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JEROME LECTURES
'Ihornas
B.vhis wili, Mr.
Sl'encer]eronteendowedthe lectureshipthat
bearshis name. It is jointly administered
by the Universityof Michigan and tie AmericanAcadenryin Rome,and the lecturesfor which it
providesare deliveredat both institutions. They dealwith phasesof
the iristory or culture of the Romansor of peoplesincludedin the
Roman Empile.
F. E,.Adcocl<,RomanPoliticalldeasand Practice
G. W. Bowersocl<,
Hellenismin LateAntiquity
'fhe
Riseand Fall of StatesAccordingto Greek
]acquelinede Romilly,
Authors
and Poliicsin rheEarlyRoman
Claude Nicolet,Space,Geography,
Empire
MassinroPallottino,A Historyof Earliestltaly
Brunildc S.Ridgway,RomanCopiesof GreekSculpture:T'heProblem
of the Originals
Lily RossTaylor, Roman VotingAssemblies:
From the Hannibalic
War to theDictatorshipof Caesar
Mario Torelli,7'ypologyand Structureof RomanHistoricalReliefs
Paul Zanker,ThePowerof Imagesin theAgeof Augustus
SIXTEENTH SERIES
The Powerof Images
in the Ag. of Augustus
Paul Zanker
Tlanslated by Alan Shapiro
Ann Arbor
THE UNIVERSITY OF MICHIGAN
PRESS
17Z
fhe Pouer of lmages in the Age of Augustus
Homewards now I carry my trust that Jove and
All the gods have heard rheseenrreaties:I am
Phoebus'and Diana's instructed chorus.
Hymning their praises.
The poem's themes and imagery refer ro the rituals just enactedin the
previous few days, and imagesof Apollo and Diana and of the astral divinities identified with them, Sol and Luna, could be seenby rhe participantsrn
the festival all over the temple precinct. By this time the SybillineBooks had
most likely already beenpurged by the collegium of the XV uiri and were in
the cella of the temple. They were kept in rwo golden containersin the base
of the cult statue group; on the basea kneeling Sibyl stood for the power of
the propheciesas guarantors of the future (cf. fig. 185). But the stare'sreal
hope for the future, its children, was vividly embodied in the moving image
of the young singers.Each elementwas bound up with rhe others, forming
a Gesamtkunstuerk at every level of meaning. This one example givesus
some notion of many other, now lost festivalsand rituals.
"tK
The Imagery of Fertility and Abundance
Over the next severalyears a new set of imagessymbolizing the blessingsof
abundanceappearedon the most varied monuments.As in the rituals of the
SecularFestival,the focus was on the promise of fertility in nature-and of
coursein men and women too. If Roman societywas not preparedto accept
the political program of moral renewal, either directly or as expressedin
terms of the blessingsof children, it took up enrhusiasticallythe vision of
the aurea aetas. The campaign to encouragethe procreation of children
failed, but in the visual imagery it was maintained at a subliminal level.The
processis here indicative of what the future would hold. Vhether a political
act of Augustus was a successor failure was of secondaryimportance; the
imagery of lasting happinesstranscendedany reality and eventually came
to shapethe common perception of reality. The earliestand most elaborate
composition of this type is the so-calledTellus relief on rhe Ara Pacis(figs.
1 3 5 ,1 3 5 ) .
A matronly deity in classicizingdrapery sits in dignified posture on her
rocky seat.She holds in her arms two babieswho reachfor her breast,while
her lap is filled rvith fruit and her hair adorned with a wreath of grain and
poppies. More corn, poppies, and other plants are prominently displayed
growing behind her. The woman's physical presence,her posture and garment are evidently intended to invoke many different associationsin the
viewer. But whether we wish to call this mother goddessVenus,becauseof
Fig. 135. Rome, Ara Pacis.Pax, goddessof Peace.Detail of figure 135.
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174
The Power of lmages in the Age of Augustus
Fig. 136. Ara Pacis.Paxwith symbolsof fertility.Paxis likenedboth to the earth
goddess
Tellusand to Venuswho dispenses
fertility.
the motif of the garment slipping off the shoulder,Ceres,on account of the
veil and stalks of grain, or the earth goddessTellus,becauseof the landscape
and rocky seat, it is immediately obvious that she is a divinity whose domain is growth and fertility.
The many-sided and eclectic iconography of the figure realizesin visual
terms the varied promise of similar divinities in Augustan poetry. Sheis also
typical of the new personified deities of Augustan religion, who had no
traditional mythology. ln the conventional iconography of the gods, a specific position (e.g., Demeter sitting on the ground), dress or attribute was
sufficientto evoke in the viewer an entire myth. Thesenew gods, however,
embodied powers and valuesthat could only be approximated in attributes.
In the caseof our nature or mother goddessthe repertory of attriburesis
especially rich. The composite figure is surrounded by a lush landscape
which is meant to illustrate her powers. The artist has piaced beneaththe
goddess'sseat, on a much smaller scale,a sheepgrazing and an ox at rest,
symbols of the increaseof herds and flocks and of the blessingsof country
life. tsut the figures on either side of he4 aurae, are drawn from Classical
Greek iconography.They are twin embodimentsof the winds on land and
sea. The former rides upon a goose over a stream, representedby an
The Mythical Foundationsof the New Rome
175
upendedwater iar, its banks thick with reeds. The sea breeze,however,
sits on a submissivesea monster, a symbol that even such wild creatures
havebecometame and peace-lovingin the new age.The aurae, whichbring
warmth and rain, are thus also tokens of increaseand fertility, henceclosely
connectedwith the goddessto whom they respectfully turn. This artistic
landscapeis not mere scenery,but rather a symbolic setting, whose various
elementscould be read one by one, the scaleof any one of them altered by
the artist to suit his purpose. The few plants, for example, are overly large
in relation to the animals, the stalks of grain shooting up as if before
the goddess'svery eyes. In this setting even the reeds could be seen as a
symbol of life-giving moisture. The whole composition is like a kind of
icon, or devotional image, in which each element would evoke manifold
associationsin the viewer. The enumeration of the goddess'smany qualities was intended to lead to the veneration of her powers-and those of
Augustus.
Much has been written about the identification of this goddess.Tellus,
Venus,Italia, and Pax can all be supported with appropriate passagesin
Augustanpoetry. But since these same poets use the same motifs for a variety of mythological and allegoricalfigures,and sincethe scenedeliberately
combinesvarious tokens of blessing and happiness,the image itself can
offer no definitive proof for the correct identification. Perhapsthe best candidate is Pax Augusta, especially since the panel decoratesthe Ara Pacis
and, as a pendant on the opposite side, Roma is depicted enthroned on a
mound of armor. The viewer was meant to read the two images together
and understandthe message,that the blessingsof peacehad been won and
madesecureby the newly fortified uirtus of Roman arms. The sameassociation is made in more abstract terms on an altar in Carthage (cf. fig. 247).ln
a different context, the goddesswith suckling babies and fruits can indeed
representTellus, Italia, or Ceres.On the cuirassof the Augustus from Prima
'1.37),
Porta (fig.
for example, the same figure is clearly marked as the earth
mother by her reclining posture and the whole arrangementof the composition. But at the same time, of course, she also stands for the peace and
prosperityof the new age as well. Only here the symbols of her power are
collectedin a cornucopia, as also in the caseof the goddesson the Gemma
Augustea(cf. fig. 182). The mother goddessof Augustan art, whatever we
call her, always embodiesthe sameideas.
The image of Pax (if that is who she is), though filled with symbolism
and capableof conjuring up so many associations,was neverthelesseasyto
read,thanks to the ciearly organized composition. Many of the individual
elementswere already quite familiar to the contemporary Roman, while
others had made a lasting impression in the recent Secular Festival. The
happily grazing sheep and the prominently raised stalks of grain had al-
The Mythical Foundations of the New Rome
175
'fhe
177
I'ower of Images in the Age of Augustus
Tellus,with cornucopiaandchildren'wearrnga
Fie. L37.The earthgoddess
statue'figure148a'
*L"ih of grain.Detiil of the cuirassed
of the promised peace(cf'
ready appearedon colns of 27126B'c' as symbols
readslike a poetic paraphrase
frg. 35c).One stanzaof the carmen scteculcue
had planned it this way:
oithe Pax relief, as if Horace and the sculptor
May our Earth, abundant in fruits and cattle'
Yield the headedgrain as a crown for Ceres;
with wholesomerains and
May our c.ops bt
"t"tured
JuPiter'sbreezes'
of this vision originated in
There can be no doubt that the key elements
up with the program for the
Aog,rrtur', inner circle and are closely bound
SecularFestival.
|nthecarmensaeculare,thepromiseoffertilityisadirectconsEquence
(lines 17*20), and is tied
of political policy; it calls fo, .on...,. realization
of the Ara Pacis'
sculptor
The
directly to Augustus's marital legislation'
It is true that
palatable'
more
however,was able to make the sameimagery
composition'
his
of
center
the celebration of childbearing is brought to the
of happiness'The prin'
but it is incorporated into a Lott general vision
image of affecting beauty to
ceps'spoliticuf prog."* is translated into an
which everYviewer could resPond'
Thevarious.ok.n,,u,,oundingthemothergoddessillustratehowallol
nature is a paradise blessedwith this same fertility. Their symbolism was
evidentlyso familiar to the Romans that they could be used or simply alluded to in the most varied settings, pars pro toto. A good example are rhe
three concave reliefs that once decorated a public fountain in Praeneste.
Their high quality suggeststhat they originated in one of the leading workshopsin Rome (69. 138a-c).
The theme here is the joy of motherhood and the blessingsof offspring in
the animal kingdom. On each relief a mother sucklesher young, while besidethe group is a spring alluding to the fountain's purpose. As on the Pax
relief, the symbolic meaning is emphasized by an original composition.
Eachanimal group appearsself-contained,within a cave,and is pushedinto
the foreground. But above the caves,significantly enlarged symbols allude
to other messages:the princeps'soak leavestogether with reeds (a symbol
of fertility) above the bristling wild sow (fig. 138a); the laurel, along with a
rustic shrine richly decked out with offerings, an altar, and relief, above the
lioness(fig. 138b). Above the mother sheep,a shepherd'spurse and a sheep
penproclaim the simple and happy peasantlife (fig. 138c), though the artist
has inadvertently betrayed how far from reality his bucolic idyll is by depicting the pen with layered marble slabs, as if it were one of the smaller
templesin Rome.
Thanks to their generalizedand universalcharacter,such peacefulscenes
of animal life could always be used to invoke the myth of the new age.
Thesesymbols of motherhood could be juxtaposed with tokens oi pietas,
with a paean to the simple rustic life, or with allusions to Augustus-the
combination was always right. Since these same and similar tokens were
constantlyused in changing contexts, the programmatic themesthey representedmingled easily and freely with one another in the mind of the
thoughtful observer.The sheaf of grain, for example, could stand for the
fertility of the fields, for the Arval Brethren, for peace,or even for the princeps'sefforts to guaranteethe grain supply in Rome. The chief characteristicsof the Augustan pictorial vocabulary are its broad spectrum of associations and the genlral applicability of the individual symbols, but also a
correspondinglack of specificity in any one particular case.Even a seemingly innocuous plant, as on the relief from Falerii (frg. 139a), takes on farreachingassociations,thanks to the didactic plan of the composition and
rhe juxtaposition of various plants that never occur together this way in
nature.
The plants are arranged in mirror-image pairs, but each grows in isolation, so that the viewer is forced to consider each one as an individual.
Againcorn stalks and poppies are renderedon an enlargedscale.The symbolismof the reed is here further emphasizedby the presenceof water birds:
178
'fbe
Pouer of Images in tbe Age of Augustus
The Mythical Foundationsof the New Rome
779
*sri
decorated.On the base of a statue that the magister of a sanctuary of the
Laresin Rome dedicatedto Venus Augusta, the birds are clearly meant as
tokensof the goddess(cf. fig. 112). But on the baseof an Apolline tripod,
togetherwith the wreath of grain, they probably refer to the theme of fertility central to the SecularFestival (cf. frg.99a), while on a marble ash urn
they might be generalizedsymbols of happiness,as we shall see presently
(c{.fig. 220b).
The Vines of Paradise
ix.;r::-,i-..
Frg. 138. Threereliefsfrom a fountainin praeneste,
Earlylmperial.Symbolicrmagesof fertilityand peacein nature.a) '0?ildsow &-r) Lionessand sheep.
streamswarer rhe earrh, making the young shoots grow. ln the midst of all
this, however, is a more playful allusion to fertility and procreation: three
hungry young sparrows are fed by their prorecive parents (frg. l39b).
Even the genre motif of the birds is by no meansa sponraneouscreation
of tlre author of this relief, but an image akeady familiar from public monuments of the period. It was already known in Hellenistic
but acquired
"rt,
the ideological baggagefirst in Augustan Rome. The precise
meaningof the
motif, however, varies according to the purpose o{ each monument that it
The old decorativemotif of the vine now took on a more specificmeaning
within the contex\tof the promulgation of a saeculumaureum. As a symbol
of growth in nature the vine was among the most frequently repeatedelementsof the new pictorial vocabulary. Indeed, it is hard to find a building
of the Early Empire, whether in or outside Rome, where it doesnot turn up.
ln the carefully planned decorative program of the Ara Pacis, vines and
gadandsoccupy more than half the surfaceof the altar enclosure(fig. 1a0).
On the exterior walls the vines grow from broad acanthus calyxes into
treelikeforms, which send out new shoots in all directions, leading the eye
through an endlesspattern of infinite variety. Signs of fertility and abundanceare set directly into this framework, though the viewer only becomes
awareof theseas he nearsthe monument. Jaggedleaves,flowers of all sorts,
and fruits and plants both real and fantastic, even crawling little creatures,
180
The I'ower of lmages in tbe Age of Augustus
The Mythical Foundationsof the New Rome
Fig.139. a) Birdsand animalsin a wet patchof reeds.Throughthe isolationand
enlargement
of individualelements,
thesymbolicsignificance
of the imageis impressed
uponthe viewer.EarlyImperialrelieffrom Falerii.b) Detail,with bird
feedingher young(cf.fig. 112).
W#4ry".{th
! *T$4fit\ei\$rt'$dsq*
\r;.
l8l
,r.. r ' !
lrlffil,Y-.
all suggestnature's growth, so alive that it seemsto be real (fig. 141). But
when one steps back again and takes in all the vines at once, one has the
strong impressionof a strictly observedorder governingeverydetail. ln {act,
allowing for minor variations) the vines do adhereto a preciselycalculated
arrangement in mirror image. However wildly the plants and blossoms
seemto burst forth and grow, every tendril, every bud and leaf has its prescribeciplace. To our eye it seemscurious and unexpectedthat thesesymbols of the unrestrainedgrowth of nature combine into a model of perfect
,!1
,.;:}]
::l$
Fig.140. Ara PacisAugustae.
Excerptfrom oneof the vineclusters.The abundanceof natureis renderedin strictlysymmetrical
arrangemenr.
order.Perhapsthis peculiar phenomenon reflectson the aestheticlevel the
almostfanatical preoccupationof the Augustan Age with law and order.
The symbolic use of the vine had a long tradition in art, probably rooted
in the "nature" of the motif. On South ltalian vasesof the fourth cenrury
s.c., for example, spiraling tendrils are combined with the head of Persephoneemerging from the earth. Even on the earliest Augustan buildings
vinesare more than iust a favorite decorativemotif. C)n one of the friezes
on the Templeof Caesarin the Forum, the goddessof victory risesfrom the
vines,and on the door of the Temple of Apollo, as we have seen,the vines
lre rooted in the bowls of the tripods (p. 86).
But these early Augustan vines still have the abstract spiraling form of
Classicalart. It is only in the context of the subsequentprogrammaric use
of the {ertility theme that the branchesand leavesimitate Hellenistic models
and are more realistically depicted to simuiate living plants. The overall
impressionis shapedabove all by the tangible leavesand large, blossoming
buds.In this way Augustan artists again tried to highlight a certain meaning
through a purely formal change.Another innovation was the combining of
real and imaginary plant species.Grapes, figs, and palmettes all growing
out of acanthus branches; ivy and laurel spiraling between heavy volutes;
garlandsbearing all manner of fruit; all this was meant to characterizethe
new ageas a paradiseon earth (cf. Vergil'sFourth Eclogue).
The function of the vine as svmbol of the saeculumaureum was made
182
'fbe
Pouler of lmages in tbe Age of Augustus
The Mythical Foundationsof the New Rome 1g3
Tt t . rt
Fig. 141. Detailwith miniatureanimals,includinga snakeslitheringovera bird's
nest,
clear to the Roman viewer through a variety of suggestivejuxtapositions.
When, for example, on a relief in Naples (frg. 142), the vine grows behind a
conquered people sitting dejectedly on the ground, one was inescapably
reminded of the slogan "through just war to the blessingsof peace."The
two centaurson a cuirassedstatuein Chercell (cf. fig. 178) expressthe same
idea. A seacentaur holding a rudder recallsthe foundation myth of the new
Rome, the Battle of Actium, while a normal cenraurholds a cornucopiaand
his body ends in a tangle of vines.
The Ara Pacisis of course also not without its own specificreferencesto
the saeculum aureum. On a frieze between vine branches bearing new
shoots sit Apollo's swans: iam regnat Apollo (Vergil Eclogues4.10). The
vine by itself is celebratedand worshiped like a cult object on terra-corra
plaquesof the period (fig. 1a3).
For Augustan artists the vine was of course a most weicome motif. It
could be used virtually anywhere, on a frieze, ceiling coffer, or door frame,
and could be fitted into eventhe most awkward places.Down to the pattern
work on the sandals of the gods and cuirassedgenerals,it proclaims the
fertility and prosperity of the new age. But the vine also transcendedany
other symbol as an inspiration for ever more imaginativeelaboration.
Ir.rthe private sphere,the wall paintings and silvervesselsof the Augustan
period give the impressionthat the inventivenessand playful wit of Augustan artists could only fully expressitself when they were not constrainedby
/t\. l. /t ,\ tl t tI
tI tl ' f trtl -l ,1
ll _. -/ -- 1Tr t, ,. 'r t)tr 1
Fig. 142. Reliefwirh two entablature
supporrsin crassicalstyle.In the
middle,thepersonification
of .onque..d nation,with plantsgrowingup
" modern).
in the background(inscription
EarlyImperial
officialpropriety and decorum. An example are the vines on the great
silver
krater from rhe treasureat Hildesheim (frg. Ma). on the on. hand, they
are
thoroughly indebted ro the political symborism of the times. 'rhe vrnes
themselvesgrow out of the wings of a heraldically arranged pair of griffins,
and the putti (without wings) are inevitably connecredwith the theme of
the blessingsof children in the aurea aetas. But other elements-the rransformation of the carefully and symmetrically arranged branches into abstractlinear design,the children riding on pencil-thin stalks and fishing for
shrimp-replace the world of official iconographywith one of artistic fancy.
To the modern efe, Augustan arr is ar its best in works like these,rather
than in the academicperfecrion of the Ara pacis.
HappinessBorn of Victory
Augustus'svictory over the Parthianshad already taken place in the year
20
n.c' But sinceits role in Augustanideologyonly developedin the
conrexr
of the proclamation of the saeculum aureum, we have saved until now
a
discussionof the imagery it inspired. This event was endowed with an
exrraordinarysignificance.As we have already seen,it was regardedas one
of
the prerequisites{or the opening of the Golden Age. But at the same
rime,
192 The Powerof lmagesin the Age of Augustus
sizesher associationwith Diana, who, quite uncharacteristically,holds onc
alongside her quiver. The referenceis to a particular quality of the two
goddesses,Luna/Diana, who in just theseyearscoalescedinto one:
Sing, as is fitting for the son of Leto [Apollo],
Sing of Luna, the brightnessof the night, with her torch.
She who grants us fruit and guidesthe hastening
Course of the months ltoward maturitv or birthl.
Hora r, ,or*r, C,,e.Y-+O
Another principal leitmotif of the SecularFestivalis thus also presentin the
imagery of victory.
The astral gods, with their perpetual rising and sinking, symbolizeeternity. Together with the sky god and the earth goddessthey emphasizethe
cosmic character of spaceand time on the relief. The rwo sphinxessitting
on the epauletsof the cuirassare the guardiansof this world (we shall hear
more of them presently).The victory in Parthia is thus celebratedas both
the prerequisiteand the consequenceof the saeculumaureutn. The uniquc
historical event is turned into a paradigm of salvation, in which the gods
and the heavensact as guarantors, but need not intervenedirectly.Interestingly, the only figure in the scenewho is not immobilized is the Parthian,
looking up respectfullyat the Roman eagle.
The princeps who wears this new image of victory on his breastplate
becomesthe representativeof divine providence and the will of the gods.lt
is not a question of heroic deeds;through his very existence,the offspring
of the gods guaranteesthe world order. The harmony betweenthe stateand
the gods is embodied in him by virtue of his divine ancestors.In spite of the
glamorous appealof this statue,it is not incompatiblewith the many images
of the togate Augustus with veiied head. He had no need to presenthimself
as military victor in a seriesof new and spectacularexploits, for he possessedthis quality permanently by virtue of his close relationship to the
gods. The later imagery of victory will show how quickly this new conception took root in the visual arts (cf. fig. 178).
Mvrrr
rN PAsr AND PRESENT
The Rome of Augustus, the marble city filled with images of. the saeculum
aurenm, was in itself impressiveenough, but there was also a glorious past.
The princeps'sgreat act of 27 B.c. was one of "restoration," not innovation,
and wherever possible he invoked Rome's forefathers.The new state and
Augustus'sdominant role in it required a legitimacy drawn from the past.
*Saeculum aureum = golden age
The MythicalFoundarions
of theNew Rome 193
The great aristocratic famiiies still defined rhemselvesin rerms of the old
freedomof the Republic and might naturally have regardedthe Principate
esan exceptional and temporary circumstanceof a sort with which Roman
history was filled. For Augustus it was important to dispel this idea. The
pasthad to be incorporated into the myth of the present new age, for the
sakeof Rome'sfuture,
ln the same year as the SecularFestival(I7 n.c.), Augustus'sdaughter
Julia,the widow of Marcellus and now wife of Agrippa, had given birth to
a secondson. The princeps adopted both this baby and his brother, older
by three years, in the same year. The official namesof thesetwo were now
Caius (and Lucius) Caesar, Augusti Caesaris filius, Diui Julii nepos. Once
the new state had been established,it was of courseessentialto insure that
it would last. Legitimizing the rule of a Julian dynasty was a principal elenent in the creation of the new official mythology. It is no accidentthat the
imageof the deified Caesarwith the sidus Iulium reappearson coins for the
first time in this same year, 1.7e.c. (cf. frg. L32b).
Augustus'sFamily and Rome: Growth of a Myth
When the diui flius first appearedto claim his inheritance, he had seized
upon the mythical tradition of rhe Julian family, effectivelycapitalizing on
his supposeddescentfrom Venus and Aeneas (cf. fig. 27b). Then, however,
he cast himself as savior and as prot6g€ of Apollo, with no precedent in
Romanhistory. It was only with the naming of his grandchildren as successorsthat the use of family mythology was revived,though not this time for
personalself-glorification, as in the struggle with Marc Antony. In the interim, Vergil had written the Aeneid*ar the instance of Augustus (2919 n.c.)-and imbued the myth of Venus,the Fall of Tioy and the wanderingsof Aeneaswith a new meaning,in which not only the future rule of the
Julianhouse, buq the whole history of Rome was porrrayed as one of predestinedtriumph and salvation. In the Aeneid the age of Augustusis adumbratedin visions and, in the mythological conrext, is celebratedas the ultimate realization of an all-encompassingworld order. By virtue of his
powerfuland evocativeimagery,Vergil createda national epic that was perfcctlydesignedto bolster rhe Romans'self-confidence.
Just as with the building of templesand Augustan publica magnificentia,
rhepublic'sresponsen rheAeneid was largely conditioned by its perception
of the cultural superiority of the Greeks. In 25 r.c., after hearing a recitation of severalbooks of the Aeneid, Propertius had writren that the poem
would surpassHomer's lliad. The fame that Vergil enioyed during his lifetime illustratesthe readinessof his fellow Romans to identifu with the na-
194
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The MythicalFoundations
of the New Rome 195
Power of Imagesin the Age of Augustus
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with other deedsof Augustus'sarmies and generals,was a convenientway
of f<lrgettingthe associationwith the civil war.
The temple was built by Augustus on his personal property (in priuato
solo) and financed by the spoils of war. He was thus clearly responsiblefor
this monument, as was not the casewith the Ara Pacisor the Prima Porta
statue,and, as in the sanctuary of Apollo twenty-six years earlier, the program of the Forum of Augustus expresseshis own ideas. Borrowed from
Vergil'simagery, myth and history are woven together into a vision of salvation. Only instead of looking toward the future, as in the epic, here we
are directed from the present back into the past. Forum and temple were
conceivedas emblematic of the new Rome, and their decorativeprograms
wereintended to educateher people. ln keeping with his political style Augustusavoided any direct referencesto himself, though, conditioned by
thirty years of praise for the ruler, people could hardly have failed to see
hints and allusions everywhere. But even the most adamant opponent of
Augustuswould have been hard pressedto find any signs o{ unseemlyselfpromotion. As we shall see,even in the Forum of Augustus it remained for
the Senateto put the capstonein the arch of a new national mythology, one
that focusedboth myth and history on Augustus himself.
Venusand Mars
oLPr?"1,,
of the
Fig. 149. Rome,Forumof Augustus.Groundplan,with reconstruction
u.ilptr.rl program.The southernpart of the squareis still unexcavated'
tional myth he had forged. Tacitus reports that "the people, when thev
heard iris versesin the theater, all rose and cheeredthe poet, who happened
t<; be present,as if he were Augustushimself" (Dialogus 1'3)'
The monument which most fully expressesthe new mythology is the
Forum of Augustus (frg. 11:9).Octavian had vowed a temple to Mars Ultor
of Julius Caesarat Philippi (42 s.c.)'
during the battle againstthe assassins
but thc sanctuarywas finally dedicatedonly forty years later. By then Mars
had prclved himself Rome's avenger a second time, against the Parthians.
This is why the recapturedsigna werepermanently displayedin the cellaoi
the new temple. ldentifying Mars Ultor with this later occasion' as well ar
The mythological aspectof the Augustan program consistedof relatively
few figuresand contained basically no new elements.The essentialelement
was the combination of two myth cycles,the legendof Tioy and rhe story
of Romulus. According ro the myth of Rome's foundation, in the versron
employedby Vergil, Mars had seducedRhea Silvia, daughter of rhe king of
Alba Longa, and had thus becomefather to the twins Romulus and Remus
rnd ancestorof the Romans. But Rhea Silvia belongedto the'Irojan family
of Aeneasand cquld therefore be incorporated into the family tree of Augustus(for this reason she is referred to by Augusran poers as llia, from
llium [Tioyl). Venus and Mars were then both ancesrorsof the Romans,
though by different partners-something Ovid would turn into an ironic
comment on the marriage legislation. Together Mars and Venus would
watch over and protect their own. Mars guaranteed the Romans uirtus,
while Venusgranted fertility and prosperity.The myrh of the Julian family
thus becamethe centerpieceof the new natioual myth. From now on the
statueof the goddessof love would always stand besidethat of the war god,
eventhough this inevitably recalled the story of their adulterous affair in
Greekmythology. But under Augustus this issuewas skirted and the myth
196
The Power of lmages in the Age of Augustus
The Mythical Foundationsof the New Rome
197
Fig. 150. Pedimentof the Temple of Mars Ultor. Detail of the relief, figure 85. The
strict ordering of the figuresmirrors the abstract characterof their message.The
figuresrelate to each other only in their common associationwith Augustus.
reinterpretedas prefiguring the destiny of the Julii as the chosenpeopleof
Mars.
Before the Battle of Actium Octavian had minted coins with his ancestress Venusholding the arms of Mars, a blatant referencero the erotic aspect o{ their relationship (cf. frg.27c). But in the pediment of rhe Templeof
Mars Ultor (fig. 150), she reflectsher new role, dignified in a long garmenr
and holding a scepter,standing besidethe war god. ln the temple cella her
statu€was also besidethat of Mars (Ultori iuncta, saysOvid, Tiistia 2.295,
adding that her husband [Vulcan] had to wait ourside the door). There
indeed stood the statue of the fire god, in honor of Augustus for his establishment of the city fire department.
This remark of Ovid's has been brought into associationwith a relief in
.dlgiers showing three statues and interpreted as reflecting the cult statue
group in the Temple of Mars (fiS. 151). Besidea figure of Mars, which is
demonstrably the cult image, stand Venus and Eros, togerher with a figure
whose garment is draped about the hips, like the statueof Divus Iulius that
stood in his Forum. The litde Eros holds our Mars's sword to his morher.In
this setting,the very pronounced gesturesuggeststhe possibility of an allegorical interpretation, which is supported by comparisonwith other monuments. The disarming of Mars refers ro the peacewhich follows a jusr war.
As we shall see,the same idea is expressedin the cult statue of Mars Ultor.
lf we are not reading too much into this modest relief, the Venus that it
copieswas representedas a ClassicalAphrodite rype. Perhapsir was evena
Fig.151. This reliefgivesan ideaof thecult statuegroupin the Templeof Mars
Ultor:VenusGenetrix,Mars Ultor, and an Augustanprince.In the Templeof
Mars,in placeof the latterprobablystoodthe deifiedCaesarin the samepnse'
reusedGreek original, as was the case with the cult statue group on the
Palatine(cf. 69. 185) and in the Templeof Jupiter Tonans.
There is good evidencethat Augustan artists deliberately sought to enhancethe stature of the state gods by quoting from Classicalsculpture and
evenadapting entire statuetypes. A striking example is the bronze statueof
Venusin Brescia(fig. 152). The wings are a later addition, from a time when
the statue was reinterpreted as Victoria. But it makes equally good sense
that Venus,as ancestressof the Julian house,should record Roman victories
on a shield. In the fourth century statueof Aphrodite that has beenadapted
here,the goddesssaw her beautiful body reflectedin the shield of her lover
(fig. 153). As we shall see,the age of Augustus attached a parricularly high
moral value to the practice of quoting from Classical art. But in this instancethe propriety of the Classicalform had to be enhancedand made to
suit the goddess'snew role. The nude torso is clothed, and the shield recording Roman victories is turned out toward the viewer.
ln another statue group likewise "invented" by Augustan artists, the
Classicalmodel dictated not Ares' shield but the figure of the god himself'
198
'fhe
Power of lmages in the Age of Augustus
Fig. 152. Bronze statue of Victoria with
Early lmperial.The statuecopiesa
"hield.
Greek model, figure 153, which representedVenus Genetrix. She celebratesthe
victories of her descendantsby recording
them on the shield of Mars.
The lvlythical Foundationsof rhe New Rome
199
Fig. 153. So-calledVenusof CaPua
Roman copy of a Greek originalul
the fourth century B.c. Venusls rrflectedin the shield of Mars.
which is copied from a work of the fifth century n.c. (fig. 154)' In the useof
two Classical prototypes in the same group' the symbolic meaning of the
pair is rather blatantly expressed.The focus, however, is no longer on the
mythological love affair, but on the deepermeaningwhich the new national
mythology conferred on Venus and Mars. Significantly,later copiesof this
group, like the one illustrated here, substitute the portrait featuresof the
imperial couple, who thus embody the moral values associatedwith the
image.
For Ares, as ancestorof the Romans, appropriately impressivenew imageswould also have to be created.The cult statue in the temple' probably
executedin gold and ivory, is reflectedin a colossalmarble copy (fig. 1554).
As earlier on the Ara Pacis,the god was depictedas a dignified father figure'
Nor many years before, in 20 n'c., in the round temple on the Capitol he
Fig. 154. Statue group of Mars and Venus,after an original of Augustan dare. The
bodiesare copies d Classicalsratuerypesof divinities. The embracemakes manrfestideologicalassociations.Later, the group was completed,as here, with portrait
headsand thus servedto convey the self-imageof both imperial and private individuals.This group datesto the reign of the Emperor Commodus (n.o. 180-92).
was sdll shown youthful and nude, in an archaistic striding pose (cf. 69.
145b).Now he wears a richly decoratedbreastplate,a splendid helmet and
greaves,
and holds spearand shield.
While the breastplateis in the style of the period, the helmet imitates that
of the Athena Parthenosof Phidias, with sphinxesand pegasoi.Beard and
faceare also in High Classicalstyle, inspired by an Attic strategosportrait,
But the breastplateand the shield are filled with images that allude to the
'l'he
200
of the New Rome 201
The MythicalFoundations
I'ower of lruagesin the Age of Augustus
'i.i"3'
;]-.
iil;
a**;
r&1
)ii,!
'ljJ
,,,.:jr
W
. 1!
l'j
iii
'
tt,,li
rli
ol
Fie. 155. a) Copy of the cult statue
cuirass'
the
M"arsUltor. b) Detail of
The associationo{ griffin and vegetal
ornament has a symbolic character'
t'
phant gesture and held sword and spear (cf. fig. 152). The two different
images-the fatherly protector and the mighty conqueror-have deliberately been juxtaposed in this one temple. The latter aspectreflectsAugustus'sperception of his responsibility as ruler to enlargethe Empire. It rs no
wonder that later on the deified ruler himself was portrayed in the same
statuetype.
In fact, the Mars in the temple pediment is already connectedindirectiy
with Augustus through the figures on either side of him. We have already
mentionedVenus Genetrix and Eros; opposite her stood Fortuna holding
rudder and cornucopia. The Senatehad erectedan altar to Fortuna Augusta
in 19 r.c., after the princeps'sreturn to Rome. Then come the seatedfigures
of Roma and Romulus as an augur, then the reclining Tiber and Mons
Palatinus,on which Romulus had built the first city wall and where Augustus was now living.
The composition of this pediment typifies the dignity and solemnity at
which the new public art aimed, as well as the use of mythical figures and
personificationsto convey a messagein terms of set slogans.The pediments
of Classicaland Hellenistic temples had usually either narrated a myth or
dramatizeda battle. Even in the Templeof Quirinus begun by Julius Caesar,
severalmythological eventswere depicted, including Romulus'saugurium.
Now, however, the figures are simply arranged besideone another in axial
symmetryand representeither an abstractmeaning or indirect referencesto
theprinceps.
Aeneasand Romulus: Old Myths in a New Guise
the shield (cf' fig' 151); that it
present. A large corona ciuica gleamson
would have been clear to anyone
really belong.d to Aug,tstus as "savior"
eaglesand standardswere
,r""ii"g in ihe temple cella, for the recaptured
base of the cult statue group (Res
lirpf"rJa like holy relics on the stepped
by two heraldic-griffins'.These
Gestae2g). The b..",tpi"tt was dominated
a n d t h e G o r g o n e i o n , , f t " o t h e a r m s o f M a r s t h a t s p r e a d t e r r o r ( t oas
the
of Apollo, but of Nemesis
Romans the griffin was the arrimal not only
on the pteryges(leatherlappets)are
well). The elephants' and rams' heads
of might' Yet the griffins sit on a large
also to bc understood as symbols
grows a plant arrangementlike a
palmette with Tines, and between them
flaps appearcrossedcornucoprae:
candelabrum(fig. 155b). On the shoulder
of peace'
the fatherly Mars has becomea guardian
however, a more aggressiveMars
pldirn.n,,
ln the middle of the temple
his foot on the globe in a triurn*^, ,.pr.r.rlted. Nude to the waist' he set
Ihe sameprinciple is true of the few narrative subjectsthat were chosenfor
representationfrom the repertoire of heroic myth. ln the Forum of Augustus, in the central niches of the two large exedrae,Aeneas and Romulus
stood as counterFarts of Mars and Venus (cf. 69. L49). Venus'sgrandson
was depicted fleeing from Tioy in flames, the son of Mars as triumphator.
The juxtaposition was not intended to measurethe two heroesagainstone
another,but to celebratetheir deedsas the embodiments of two complementaryvirtues,
The statues themselvesdo not survive, but statuettes,reliefs, and wall
paintingsgive us a good idea of their appearance.Aeneascarries his aged
fatherAnchisesand leadshis little son Ascaniusby the hand (fig. 156a). He
also rescuesthe precious household gods, or Penates,held by the old Anchises.These were worshiped, along with the Palladium, in the Temple of
Vesta,as guarantors of Rome'ssafety.Julius Caesarhad also placed himself
underthe protection of Aeneas:a coin of his shows the hero fleeingwith the
202
The I'ou"er of lmages in the Age of Augustus
of the
Fig. 155. Vall paintingsfrom a housefacadein Pompeii,with reflections
father
with
his
Aeneas
a)
Augustus.
Forum
of
in
the
in
both
exedrae
stitue groups
n.tdth. little Ascanius.b) Romuluswith the armsof the enemychiefdeAnchises
featedin singlecombat(spoliaopima).
archaic idol in his hands (cf. fig. 27b).Bur in the statuegroup in the Forum
of Augustus, as on the coin, the dramatic story is not what is most impor'
tant. Within the context of the new official mythology, Aeneasis presented
as a paradigm of pietastoward the gods and his own father in time of need.
For this reason the artist has incorporated in the image a seriesof allusions
that, strictly speaking, have nothing to do with the narrative. The young
Tiojan hero, barely out of Tioy' is depicted as a future Roman, wearing not
only Roman armor, but, as ancestorof the Juiian clan, evenpatrician footwear. By contrast, the little Ascanius is representedlike a Phrygian shepherd, in long-sleevedgarment and pointed cap' and' curiously,he carrtesa
stick of the sort used in hunting rabbit. This is evidently an allusion to the
tradition that the Tiojan yourh were shepherdson Mount lda, where the
boy,s grandfather Anchiseshad his amorous encounterwith venus. ln this
scene,however, Anchisesis the pious old man, his head veiled like that of
Augustus and many other priests in Rome at this time. There is no room
left for spontaneousartistic inspiration when every detail has a specificreferenceand a specificplace in the overall design.A comparison with a coin
minted for the young Octavian in 42 s.c. shows to what extent the later
The MythicalFoundations
of the New Rome 203
relief conforms to the new interpretation of myth under Augustus. In the
earlier scene(cf. fig. 27b), Aeneaswas shown nude, as in Greek iconography, carrying Anchises,who turns to look back apprehensivelyat his pursuers.The Penatesthemselveswere apparently not yet consideredso important and are omitted.
In the center of the opposite exedra,Romulus was shown with a tropaion
(fig. 156b). If Aeneas was the exetnplum pietatis, the image of protecrion
from suffering and want, Romulus is the exemplum uirtutis. He is celebrated as Rome's first triumphator, in accordance with the official reckoning
of the fasti, which the Senatehad recordedon long marble slabsand affixed
to the triumphal arch of Augustus next to the Temple of Caesar.Happiln
the beginningof theselists is preserved.The triumph of ,.King Romulus, the
son of Mars" over King Akron of caenina is preciselydated and 6xed "in
the first year of the stare." Romulus was said to have defeatedthis enemy
chiefsingle-handedlyand dedicatedhis armor as spolia opima in the Temple
of Jupiter Feretrius,which Augustuswould later rebuild before the Battle of
Actium. This proud beginning under the "farher of the city and of uirtus',
(Propertius4.10) reachedits culmination in the triple triumph of Augustus.
Thesevictories were celebratedin the arch where the triumphal fasti were
displayed.
The juxtaposition of Aeneas and Romulus also occurs on the reliefs on
the front side of the Ara Pacis.Thesescenesare different from those in the
sanctuaryof Mars in that there is no action, and instead of showing exemplary deedsthey expressthe divine providencethat governedRoman history
from the beginning.To the right of the entranceis depictedAeneas'sarrival
in Latium (frg. 157), to the left, the she-wolf with the twins.
The pious Aeneas,after much wandering, has finally found beneath an
oak tree the sow with her young which had beenprophesied(Vergil,Aeneid
3.390; 8.84). Here, according to the oracle, he was to build a temple to the
Penatesat the future site of Lavinium, and here the refugeesfrom Tioy
would 6nd a new home.
A simple stone altar has already been built in severalcoursesand decorated. wreathed attendants hold the sow ready for sacrifice,along with a
largeplate of fruit, while Aeneashimself, his head veiled,pours the libation.
But he seemsto be sunk deep in his own thoughts, and in fact the entire
action looks curiously frozen. Even the attendantsseemto gazefar into the
distance,as if they were experiencinga vision. The thoughts of the vrewer
are likewise directed beyond the actual evenr portrayed. And the more
deeplyhe immerseshimself in the detailsof rhe scene,the more associations
it evokes.
In order to endow the figure of Aeneaswith a special dignity, the arrist
has renderedhis head and rorso in the manner of an Early Classicalstarue
204
The Pouter of lmages in the Age of Augustus
Fig. 157. Rome, Ara PacisAugustae.Aeneassacrificesto the Penatesrescuedfrom
Tron after the landing in Latium. The Penatesalready appear in the temple first
vowed only now. In front of him, the sow from Lanuvium prophesiedby the
oracle.
and dressedhim in a mantle of "old Roman" style,which would have been
familiar from the ancient statuesof the Roman kings on the Capitol (Pliny
N.H. 34.23). Like these figures, Aeneasholds a spear as token of his rule.
Far different from the young warrior and savior portrayed in the Forum of
Augustus, he is here the pious pater Aeneaswho has endured a thousand
trials. Ascanius,however,of whom only a small part is preserved,still wears
Thojandressand carriesthe shepherd'sstaff, though he has now grown into
a youth. Aeneas'sgazeis directed toward the handsomeyouths before him.
These are idealizedversionsof the brave and pious youth Augustuswished
for Rome'sfuture, dressedas contemporary sacrificialattendantsand holding the sameparaphernaliaone could seeat the nearly daily religiousrituals
in Rome.
Aeneasoffers the sacrifice not to Juno, as in Vergil, but to the Penates
rescuedfrom Tioy (Dionysius of Halicarnassus1.57). Thus the connection
is made both to the image of Aeneaswith the Penatesin the Forum of Augustus and to the family of the princeps. On the Ara Pacisrelief the little
The Mythical Foundationsof the New Rome 20.5
Fig. 158. The shepherdFaustulus
findsthe she-wolfwith the twins.Terracottarevetment
plaque.
marble temple, already built of fine ashlar blocks, appearson a height, the
two enthroned Penateslooking down with favor on the sacrifice.This is of
courseanother referenceto Rome'snew aureAtempla and to Augustus,who
in fact is himself shown with his head veiled and attending a sacrificeelsewhereon the samemonument (cf. fig. 100a).
The associationsmultiply. Augustan arrists created an utterly new narrative technique,in order to join rogerherpast and future in a single image.
Even more powerfully than in the allegorical pax relief, the panel has the
effectof an icon, and the "arrested" movement in itself would have induced
in the viewer a contemplative mood. observing the countlessoak wreaths
and branches,he could not fail to realize that the oak tree is central to the
composition not only as a topographical indicator, but as a symbol of salvarion directed at the presenr: from the very beginning,
fata and the gods
werewatching over Augustus.
The pendant to the Aeneas relief unfortunately survives only in fragments.Here roo a sacredtree occupiedthe middle of the composition. This
time it is the fig tree (ficus rutninalis), beneathwhich the shepherdFaustulus
discoversthe she-wolf with the rwins. In the branchesperchesMars's wood-
206
'fhe
Powerof lmagesin the Age of Augustus
The Mythical Foundationsof the New Rome
pecker, which had also helped nourish the babies.This peacefulscenewas
observedby Faustulusand Mars, standing calmly, almost reverentiallybefore the miracle, as on a terra-cotta relief (fig. 158). Again the picture is
more an "icon" than a narrative scene.Mars's head conveysa good impression of the mood of the entire panel (fig. 159). Like the viewer himself,he
and Faustulus marvel at the workings of providence,under whose protection Rome has always stood. Contemporaries were aware that Augustus
had rebuilt the supposedsite of this miracle, the Lupercal at the foot of the
Palatine,and every year they could experiencethe ancient ritual there discussedearlier. Once again the presentwas intimately linked to the mythical
beginningsof Rome.
It is remarkable how on Augustan monuments the two most important
mythological cycleshave been reducedto so few images.By contrast, Pergamenesculptors had renderedmuch more colorfully and in greater detail
the legendof the founding of Pergamum,which was likewise tailored to the
needs of the ruling family. Even in the frieze of the Basilica Aemilia (34
r.c.?), stories of early Rome had been vividly narrated. Now, however,the
didactic intentions took precedence,and the narrative content became
wholly subsidiary.SignificantlS there are virtually no figural friezesin Augustan art. Mythological subjects are restricted to just a few individual
scenes,whose form and composition are made to suit the needsof the offi-
Fig. 159. Rome,Ara
PacisAugustae.Head oi
Mars. The artist has employed High Classical
forms, as for the Aeneas
(cf. figs. 157,204).
207
Fig. 150. Temple of
Vesta,with oak tree
with symbolic meaning.
Marble relief, Early Imperial.
cial mythology.In this imagery,Aeneas
and Romulus no longer come across
as living, breathing mythological figures,
but as intellectualizedand idealized paradigms' And since,the campaign
for moral renewar was built
around only a few leitmotifs, the corresplonding
mythological imagery fo_
cusedon two key concepts, pietas
and ,irtur. ihr'r*.r.rfr"ry
i.-iirnio, of
the heroesis displayed as a model and
wherever possible linked with the
living exemplum of theprinceps.Augustus
in turn modeled his own behavioron the mythical exempra,.i."tinforr.e
again an associarionberweenthe
reallife of the presentand the mythJogical
iast.
Another good example of this is evident
in the particurar care that Au_
gnstuslavished on the cult of vesta.
once he had hnally become pontir.*
Maximus, after the death of Lepidus in
12 r.c., he built a ,".rctu"ry of th.
goddessin his own house on the palatine
(so that he wourd not have ro
rlccupythe priest's headquartersin rhe
Regia).Thus *h.r, n,rguriuq o, ,n.
descendant
of Aeneas,conducted a sacrifiJein front
of the Templeof Vesta,
wherethe Palladium was with good reason
displayed,it *"s
if the myth
r:fthe Penatesand palladium beirrgrescued
",
,"... ....."r.d. Augustus
bad rn
frct rescuedthe imagesof the godi-from
neglectand obrivion. No wonder
rhatin one representarionof the Temple
of veita an oak tree prorrudes quite
neaningfullyfrom behind the temple (6g.
1d0).
Particularlycharacteristicof Augustan
mythological imagery is the emphasison rhe workings of predestl"don
and providence. Thi, ,", ,,rp_
posedto induce in the viewer a meditative
and quasi-rerigiousmood, which
208 The Powerof lmagesin the Age of Augustus
The MythicalFoundations
of the New Rome 20g
sincethey usually came down to the same message:Aeneas, Vesta, Diomedes,or the emperor himself associatedwith the palladium; Venus or
Aeneassymbolizing the divine ancesrryof the imperial house; or Apollo,
the tripod, the sphinx, or the sibyl all alluding to divine providence.
Vhat makes many modern, overly learned interpretations of Augustan
iconographyso tedious reflectsan important characteristicof the works of
art themselves:their unrelentingly didactic intenr, manifested in constanr
repetition,similies, and equivalences.
To the more percepriveobserver,even then, it all becametoo much. He
tried to find respite in irony and humor. ovid's ambiguous and sometimes
maliciousversesapparently found a responsiveaudience, and there were
occasionallyeven caricatures of the sacrosanctmythological images.The
ownerof a villa near Stabiae,for example,had painted on his wall a parody
of the often copied Aeneasgroup in the Forum of Augustus,with the heroic
ancestorsof the princepsdepictedas apeswith dogs'heads and huge phalloi
(fr,. 162). And this is not a unique example, for Winckelmann mentions a
bronzestatuetteof the same subiect.
Yet thesewere still minority voices.ln generalthe new mythologicar im-
Next to her,a globe
Fig. 161. a) The MuseKlio (?)leaningon an elaboratevessel.
Marblerelief,Earlylmperial.b) Detailof thevessel,
cairiedby a wingedcrearure.
carryingthe Palladium'
with abductionof a womanand Diomedes
would make him receptiveto otherwise rather vague intimations of divine
salvation.
On a relief preservedin two copies (fig. 167a, b), the Muse Klio appears
in propria persona above a sceneof the destructionof Tioy, deepin contem'
plarion. She leans thoughtfully over a large vessel,on which a sceneof rape
(Ajax and cassandra?)is depicted. Again a finger is pointed to direct our
attenrion, lest we missthe meaning.Diomedes,his back to the tumult, holds
rhe large Palladium: Tioy must fall, so thar Rome may be founded and her
present greatnessrealized. The figure of Diomedes is also important elsewhere in Augustan art, becauseof both the rape and the rescueof the Palladium. Just as once Diomedes (or Aeneas)had rescuedthe Palladium that
was now worshiped in the Temple of Vesta, so had Augustus savedit, as
varro would say (cf. p. 103) through his preservationof rhe Roman state.
For this reason he and later emperors were sometimesrepresentedas Di
r>medes.As in the scenesof Aeneas'sflight from Tioy, here too an imageo{
sufferingis incorporated into the story. lt seemsthat Vergil'sepic once agarn
had an impact on the artistsor their patrons.
But artistic imagery seldom required the viewer to be so learnedas in this
instance. Most mythological sceneswere easy to understand, especiallV
iig. 162. Caricarure of the Aeneasgroup from rhe
lrurumof Augustus (cf. frg.1.56a),as dog-headed
rpes.Wall painting from a villa near Stabiae.
Fig. 153. Tombstone of Petronia Grata. The image was
chosenby her daughter, to expresstheir close relationship.
210
-fhe
Powerof lmagesin the Age of Augustus
agery was widely spread through Roman cities, and not only in the public
sphere.lt played an important part in private commissionsas well and penetrated into the consciousnessof a wide sPectrumof the population. We
may perhaps wonder how many people,as they enjoyedan eveningt entertainment at home, sang,like Horace:
Let us by ancient custom recall great men
In song sustainedby Lydian flutes: let us
Of Tioy and of Anchisessing, and
Bountiful Venus'shigh descendants.
Odes 4.15.29
The motif of Aeneasand his family was also widespreadon finger rings,
lamps, and in terra-cotta statuettes,and undoubtedly servedas a token of
loyalty. It was not long before this samegroup was employed in the private
sphereas a symbol of pietas.Those who commissionedgrave reliefslike the
one illustrated here (fig. 163) had apparently assimilatedthe moral content
of this originally political image and used it to express the pietas of tbe
deceasedor the bond between the dead and the living (cf. p.278)'
Summi Viri: A RevisedVersion of Roman History
In antiquity there was no clear distinction berween myth and history. The
deedsof one's heroic ancestorswere consideredno less "historical" than
those of more recent generations.On the contrary, the former were especially prized for their value as exe?npla.lt was thus no departure from tradition when Augustus set up sratuesof the worthiest men in his family
beside the Aeneas group in the exedra and colonnade to the left of the
Templeof Mars Ultor (cf. fr,g.149). Roman aristocratshad for yearscalled
artention to the importance of their gens with statuesof their distinguished
ancestors.But this had never been done on such a scale as in the unparalleled ,.gallery of worthies" of rhe Julian family in the Forum of Augustus,
going from Aeneasand Ascaniusand the other kings of Alba Longa, to the
important membersof the clan in the Early Republic and down to the presenr. Even the father of Julius caesar, a man of no consequence,was honored here with a statue.Naturally certain gapshad to be filled with secondor third-rate individuals, in order to create the impression that the family
had continually distinguished itself throughout all of Roman history' But
the most original and suggestiveaspectof the whole Program was that the
counrerparr to this Julian family portrait gallery to the right of the temple,
was a row of carefully selectedgreat men of Rome (summi uiri: Historia
The MythicalFoundations
of the New Rome Zll
Augusta Alexander Severus28.5). These stood beside Romulus and the
liings of Rorne in the opposite colonnacle.The .luxtapositionof the twcr
portrait galleries thus iustified the position of the princeps'sfamily in the
new Rome by proclaiming its unique historical imporrance. The reality of
competitionbetween Rome's leading families stretching back for centuries,
all the ups and downs, and the relative insignificanceof the Julii from the
iburth to second centuries B.c. were all thereby umerly obscured. In this
version,the Julii had always been Rome's most imporrant family, for this
iamily would produce her savior. A similar interpretation was already to be
found in the poetry of Vergil.
The criteria used in selectingthe greatesrfiguresof Roman history made
it possibleto eliminate certain periods better forgotten, especiallythose of
internalconflict, and to presenra consistentlyharmonious picture. Individualssingled out for inclusion were above all those "who had brought the
Roman people from its modest beginningsto its present position of greatnessand world rule" (SuetoniusAugustus 3l).
By this criterion, the greatestRomanswere the imperialists,generals,and
triumphators.The display of sraruesin the sanctuary of Mars suggesteda
coherentoverall view of Roman history. onetime enemiesstood united in
this national Hall of Fame: Marius beside sulla, Lucullus besidepompey.
The youngestof the "empire builders" was Augustus'sstepsonDrusus, who
fell in 9 s.c. while on campaign in Germany.only the dictatorJulius caesar
himself was missing from the gallery of Julian worthies, for as a god he
couldnot be included among the mortals. Instead,a place within the temple
wasreservedfor the Divus Julius.
Beneatheach statue was a brief titulus giving the name and cursus honarum of the honorand, as well as a longer elogium recounting his greatest
servicesto the state (fig. 1,6q. Among thesewere also recordedthe nonmilitary achievementsof the summi airi. Appius claudius Caecus,for example,
is celebratedfor his victories over rhe Samnitesand sabines, for building
the Via Appia, the aqueduct bearing his name, and the Temple of Bellona,
snd for having iuccessfullypreventedthe Romans from making peacewith
King Pyrrhus of Epirus! This cataloglike inscription would have reinforced
the impressionthat those honored with statueshere were truly the greatest.
The preservedfragmentsin marble include severalfigures in cuirassor roga
(figs.165-55). Most likely the type was chosenin each caseto reflect the
individual's principal accomplishments.older srarues also seem to have
beenincorporated into this gallery.The fragmentary foot of a figure wearing the calcei patricil testifiesro rhe extraordinarily high quality of the new
marblestarues.
Theseportrait galleriesthus offered a revisedversion of history suited to
the purposesof Augustan Rome, conveyedequally in image and texr. Ro-
ZIZ
'lhe
Power of lmal;es in the Age of Augustus
Fig. 155. Fragmenrfrom the foor
of a portrait starue in the Forunl
of Augustus.The sculptor has
carefully depicted the double
laced "Senatorial shoes,"a significant sign of high social status.
Each loop is decoratedwith a
stylizedclassicalpalmette.
Fig.164. Rome, Forum of Augustus,Statue from the galleryof
summi uiri, wirh titulus and elogizz. Reconstruction.
rnan history was reduced to a single, continuous processof the growrh oi
empire up to the present.This impressionresultednecessarilyfrom the ahbreviatedaccountsof each individual'sgreatestachievements.
There can be no doubt that Augustus parricipated directly in designing
this program and in the selection of the summi uiri. Lccording to Pliny
(N.H.22.6.13), he was evenrhoughrto havecomposedthe elogiainscibed
below the statueshimself. We need not take this literallS for he surelyha.J
rnany advisers,and the arrangementof the placesof honor will certainly
have engenderedlong and lively discussion.There is good reasonto believe.
for example,that C. Julius Hyginus, a freedmanof Augustuswho ran rhf
library in the Temple of Apollo, played an importanr part in designingrhe
program. He would have been consideredan experr in such matters,for hr
had written a book De Familiis Troianis, as well as a commentary on !crgtl's Aeneid. But the basic idea no doubt originated in the great sceneirl
The Myrhical Foundationsof
rhe New Rome
r*:,er.".,yi.:r
,1",:
.:
213
\ls(_|
Drrairof moder.rhe starueniches
for thesummt
tr''rre
:,T,j.:r;,,[i:"::lj::::,:,:
visible
ontherearside
ofthe
*r"""ri", ," ilili:l?ii
lri,iJl;
lrcok 6 of the Aeneid when
Anchisesin the un<Jerworrd
shows Aeneasthe
great Romans of the future,
down to caesar Augustus: ..He
brings rhe
goldenage back to Latiu-m,
Saturn,son.tirn. ,."trn ,, (Aeneid
6.792).
The Romans would later
wimess ;;;l;1.
panorama of this Roman
Valhallaonce again after
Augustus,sdeath, in hi, fun.r"l
procession.
His burial now followed.
The bier was made of gold and
ivory, adorned
with a purple shroud. The
body lrr.ii*iJrriaden
from
view,
in a sarcophagus.But one could
ser , .,'u* l_"g. lf f,,_ in the
garb
of
the trrumphator' This was brought
from his il;r;;;
the paratine by the consurs
designatedfor the fotowing
v."t
,, the head of the procession' A second statue,-of goid, ";J;;;;;
.".. i*ntrn.
curia, and a third was
-;l'*'a
q
u
g"'
d;;
tr'."i* "g.J;i';;;
"' "d'i '_i:tT:',*ff
Iff :i,p;ff ;?,n
",,,,
ancesrors"ndd.,.","I:'.r,:1,1.:f
::ltru,fj,.:i:l:
whowasincludedamor-rg
the heroes.fe", ifril .-.:r:n his
starueprobably
the Tempteof Mars Utto.; cf. ng.
Irl.l ff,.r. thenfo'owed the
::::0,"
et.onesof all thoseRomans
who had ristinguishedrhemselves
in-uny
!vay,ar the headof rheprocession
Romulushimself.Evenpompey
was
rlnongthem, and all the
.onqul..d by A"g;;r,
.".t.i, n,,
ifinres
nativedress.(Dio Cassrus
55.34)
The MythicalFoundations
of rheNew Rome Zls
214 The Powerof Inagesin the Ageof Augustus
But long before this mute tableau with masks,it was clear that the gallery
of heroesin the Forum of Augustus was directly linked to Augustushimself.
He had explained the significanceof the visual program in an edict on the
*lt
occasionof rhe Forumt dedication, to make everythingperfectly clear:
had been his thought that the Roman people should iudge him, so long as
he was alive, and then furure principesby the standardsof thesemen" (suetonius Arzgastus3l).
This was very much in keeping with Augustus'spractice of using argumenrs grounded in the laws and the very words of earlier generations.The
,rrponi" ro rhis challengefrom Augustuswas immediate:the Senateerected
an imposing honorary monumenr in the form of a triumphal quadriga,
whose inscription proclaimed the new honorific title PaterPatriaewhich he
had been granted in the same year his Forum and the Temple of Mars were
which must have accompaniedtruly important occasions,such as triumphs
or the receptionof foreign royalty.
ln the future, victorious generalswere to be honored with a bronze srarue
rn triumphal garb in rhe Forum, and arms and insignia caprured from the
defeatedenemy would be displayedhere. This much was raid down by Augustus,and indeed we know the namesof severalmen who did receivethis
honor by order of the emperor. But Augustus'szeal in trying to inspire imitation of the great men of rhe past by honoring each in accordancewith his
serviceto Rome was largely disregarded.The statuesof worthy generalsof
the presentwere relegatedto spacesbetween the columns or on the edgeof
the square, while for the imperial princes Germanicus and Drusus Minor
Tiberiuserecteda triumphal arch besidethe Templeof Mars in n.n. 19, in
directimitation of the archesof Augusrusbesidethe Templeof caesar.
dedicated.
ln my thirteenth consulship, the Senate,equites,and the entire Roman
people conferred on me the title "Father of the Nation" and determined
to place an appropriate inscription in the entrance to my house, in the
curia lulia, and beneath the quadriga which the senate had erectedto
me in the Forum (ResGestae35)
The inscription aiso recorded all of Augustus'svictories (VelleiusPaterculus
2.39), and theseclearly showed him to be the greatestof the great'
'Ihe
comparison berweenpast and presentgreatnessinvited by Augustus
was not merely for rhetorical effect.The ceremoniesof state which Augustus initiated in connection with the new Forum and Templeof Mars insured
that in the future the glory of the present would be enacted against the
background of the Roman past, now so neatly reorganized.Here young
,rr.n *h.r, they came of age would pur on the toga and were inscribedin
thc military lists. ln the Temple of Mars the Senateofficially prociaimed
war, peace,or triumphs. From here provincial governorsdepartedon campaign, and here rerurning victorious generalslaid down the insignia of victory. Here barbarian princes swofe their friendship and allegianceto Rome,
The Gmple of Mars thus took over certain distinctions thar had previously
been reservedfor the capitoline Temple of Jupiter. ln short, the new Forum
of Augustus becamethe showplaceof Rome's "foreign policy," for everything associatedwith uirtus and military glory'
\fi/henwe hear how Caligula explicitly directedthose bringing his letteis
from Gallia to carry them first through the Forum Romanum, dismounting
at the Curia, then finally presentthem to the assembledSenatein the Temple
of Mars (Suetoniuscaligula 44), we can imagine the elaborate ceremonv
Tse AssrMrLATroN
oF Aucusrus's Succrssons
INTO
THE NATIONAL
MYTTTOTOCY
The fusion of myth and history was realized in the crearion of a timeless
present.A concept of the future, in the senseof a further development,did
not exist in this system.The saeculutnaureutn had dawned, and it was only
a question of maintaining and repearing it. After a period of rapid and
drasticchange, Rome had arrived ar a srate of equilibrium, a rimelessand
mythically definedpresent.Inrernal harmony and external srrength,fertility
and prosperity, would all continue unabated, at least so long as the
Julii
ruled and both princeps and people made sure to worship the gods as was
proper and live accordingro the ways of their forefathers.
Gaius and Lucius Caesaras Descendants
of Venus
He never cdmmendedhis sons to the people without adding '.if they are
worthy." He always lamenred binerly that whenever these youths appeared, the whole people stood up and applauded. (SuetoniusAugustus 5.6)
Promoting his successorseffectivelywas one of Augustus'schief concerns
as he got older. In so doing he had to maintain his image as primus inter
paresbut at the same time make ir clear rhat rhe successorcould onlv be a
memberof the "chosenpeople,' the Julian family.wirh the apporrioningof
roles now widely accepted,Augustus's two grandsons Gaius and Lucius
216
The Mythical Foundationsof the New Rome
of Imagesin tbe Age af Augustus
T-he Ptti.uer
217
*Tw*.i'
Dlui F(ilius).
Fig.167. fwo denariiof c. Marius.Rome,13 s.c. a-b\ Augustus
Diana{uliarvith quiver
of
c)
head
caesar.
Lucius
and
Gaius
sons
her
with
Juha
and Augustancoiffure.
--.,i
coulci be groolned for successionyears in advance. while the Senate,
equitc$,end people applaudedand awardedthem honors and high public
office whel they were under.age, the princeps kept his distance,consented
only reluctantly-but all tire same carefully selectedthe boys' public app.r.on.*u. rhe older of the two, Gaius, was presentedto the public for the
first rime at age seven,in 13 n"c., when he took part in the Tioian Games'
of
ln rire sameyear the tresuir mo/tetdlisC. Malius struck a coin with busts
(fig.
b)'
L57a'
ilre twerboyewith their mother Julia
.AboveJulia's head hovers the corona ciuica as a dynastic symbol and
proof of eJirectdescentfrom Augusrus.on the reverseof a secondcoin tht
,o*. lruut appearsalone,here linked with Diana'squiver (frg' 1'57c)'The
irnpiication is that the goddessherself had attended the binh of the two
boys. we are reminded here of the opening versesof the carmen saectlare,
Tl.reservicesof the boys' real father Agrippa are aiso celebratedin the samt
seriesof coins more prominently than ever before, especiailyin references
1
Fig. 168. Two denariiof C. SulpicirrsPlatorinus'Rome, 13 s'c' a) Agrippa' as
gJner"l a'd :rdrniral, wears the "crown" with battlementsand ships' beaks
(&islwarded lrim by Augustus.b) Agrippa next to Augustus on the chair of office
ellinwrl. The podiul is decoratedwith rhe ships' beaks,probably one of the two
platformsin the Forurn Romanum.
speakers"
"*F'
-J'*'-'
[
3
fig. 159. Rome,Ara PacisAugustae.Deurilof the processionon the south enclosurewall. The linle Gaius Caesarclings to
rherogao{ his father Agrippa (cf. fig.
li|{i).
-,d
Fig. 170. Detail from the processionon
the south enclosurewall: LuciusCaesar
wirh family members,preciselyopposite
his brother. The two boys are perhaps depicted as little Trojans by their dressand
neck-rirrg(torques).
to the Battle of Actium. Agrippa sits besideAugustus on rhe rostra and his
likenessbearsthe corona rostrata (fig. 158).
The Senatealso honored the young princes in this same year, on rhe Ara
Pacis.They occupy a prominent position, though depicted in an unusual
form, as fittle tojans or "Tiojan riders" (frgs.1,69,170).Just ar rhar poinr
wherethe rwo p.f,cessionsioin, those of members of the imperial famity
*nd of the various priesthoods, rwo boys, one older than the orher, are
representedon either side of the altar enclosure.Unlike the other children
on the frieze, who wear the toga, these two wear a short tunica and have
long hair (the older, Gaius, with a headband).Both are cleariy marked out
by the torques, a braided ring abour the neck. The "Tioy Game" was an
ancientreligious competition on horseback favored by the yourhs of rhe
Romannobility. In the Augusran period it was integraredinro thc myth of
Tioy and particulariy encouragedby Augustus as a way of promoting military training among the youth. Vergil describesthe game in the Aeneid and
cvenspecificallymentions the torques (5.555). Once Augustus awarded a
21tt The P<twer<tflmagesin the Age of Augustus
golden torque to a boy who had been injured in the contest, which was
rather dangerous.Probably the Senate,as sponsorof the Ara Pacis,choseto
have the young princes depicted in a costume familiar to the Romansfrom
the Tioy Games,perhapseven from the historical processionitself.
This interpretation is sdll controversial. Some scholars obiect that the
boys on the frieze are too small to representGaius and Lucius, who werc
sevenand four when the Ara Paciswas dedicated,and suggestinsteadthar
they are barbarian princes raised at the court of Augustus. As so often absolute certainty is impossible, but severalpoints argue in favor of calling
them Gaius and Lucius. They occupy a prominent position in a processron
which is otherwise, as far as we can tell, composedsolely of membersof the
imperial house arrangedaccording to the order of dynastic succession.
The
way that the older boy clutches the toga of Agrippa is especiallystriking.
Furthermore, the two boys are the only ones whose lively, childlike expressions bring some variety to the solemn proiession and thus call attentionto
themselves.As on other occasions,the winning charm of the outgoing little
princes is exploited to gain support for the ruling familg and in this context it is perfectly understandablethat they should be representeda linle
younger than they really were.
A few years later Gaius was presentedto the legionson the Rhine. Here
again the young prince, now twelve yearsold, had to display his couragein
a similar kind of equestriangame. The event was subsidizedby a donation
from Augustus, and the mint at Lugdunum recorded it for posterity (fiC.
171). The great impressionthat the boys made on the troops is illustrated,
for example, by a scabbardornament depicting the two princes as officers,
wearing the cuirass,flanking their mother (fig. 1,72).
Not long after this their public careersofficially began.ln 5 n.c., Augustus had himself electedconsul for the first time in seventeenyears,so that
he could personally escort the fifteen-year-oldGaius, who had alreadyreceivedthe toga uirilis, to the Forum and into the Senate.It must have been
an impressiveand memorable scene.At the same time Gaius himself was
named consul-designatefor the year A.D. 1, and the equites electedhim
princeps iuuentutis,which had no concretepolitical significancebut quickly
becamea kind of official title for the successorto the throne. The previous
year Augustus had rejecteda resoludon of the peopleto elect Gaius consul,
but now this too was accomplished,accompaniedby great ceremony.Th€re
was a distribution of money (sixty denarii per person), and official delegations came to Rome from distant parts of the Empire. From now on, whenever possible the two princes accompaniedthe princeps at all his public
(cf. fig. 109).
appearances
On a coin minted at Lugdunum between 2 s.c. and A.D. 11 (frg. 173),
the two principes iuuentutis are shown with the honorary tokens conferred
The Mythical Foundationsof the New Rome
fig. 171. Aureus,Lugdunum/Lyon,8 n.c.
Caiusparticipatesin
equestriangames.He
wearsthe bulla around
hisneck and hnlds in his
left hand shield and
sword,A battle srandard
indicatesthe camp.
Zl9
Fig.172. Decoration of an Augustan scabbard.Julia betweenher sons Gaius and Lucius, both representedas generalsin cuirass.
on them by the equites, a silver shield and silver lance. Above their heads
are tokens of the priesthoods to which they belonged, Gaius as ponrifex,
Luciusas augur. The messageof these routine symbols is the same as that
of the many honorary monumenrs and decreesissuedthroughout the Empire after the tragic and premature deathsof both yourhs (Lucius in e.o. 2,
Gaiusin e.n. 4): rhe samevirtues thar marked their father also marked the
two princes.
Augustushad taken a greatinterestin theseboys from the time they were
infants and even made sure rhat they learned to imitate his handwriting
{suetoniusAugustus 54). As they grew up, official porrrairs were created,
Fig. 173. Denarii and Aurei, Lugdunum, 2 e.c. Gaius and Lucius caesar in togas
rvith honorific shield and spear.The legendcalls them "sons of Augustus,consuls
designate,and principes iuuentutis."
2?-O The Power of lmages in tbe Age af Augustus
The Mythical Foundationsof the New Rome 221
Fig.175. Bust of Agrippa Postulnus.In contrastto the portraits
of his brothers,who were admitted to the gens 1alla, his physrognomyis not idealizedin classicizingstyle, bur is likened to rhe
ponrait of Agrippa.
Figs.174 (lefr)and 175(righr). Porrraitsof Gaiusor LuciusCaesar,mostlikely
posthumous,
The facialfearuresand rheirhairstyles
imitateportraitsof Augustus,
The headsbelongto nude"hero"'-statues
in Classical
style.
which could then be used as models by the workshops commissionedto
produce honorary staruesand busts.Thesedepict boys whose facesseemro
come from the samemold as Augustust (frgs.174,175). They are classicizing, somewhat artificial facesfilled with a grave dignity, no lessstylizedthan
the portrait of Augustus. The two are differentiated only by the different
arrangementsof forks and tonguesin the hair acrossthe brow. The portrairs
of tireir brother Agrippa Postumus,by contrast, who was not at Erst admitred into the Julian family, resemblethose of his real farher (fig. 176).
By now rhe holy aura that had grown up about rhe Juiian famiiy for
nearly half a cenrury had created a certain atmosphere.Alongside venus
and Aeneas,Julius Caesarnow receivedrenewed honors. A coin minted in
12 e.c. recallsthe beginning of Octavian! career,when he laid a star on the
statue of Caesar after the appearanceof the sidus lulium (cf. fig. 2Sa).But
significantly,the mint masrer now has the princeps,holding his clipeusuirtutis" representedlarger than the newest member of the Roman pantheon.
E'en imagesof Caesar'sapotheosiswere now openly displayed.An altar o{
the Laresof about 7 n.c. preservesa modestcopy of suchan image,joining
the young princes with the Divus Julius and their ancestorVenus(fig. 177).
i
t
$
I
I
The deified Caesar ascendsto heaven in a chariot drawn by winged
horses.Venus Genetrix greets him with one hand and wirh the other emhracesa small togate figure, while a second, even smaller, clings to her.
'I'hese
are the two princes, shown under the protecrion of their ancestor.
i'fheir own mother, Julia, receivedat this time honorary statuesin the guise
uf Aphrodite in the Greek East.) A third togare figure stands behind the
chariot with right hand raised in prayer, most likely Augustus. The reason
iar his modest role here may be that he himself dedicatedthe original of this
reliefto rhe Divus Iulius.
The two prirrce's,in whom Augustus placed so rnuch hope, were thus
elevatedeven while stiil alive to extraordinary heights,and after their early
deathswere incorporated permanently into the new narional myth. They
were honored throughout the whole Empire as new heroes.They received
triumphal arches, public buildings, altars, and even temples, such as the
irmous Maison Carr6e in Nimes (cf. fig. 201). In Rome the voring precincs
werenamed for them and their nameswere added to the sacredsongsof the
dancingpriestsknown as Salii.Augustusalso gavetheir namesto the Basilica lulia in the Forum and to the large park near the Naumachia in Tiastevere(NemusGai et Luci Caesaris).ln front of rhe BasilicaAemiiia arosea
new and lavishly decoratedportico bearing the namesof the rwo brothers,
and the Senatealso erecteda major honorary monumenr in the Forum. A
222
-l'be
I'auer of Images in tbe Age of Augustus
of the Divuslulius.In
hig. 177. Augustanaltarof the Lares,ca.7 n.c. Apotheosis
Behindthe
the foreground,VenusGenetrixwith the two princesC. and L. Caesar.
chariot,Augustusbeforea templestructure(column).The missingheadswere
originallyinset.
huge inscription belongs to this monument (CIL, Vl, 36908), but, aside
from recording that the boys belonged to the imperial family, it contains
only the information that Lucius was already designatedconsul at agefourteen.
The princes did not live to celebratea triumph over a conqueredforeign
people, the crucial act by which imperial rule was legitimized, but at ieasr
Gaius could be celebratedposthumously as new victor over the Parthians
and Armenians. Augustus had sent him, at age twenty, to resolvea conflict
over the throne of Armenia and put down uprisings in Parthia (1 s.c").
Among his staff were the finest expertson Easternaffairs, and all was carefully planned in advance.Augustus'sprayers for his son were virtually programmatic: the wisdom of Pompey,the bravery of Alexander, and his own
Fortuna (Plutarch Moralia 2.98.10). No wonder poetry and epigramson
Greek statue basescelebratedhim as a new Ares as he made his way to the
East. Like Alexander and Augustus before him, he would march to the East
and earn his title princepsdesignatus(CIL, XI, 1420). The undertakingwas
only a partial success.At the siegeof Artagira, which he did eventuallytake,
Gaius was mortally wounded and died on the journey home.
The MythicalFbundations
of the New Rome 223
Among the posthumousmonumentshonoring Gaius is probably the over
li{e-sizecuirassedstatuefound in the theater of Jol-caesarea(modern chercel,in Algeria), capital city of the kings of Mauretania. It may have beenser
up by King Juba II, who grew up at the court in Rome together with Gaius.
Since,however, the decorativeprogram of the cuirass is closely related to
that of the Augustus from Prima Porta (cf. frg. I4Bb), we may suspectthat
the chercel statue is one of severalcopiesof a major monument createdin
Rome.
On both statues,the reliefson the cuirasscelebratea military victory. On
the statue of Gaius (frg. 1.78), a heroized member of the imperial house
handsover to Venus Victrix a figure of victoria wirh tropaion The youthful
hero is representedin the same statuary pose as the Divus lulius in his
templein the Forum Romanum (cf. fig. 26). Later this pose will be used
frequentlyto representheroizedemperorsand princesafter their death, suggestingthat the figure on the cuirass is also deceased(cf. frg. 19a).ln addiIion, sincethe decorationsof the shoulder flaps appear to be stylized heads
o{ orientals,it is tempting to associatethe victory alluded to herewith Gaius
Caesar's
victories in Armenia and Parthia.
The young scion of the Julian housepiously hands over the tokens of his
victoriesto the family's ancestress.Sinceshe is depictedarmed, we may call
her Venusvictrix. The god of war himself appearsabove the scenein the
form of a large bust, which is clearly derived from the cuh srarueof Mars
ultor dedicated in 2 s.c. (cf. fig. 155). Eros with the bow stands behind
venus,and a Victory holds the corona ciuica overthe head of the prince and
designatedsuccessor.This is analogousto honorary inscriptions that refer
to the iam designatus . . . princeps (CIL, XI, 14Zl).
what makes this ostensibleimage of Gaius as victor so interesting for
our discussion,however, is not so much the way it is taken for granted that
the young prince assumesthe role of Augustus, but the allusions to the
victory at Actium and the Golden Age, in the form of sea cenraursholding
ruddersand regular centaurs whose tails end as vines (frg. 1,75).ln other
words, the new victory of Gaius assuresthe continuity of the well-being
first createdby Augustus at Actium. The old slogansof the early Augustan
Age have coalescedinto an ideology of victory, and the princeps's early
victoriesare treared like heroic deedsof the mythological past.
Tiberius and Drusus as Commandersof the Imperial Army
At the time Augustus adopted his rwo grandsons,Tiberius and Drusus, his
rwo stepsons,were twenty-five and twenty-one years old. They were never
consideredprimary candidates as successorsto the throne, but insread
playedan important role as military commanders.As such they contributed
'i*.i
l;
The Mythical Foundationsof the New Rome 225
es++e#qgg
ffi-ru
w-\
ffi'K'
itt
.tt;t
{t'
".': .r.,:
+11.:'i:
iifi.
-l
+
.s
'
"1"
-ry ff* d
ffiww
'At
I
tt,:
%*#
*R,
t
,SF
*$
Fig.179.Coin series,Lugdunum(Lyon),15 t.c. a) Tiberiusand Drusushand
overtheirpalmsof victoryto Augustus.b) The bull assymbolof Mars Ultor.
r-d) ApolloActiusand DianaSicilia,recallingthe earliervictoriesof Augustusat
Naulochoiand Actium.e-l) Qurnarius.AugustusandVictoriasittingon the
globe.
{;"**.$ .s
*
f"
_+,"SS.sl
tr
l,
.. e.
,\,..J
Fig. 17u. Posthumouscuirassedstatueof Gaius Caesar(?).As on the cuirassof
Augustus (fig. 148a), the victory is placed in a cosmic serting.The prince vicrorious
in thc East extends his Victoria to his ancestressVenus.Below,a seacentaur and a
]arrd centaur ernbody the happy fruits of victory. The beardedheadsof barbarians
on the learherlappets allude to rhe conqueredParthians.Above, Mars Ultor.
to the glory of the dynasty,as well as their own, long before Augustusreluctantly made Tiberius his successorafter the deaths of his two grandsons.
Like other commanders,Tiberius and Drusus were legati of Augustus, but
as "princes" they of courseheld a specialrank. This quickly evoived into a
kind of official position as "acting" emperor and becamea permanent part
of the ideology of rule. When the princeps was not able to take the field
himself,the printes fought in his place. Their victories were his victories,
for he alone possessedthe power of commander-in-chief,imperiwn maius.
This luridical situation took on a mythical dimension through the medium
of artistic imagery.
The first occasionrequiring the new imagery was the wars of expansion
carried on by Drusus and Tiberius against the Alpine tribes. The mint at
Lugdunum, which was governed by the princeps himself, commemorated
the first successes
againstthe Vindelici with a very revealingseriesof denarii
and aurei. The principal motifs show either Drusus alone or Drusus and
Tiberius, both dressed as generals, handing over to Augustus the palm
branchesof victory (frg. 779a). He wears the toga and sits on the official
seat(sellacurulis). Though this is set on a high podium, he is nonetheless
226 T-hePouer of lmagesin the Age of Augustus
still depicted as a magistrate,in accordancewith the "constitution" of the
Principate. But the four remaining types in this serieselevaterhe sameoccasion into a universal statemenrof divinely sanctionedAugustan rule (fig.
779b*e).
The figuresof Diana and Apollo, with the inscriptions SICIL. and ACT..
recall the victories that started it all, at Naulochoi and Actium. The charging bull, an image once carried by Caesar'slegionson rheir flags,symbolizes
the unstoppablepower of the Roman Mars. Victoria, however,doesnot fly
as on earlier coins, but rarher sirs calmly on the globe, her hands folded in
her lap. Roman rule is secureand will remain so. The portrait of the princeps,now age frfq, appearsas usual on the obverse,bur he looks unusually
youthfui, and for the first time in yearshis ritulature includes "Divi Filius."
Under pressurefrom Augustus (cf. Suetonius Vita Horatii 31f..),Horacc
also commemorated the deedsof the two stepsons,in two long odes.The
Drusus ode (4.4) celebratesprimarily the glory of the Claudian family and
the perseveranceof their forefathersin times of hardship, while Augustusis
the focus of the Tiberius ode, "the greatestof all rulers (principes)as far as
the sun'srays reach" A.l4.5f\:
The MythicalFoundations
of the New Rome 227
of the victorious generals, but for the commander-in-chief, "quod eius
ductu auspiciisquegentes Alpinae omnes quae a mari supero ad inferum
pertinebantsub imperium populi Romani sunt redactae. . ." becauseunder
his leadershipand his auspicesall the peoplesof the Alps down to the sea
werebrought under Roman rule (PlinyN.H. 3.135; AL,V,781,7).
If we compare the official image of Augustus'ssrepsonswith that of his
grandsons,especiallyGaius, the hierarchy is very clear. While the principes
iuuentutisreceived constant honors as the designatedsuccessors,even as
young boys, and, both in official imagery and in realitS stood besideAugusfts, the commandersDrusus and Tiberius, who had truly earnedsuch honors, are blatantly portrayed as subservientto the commander-in-chief.The
consistencyof honorific formulas illustrates how the princeps, while remaining in the background, was able to set the proper tone. A comparison
with the reaction to the earlier Parthian victory of Augustus shows that
thosewho might have been expectedto take the lead in celebrationof rhe
ruler now much more cautiously waited to follow signalsfrom above.Their
unanimity is impressive-the prime example is the changein his posirion to
which Tiberius had to adapt.
'With
forcesyou had furnished, advisedby you,
With gods of yours presiding; for sincethe day
When Alexandria surrendered
Harbor and tenandessroyal palace
Fortuna has consistentlyprosperedyou
And granted happy ourcome to all your wars,
Conferring glory and a hoped-for
Honor upon your achieveddominion.
The hitherto unmasteredCantabrian.
The Mede, the Hindu, even the nomad Scyth.
Defers to you, O shielding presence
Over our Rome and the land ltalian:
The Nile, of sourceshidden in mystery
The Danube, and the Tigris of rapid flow,
The monster-teemingwaves of Ocean
Bursting in thunder to far-off Britons
Odes 4.I4.33-48
The poet and the coins issuedat Lugdunum make use of the samelopoi.
The Senatetoo erectedthe great Tiopaeum Alpinum near Nice, not in honor
Tiberius as Successorto the Throne
Augustus'spleasure in his young imperial commanders was short lived.
Drususdied in Germany,while Tiberius had been estrangedfrom Augustus
since7 n.c, and remainedso for elevenyears.Offendedat the way Augustus
allowed his adolescentgrandsons to be celebratedas successors,he wenr
into voluntary exile on Rhodes and lived there as a Greek, wearing chlamys
and sandalsand gathering a circle of poets and philosophers around him.
(For him, too, Greek culture was a meansof escapefrom the "real" wor[d.)
Only after "grim Fortuna" had *deprived" Augustus of his sons (thus the
beginningof ths Res Gestae)was he forced to sertlefor this new successor.
Tiberius was thus adopted and, for his part, had to adopt Drusus's son
Germanicusand Agrippa Postumus,born after his father Agrippa's death.
Unlike the deceasedgrandsons,Tiberius, as a member of the proud Claudiangens,could not be assimilatedinto the family mythology of the Julians.
Instead,his qualities as a military commander would have to be the focus.
As early as 7 B.c. he had celebrateda triumph over the Germans,and after
hisadoptionhe won victoriesin Pannoniaand Dahnatia,receivinga triumph
i n a . o .1 2 .
Unfortunately there is no direct evidenceto be found in the form of monumentalpublic art of the later yearsof Augustus'srule. But two silver cups
found in a small villa at Boscoreale,near Pompeii, reflect in four related
228
The Pawer of lmages in the Age of Augustus
ca' A.D.12.On oneside,Augustus
Fig.iB0. a-tr) Silvercup from Boscoreale,
seated,asruler of the world; on the otherside,he displaysclementiatoward
norfherilbarbarians.
scenesa pictorial cycle that must have decorateda maior public monument
.t
(figs. 80, 181). tt may have been,for example,a victory monumentcommissioned by the Senate on the occasion of Tiberius's second triumph
( a . o .1 2 ) .
On rire one cup, devoted to Tiberius, we seethe official sacrificeat his
depa;:tureon campaignand his triumph (cf' figs' 93, 181). In both scenes
particular emphasisis placed on the depiction of the sacrificialanimals and
the sacrifice irself. The enemy, however, are not even re{erred to, though
normally theseforrn an important part of the triumphal procession.Perhaps
The Mythical Foundationsof the New Rome
229
|'ig.18i. Tiberiuscup,pendantto figure180.Triumphalprocession
of Tiberius.
On thebackside(cf.fig. 93) wasdepictedthe departureand sacrificebeforethe
tmple of Jupiter.
what was apparentiy excerpted from the original scene{or the silver cup
was concernedlesswith the specificoccasionthan with the qualities of the
honorand, his pietas and uirtus. Two figures of Victory in the triumphal
chariot hold a shield, similar to Augustus'sshield of uirtus. This may be
taken as a clue to the dating of these images,which is still controversial,
sincethe manner in which Tiberius is celebratedpresumesthat he had alreadybeen designatedas the successor.
Augustus himself appearson the secondcup (fig. 180a, b), twice in fact,
his superior rank indicated by the throne he occupies. ln one scene,surrounded by soldiers and lictors, he receivesthe submission of barbarian
chiefs.The referenceis apparently to one of his visits to the northern frontier, in 15 or 8 n.c., for the suppliants wear animal hides. But here too the
principal messageis something fundamental, setting an example. The barbarian princes, who approach on their kneesand lead their children to Augustus,look up toward him as to an epiphany. He reachesout his hands
and mercifully acceptstheir submission.The image recalls Augustus'searlier appearanceon the field o{ batde and celebrateshis clementia.As in the
imagery of the saeculum aureum, we see a vision of a happy and blessed
world. On the other side of this cup, however, Augustus'sworld empire is
celebratedin mythical terms. He is enthroned and literally elevated,alone
in the center of the scene.He occupies the sella curulis and wears a roga,
iust as on rhe coin of 15 e.c. (cf. fig. 779a). These are inrended to underscorehis "constitutional" role as princeps.But at the sametime he is shown
as diui f/izs, surrounded by gods and personiGcations,as in Horace\ en-
23A The Powerof Imagesin the Age of Augustus
comiastic poetry. The most important figure is Venus,to whom Augustus
turns as she places a Victory on the globe that he already holds. Thus his
ancestressconfers on him power and the assuranceof victory. Behind him
come the Genius Populi Romani, with cornucopia, and Roma, who setsher
foot on a pile of enemy arms, a symbol thar all is well with the state.From
the other side Mars leadsthe personificadonsof subjectand pacifiedprovinces before the "throne." The gods of the new Rome are representeddistinctly smaller than the ruler, as if they were in his service.Many elements
alluded to, or hinted at through juxtaposition, in the decorativeschemeof
the Forum of Augustus are here transformed into an all-out panegyricof
the ruler. But in both the messageis essentiallythe same.
It is characteristicof the deliberatetimelessnessof the new imagerythat
the narrative scenesare not presentedas onetime occurrences,but rather as
excmplary and endlesslyrepeating actions or events.As in the quiet, contemplative mythological scenes,the didactic purpose here comesto rhe fore
and suppressesnarrative specificity in favor of emphasizingthe suggesrive
and emblematic.
The great men of the Late Republic had always stressedwhat was unique
or specialin their achievements,but emperorsand princes had aboveall to
play their well-definedrespectiveroles. As princeps-to-be,Tiberius still had
to demonstratehis uirtus in specificdeeds,to play the heroic man of action.
But as ruler Augustus acts as the contemplativecounterpart, the personification and guarantor of a just and unperturbed order. He overseesand
guides everything; everything centersaround him. The presentationof his
successoras victor and triumphdtol necessarilyplacesthe ruier himself in a
transcendentposition.
Augustusin the Guiseof Jupiter
Ever sinceAlexander the Great, the Hellenisticworld had renderedits rulers
in the guiseof Zeus, and, as we shall see,Augustuswas no exception.It is
even morc significant,however, that in Rome too this image found a place
within the newly created mythology. But then, how better could Augustus's supremeand all-encompassingrule be expressedin immediate, visual
terms?
On the Gemma Augusteaof about 10 s.c. (fig. 182), Augusrusin the
guise of Jupiter is enthroned besideRoma, but insteadof the thunderbolt he
holds the augur's staff. His gaze is directed toward Tiberius as he descends
from a chariot driven by Victoria. The lituus in Augustus'shand thus indicates that Tiberius's victory was won under the auspicesof Augustus.The
young Germanicus stands armed next to Roma, ready for the next cam-
The Mythical Firundariorrsof the New Rome
231
Fig.182. GemmaAugustea.
Augusrusenthroned,likeJupiter,besideRoma.He
holdsthe lituusasrokenof militaryhigh command,for the princesbeforehim
wagewarsunderhis orders.Behindthe throne,personifications
of the peaceful
andioyousearth.Below,Romansoldiersand personifications
of auxiliarieswith
subiugated
barbarians.
Ca.e.o. 10.
paign.The two princes are emissariesof the universalruler; his invincibility
is transferredro rhem like a discreerentiry. 'rhis is why Roma looks admiringly at Augustus and not ar rhe actual victors. victory is as predictabreas
rhemovementof the stars through the heavens.Above Augustus'shead, the
Capricornshinesagainsta disk (the sun?) and a srar in the background, all
threesymbols of mythic and cosmic predesdnation.From behind Augustus'sthrone repres€ntarives
of this blessedworld look up toward him. Italia,
wearingaround her neck the bulla (actually the token of a freeborn youth!),
sitson the ground, surrounded by children and holding a cornucopia. Behind are oceanus and oikoumene, rhe latter crowning Augustus with the
corona ciuica. The personificadon of rhe inhabired world wears a mural
crown,thus representingthe flourishing cities of rhe Empire (cf. 69. 18a).
Jt,2
Tltc l'ower tif lrna4esitt the Age of Augustus
The Mythical Foundarionsof rhe New Rome 233
fl
',*.,,
$
,1,]
$.
Fig.183. So-called
Swordof Tiberius,after15 n.c.a) In thecenter,medallion
with portraitof Augustus.Six coronaeciuicaeperhapsreferto militarydistinctiont
of the owner.Below,a sanctuaryof the Laresand an Amazonassymbolof barbar'Iiberius,
ian enemies.
b) Dctail:
enthroned,receives
a prince,probablyGermanr
cus,who handsoverhis Victoriato him. Besidehim areMars Ultor andVictoria.
On the shieldof Tiberius:FELICITASTIBERI.
Below this specfacularpanegyric,a specificeventis referred to, by which
once again the power of Roman arms has upheld the divinely ordained
world order. ln the left half of the scene,Roman soldierserect a tropaion,
and the scorpion,Tiberius'szodiacsign,is visibleon one of the shields.The
re{ercnceis probably to the victory over the lllyrians, following which Tlberius returned to Rome-not long after the annihilation of Varus'slegions
iir the Teutoburg Forest. From the right two personificationsdrag recalcirrant, perhapsGermanicbarbariansto the victory monument.The woman
carrying spears probably syinbolizes Spanish troops, the man in broadbrimmed petasos,Thlacian. This scenewould then allude to future viciories
'fiberius
of
in the North.
As in the sceneson the silver cups from Boscoreale(cf. figs. 180, 181),
the specificis overshadowedby the paradigmatic. The stability of the Empirc has been achieved,but there will always be revolts to be suppressed
on
one or another of the borders. This princeps will be followed by another
wirh the samequalities,and at his sidewill standyet anotheryoungpnnce.
It is worth taking a closer look at those figuresthat are new on the Gemma
Augustea,Oikournene and the personificationsof the Roman legionsin the
costumesof their native provinces. With the iatter, for the 6rst time the
perspectiveof political imagery in the visual arts is extendedbeyond Romc
itself to the Empire. [n the Forum of Augustus, the iconographic program
was still purely a product of the ciry of Rome and its traditions, and the
Empire treated as an object of repeatedconquest.On the Gemma Auguster,
by contrast, the new personifiedprovinces have an active share in the vrctory and in honoring the ruler.
Scholarshave had difiicuity coming to grips with the notion of Augustus
in thc guise of Jupitel, becauseit is such a flagrant contradiction of his
$
"Republican" style. But it cannot be easily explained away by either of the
argumentsusually adduced,viz. thar the Gemma Augusteashould be dated
posthumously,and thus represenrsthe deified emperor, or thar it was a
luxury item intended to be seenonly by an "inner circle," a playfulpiece of
court art not ro be taken seriously as a political statement. But after the
death and deification of Augustus, Tiberius also took on the role of Jupiter-again while still alive-as evidencednot only on the famous Grand
Cam6ede France, but also on a scabbard found in Roman Germany (fig.
183).
On the latter, Tiberius is enthroned in the manner of Jupiter and holds in
his left hand a shield with the inscription Felicitas Tiberii. He welcomes
backa young priirce standing before him, either Germanicusor the younger
Drusus.The emperor is flanked by Mars Ultor and the Victoria of the Augustus.The patron gods of the Emperor had stood by the prince in battle,
rvho now returns Victoria-it is again that of the Augustus.
The equation with Jupiter musr, accordingly,have beenmore than a rhetorical flourish occasionallyemployed by court poets and arrists.Soon porrrait staruesin the guise of Jupiter wouid be dedicatedin remples,shrines,
and statuegalleries,not only in the East or for the army, but in the cities of
Italy as well. And thesedepict not only deified prirrcipes,but rhosestili very
muchalive and in power. In a few insrancesthis was rrue evenfor Augustus
(cf. p.318), though he apparentlymade sure rhar rhis did not happen in
Rome.
The Mythical Foundarionsof the New Rome
234 Tbe k;wer of Imagesin the Age of Augustus
This does not mean, of course, that Augustus's admirers genuinely
took
equatedhim with Jupiter or rhar he felt himself to be a new Jupiter. It
pater
the
the d.ranged mind of a Caligula to go that far' Even in old age,
patriae relained true to his conceptionof the Principate,and up to the end
to the people as pontifex maximus and to the Senateas a duly
h.
"pp.ur.d
.lect"i magistrate. The comparison with Jupiter is rather an allegorical
that
symbol of his rule, celebratingit as iust, final, and ail-embracing,like
The
on
earth.
gods'
representative
the
of the supreme god. Augustus was
other
any
than
better
and
image itself had a long and distinguishedtradition
a bor.oniey.d the dazzling religious aura of the ruler' It was, however,
Rome,
of
,o*.i image, and, like so many that came with the Hellenization
its meaning in the Roman context was not quite compatiblewith its original
connotarion. In Rome it did not connote the physical presenceof divine
rulers'
'power, as in the depiction of Hellenistic
be
understoodwithin the context of
must
The image of Jupiter/Augustus
new mythologS alongsidesuch
the
comprised
that
rhe interwoven patterns
images Presentthe ruler as
Both
uelato.
other rypes ^s the togatusc,pite
his rule is equally suited
gods,
and
the
whether of th. stat. or of
"*irr^in
Augusteaalludes
Gemma
on
the
to this dual role. The lituus that he hoids
in official inEven
to his role as intermediary between heaven and earth.
and ptaeses
6lstos
scriptions toward the end of his reign he is referred to as
t<>tiusorbis (ClL 1'0.1'421)'
The irnageof Augustus as Jupiter is hardly a unique instancewithin the
new mode of glorifying the ruler. Female members of the imperial house
were also likened to all manner of divinities. This was true even on coins
(cf. fig.
minted in Rome itself, as we have seen in the caseof Diana{ulia
through
to
exPress
much
so
not
was
767c).The purpose of this, however'
the comparison specificqualities atributed to the subject (as in the Greek
,o ,rr.r, the associationof the various goddesseswith the impeworld),
",
godrial family. on a well-known cameo (fig. 184), Livia, enthroned like a
priestess,
dessand holding a bust of the deified Augustus as if she were his
muis simultaneouslylikened to rhree different, though related,deities.The
grain
of
sheaf
the
Mater,
cybele/Magna
to
her
link
tympanon
ral crown and
to Ceres,and the garment slipping from her shoulder to Venus'At the same
the
time she also wears rhe stola of the proper Roman matron. Even if
exaggerthe
reflects
and
is
rare
here
multiplication of divine attributes seen
p*n.gyric of the court style in carved gems' the same basic phenome"t.d
guise
non is evidenr in statues of women of the imperial house in divine
stood
throughout the Empire. ln the theater at Leptis Magna, for example,
of
a figure of ceres Augusta in mural crown, with the clear portrait features
Livia (fig. 185). \ilhether the goddesswas Venus,Diana, Ceres,Concordia'
pietas, or Fortuna Augusta, she could always be intimately linked to the
235
Fig. 184. Sardonyxin modern sefting,after e.o. 14.
Livia enthroned, as both
priestessand goddess.She
holds the bust of the deilied
Augustus.Stalks of wheat,
tympanon, and diadem with
banlementsliken her to the
goddesses
Ceresand Magna
Mater.
imperial house through the hairstyle or facial featuresof one ..princess,,
or
another (cf. frg.196).
The ruler had beenchosenby the gods for his rore and enjoyedsuccessin
it thanks to his own qualities and those of his famiry; his power was
thus
tnseparablefrom political custom and moral virrue. The Romans
repeatedly
witnessedthe ceremony of rulers and princes performing sacrifice,deparring on campaign, and returning victorious. But on theseoccasionsthey
did
not masqueradeas gods, as the Hellenistic kings and later Antony and
cleopatra had done. This would have flouted Roman tradition and the
style of
the Principate,and when later caligula, Nero, and Domitian tried it
on even
a modestscale,it contributed direcdy to their downfall. The political
style
of the Principaterrequiredthe emperor and his family to appear as Roman
citizens,in toga and stola. The strict separationberweenth. iiu. appearance
and self-imageon rhe one hand, and the rhetorical, artistic compa.isons
with divinities on the orher, gave these myrhological images ,"th.,
.ool
"
and absrract quality, unlike the emorionar image of the godtike
Hellenistic
ruler. For the Romans, the gods were used like poeric epithets, an
intelrectualizedformulation of virtues, not, as in Hellenistic art, as the direct realizationof the divinely inspired ruler.
This concept was of course not limited to words and pictures, but
extendedto cult as well- Even in Augustus'slifetime .u.ry .iry had
temples
and shrines where his genius andnumen, his virtues and his patron gods,
rndeedhis very person were worshiped, usually rogerher with Roma. The
The MythicalFoundations
of the New Rome 237
236 The I'ower of lmagesin the Age of Augustus
institutionalized ruler cult was the ritual equivalentof the visual likening of
ruler and god.
A vignette from the last days of Augustus'slife illustrateshow fully accepted the ruier cult was by this time, for many expressingsimply a feeling
of gratitude:
As he sailed by the Bay of Puteoli, the passengersand crew of an Alexandrian ship that had iust pur in garheredon deck, wreathed and dressed
: :ti
,,llt l,
it$
iN
i)ir:,l.
iirl*
rll
{'
Fig. 185. CeresAugusta, trcm
the theater at Leptis Magna'
The mural crown againrecall:
the Mother of the Gods' The
facial featuresand hairstYle
match the iconographyof
Livia (cf. frg. 196).
in white, made offerings of incense,and called out to him their praises
and beseechedhis blessing:thanks to him alone were they alive to sail
the seaand enjoy freedomand prosperity.(SuetoniusAz gustus9S)
The imagery of the new imperial myth, like the revived Roman religion,
dependedfor its effectiveness
to a large degreeon ritual. The various rituals
intendedto celebrateand memorialize for eternity civic or military achievements,whether modest or magnificent, offered only a few, clearly defined
roles.The emperor need not be a hero in order to meet the requirementsof
his role. By the end of Augustus'sreign a singleintegratedsystemof images
had evolved which took in victory celebrations,the ruler cult, presentation
and glorification of the emperor, and honorific monuments. Subsequentexpansionor simplification of individual elementsdid not changethe fundamental system.Through the regular repetition of prescribedrituals and festivals and the unchanging visual formulas, the mythology of the Empire
took on a reality of its own, removedfrom the ups and downs of the historical process.The imagery of military glory, of the divinely sanctionedworld
order,or of civic peaceand prosperity transcendedeverydayreality, filtered
out the undesirable,and createda certain level of expectation,so that even
setbackswould be acceptedautomatically and on faith as the prelude to a
turn for the better.
'We
must never lose sight of the fact that, in a world without compering
news agenciesand the like, the general perception of historical eventswas
largely dependenton the official version propagated by the state. Most of
what makes up our news nowadays-disasters, crises-was never mentioned. Major catastrophes,like that of Varus's legions in Germany, of
course became known, but no one dwelled on them. The constantly renewed imagery of new triumphs quickly swept away such dark shadows.
The languageof political imagery never even made use of the reversalsas
warning or admonition. It only took note of the successes
and usedthem to
reiterateits civic, political, and ethical leitmotifs. The imperial mythology
and the visual expressionit found were a contributing factor to the stability
of the state that should not be underestimated.They reflectedevery aspect
of the new order and showed how it was anchoredin the divine order of the
cosmos.
The later years of Augustus's reign were clouded by a whole seriesof
seriousproblems, disasters,and unpopular measures.The protracted wars
of conquestin the Balkans and in the North had an adverseeconomic irnpact on Rome, where there were shortagesand catastrophicfires, as well as
a declinein public building.Tl.rernajorrevolt in Pannoniaand Dalmatiawas a
direct result of the exorbitant tribute recluiledby Rome. In b<lthEast ancl
West the borderswere unstable.anclin Darticularthe Parthiansand Arrne-
238 The Powerof Imagesin tbe Age of Augustus
nians, instead of bowing to the will of the world ruler, withdrew entirely
from his influence. Bur apparently none of these facts impinged upon the
of the Romans themselves.To them' an imagewas more powconsciousness
erful than the reality, and norhing could shaketheir faith in the new era.
Chapter 6
Form and Meaning of the New Mythology
In the introduction to his treatise "On the Ancient Orarors,,' Dionysius of
Halicarnassusspeakswith great admiration for his own age, for the art of
oratory had just experienceda tremendous revival. A new literary culture
had arisen, so he believed,through imitation of the finest Attic authors of
the classical Age in Greece,which was worthy to stand besidethe best of
the past. The unwavering devotion ro the classical or Atticizing model is
balancedby vehementattacks on the baroque Asiatic taste, which had distorted the entire cuiture with its shamelesstheatricality aimed only at stirring up the basest instincts. Its ostentation and glittering vulgarity, he
writes, had even turned the once refined Athens into a bordello.
Like many other Greek writers and artists, Dionysius had come to Rome
in 30 n.c., just after the decisive Battle at Actium. His somewhat crude
polemic is characterisricof the volatile mood that governed Rome at the
time of the SecularGames (17 n.c.). For Dionysius,more is at srakethan
iust stylesof rhetoric. The Atticizing style is for him both an elemenrin and
the expressionof a whole new kind of education. of a new moral standard.
He himself acknowledgesthat the cultural turnaround is directly linked to
the political situation. He seesthe causeof the miraculous "turn" (metabole) in Rome'sworldwide empire and in the moral and cultural standards
set by the rulers at Rome. It is only thanks ro rhem that this turn for the
betterhas been achievedso rapidly and so far afield. only in a few remote
citiesof Mysia, Phrygia, and Caria are vestigesof the old, wicked ways ro
be found. And that is surely no surprise,since the Orient had always been
the sourceof all ef il.
A sudden change in political imagery,as abrupt as that in artistic style,
canalso be observed.we needonly recall how the new portrait of Augustus,
composedof quotations from Classicalsculpture, replaced the more emotional portrait of his youth (cf. fig. 83), how honorary statuesshowing off
the glories of the male nude were replaced by the togate figure with veiled
head, or how images of the carefree Aphrodite in Asiatic splendor were
replacedby icons heavy with symbolism.
The intention was to createa kind of "superculture," which would combine the best traditions of both Greek and Roman culrure, Greek aesthetics
239