
Getty, 40. Ramachandra Rao, S.K. The Compendium of Gaņeśa. (Delhi: Sri Satguru Publications, 1992): vi.
91
Neogy, Pritwish. "An Ivory Gaṇeśa." Artibus Asiae 11, no. 1 (Artibus Asiae Publishers, 1948): 23-26.
92
Getty, 42. Nagar, 185.
93
Bühnemann, "Erotic Forms of Gaņeśa," 17-9.
94
Bühnemann, "Erotic Forms of Gaņeśa," 19-21.
88
17
other is an erotic version of Gaṇapati in which he is shown being pleasured by goddesses. The Tibetan
yab yum form is similar to the Japanese Dual Kangiten in respect to the representation of two deities in
an erotic posture, but Gaṇeśa was at no point part of this tradition, since his appearance prevented him
from being displayed in this particular style. Yet these developments have proved vital to the
formation of the Japanese Dual Kangiten, as will be explained further on.
2.3. Chinese Interpretations of Gaṇeśa
Unlike Tibet, where mainstream and tantric Buddhism and Gaṇeśa were imported roughly at
the same time, mainstream Buddhism was imported first and influenced the Chinese culture. Tantric
Buddhism was only introduced in the seventh century and brought tantric versions of Gaṇeśa with it.
Mainstream Buddhism had already found its way to China during the fifth century, as it was
introduced by traders and monks who traveled back and forth between India and China. Indian
Buddhist and Hindu art and architecture were quickly adopted and soon became an integral part of the
Chinese culture.95 Early Chinese Buddhism was thus very Indian in character, and it also adopted the
Brāhmanic deities that had been incorporated into the Buddhist pantheon, so that images of these
deites still looked very similar to their Indian representations. Depictions of Chinese Buddhas and
bodhisattvas followed strict rules that were stipulated in iconographic treatises from the Gupta period,
but images of new devas were more open to the interpretation of the artists. This allowed Gaṇeśa’s
Chinese appearance to differ from the original Indian style after he was introduced to China.96
The earliest Chinese image of Gaṇeśa is found on a wall painting in cave no. 285 of the
Mogao Caves in Dunhuang (538-556), where a wrathful Vināyaka is depicted as a protector of
Buddhism.97 This Hindu style fresco was undoubtedly based on art that pilgrims had brought with
them from Tibet and shows the traditional attributes associated with Gaṇeśa.98 Chinese depictions and
statues of Gaṇeśa are extremely rare and only a couple of representations have been found. Fortunately,
Chinese literature provides more information about Gaṇeśa and his interpretation in China.
2.3.1. Gaṇeśa’s First Appearance in China
There is no precise record in reliable Chinese sources of exactly when and how Gaṇeśa was
introduced to China, which leads to believe that, in any case, there was no intention of establishing a
new cult at the time of his importation.99 The Chinese Buddhist canon, however, contains several texts
written by well-known monks, who had returned from pilgrimages to India and Tibet and had left
details of their travels, which allow for a reconstruction of how and when Gaṇeśa was introduced.
These monks brought tantrism, Yogācāra and eventually the Diamond Realm Mandala back to China,
95
Thakur, 10.
Thakur, 66. Getty, 67-8.
97
Sørensen, Central Divinities, 121.
98
Getty, 67-8.
99
Ibid.
96
18
which contained representations of Vināyaka-Gaṇapati.100 During the Tang dynasty, Gaṇeśa (Huanxi
Tian 歓喜天) became a major esoteric deity able to bestow supernatural powers. It is also during Tang
China that his dual form emerged, which was never found outside of China and Japan.101
Texts about the monks Yaśogupta, Buddhanandi and Faxian which contain details of their
travels during the fifth century, state that they brought several Buddha statues back to China, but
provide no references to a statue of Huanxi Tian.102 The Chinese monk Xuanzang 玄奘 (602–664)
who is especially known for his mastery of Yogācāra, left descriptions of worship of an elephantheaded deity in Kapiśā and passed through Dunhuang on his way back from Nālanda, a center of Yoga
esotericism. Yet no evidence exists that he had ever come across Gaṇeśa. His disciple Dōshō 道昭
(629–700) introduced his master’s principles of Yoga and the concept of the mystic union to Japan but
certainly did not introduce Huanxi Tian.103 Upon returning from Nālanda, Xuan Zhao, an illustrious
but mysterious Yoga scholar, was summoned to the court of Tibet, where he could have seen a temple
dedicated to Gaṇeśa. After his return to China at the end of the seventh century, he had received an
audience with the Chinese emperor of which unfortunately no records exist. The nobility, who were
very fond of the tantric occult, would certainly have adopted - and probably propagated - the worship
of an obstacle-removing Gaṇapati. There is however no evidence of a reaction from the court, which
suggests that Xuan Zhao did not introduce Gaṇeśa.104
2.3.2. A Four-legged Gaṇeśa from Endere
In the eighth century, Tibetan armies crossed the Chinese borders and took over Nepal and
Mongolia, after which they settled in Chinese Turkestan. They also brought their perverted form of
Buddhism and their own peculiar deities to China. Two unique four-armed and four-legged
representations of Gaṇeśa can be found in Endere in Chinese Turkestan, and the Dunhuang caves. In
Tibet and Nepal, such four-legged figures were not uncommon, as deities with many limbs usually
represent the physical fusion of deities with their śakti. These śakti were considered inferior and thus
lost their characteristics in the assimilation. This suggests that the unique four legged form of Gaṇeśa
also represents the fusion of Vināyaka-Gaṇapati and his śakti, thus symbolizing the mystic union in a
nonsexual fashion. (Fig. 16)
Not coincidentally, the new dual-bodied Vināyaka-Gaṇapati also appeared in China in the
eighth century, which showed a couple of elephant-headed deities in a nonsexual embrace.105 It is thus
very likely that this unusual four-legged form was reinterpreted by the Chinese in accordance with
100
Ibid. Grimes, 194.
Grimes, 194. Sørensen, Central Divinities, 121.
102
Getty, 67-68.
103
Ibid.
104
Getty, 72-73.
105
Agrawala, Prithvi Kumar. "On a Four-Legged Icon of Gaṇapati from Ghosai." Artibus Asiae 40, no. 4
(Artibus Asiae Publishers, 1978): 307-8. Getty, 72-3.
101
19
popular Taoist ideals. Central to Taoism, however, is the equality of opposite positive and negative,
male and female energies, which probably resulted in the restoration of the four-legged and fourarmed form to two almost identical elephant-headed deities in a nonsexual embrace. This development
would explain why the four-legged form disappeared in China and shortly afterwards a new form
appeared out of thin air.
2.3.3. Some Dual-Vināyaka Sūtras
Starting from the eighth century, textual evidence confirms the introduction of Gaṇeśa and
shows a particular interest in the Dual Vināyaka. These texts were mostly heterodox Buddhist texts
consisting of sūtras (kyō 経), rituals (giki 儀軌) and methods (hō 法). Being mainly magic rituals and
esoteric fringe knowledge, they were only vaguely connected to the mainstream Buddhist doctrine and
gave very different descriptions of Vināyaka-Gaṇapati than traditional Sanskrit literature had done
previously. This does not mean that the importance of these texts should be underestimated, as they
have been translated and introduced by the most prominent translators of Tang esotericism. Most texts
are known primarily through Japanese translations that are now valued by Japanese tantric sects. 106
A number of texts on Gaṇeśa are based on a single Vināyaka-ritual in a collection of dharanis
called Darani-jikkyō (陀羅尼集経107), which already had been translated into Chinese by Atikuta in
653-654. This text is the first literary evidence for the introduction of Gaṇeśa and described rituals to
worship the new Dual Vināyaka.108
Two similar texts attributed to Bodhiruci (Bodairushi 菩提留支, 672-727), the Shijuhō-kyō
(使呪法經) and Dai-Shijuhō-kyō (大使呪法經 109 ), contain the same ritual to appease the Dual
Vināyaka, describe his appearance and contained guidelines for rituals and depictions.
Śubhakarasiṃha (Zenmui 善無畏 637-736) returned from India in 716 with new tantric texts,
which included descriptions of the Dual Vināyaka. The Daishōkangi-sōshin-daijizaiten-binayaka-ōkie-nenju-kuyō-hō (大聖歓喜双身大自在天毘那夜迦王帰依念誦供養法 110 ) mentions new myths
focused on the Dual Vināyaka that are not found in Indian or Sanskrit sources, and is the first text that
associates him with Avalokiteśvara. 111 It also prohibits the placement of his depictions in altar
rooms.112 One of these new myths agrees that Pārvatī and Śiva are his parents, but adds that Pārvatī
106
Duquenne, 321. Getty, 72-3.
Duquenne, 322. Taishō shinshū dai zōkyō: Bekkan Shōwa hōbō sōmokuroku 大正新脩大藏經: 昭和法寶總
目録. (Tokyo: Taishō Issaikyō Kankōkai, 1929–1934): XVIII 901. Subsequent references to the Taishō shinshū
dai zōkyō will be abbreviated to “T.”
108
Krishan, Gaņeśa: Unravelling an Enigma, 167-169. Sanford, James H. "Literary Aspects of Japan's DualGaņeśa Cult." In Ganesh: Studies of an Asian God, by Robert L. Brown, 287-336. (Delhi: University of New
York Press, 1991): 295. Thakur, 44.
109
T. XXI 1267 and T. XXI 1268. Duquenne, 322.
110
T. XXI 1270.
111
Krishan, Gaņeśa: Unravelling an Enigma, 167-169, Sanford, 295.
112
Duquenne, 323-4.
107
20
gave birth to as many as three thousand gods. The gods who came out of her left side were evil and
were led by the demon Vināyaka, whereas the benevolent gods that came out of her right side were led
by a benevolent figure called Senāyaka. To stop this horde of demons, Avalokiteśvara changed into
Senāyaka and embraced Vināyaka, thus calming his rage. A different legend accounts that a certain
king of Marakeira, who ate only radishes and meat, started to eat the people of his kingdom after he
ran out of food. He eventually became even more wicked and turned into the demon king Vināyaka,
who ruled over an army of vināyakas. His people prayed to Avalokiteśvara, who manifested himself as
a female vināyaka, which filled the king with joy. She then convinced him to convert to Buddhism,
which he also did.113
In both cases, the evil nature of Vināyaka is tamed by the seduction of a transformed
Avalokiteśvara in a purely nonsexual way.114 The Indian mystic union of a god and his śakti was thus
reinterpreted by the Chinese as the unity of two independent and contrasting gods, after which new
myths were constructed to explain the association between Vināyaka and Avalokiteśvara. 115
Śubhakarasiṃha also introduced the Mahāvairocanatantra to China (Dainichikyō 大日經116), which
mentions rituals to dispel demons such as vināyakas. These vināyakas are described in its commentary,
called the Dainichi-kyō-shō (大日經疏117), as mental obstructions resulting from an impure mind.
An even more unique interpretation of Gaṇeśa is found in a text translated by Amoghavajra
(Fukū 不 空 705-774), which is titled Makabirushana-nyōrai-jōe-kintō-nyūsammayashin-sōshindaishōkangiten-bosatsu-shugyō-himitsuhō-giki (摩訶毘盧遮那如來定惠均等入三摩耶身雙身大聖
歡喜天菩薩修行祕密法儀軌118). This text associates the Dual Vināyaka with the concentration and
wisdom of Mahāvairocana. The descriptions of rituals such as the sprinkling of his statuette with
sesame oil and the recitation of spells to protect oneself are identical to those in the other Vināyakasūtras, but it opposes the Buddhist rules of conduct when it asserts that fermented beverages should be
consumed as a medicine to remove evil.119 The introduction of these new and unorthodox ideas is not
surprising, as both Amoghavajra and Vajrabodhi are said to have introduced tantrism to China when
they returned from India with mantras, mandalas and the Yoga doctrine.120
Amoghavajra’s work was continued by his disciple Hanguang (Gankō 含光) who left it in a
codified text in 747. 121 He also noted that every tantric ritual should be preceded by a ritual to
Vināyaka-Gaṇapati, as he was the god of beginnings. This codified text links the combination of
Vināyaka and Avalokiteśvara with the sun Buddha Vairocana, and explains that the pair symbolizes
113
Krishan, Gaņeśa: Unravelling an Enigma, 164. Sanford, 297-8. Getty, 83-4.
These myths can also be found in the Kakuzenshō 覚禅鈔 T. 3022.
115
Getty, 83-4.
116
T. XVIII 848.
117
T. XXXIX 1796.
118
T. XXI 1271.
119
Duquenne, 324.
120
Getty, 80-1.
121
T. XXI 1273.
114
21
the material and spiritual aspects of Vairocana.122 His theories were also recorded in a short text by a
certain Jing Se (Keishitsu 憬瑟) called Daishōkangi-sōshin-bināyakaten-gyōzō-bon-giki (大聖歡喜雙
身毘那夜迦天形像品儀軌123) in 774. It also contains descriptions of six-armed (roppi 六臂) and
four-armed (shihi 四臂) forms followed by a list of Gaṇeśa’s numerous names. The text also dictates
that statues should be made in metal, and should show two elephant-headed deities that are facing each
other, with their head on the left shoulder of their partner, and that they should be dressed in long
robes.
124
The text ends with a description of the four six-armed vināyakas from the
Mānavagŗhyasūtra.125
2.3.4. Occult Versions of Vināyaka-Gaṇapati
Other texts describe the worship of a more wicked form of Vināyaka-Gaṇapati, as
demonstrated by the following scriptures. A sūtra called Vajrasattva Teaching the Vināyaka
Attainment Rite (Kongōsatta-setsu-binayakaten-jōju-giki-kyō 金剛薩埵説頻那夜迦天成就儀軌經126),
a somewhat younger black magic guide translated by a different Faxian (Hōken 法賢) in 1001 is also
quite remarkable. It is written later than the other Tang literature which served as the foundation of
both the Shingon and Tendai sects, yet contains very rare black magic rites. It is a list of spells and
rituals in which is appealed to demonic vināyakas to remove one’s enemy, and was deemed so
gruesome that emperor Zhenzong (968-1022) prohibited the translation and circulation of the sūtra in
1017. After this, it was never found quoted in any other text.127
A fairly unknown Ritual to Worship Kumokuten, the Provisional Manifestation of the Golden
Ganapati (Gongen-konjiki-ganabachi-kumokuten-hō 権現金色迦那鉢底九目天法 128 ) describes a
wrathful manifestation of Vināyaka which has three heads with each three eyes, and is called Vajra
Vināyaka. He is described as having four hands which are holding the regular Vedic attributes, and
instructions for setting up an appropriate altar for his statues were also given. 129 This form is
undoubtedly based on the fearsome Tibetan Mahārakta and Heramba Gaṇapati. The manual also
mentions that his depictions must have a serpent-hide around his waist and should be kept from sight
at all times. Offerings should include radishes, cakes, sweets and honey. During rituals, special
attention must also be paid to the threefold harmony of body, speech and mind. The text also states
122
Duquenne, 324.
T. XXI 1274. Getty, 72-3.
124
Getty, 80-1.
125
Duquenne, 325.
126
T. XXI 1272.
127
Duquenne, 325.
128
Text and translation can be found in Duquenne, 333-6.
129
Duquenne, 325-6.
123
22
that if rituals are performed well, they will make Vajra Vināyaka follow one like a shadow in order to
remove or create obstacles.130 (Fig. 17)
This golden Gaṇapati is also described in the Dhāraṇī Sūtra of the Golden Gaṇapati (Konjikiganahachi-darani-kyō 金色迦那鉢底陀羅尼經131) translated by Vajrabodhi (Kongōchi 金剛智 671741). In this text, the Buddha explains to his disciples the proper rites and recitations for the worship
of Gaṇapati and gives instructions on how to paint a traditional six-armed Gaṇapati surrounded by
divine beings.132 This golden Gaṇapati was seen as an obstacle-remover and holds the usual sweets,
sword, mace, noose, vajra and dagger. Once again, strict secrecy of the image is required, and
offerings should include wine, bliss-buns (kangi-dan 歓喜団), honey and fruits.133 (Fig. 18, 19)
Vināyaka was also popular with astrologists. The Rules for the Diviner’s Board of the Holy
Kangiten (Shōkangiten-shiki-hō 聖歓喜天式法134) translated by Prajṇācakra (Hannya Shakara 般若羯
羅) describes the outline of a divination board based on the Indian tradition. The names of the four
directional deities are identical to the names of the four evil vināyakas from the Mānavagŗhyasūtra,
which eventually merged into the proto-Gaṇeśa.
2.3.5. The Construction of the Ryōkai Mandala
Several versions of Gaṇeśa can also be found in what is perhaps the most important product of
Tang tantrism and one of the foundations of Japanese Shingon Buddhism. The Mandala of the Two
Realms (Ryōkai-mandara 両界曼荼羅) is an esoteric two-part mandala which consists of the Womb
Realm Mandala (Taizōkai-mandara 胎蔵界曼荼羅) and the Diamond Realm Mandala (Kongōkaimandara 金剛界曼荼羅) and features six versions of Gaṇeśa in total.
The Taizōkai Mandala was created by Śubhakarasiṃha and was based on Yoga and other
tantric doctrines but initially contained no creatures that resembled Vināyaka or Gaṇapati. The
Kongōkai Mandala attributed to Amoghavajra, however, did contain five vināyakas in its initial draft.
It is still unclear why Amoghavajra incorporated vināyakas into his mandala and Śubhakarasiṃha did
not. Huiguo (746-805), a renowned Yoga master, combined the two mandalas and created the new
composite mandala, of which both parts suddenly contained vināyakas. We can thus safely say that
Huiguo incorporated Gaṇapati into the Taizōkai Mandala, effectively consolidating his position as an
important esoteric god by incorporating him into the Ryōkai Mandala.135 It was Huiguo’s disciple who
subsequently introduced the Mahāvairocanatantra, the Mandala of the Two Worlds, Shingon
Buddhism and Kangiten worship to Japan, all of which will be discussed in the next chapter.136
130
Duquenne, 331-5.
T. XXI 1269.
132
Duquenne, 326.
133
Duquenne, 337-343.
134
T. XXI 1275.
135
Getty, 75-6.
136
Getty, 74.
131
23
Chapter 3: The Japanese Kangiten
Now that the different developments concerning the meaning and representation of Gaṇeśa in
India, Tibet and China have been discussed, their impact on the Japanese interpretation can be
explained. This chapter will give a detailed account of the different representations and identities of
Gaṇeśa that are present in Japan. The reception of the various forms that were introduced through the
Ryōkai Mandala, Buddhist texts and black magic rituals will be contextualized in the religious climate
of Japan. Particular attention is paid to features that differ from other cultures and new interpretations
that could only develop in Japan. Especially the erotic Sōshin Kangiten will be elaborately discussed,
as it is a unique Japanese development.
3.1. The Japanese Religious Landscape
Every nation has its own cultural and religious history that influences how new religious
concepts and divinities are adopted and adapted. Since the Japanese religious climate is quite different
from that of China, Tibet and India, an oversight will first be given of its characteristics, so that the
different forms of Gaṇeśa can be placed in their proper religious and cultural context. The remarkable
interaction between several diverse religious structures in Japan allowed Gaṇeśa not only to gain fame
in all layers of society, but also allowed the creation of completely new forms, which will be discussed
subsequently.
3.1.1. The Introduction of Buddhism and its Art
Buddhism had already found its way to Japan in the sixth century and was made state religion
under Shōtoku Taishi 聖徳太子 (574-621 AD), who also set up trade relations with China.137 Japan at
that time had no real national identity and was thus heavily impacted by the newly imported Buddhism
and its art, as can be seen in the Indian style of many early temples such as the Hōryūji.138 After its
importation, Buddhism was initially only known and practiced by monks and courts, but the new aweinspiring art soon attracted the attention of the common people, which lead to an enormous increase of
the production of statues and relics.139 Consequently, art and architecture from the early Nara period is
sometimes described as the combination of Gupta elements and Chinese influence.140
The Chinese Buddhist pantheon, which included assimilated Brāhmanic and Hindu deities,
was also introduced to Japan and led to a plethora of new Japanized deities such as Taishakuten 帝釈
天 (Indra), Daikokten 大黒天 (Mahākāla/Śiva), Bishamonten 毘沙門天 (Kubera), and after the arrival
137
Furuta, Hikotaro. Influence of India on Buddhist Culture in Japan. CSIRD Discussion Paper, Department of
Japanese Studies, Visva-Bharati University (Kolkata: Centre for Studies in International Relations and
Development, 2006): 1. Thakur, 9.
138
Thakur, 10, 76.
139
Thakur, 13. Furuta, 2.
140
Thakur, 67
24
of tantric Buddhism also Shōten 聖天 (Gaṇeśa).141 These converted gods usually differ little from their
original interpretation and representation, even though some have become powerful protectors of
Japanese Buddhism.142 Shōten, however, is depicted as a male and female couple, which is unlike the
original Indian representation and is also highly unusual for Japanese devas.143 Other Japanese names
for Shōten (Noble God) are Kangiten 歓喜天 (God of Bliss or Deva of Pleasure), Binayakaten 毘那夜
迦天 (Vināyaka) and Ganabachi 誐那缽底 (Gaṇapati).144 (Fig. 20)
3.1.2. The Development of Honji Suijaku and Ryōbu Shintō
Shintō (神道), the indigenous religion of Japan, was focused on nature and ancestor worship
but lacked an overarching philosophy and written doctrine, so that it was perceived as inferior to the
newer Buddhism, which was very complex but well-structured. Instead of having to replace Shintō, a
more efficient way was found to superimpose Buddhism on the indigenous beliefs.145 The trace and
ground paradigm (honji-suijaku 本地垂迹) was developed, according to which Shintō deities (kami
神) were seen as local embodiments of more powerful Buddhist deities, which avoided the need to
use forced conversion.146 Amaterasu Ōmikami 天照大神, the supreme sun god of the Shintō pantheon,
was, for instance, identified with the sun Buddha Mahāvairocana (Dainichi Nyorai 大 日 如 来 ).
Buddhist deities and kami began to be worshipped equally, and twofold Shintō (ryōbu shintō 両部神
道) thus developed. It provided a peaceful solution in which Shintō shrines were placed in custody of
Buddhist temples, and kami occasionally functioned as their guardian deities. 147 Buddhism was
concerned with the mystical search for salvation and thus formed a perfect complement for the more
localized Shintō, which was focused on daily life and the relation with nature. Buddhism also brought
with it new elaborate and impressive art and complicated rituals, contrary to Shintō, which rarely used
imagery for worship.148 During the Late Heian period, indigenous deities started to be modeled after
Buddhist deities and were given Buddhist garments to show their equal power.149 This shows how the
peaceful interaction of Buddhism and Shintō allowed certain concepts and deities to be shared.
141
Furuta, 3.
Thakur, 29.
143
Furuta, 3.
144
Bühnemann, "Erotic Forms of Gaņeśa," 19-20. Krishan, Gaņeśa: Unravelling an Enigma, 163.
145
Furuta, 3.
146
Faure, Unmasking Buddhism, 87. Faure, Bernard. "The Impact of Tantrism on Japanese Religious Traditions:
The Cult of the Three Devas." In Transformations and Transfer of Tantra in Asia and Beyond, by Istvan Keul,
399-410. (Berlin: Walter de Gruyter, 2012): 400. Thakur, 22.
147
Thakur, 22-3.
148
Furuta, 2.
149
Thakur, 40, 71.
142
25
3.1.3. Kūkai and the Ryōkai Mandala
Tantric Buddhism was introduced by the monk Kūkai 空海 (Kōbō Daishi 弘法大師 774-835),
who traveled to China in order to learn the details of a mysterious Chinese Mahāvairocanatantra.150 He
returned from China in 806 and brought the esoteric Mandala of the Two Worlds and Zhenyan
(Shingon 真言), the doctrine of the true words, back to Japan, which he had received from his master
Huiguo. Texts he brought back included Amoghavajra’s translation of this Mahāvairocanatantra and a
translation of the Darani-jikkyō mentioned earlier, two texts which were later incorporated into
Shingon and Tendai Buddhism. Manuscripts of the Shijuhō-kyō and Dai-Shijuhō-kyō are also thought
to have been introduced by Kūkai.151 He then founded the tantric Shingon school (Shingon-shū 真言
宗) based on the texts he brought back from China.152 It is thus evident that worship of Gaṇeśa was
introduced to Japan by Kūkai in 806 at the latest.153
The teachings of Japanese tantric Buddhism (mikkyō 密教) are based upon the theories of the
mystic union of Yoga as well as the union of the two parts of the Mandala of the Two Worlds. The
Ryōkai Mandala symbolizes the unity of the spiritual world and the material world, represented
respectively in the Kongōkai Mandala and the Taizōkai Mandala. (Fig. 21, 22) The central figure of
the Kongōkai Mandala is Mahāvairocana, the cosmic Buddha who represents the soul of the universe.
The Taizōkai Mandala is centered on Vajrasattva (Kongōsatta 金剛薩埵), the material emanation of
Vairocana.154 Whereas most orthodox Buddhist traditions focus on one Buddha, icons of all classes of
divinities are worshipped in esoteric teachings, as can be seen by the vast amount of deities depicted in
the mandalas.155 The mandalas are faithful to the Indian iconography and contain various deities of
Brāhmanic and Hindu origin, including Gaṇeśa.156 These converted Hindu deities usually serve as
guardians of the twin mandalas, after which some can become a more prominent independent deity
(besson 別尊).157 Some converted foreign deities that served as protectors of Buddhism then gained a
powerful wrathful appearance based on Indian and Tibetan tantrism, to emphasize the divine power of
their esoteric and ancient nature. Wrathful deities such as Fudō Myōō 不動明王 are depicted with
more eyes and heads, flames and dangerous weapons, to instill fear into the ignorant and convince
them to convert to Buddhism.158 The Tibetan Vajra Vināyaka is another example of such a deity.
150
Getty Gaṇeśa, 78. Thakur, 33.
Duquenne, 323.
152
Bogel, 252-7. Thakur, 27. Getty, 78.
153
Martin-Dubost, 313.
154
Faure, "The Cult of the Three Devas," 399-402. Thakur, 28.
155
Bogel, 252-7.
156
Getty, 78-9. Thakur, 77.
157
Krishan, Gaņeśa: Unravelling an Enigma, 163. Sanford, 287-8 296-7.
158
Thakur 71.
151
26
3.1.4. Shingon and Secrecy
Japanese tantrism emphasizes worldly benefits, secret rituals, and shortcuts to salvation even
more than Indian tantrism. Shingon in particular attempts to reinterpret and simplify language and
meaning in an attempt to clarify and reorganize Buddhist orthodoxy, thereby focusing on powerful
ancient language and symbolism to replace the superficial and simple teachings of the Buddha, and
provide more direct access to the mystical and incomprehensible fundamentals behind his teachings.159
As Shingon thus explains what orthodox teachings do not, it emphasizes the importance of silence and
secrecy, and makes understanding of the formless essence possible through the use of mudras, seed
syllables and visualization, thereby prioritizing the mystic relation between the performer and the
icon.160 Shingon was initially also very closely related to the imperial family and the ruling elite,
which made the teachings even less accessible to the common people.161 After its rise in popularity,
already existing myths and religious concepts were rewritten to fit into the new esoteric framework,
which led to new interpretations of Onmyōdō 陰陽道 (divination) and new composite religious
structures such as Shugendō 修験道 (mountain asceticism).162
The interconnectedness of the spiritual and material realms leads to rituals and art that are
precisely regulated by Indian and Chinese traditions, which dictate specific rules and procedures for
the construction of statues and the depiction of deities in order to render them sacred.163 Most statues
are made out of wood, and especially statues of Brāhmanic deities are rarely made in metal or stone,
yet guidelines for the construction of statues of Sōshin Kangiten state that his statues are to be created
exclusively out of bronze or copper, and that they are to be worshipped and preserved with great
care. 164 (Fig. 23) Religious art and specifically main objects of worship (honzon 本 尊 ) are not
regarded as merely representations, but are instead considered both spiritual and material
manifestations, and thus an integral part, of the worshipped deity.165 The act of keeping icons from
view bridges the gap between the visible material dimension and the formless spiritual dimension,
thereby making secrecy a key component of the comprehension of both dimensions of a deity, the
universe or enlightenment. Hidden Buddhas (hibutsu 秘仏) are such icons -and thus part of a divinitythat are kept from view to shield humans from their incredible power, and to keep them from spoiling
the pure spirits.166 Some hibutsu are shown to the public on rare occasions, others never, and some
may only be shown to the highest ranking priests. The Kangiten statue at the Heikenji Temple in the
159
Rambelli, "True Words, Silence, and the Adamantine Dance," 391.
Bogel, 252-257. Rambelli, "True Words, Silence, and the Adamantine Dance," 391.
161
Rambelli, "True Words, Silence, and the Adamantine Dance," 379.
162
Faure, "The Cult of the Three Devas," 399-402.
163
Bogel, 252-257. Rambelli, Fabio. "Secret Buddhas: The Limits of Buddhist Representation." Monumenta
Nipponica 57, no. 3 (Sophia University, 2002): 294-5.
164
Thakur, 72.
165
Rambelli, "True Words, Silence, and the Adamantine Dance," 377. Rambelli, "Secret Buddhas," 282-3.
166
Rambelli, "Secret Buddhas," 271, 282-3.
160
27
Kawasaki Daishi complex can for example only be shown to the abbot or high priests.167 Especially
statues of Sōshin Kangiten are kept hidden permanently, since he was brought to life to guard Pārvatī
while taking a bath, and became known as a god of secrecy. Moreover, sexual acts as represented in
statues of Sōshin Kangiten are usually not accepted in Japanese religious art.168
3.2. The Japanese Interpretations of Ganeśa
Prior to his introduction into Japan, Gaṇeśa had already been Buddhicized and reinterpreted in
Tibet and China.169 This was however still a small development compared to the new interpretations
Gaṇeśa would receive here. The traditional Indian Gaṇeśa is only rarely seen in Japan and was only
recently imported by Hindu communities. As part of the Hindu religion, these depictions remained
faithful to the Indian interpretation and representation and thus will thus not be discussed further. (Fig.
24) The different forms of the Buddhist Gaṇeśa that were brought into Japan through mandalas and
magic manuals have each received a different treatment. In order of increasing secrecy and complexity,
these forms are the collective of abstract demons called vināyakas, the single demon-lord Vajra
Vināyaka, the obstacle-removing golden Gaṇapati, and the enigmatic Dual Kangiten, which is the only
form that is still widely worshipped in Japan.
3.2.1. Demon Vināyakas and Kōjin
The first and most basic identity of Gaṇeśa that entered Japan was the collective of evil
vināyakas along with their leader, Vināyaka, who reached Japan through forbidden dark magic
manuals such as the Kongōsatta-setsu-binayakaten-jōju-giki-kyō and the Gongen-konjiki-ganabachikumokuten-hō mentioned in the previous chapter. Ecause of their evil nature, the Chinese were
reluctant to adopt the hordes of vināyakas or their wrathful three-headed leader Vajra Vināyaka into
their pantheon, and merely regarded them as obscure and dangerous minor entitities.
A Japanese description of these vināyakas is found in the Chōseiden 窕誓伝, which was
written by a certain priest Ikū 以空 (death 1670). The text describes vināyakas as wild spirits (kōjin 荒
神) that cause fear and obstacles unless appeased.170 The same description is found in the Kakuzenshō
覚禅鈔171 by Kakuzen 覚禅 (1143-1213), in which the vināyakas are called creators of false thinking
and obstacles. Similar to the embodiment of the Hindu vināyakas in one Vināyaka, Japanese kōjin are
embodied in a single originally Buddhist deity called Sanbō-kōjin 三宝荒神, which has become an
important figure in Shugendō. One of the descriptions of Kōjin, and thus also Vināyaka, states that he
167
Rambelli, "Secret Buddhas," 274.
Faure, "The Cult of Secrecy in Japanese Tantrism," 256.
169
Krishan, Gaņeśa: Unravelling an Enigma, 163. Sanford, 287.
170
Faure, "The Cult of Secrecy in Japanese Tantrism," 259.
171
T. 3022.
168
28
follows individuals like a shadow and creates obstacles. 172 This idea is clearly adapted from the
Gongen-konjiki-ganabachi-kumokuten-hō. A text called the Ritual of Vināyaka in Four Sections
(Shibu-binayaka-hō 四部 毘那夜迦法 173 ) attributed to the Tendai priest Annen 安然 (841-915)
described the delay of the construction of the Jetavana Monastery due to evil spirits. Their leader, an
eight faced demon, appeared and called himself the Raging King of the Three Jewels (Nagyō-Tosajin
那行都佐神). The text then explains that he is actually Kōjin, and Vināyaka. This same scene is
described in the Shintō Zōzōshū 神道雑雑集174, in which the gigantic demon calls himself Sanbō
Kōjin Vināyaka and Nagyō Tosajin. Surprisingly, he also identifies himself as the brother of the
Buddha and boasts that he has an immense amount of followers.175
Four vināyakas can also be found on the four sides of the central court of the Kongōkai
Mandala. These four have been converted to Buddhism and function as protectors against evil and
directional guardians of the mandala.176 (Fig. 25) These figures are evidently the Japanese version of
the four Indian vināyakas that eventually merged into the proto-gaṇeśa. They are Kongōsaiten 金剛嶊
天 (Vajracinna, carrying a parasol) in the east, Kongōiten 金剛衣天 (Vajravāsin, holding a bow and
arrows) in the west, Chōbukuten 調 伏 天 (Vajramukha, holding a sword) in the north, and
Kongōjikiten 金剛食天 (Vajrabhakṣaṇa, holding a garland) in the south.177 These four deities are also
found on some divination boards (shikiban 式版), which have a layout that is very similar to esoteric
mandalas and are used for Onmyōdō. Similarly to their function on the mandalas, they function as
directional deities and are associated with constellations such as the Northern Dipper (Hokutōshichisei 北斗七星) and the Pole Star, which is associated with Dakiniten, the astral fox.178
The Japanese combination of Shintō and Buddhism thus allowed the identification of the
Brāhmanic vināyakas with the indigenous kōjin, and the conflation of their leader Vināyaka with the
Buddhist Sanbō-kōjin, an integration that could not have taken place in China. Yet worship of
vināyakas or Vināyaka is very rare in Japan and has become integrated into the worship of a collective
of abstract protective deities, as benevolent Buddhist deities were considered more popular and potent,
and have overshadowed the worship of minor local deities. It is thus not surprising that Japanese
representations of vināyakas, including the Tibetan Vajra Vināyaka, are virtually nonexistent, both in
art and literature, except for a very few occasions. The four vināyakas that eventually merged into the
proto-Gaṇeśa also seem to have been adopted as minor protective deities of the cardinal directions in
Onmyōdō.
172
Faure, "The Cult of Secrecy in Japanese Tantrism," 258-9.
T. LXXVIII 2536.
174
Quoted in Faure, "The Cult of Secrecy in Japanese Tantrism," 259. Faure, "The Cult of the Three Devas," 402.
175
Faure, "The Cult of Secrecy in Japanese Tantrism," 259-260.
176
Getty, 78-9. Krishan, Gaņeśa: Unravelling an Enigma, 164-7.
177
The North point of the Kongōkai Mandala is located to the right, whereas the north point of the Taizōkai
Mandala is located to the left. Getty, 78. Thakur, 79.
178
Faure, the "The Cult of the Three Devas," 407-8.
173
29
3.2.2. Vināyaka’s Double Nature as Placenta Kōjin
Kōjin’s identification as the brother of the Buddha leads to yet another interpretation of the
demonic Vināyaka that is unique to Japan. If Kōjin is the evil brother of the Buddha, Vināyaka cannot
have been born in the usual way, as the Buddha had no brother. An unusual birth is no strange concept,
however, as Gaṇeśa was supposedly born out of the filth of Pārvati. According to Japanese folklore, he
is thus a placenta spirit (ena-kōjin 胞衣荒神), an evil deity who originates from one’s placenta and
like a shadow follows individuals throughout their life and creates obstacles unless appeased. Rather
than an actual deity, the ena-kōjin is an abstract concept that is usually incorporated into the collective
worship of ancestors and other spirits.179 The Asabashō 阿娑縛抄180, which was written by Tendai
monk Shōchō (1205-1282), explains that this deity transforms from womb guardian to protector of the
house, then to spirit guardian and eventually becomes part of the collective of ancestors. This is
repeated in a variation of the myth of the Jetavana Monastery in the Kōjin-saimon 荒神祭文, in which
Vināyaka not only identifies himself as Kōjin but also as a placenta deity (enagami 胞衣神), childbirth
deity (ubugami 産神) and earth deity. This concept is also expressed in the Kongōkai Mandala, where
one of the four directional vināyakas (Kongōsaiten) is holding a parasol, which symbolizes the
protection of the womb.181
The Tibetan Vajra Vināyaka on the other hand was less well integrated. He was supposedly
identified as Kumokuten in the magic manuals, but lost his iconic three heads and nine eyes in
Japanese representations. He thus lost his main properties and was restored to a less wrathful yet still
evil Vināyaka, who was represented identically to the four vināyakas on the Ryōkai Mandala. This
Vināyaka remained practically unknown after his introduction, and seems to have disappeared entirely,
as next to no Japanese depictions or descriptions have been found of this form.182 (Fig. 26, 27)
A shift in perception thus seems to have taken place concerning the nature of the Japanese
Vināyaka. He became regarded as a personal protective placenta kōjin, which was still evil in nature,
but could be appeased to gain his favour. This new status as protective deity elevated him from his
lowly position in the pantheon as a minor wild spirit to a god capable of controlling one’s fate. It is
thus not surprising that the evil side of the vināyakas and (Vajra) Vināyaka seems to have been
overshadowed completely by the greater prestige of their positive identity, which was absorbed by the
benevolent Gaṇapati, who was also introduced to Japan. This explains the severe lack of Japanese
representations in literature and art of vināyakas, Vināyaka and Vajra Vināyaka.
179
Faure, "The Cult of Secrecy in Japanese Tantrism," 260-2.
Asabashō in T. XCIV 3190.
181
Faure, "The Cult of Secrecy in Japanese Tantrism," 261.
182
Getty, 79-80.
180
30
3.2.3. Gaṇapati and the Three Devas Triad
The second interpretation of Gaṇeśa that was introduced through both magic rituals and the
Ryōkai Mandala was the benevolent Gaṇapati. This obstacle-removing Gaṇapati is found underneath
the guardian of the north in the Kongōkai Mandala, where he is represented in a slightly modernized
version in which he holds a daikon radish instead of his broken tusk.183 (Fig. 25) He can also be found
on the Taizōkai Mandala as the third figure counting down from the top left corner. (Fig. 28) This
Gaṇapati is also located on the north side of the mandala, and is pictured with the same attributes and
appearance, which suggests that they represent the same obstacle-removing Gaṇapati. He has been
incorporated into the twin mandalas to facilitate their visualization and prevent mental obstructions.
The daikon radish is a Japanese replacement for the Indian sugarcane and sweets, and
symbolizes fertility and prosperity, as sugar could only be grown in fertile regions.184 One of the main
symbols of the Honryūin Temple on mount Matsuchiyama near Tōkyō, which is dedicated to the
Eleven Headed Kannon and Shōten, are two daikon radishes with intertwined roots, which represent
Sōshin Kangiten’s boon of fertility. Fermented sugar also leads to intoxication, extasy, and bliss,
which explains the importance of sweets and alcoholic beverages for the worship of Shōten.185 Other
attributes may include a plate of sweets, a cup of wine and weapons.186 This single benevolent Shōten
is only rarely displayed in public, and the number of arms usually ranges from 2 to 6.187 (Fig. 29)
The Golden Gaṇapati mentioned in the Konjiki-ganahachi-darani-kyō also forms a triad with
Dakiniten 枳尼天 (associated with foxes) and Benzaiten 弁才天 (associated with serpents), which is
sometimes even depicted as a single deity with tree heads and six arms. This combined deity is called
God of the Matara (Matarajin 摩多羅神, which refers to the seven pestilence demons called mātrkas),
and was first described in the Gyōki 御記188 by Shukaku Shinnō 守學親王 (1150-1202). The red
colour of Benzaiten’s head symbolizes female blood, whereas the white face of Dakiniten symbolizes
male semen, which ultimately amalgamate into the golden embryo, symbolized by the golden head of
Shōten. This symbolism is interpreted by Shingon master Kakuban 覚鑁 (1095-1143) in his Kangitenkōshiki 歓喜天講式, which states that Shōten is the root of all yin and yang, and the root of all
creation.189 At one point, Matarajin was even appointed as protective deity of the Shingon Tōji temple.
The triad is found on the Kasuga-dakiniten-mandara 春日荼枳尼曼荼羅, where the threeheaded deity is depicted riding on a fox and is surrounded by other deities. Underneath the honzon,
183
Getty, 76.
Rajarajan, 379.
185
Ibid. Bühnemann, "Tantric Worship of Gaṇeśa," 372-3.
186
Krishan, Gaņeśa: Unravelling an Enigma, 166.
187
Frédéric, Louis. Japan Encyclopedia. (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 2002): 470. Thakur, 33.
188
T. LXXVIII, 2493. Faure, "The Cult of the Three Devas," 401.
189
Sanford, 301.
184
31
Kangiten can be found in his erotic double form.190 The mandala of Dakiniten shows a variation of the
triad in which Shōten is one of the lateral heads.191 (Fig. 30, 31)
Some Shintō shrines adopted this triad as well, one of which is the shrine at Inariyama 稲荷山
in Kyōto. The lower, middle and upper shrines of the compound correspond to respectively Dakiniten,
Benzaiten and Shōten, which symbolize the three peaks where Kūkai allegedly found the wishgranting cintāmaṇi. The three devas were also regarded as the traces (suijaku) of the Buddhist
cintāmaṇi. All three control human destiny, have a sinister aspect due to their animal characteristics,
and are seen as deities of fertility, fecundity and wealth. 192
The triad was also adopted by the Tendai school, as the Tendai teachings focus on several
triads, such as the three truths of Tendai (santai 三諦) and the unity of the womb realm, diamond
realm and realization realm. The triad also corresponds to the mysteries of mind, speech and body of
Mahavairocana, as well as the three bodies of the Buddha. Shōten is also seen as the intermediary
body of the Buddha, which represents mutual bliss.193
In Shugendō, the attire of the Yamabushi mountain-ascetics is also in accordance with the
joint performance of the three devas. Their persimmom dress (kakigoromo 柿衣) stands for the astral
fox Dakiniten, the fudō robe (不動袈裟) represents the dragon Benzaiten, and their bandana (zukin 頭
巾) symbolizes the protection of the womb realm, as manifested through Shōten.194
The Buddhist remover of obstacles thus became even more esteemed, as new attributes, such
as the radish, and the association with the cintāmaṇi and other animalistic deities had reinforced his
identity as a god of fate and fertility. Shōten became regarded as a potent guardian of creation and is
still worshipped for fertility and success. His presence in a triad which is worshipped in Buddhism,
Shintō, Shugendō and Onmyōdō has undoubtedly helped to spread his popularity. 195 Surprisingly,
however, depictions of this version of Gaṇeśa are rare and seem limited to a couple of reproductions of
his appearance found in the Ryōkai and Dakiniten Mandalas. Only one statue of this benevolent
Shōten can be found in Japan, and forms a triad with Bishamonten and Benzaiten. (Fig. 32)
3.3. The Esoteric Sōshin Kangiten
The most enigmatic and elusive Japanese version of Gaṇeśa is undoubtedly Sōshin Kangiten, or the
Dual God of Boundless Bliss. The Japanese Dual Kangiten is a couple of elephant-headed deities
sharing an erotic embrace, and represents the unity of contrasting genders and opposites. The principle
190
Faure, "The Cult of the Three Devas," 400.
Faure, "The Cult of Secrecy in Japanese Tantrism," 258.
192
Faure, "The Cult of Secrecy in Japanese Tantrism," 258. Faure, "The Cult of the Three Devas," 405-6.
193
Faure, "The Cult of the Three Devas," 405.
194
Ibid.
195
Ibid.
191
32
that underlies this duality is the myth in which Kannon bosatsu 観音菩薩 (Avalokiteśvara) seduces
the demon Vināyaka and calms him down, resulting in the harmonious mystic union.196
The couple is shown in an intimate embrace, in which the female always stands on top of the
male figure’s feet. Even though they have a more realistic and human appearance than the Hindu potbellied Gaṇeśa, they are sometimes still depicted with traditional Indian elements such as a broken
tusk or more than two arms. 197 The female usually has white-coloured skin and wears a patched
monk’s robe and red surplice, which cover her shoulders. She can be seen having short tusks and
wearing a crown. The male figure is usually red or brown in colour, has a longer trunk and tusks, and
wears a dark robe over at least one shoulder. One way of representing the couple shows the figures’
heads resting on their partner’s shoulder. (Fig. 33) A more sexual representation shows the couple
softly smiling at each other and gazing into each other’s eyes while wearing a single shared garment.
Later expressions can show the couple standing side to side and smiling intently.198 (Fig. 34, 35)
3.3.1. The New Twin Deva
Initially, the meaning and origin of Sōshin Kangiten were unknown to the common people, so
that elements of the myths surrounding the single Vināyaka were used to explain the new dual form.
This however led to even more confusion, as the evil placenta-nature of Vināyaka was mixed up with
the explanation of Sōshin Kangiten as a harmonious union of opposites. The Asabashō for instance
treats the couple identically to the single Vināyaka, stating that Sōshin Kangiten is the placenta in the
womb, a straw hat throughout life and the heavenly canopy during Buddhahood, thereby emphasizing
his role as protector. Shingon priest Shinkō’s (934-1004) Record of Dreams (Shinkō-musōki 真興夢
想気) describes two vināyakas that act as protectors of newborn children in a similar fashion. These
two figures are of course a different interpretation of Sōshin Kangiten. Instead of explaining the nonduality of Kangiten, these two texts simply treat the couple as a double Vināyaka, ignoring his very
essence of the harmony of opposites. The Sacred Scriptures of Shugendō (Shugen seiten 修験聖典),
on the other hand, treat the couple as the union of the demons Nagyō 那行 and Tosa 都佐, and regard
them as personalizations of all the obstacles one can encounter during one’s lifetime.
199
This
explanation not only ignores the essence of Sōshin Kangiten, but also falsely claims that the couple is
maleficent. The confusion about his origin and nature may have been one of the causes for the lack of
well-defined myths and statues of Sōshin Kangiten, but certainly had the positive effect of associating
the couple with other twin or dual figures, which increased its popularity drastically.
Sōshin Kangiten also became associated with the originally Taoist concept of twin devas
(gushōjin 具生神), two gods that are born together with an individual and stay at his side for the rest
196
Frédéric, 470. Sanford, 289.
Getty, 79-80.
198
Getty, 81-2. Sanford, 293, 289.
199
Faure, "The Cult of Secrecy in Japanese Tantrism," 260-2.
197
33
of his life. They are usually each other’s opposite and report both good and bad actions to the gods.
This concept is found in the pair of attendants of Jizō bosatsu 地藏菩薩, called Shōzen 掌善 (dressed
in white and controller of good) and Shōaku 掌悪 (dressed in red and controller of evil). Another
instance of these gods is the pair of scribes of Enmaten 焔魔天: the Controller of Life (Shimei 司命)
and Controller of the Registers (Shiroku 司録), who list a person’s deeds upon their arrival at King
Enma’s court in hell. It is thus not surprising that Shōten is found in the Enmaten Mandala 閻魔天曼
荼羅.200 (Fig. 36) Some early representations of Sōshin Kangiten displayed the female with an open
mouth and the male with a closed mouth, and were based upon the similar representation of the Niō 仁
王, a combined entity of two powerful temple guardians. The open-mouthed guardian (Agyō 阿形)
symbolizes the material womb realm and is complemented by the closed-mouthed figure (Ungyō 吽
形), who represents the spiritual diamond world, which together embody both parts of the universe
according to Shingon Buddhism. Other couples they are associated with are the furious representation
of Dainichi, Fudō Myōō 不動明王, and the king of sexual bliss, Aizen Myōō 愛染明王.201
A lot of confusion thus surrounded Sōshin Kangiten when he was first seen by common
people. The union of opposites that the couple used to represent before it entered Japan, was initially
forgotten or ignored, but associations with other twin deities earned it some popularity. Eventually,
Sōshin Kangiten became associated with the Niō and the combination of Fudō Myōō and Aizen Myōō,
both of which represent the non-duality of the material and spiritual world, a core concept of Shingon
Buddhism. It is thus evident that the dual nature of Sōshin Kangiten was very well received in Japan,
and even though his original meaning was almost lost, allowed him to rise in popularity so that even to
this day the couple is still worshipped for material wealth and harmonious relationships.202 One of the
only statues of Sōshin Kangiten open to the public is found in the Torimi Jinja shrine in Shizuoka. (Fig.
37) The Tendai Hōkaiji-temple complex in Kamakura, for instance, contains a small enshrinement
next to the main hall which contains a thirteenth or fourteenth century statue of Sōshin Kangiten.
Unfortunately, it is permanently hidden from the public like most statues of Kangiten. The profound
integration of the twin Kangiten, however, suggests that he was not at all conceived as a minor deity,
especially in the Shingon sect.
3.3.2. Sōshin Kangiten as a Transcendental Esoteric God
The most curious aspect of Sōshin Kangiten is not his unusual depiction as an elephant-headed
couple, but the unique reinterpretation of his previous features that eventually led to an erotically
embracing couple. Sōshin Kangiten appears similar to the Chinese Huanxi Tian, but unlike the
Chinese depiction, erotic elements such as protruding genitals or widely opened eyes are usually
200
Faure, "The Cult of Secrecy in Japanese Tantrism," 258-262.
Getty, 81-2.
202
Krishan, Gaņeśa: Unravelling an Enigma, 163. Sanford, 287.
201
34
present in Japanese representations.203 The erotic aspect in these Japanese representations thus cannot
have originated in China. Erotic representations in India on the other hand were restricted to deities
fondling their śakti, which were slightly smaller human figures which were sitting on the knee of their
god. Sōshin Kangiten is very dissimilar to this representation, however, as both figures have an
elephant’s head and have an almost identical form and posture. Tibetan erotic art, on the other hand, is
perhaps the most explicit of all types of Buddhist representation, as it often shows humanoid deities
having intercourse. Yet it did not allow an elephant-headed couple to be depicted in the Tibetan yab
yum dual style. It seems thus that the Japanese erotically embracing Sōshin Kangiten is a combination
of the Chinese prudish dual Huanxi Tian who represented the mystic union of good and evil, and the
Tibetan fashion of representing blissfully copulating deities. 204 The most reliable reproduction of
Sōshin Kangiten can be found in statuettes that are modeled after the main relics of Shingon temples.
(Fig. 38)
Not only was Sōshin Kangiten associated with other twin deities and good fortune, his
reputation as a god who equals the mystic union was especially popular in the tantric Shingon sect,
where he still is an important and very secretive deity. 205 Whereas the Chinese Huanxi Tian
symbolizes the divine union in a nonsexual fashion, this concept is interpreted in light of the duality of
the Twin Mandala and the teachings of Yoga within the Shingon tradition.206 The union between the
male Vināyaka and female Kannon (in some myths manifested through Sēnayaka) is regarded as the
non-duality of the Womb and Diamond Realm Mandalas.207 This is also expressed in his association
with the Niō and the contrasting wrathful Fudō Myōō (representing the material realm) and loving
Aizen Myōō (representing the spiritual realm). The couple thus not only represents the harmony of
opposites, but embodies the union of the male universal spirit (as represented by Vairocana and the
diamond realm) and the female primordial essence (as represented by Kannon and the womb realm).208
Sōshin Kangiten was thus considered a powerful and all-encompassing deity, and a perfect
manifestation of the teachings of the Shingon tradition. The Japanese twin form thus started to receive
two different interpretations, even though they were based on the same Sōshin Kangiten. The common
people started to regard Kangiten as giver of fertility and wealth, whereas the Shingon cult created a
more complex and esoteric interpretation. Representations of the popular version are usually nonerotic, whereas hidden representations of the esoteric version contain erotic elements. A secret
mandala of Sōshin Kangiten and four directional Vināyakas can be found in Kōyasan, the main temple
of Shingon Buddhism. (Fig. 39)
203
Hanan, Patrick. Treasures of the Yenching: the Seventy-fifth Anniversary Exhibit Catalogue of the HarvardYenching Library. (Cambridge: The Harvard-Yenching Library of the Harvard College Library, 2003): 245-6.
204
Bühnemann, "Erotic Forms of Gaņeśa," 20.
205
Krishan, Gaņeśa: Unravelling an Enigma, 163, 167.
206
Getty, Gaņeśa, 29. Rao, 44-5. Bakshi, Dwijendra Nath. Hindu Divinities in Japanese Buddhist Pantheon : a
Comparative Study. (Calcutta: Benten Publishers, 1979): 90-105. Thakur, 33.
207
Faure, "The Cult of the Three Devas," 399-402.
208
Getty, 80, 83-4.
35
His new transcendental status in the Japanese pantheon is illustrated in the Bikisho 鼻帰書,
which states that Sōshin Kangiten is Enmaten in the underworld, Shōten among the devas, a twin deva
among men, and Susanoo no Mikoto among kami. It adds that all of these are transformations of
Shōten.209 As an astral and all-encompassing deity, he was also regarded as a form of the god of
destiny (shukujin 宿神). This elusive and abstract god always remains hidden, but his influence
reaches from the womb to the Northern Dipper and the court of King Enma. Additionally, these dark
places are only accessible by gods that have a dark side, which Sōshin Kangiten indeed has. 210
Whereas initially Gaṇeśa was only worshipped as god of beginnings, he thus eventually became a
honzon and subsequently ascended to a hibutsu. As a ruler of the hidden dimension between being and
non-being, and a controller of the conception of reality, he became in a sense more powerful and secret
than the supreme deity Dainichi himself.211
3.3.3. Rituals and Worship of Sōshin Kangiten
Even though Sōshin Kangiten embodies peace and harmony, his dark past remains an
important part of his identity. Several accounts exist of historical figures who used rituals for Kangiten
to eliminate opponents. A legend says that during a ritual centered on Fudō Myōō by the Tendai preist
Son’i 尊意 in 940, which had as a goal to put an end to the rebellion of Taira no Masakado, a statuette
of Shōten flew off a side altar, after which the head of Masakado fell on the main altar. This statuette
was allegedly brought from China by the Tendai priest Ennin 円仁 (794-864) who mounted it on the
stern of his boat to ensure a safe passage, and is now enshrined at the Zentōin 前唐院 on Mount
Hiei.212 Son’i also used rituals to get Shōten to calm the vengeful spirit (onryō 怨霊) of Sugawara no
Michizane, that had caused havoc in the capital ever since the latter died on an island after having been
accused of a conspiracy. It is also recorded that in 1329, Emperor Go Daigo (1288-1339) performed
several dark magic rituals, including the ritual pouring of oil over a statue of Shōten, in order to get rid
of the shogunate.213
There are about 240 shrines and temples that contain images of Sōshin Kangiten, yet most are
kept from view. 214 Especially his honzon statues are kept hidden in zushi cases or phallus-shaped
covers. (Fig. 40) There are only a few descriptions of recent Kangiten worship, but it is safe to assume
that rituals and depictions have remained virtually identical to those in the Chinese texts, since
especially Shingon esoteric Buddhism emphasizes the authenticity and potency of traditional rites and
iconographical features.215 Fire rituals (goma 護摩) dedicated to Fudō Myōō are often initiated by a
209
Faure, "The Cult of Secrecy in Japanese Tantrism," 263. Faure, "The Cult of the Three Devas," 404.
Faure, "The Cult of Secrecy in Japanese Tantrism," 263-264.
211
Faure, "The Cult of Secrecy in Japanese Tantrism," 259. Faure, "The Cult of the Three Devas," 402.
212
Faure, "The Cult of Secrecy in Japanese Tantrism," 257, 265.
213
Ibid.
214
Krishan, Gaņeśa: Unravelling an Enigma, 163. Thakur, 44.
215
Grimes, 194.
210
36
ritual dedicated to the mystic Sōshin Kangiten in his function as god of beginnings, and during
ceremonies dedicated to Kangiten, his statue is immersed in purified water or oil. 216 During these
ceremonies, incense is lit, tantric texts are chanted and his statues are usually accompanied by a statue
of Kannon nearby, which is also involved in the ritual.217 The Gumyō-ji temple in Yokohama for
instance, is dedicated to the Eleven Headed Kannon, but a metal statue of Sōshin Kangiten is found in
the same complex, which is permanently hidden from the public. 218 Similarly, a decrepit statue of
Sōshin Kangiten is found near a temple dedicated to Kannon in Chiba Prefecture. (Fig. 41) More
common and accessible than the worship of the mystic and cosmic Sōshin Kangiten is the worship of
Shōten as the giver of luck, joy and prosperity, the popular twin version that is devoid from its cosmic
connotation and secrecy. This benevolent Dual Shōten can occasionally be seen at temple entrances.
The couple used to be worshipped by gamblers, actors, geishas and prostitutes starting from the
medieval period. 219 He was especially popular with oil traders in and around Ōsaka during the
Genroku era (1688-1704). 220 The Hōzanji temple on mount Ikoma, Nara Prefecture, has a Sōshin
Kangiten statue as honzon that was especially loved by merchants.221 The image is said to be a gilt
bronze image of Sōshin Kangiten from the Heian period, but is now permanently hidden under a
phallic cover. In more recent times, traders and merchants still worship him for material wealth, as
well as young couples, who seek successful relationships. Offerings to this popular Shōten should still
include kangi-dan, fruits such as pomegranates or radishes, and sake or wine in order to receive
material wealth and success in love in return.222
216
Faure, "The Cult of the Three Devas," 402. Krishan, Gaņeśa: Unravelling an Enigma, 163. Sanford, 287.
Getty, 82-3.
218
Krishan, Gaņeśa: Unravelling an Enigma, 163. Sanford, 287.
219
Ibid. Frédéric, 470.
220
Hanan, 245-6.
221
Getty, 80. Thakur, 34.
222
Bühnemann, "Erotic Forms of Gaņeśa," 19-20. Krishan, Gaņeśa: Unravelling an Enigma,163. Sanford, 287.
217
37
Conclusion
After having reconstructed the evolution of Gaṇeśa, it has thus become apparent that the
Japanese Sōshin Kangiten is the product of several unique interactions between the very different
religious and cultural spheres of India, Tibet, China and Japan.
The Brāhmanic Gaṇeśa, who came into existence after several elephant-headed demons
merged into one, used to be a demon-lord and a creator of obstacles before his identity was rewritten
during the heyday of Hinduism, after which Gaṇeśa became a remover of obstacles. Today he is still
worshipped for good fortune in India and large parts of South- and East-Asia. The Hindu Gaṇeśa had
then been forced to convert to Buddhism as he can be seen being trampled by Buddhist protectors. The
new Buddhist Gaṇeśa was thus seen as an obstacle itself, so that both the obstacle-creating and
obstacle-removing identities of Gaṇeśa were adopted. These two interpretations gradually split and
started to be considered as separate entities. The positive Gaṇapati was worshipped for good luck
whereas the negative Vināyaka was worshipped in dark magic rituals for the creation of disturbances.
Gaṇeśa was also adopted by the Yogacarins and started to be portrayed with a consort, which
represented the union of his male power and his opposite female creative power, also called the mystic
union.
When Gaṇeśa reached Tibet, Vināyaka became represented in a typical Tibetan fashion which
gave him a very fearsome appearance. Tibetan art can also be considered very perverted, as it often
depicts gods during intercourse. Gaṇeśa was however never depicted as having intercourse with his
consort, because his abnormal appearance prevented him from being adopted into this tradition. The
fearsome Vināyaka can, however, be seen in erotic depictions, where he receives oral sex from other
goddesses. Even though Tibet has the most erotic Buddhist art, the Japanese Sōshin Kangiten form did
not originate here, as the Tibetans considered his appearance unsuitable, and consorts in the Tibetan
fashion are represented exclusively as fully human figures.
In China, Taoist influences led to the re-interpretation of the mystic union between gods and
their śakti. Opposite forces of contrasting pairs are equal in power and size, according to Taoism,
which resulted in the depiction of Vināyaka and his consort as two equally sized elephant-headed
figures in a non-erotic embrace. The female counterpart to Vināyaka was also for the first time
associated with Avalokiteśvara, the Buddhist bodhisattva of mercy, who stands on Vināyaka’s feet to
calm his anger. This new form thus represented the mystic union of Yoga in a new Chinese nonerotic
fashion. Gaṇeśa’s purely demonic side, Vināyaka, and his positive side, Gaṇapati, were also imported
to China, but remained less popular.
The fluent internal interaction between Japanese religions allowed the newly imported forms
of Gaṇeśa to be integrated into the indigenous beliefs very easily. The evil vināyakas that eventually
formed the proto-Gaṇeśa were identified as vengeful spirits that could be appeased to prevent them
from causing obstacles. Once appeased, these demons were regarded as personal protective deities
38
capable of guarding and generating life. These evil vināyakas and their leader Vināyaka eventually
disappeared, as their dark background and mediocre positive power did not receive enough attention
and popularity. The protective aspect of these vināyakas, however, became attributed to the benevolent
single Shōten, who found a permanent place in triads that were worshipped by Tendai Buddhism,
Shintō and Shugendō alike. There, his power as a guardian of creation and beginnings allowed him to
be seen as the creator of life, so that he became known for his ability to bestow fertility and wealth
upon those who worship him. Once more, however, Shōten’s positive characteristics were attributed to
another form of Gaṇeśa, which resulted in the disappearance of the Shōten form and the rise in
popularity of the new and mysterious Sōshin Kangiten.
The Japanese erotically embracing Sōshin Kangiten is the combination of the erotic aspect of
Tibetan tantric art and the Chinese interpretation of supreme Yoga. His association with the already
very popular Kannon Bosatsu and several other deities that express duality caused him to be seen as
their overarching patron, as the embodiment of all dualities. He became regarded not only as the
guardian of creation and life, but became associated with the womb realm and diamond realm of the
Ryōkai Mandala. This meant that Sōshin Kangiten came to embody the teachings of the Shingon sect,
and even embodied the whole universe. This development then caused Sōshin Kangiten to be regarded
as a supreme deity by the Shingon sect. His new high status made him so powerful that his statues are
kept hidden from view, which explains the lack of representations. The association of Sōshin Kangiten
with dark magic rituals is also not surprising, as the negative aspect of Gaṇeśa, which is often
forgotten, is a very important part of his identity in Japan.
Even though the starting point of this search was to find the significance of this one particular
form, it has thus become clear that Sōshin Kangiten is not the only interpretation of Gaṇeśa that is
present in Japan. The different stages in his evolution had created several interpretations that stuck
with Gaṇeśa as he traveled from culture to culture. Most Asian religions have only adopted the
positive Hindu Gaṇeśa, but the peculiar religious climate in Japan and the unique interactions between
several cultures and religions have allowed the development of several peculiar forms. In total, these
figures can thus be divided into four major appearances based on their degree of secrecy.
The most exoteric form is the collective of obstacle-creating vināyakas and their leader Vajra
Vināyaka. These demons were integrated smoothly into the indigenous Shintō and other marginal
popular beliefs as twin deities and placenta deities. Their evil nature, however, made them become
frowned upon by Buddhists, so that eventually these figures disappeared into the collective of
ancestors and guardian deities that are worshipped for the prevention of obstacles and general good
fortune. The fearsome Tibetan Vajra Vināyaka was considered too evil by Buddhists, who eventually
also found him unworthy of worship. Even if he was appeased, he was still overshadowed by his evil
past, which eventually led to the disappearance of all representations related to vināyakas.
The obstacle-removing Gaṇapati, commonly referred to as Shōten, occupies the neutral degree
of secrecy. This form is the most similar in meaning to the popular Hindu Gaṇeśa and serves as a
39
protective deity that grants fortune and wealth. This is nothing special for a Japanese deva, however,
so that this mediocre form could not gain enough popularity to earn a place in the Japanese pantheon
as an independent deity. This form did manage to gain some popularity as part of a triad, in which his
role as creative deity and grantor of fertility was emphasized. Only a couple of representations of this
single Shōten have been found as, once again, his popularity was overshadowed by the mysterious
Dual Kangiten.
The esoteric Sōshin Kangiten is worshipped by the public for prosperity and fertility, but his
statues are always kept hidden, imbuing him with power, yet keeping him partially accessible to the
public in closed constructions. This form was probably created after a composite Tibetan image
representing the mystic union of Yoga was reinterpreted and split into two individuals by the Chinese.
This form is usually not shown with erotic connotations as it is represented more or less faithful to the
Chinese representation. The twin form became popular after it was associated with other twin figures
that already existed in Japan, and can be found near a limited number of temples.
Representations of the extra-esoteric version of Sōshin Kangiten are never showed to the
public and are permanently kept hidden inside Shingon temples. This erotic dual form was brought
into Japan by the founder of the Shingon cult and is considered the embodiment of its teachings. The
mystic and sexual union of the wild Vināyaka with the calming Kannon Bosatsu embodies the
supreme union of the spiritual and material realms, which means that Sōshin Kangiten is seen as the
creator and governor of the universe, and is regarded as similar in status to the esoteric supreme god
Vairocana.
The story of Gaṇeśa is thus one of constant reinterpretation and recontextualization, which in
combination with the unique cultural and religious interactions between India, Tibet, China and Japan,
have allowed him to become a supreme deity. Ironically, the remarkable rise of Gaṇeśa from a demon
to a supreme god had made him considered so powerful that he is now kept hidden almost
permanently, which makes many wonder what happened to Gaṇeśa, and who this curious twin god is.
What made his evolution especially unique from that of other gods, however, is the constant
reinterpretation of his dark past, his underbelly, as it were.
40
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43
Appendices
(All used illustrations are part of the public domain unless specified otherwise)
Fig. 1a. Sōshin Kangiten.
Fig. 1b. Sōshin Kangiten.
Late 18th century painting by Shorokuan Ekicho. Wooden sculpture, ca. 50 cm.
In Burham, 103.
Musée Guimet, Oriental Arts Exposition 2006
44
Fig. 2. Vināyaki .
Terracotta plaque.
Rairh Rajasthan, ca 1st century BCE to 1st century CE.
In Mundkur, 29.
45
Fig. 3. A row of five elephant-headed vināyakas on a stone relief.
Mathura, 2nd-3rd century.
Mathura Museum, No. 2335.
In Agrawala, "Some Varanasi Images of Gaṇapati," 143.
Fig. 4. Stone statue of a fully evolved Gaṇeśa.
Mathura, 4th century.
Mathura Museum, No. 758.
In Agrawala, "Some Varanasi Images of Gaṇapati, " 143.
46
Fig. 5. Marble Gaṇeśa.
Kabul, 5th century.
In Krishan, "The Origins of Gaṇeśa," 294.
Fig. 6. Eight-armed Gaṇeśa
Pala period (8-12th century)
Lucknow Museum
In Krishan, "The Origins of Gaṇeśa," 295.
Fig. 7. Gaṇapati seated inbetween the seven pestilence mothers.
Ellora caves 14, 7th century
In Krishan, "The Origins of Gaṇeśa," 296.
47
Fig. 8. Gaṇeśa writing down the Mahābhārata.
17th century watercolor and gold painting.
Fig. 9. Typical yab yum style fresco of Akshobya and his consort.
Yamantaka Temple, Tsaparang, Tibet.
48
Fig. 10. Maharakta Ganapati “The Great Red One.”
Fifteenth century canvas painting, Central Tibet.
In Burham, 102.
Fig. 11. Heramba Gaṇapati with śakti.
18th century ivory statue from Nepal.
Identical to Neogy, 24-5.
Fig. 12. Tibetan Heramba Gaṇapati.
In Getty, Gaṇeśa, plate 21.
49
Fig. 13. Bronze Ājñāvinivarta Gaṇapati.
In Bühnemann, "Erotic Forms of Gaņeśa," 27.
Fig. 14. Red Four-armed Gaṇapati
19th century Tibetan pigment on cotton.
Rubin Museum of Art, no. 207
Fig. 15. Nepalese Gaṇeśa with śakti.
In Bühnemann, Erotic Forms of Gaņeśa, 26.
50
Fig. 16. Four-legged Gaṇeśa.
Painting from Endere, Chinese Turkestan.
In Getty, Gaṇeśa, plate 35.
Fig. 17. Kumokuten.
Gongen-konjiki-ganabachi-kumokuten-hō.
In Duquenne, 330.
Fig. 18. Golden Ganapati with arm variations.
Konjiki-ganahachi-darani-kyō.
In Duquenne, 340.
51
Fig. 19. Chinese Vināyaka.
Sino-Tibetan print from the Qing dynasty.
In Sørensen, Central Divinities, 123.
Fig. 20. Japanese Kangiten.
In Getty, Gaṇeśa, plate 38.
52
Fig. 20. Kongōkai Mandala.
9th century national treasure.
Tōji Temple, Kyōto.
53
Fig. 22. Taizōkai Mandala.
9th century national treasure.
Tōji Temple, Kyōto.
54
Fig. 23. Dual Kangiten.
16th century bronze from Naha, Okinawa.
Okinawa Prefectural Museum.
Fig. 24. Indian Gaṇeśa.
Bronze statue imported from India.
Zenyōji Temple, Kyōto.
55
Fig. 25. Detail of the central court of the Kongōkai Mandala.
13th century color on silk hanging scroll.
Nara National Museum.
56
Fig. 26. Six-armed Shōten.
Original from Heian period Besson-zakki 別尊雑記 by Shinkaku 心覚 (1117-1180), kept in Kōyasan.
Color reproduction Taishō-shinshō-daizokyō Image Section, vol. 3 p. 721.
57
Fig. 27. Mandala of Kangiten.
Kangiten-mandara-zu 歓喜天曼荼羅図, 19th century hanging scroll.
Boston Museum of Fine Arts.
58
Fig. 28. Detail of the Taizōkai Mandala.
Taizōkai Mandala in the Kojima-dera Temple Takatori, Nara.
Taishō-shinshō-daizokyō Image Section vol. 3 p. 712.
Detail on the right: Kangiten on the Taizōkai Mandala in the Ninna-ji Temple, Kyōto.
59
Fig. 29. Four-armed Vināyaka.
Original from Heian period Besson-zakki 別尊雑記 by Shinkaku 心覚 (1117-1180), kept in Kōyasan.
Color reproduction Taishō-shinshō-daizokyō Image Section vol. 3 p. 720.
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Fig. 30. Kasuga Dakiniten Mandala.
Kasuga-dakiniten-mandara-zu 春日荼吉尼天曼荼羅図, 14th century color on silk painting.
Bostom Museum of Fine Arts, Kajima Catalog, Vol 1: Chapter 1, no. 143 pp. 21.
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Fig. 31. Mandala of the Three Devas.
Dakiniten Mandala 荼吉尼天曼荼羅図, 15th century color on silk painting.
Ōsaka Municipal Museum of Fine Arts.
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Fig. 32. Shōten in a triad of Benzaiten, Kangiten and Bishamonten.
Outside the Daishō-in Temple, Miyajima.
Fig. 33. Sōshin Kangiten.
Original from Heian period Besson-zakki 別尊雑記 by Shinkaku 心覚 (1117-1180), kept in Kōyasan.
Color reproduction Taishō-shinshō-daizokyō Image Section vol. 3 p. 724.
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Fig. 34. Sōshin Kangiten.
Original from Heian period Besson-zakki 別尊雑記 by Shinkaku 心覚 (1117-1180), kept in Kōyasan.
Taishō-shinshō-daizokyō Image Section vol. 7 p. 711.
Fig. 35. Sōshin Kangiten.
Tōji-in Temple, Kyōto
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Fig. 36. Enmaten Mandala.
13-14th century zushi dedicated to Aizen Myōō.
Tōkyō National Museum, 140th anniversary exhibition, fall 2012.
Fig. 37a. Kangiten shrine.
Constructed 1771, Torimi-jinja, Hamamatsu, Shizuoka.
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Fig. 37b. Kangiten shrine
Constructed 1771, Torimi-jinja, Hamamatsu, Shizuoka.
Fig. 38. Sōshin Kangiten.
Bronzes from an antique shop in Kyōto, modeled after the statues in Hōzanji Temple, Mount Ikoma.
In Bühnemann, "Erotic Forms of Gaņeśa," 28.
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Fig. 39. Secret Mandala of Shōten 聖天秘密曼荼羅図.
Edo Period hanging scroll.
Kongōbu-ji Temple, Kōyasan.
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Fig. 40a. Kangiten and linga-shaped cover.
In Getty, Gaṇeśa plate 38a.
Fig. 40b. Kangiten statue in a zushi.
In Getty Gaṇeśa, plate 38b.
Fig. 41. Sōshin Kangiten.
Statue outside Kannon-ji Temple, Kashiwa, Chiba Prefecture.
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