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Which role do democratic and progressive lawyers have? Dear colleagues, 1. We are here together on a members Congress of the International Association of Democratic Lawyers. Most of you know better than me the roots of this Association in the Second World War and her experiences in several democratic and emancipatory movements throughout the world the last sixty years. Nevertheless, the goal of this paper and my intervention in this commission is to discuss the role of democratic and progressive lawyers in our society. Preparing the IADL Congress with Progress Lawyers Network, the Belgian affiliate to IADL, from which I am the youngest and thus the least experienced lawyer, discussions rose about the precise role of democratic lawyers, the differences with corporate lawyers and the socalled ‘neutral’ lawyers and about the role of an International Association of Democratic Lawyers. During the campaigning for the IADL Congress at several universities and tribunals, having discussions with colleague-lawyers and students, it also became more clear to the younger generation of Progress Lawyers Network that our aim is defending and improving fundamental rights – political as well as social and economic rights – and the respect for international law and world peace and development. When Progress Lawyers Network got the confidence of the IADL bureau to organise this 18 th Congress, we were convinced that a discussion about the role of democratic lawyers is necessary on a congress of a worldwide association of such democratic lawyers. Not only to continue the already started discussion and to convince new or young lawyers of their possible role, but also because discussing is the only way to sharpen the knives – in a figurative sense of course – in order to learn from each others experiences and knowledge to improve our continuous struggle. That is the reason why me, the youngest of Progress Lawyers Network, with just a year of experience in lawyering for a democratic, social and healthy society, who never before participated in an IADL Congress or even encountered IADL members, commence this 1 discussion. The reason is thus to oblige myself to learn from the experiences of the past and to commence a discussion to learn from each other. Above all, I hope it is clear that I do not carry the idea to bring any new information that will enlighten you of which role you have to play as a democratic lawyer. No, I just want to initiate a discussion that potentially will remember the more experienced members of IADL and other democratic and progressive lawyers to share their knowledge and motivation to do what they did in the past and will continue in the future: defending democratic, emancipatory and social movements and contributing to the struggle of those movements, unions, parties and activists with all the legal skills at their disposal. Last but not least I want to refer to pioneer human rights lawyer Romeo Capulong of the Philippines who was one of the first stressing out that lawyers need to transform their profession from being a protector of the status quo and for this reason perpetuator of injustice, into a relevant player for social consciousness and action and an agent of fundamental change for the greater majority. His Selected Speeches on People’s Lawyering in the Philippine Context still is a great enlightenment for democratic and progressive people’s lawyers. 2. On the nature of law and the struggle for progressive changes. Before we can handle the precise role is of a democratic progressive lawyer, I reckon it necessary to make clear what the nature is of law. Law as we know it now as written system of sanctionable rules did not always exist in history. Rules of law and their sanctions did originate together with private property, which was necessary step for the agricultural revolution. It was because of the possibility of a food surplus that trade could emerge first between several groups of people and later within the group of people themselves. In this way, social inequality originated. As social relations became more and more complex and inequality in society rose, sanctionable rules of law became necessary instead of non-sanctionable rules of conduct or rules of behaviour. The discovery of writing made the modern codifications and law possible. I want to stress out that rules of law are a product of our society. Rules of law are the legal formulation of the relations between people who need to work together to produce the necessary goods in order to survive. This perspective is necessary to understand that law in an unequal society will always be unequal. Essentially law is an element to protect the interests of the existing order. But it is also clear that law is also an interesting element in the struggle for emancipatory and democracy for those who are suppressed. Progressive elements in law, such as social and unions rights, and political rights as freedom of speech and the right to choose your own government are the result of struggle in the past. For example, in a couple of weeks on the first of May we internationally celebrate Labour Day of May Day, which remembers us the international struggle for the 8-hour workday. 2 3. As Jan Fermon made clear in his opening speech in the plenum of this Congress: “Lawyers do not change the world”. As democratic lawyers, we need to be aware of the fact that progressive changes are the work of the people, organised in social movements, trade unions, liberation movements, progressive political organisations, anti-war organisations, movements against global warming and for a healthy society, women’s rights movements and for last example peasant’s movements. It is the task for lawyers not just to participate like any other activists in the campaigns and the movements, but to use the political and legal skills, achieved by social struggle in the past. Lawyers need to use these legal skills to help social movements to develop and go forward. Sometimes the law must be used to defend these movements against attempts to criminalise them. On other occasions progressive lawyers will be able to help those movements to use the law offensively to carry forward their objectives. It is possible sometimes for democratic lawyers to help social movements to translate their struggles in proposals for new legislation, so that their achievements can be used in the future and are legally protected. It is this interaction – law is both an element of suppression as an element of liberation – that makes law such an attractive and useful weapon to carry forward the struggle of democratic and social movements. 4. It is of course alarming to constitute that the economical crisis implies a deterioration of political rights of citizens. At the one hand union rights, freedom of speech and freedom of organisation are under pressure and at the other hand trade unions, peace organisations and environmental organisations are criminalised, intimidated and spied-on like they are terrorists. I refer to activists of Greenpeace, but also to members of trade unions and movements such as Field Liberation Movement against the use of genetic modified organisms in the EU and ‘Plasactie vzw’ an organisation fighting for more public toilets for both men and women. I want to stress out that being an activist fighting for a healthy and clean society or for the liberty and independence of peasants form big business seed companies or being a trade union member is of course not a crime. That those people are treated in that way is the very alarming symptom of a failing legal system of a society in economical crisis. Social problems such as the illegal dumping of household waste because buying garbage bags is too expensive or urinating in the public because there is not public sanitary are converted to individual problems and are sanctioned. It is eventually cheaper in times of crisis to sanction individual problems than to finance garbage collection without profit and public toilets for men and women. Of course organisations such as ‘Plasactie vzw’ (translated as ‘Piss action non-profit organisation’) who campaign for public sanitary need to be criminalised because they are a thorn in the flesh. For the reason that the organisation of a legal system with respect for fundamental rights such as the right of defence, the right of an independent judge and in accordance with the principle of separation of powers is too expensive in times of crisis, we notice as well in Belgium as abroad an alternative legal system. A system of administrative sanctions imposed by executive powers instead of judges for all kind of public disturbance, such as urinating in the public, 3 illegal dumping of household but also playing children making to much noise, throwing a snowball at each other and even public protest or distributing leaflets in the public. 5. I already mentioned that law is a product of social changes and that in times of crisis fundamental rights are deteriorated. This became clear in the latest evolutions regarding the EU-directive on the retention of digital data. During all the commotion and astonishment caused by the leaks of Edward Snowden about the NSA espionage scandal, the European commission wanted to install a far-going system of mass data retention of their citizens. Luckily, the European Court of Justice judged last week that this EU-directive on data retention is an infringement of the fundamental right of privacy and needs therefore to be destroyed. This is a positive example of how law can be used to protect fundamental right and how social changes are able to influence law and jurisprudence. 6. Finally, Progress Lawyers Network chooses clearly the side of the working class people and progressive movements, in the same way the majority of lawyers, especially corporate lawyers chose the side of big companies and banks. Progress Lawyers Network can’t stress out enough that chosing a neutral side in law is not an option because we live in an unequal society and accepting inequality as the reality is already choosing a side. Democratic and progressive lawyers need to choose to support the struggle for more and better-protected fundamental rights, to fight against all attacks on these fundamental rights and other social and cultural achievements, and to support the broader struggle for a democratic, healthy and social development with respect for international law. 4