Survey
* Your assessment is very important for improving the workof artificial intelligence, which forms the content of this project
* Your assessment is very important for improving the workof artificial intelligence, which forms the content of this project
From 22nd to 25th October 2015 the Congress of Vienna 2015 was convened by the Chumir Foundation for Ethics in Leadership. The original Congress of Vienna met two hundred years ago. It brought together representatives of the five major powers of the day – Prince Metternich of Austria, Viscount Castelreagh of Great Britain, Tsar Alexander I of Russia, King Frederick William III of Prussia and Duc de Talleyrand of France. There were representatives of over 200 European states and princely houses, a number were colonial powers. They met for many months. The participants had authority that gave them the latitude to explore a wide range of ideas. The participants in 1814/1815, immediately following the devastation of the Napoleonic wars and occupations, were committed to the purpose of agreeing on the boundaries of each monarchy. They also undertook reforms to certain important policies – addressing international navigation, abolition of slave trade, civil rights for Jews and anti-discrimination. That Congress determined that it was of central importance to establish a continuing consultative mechanism to collaborate on addressing risks that arose in the future, aiming at achieving ongoing peace and stability. The delegates took some nine months to sign agreements on most items; and a year or more to resolve certain elements. This time was required, not only to find agreement, but also, according to recent historical research by Brian E. Vick of Emory University contained in his book The Congress of Vienna: Power and Politics After Napoleon, to understand relevant public opinion and prepare that audience for the terms of agreement anticipated. Through months of bilateral and multi-party committee meetings, the Congress participants shared cultural events, social gatherings and a great many informal conversations. They came to know one another as individuals. This exposure is, in itself, important for the development of sufficient trust to achieve results, despite continuing competing interests and appetites. The current Congress, generously hosted by the Government of Austria, held this session of a continuing program in the same rooms of the Austrian Chancellery in which the meetings in 1814/1815 took place and through the very same date, October 24th, as the final settlement in 1815. The Congress this past week brought together in these sessions an informed and experienced group of 54 Delegates and scholars for a private dialogue about today’s instabilities, unfairness and changes that may be needed in the world order to achieve a durably peaceful world. This Congress, reflecting the much more interconnected and interdependent world than that of two centuries ago, is global in composition. It is challenged to seek peaceful coexistence in more diverse ideological and governmental settings. To permit candid exchange and freedom to explore a wide range of ideas without political constraint, the current Congress was comprised almost solely of individuals who do not currently hold public office. Herein lies one of the important challenges seen by the current Congress – that of finding a way for today’s political leaders to find a politically safe space in which to explore new solutions. Competing and confronting national interests exist and will continue to do so. Conflicts and other impediments to cooperation exist in the form of conflicting ideologies, historic grievances and regional hostilities. Despite the absence of major war, conditions are becoming worse. Emerging powers have expectations of greater inclusion in world decision making. But, today’s political leaders face significant constraints in the exploration of new ideas with confronting parties. Such a process depends, for many important elements, on trust between interlocutors and must examine possibilities that may arouse premature political criticism. This discourages frank and open-minded deliberations. Past leaders had more freedom of action to reconfigure their world. Many earlier dialogues addressing important changes to the world order occurred in immediate postwar settings. At such a time, the winners got to write new rules. Highest political priority and credit was given to finding international stability for its own sake – that is, without having to serve a domestic political purpose beyond that of international stability. Today, we convene competing powers without military winners; and with less public and political focus on stability for its own sake. Indeed, when there is a conflict – the very time at which dialogue is most essential for de-escalating confrontation – we give political credit to our governments for punishing the adversary by not talking with them. Needed dialogue – or a personal handshake – with an adversary is seen as a sign of weakness. A prominent challenge the Congress of Vienna 2015 set for itself and for its continuing deliberations is that of considering how to create an environment in which our leaders can find and use, in the words of Henry Kissinger in his book World Order: “an effective mechanism for the major powers to consult and possibly cooperate on the most consequential issues”. If we are to achieve a durably peaceful, stable and fair world order, we must create a politically safe way for our leaders to explore solutions to the problems that confront us – and not wait until a minor or major catastrophe creates a winner-loser situation for change to be implemented. The focus is not on creating a new institution, but on genuine dialogue to find the political will for the participating states - and, where relevant, non-state actors - to cooperate on issues of security and other challenges in the already numerous groupings, agencies and organizations that exist, regionally and globally as appropriate to the issue. Excellent institutions fail when such will is missing; and, poorly structured institutions can work where the spirit of cooperation to resolve a problem exists. While many impediments to cooperation exist, there are also a number of interests of the major powers that would be best served, or only effectively addressed, by cooperation among them. Dealing with climate change, ISIL terrorism, pandemics, international capital movements and tax management, global development goals are examples. Nuclear non-proliferation in Iran, relations with North Korea and the end to bloodshed in the Balkans are precedents. But, to do so, these governments must learn to cooperate across ideological and governance divides, and differing views of history. The Congress of Vienna 2015 has turned its attention to the resetting of policy responses to the many forcibly displaced persons who will not be able to soon, if ever, do what they would greatly prefer to do, and return home. Despite a great deal of media focus on the migrants creating stresses in Europe, close to 90 percent of the displaced are stranded in the global south, living without rights to work or access to education for the half that are children, and living in conditions that risk generating more instability. The Congress urged a re-characterization of this destabilizing phenomenon as a development task, not solely a humanitarian need. The Congress also turned its attention to the tensions created by economic disparities. Disparities were forecast generally to be reduced by the advance of new technologies and innovations. Today, however, not only are disparities being exacerbated alongside such industrial developments, but the widening gaps are seen in many cases to arise because of the new technologies and how they are developed and deployed. This augurs poorly for international stability and fairness and calls for attention to remove this as a growing source of frustration.