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Social Mobility .... CLASSICAL VIEWPOINTS PITIRIM A. SOROKIN Social and Cultural Mobility Conception of Social Mobility and Its Forms By social mobility is understood any transi tion of an individual or social object or value-anything that has been created or modified by human activity-from one social position to another. There are two principal types of social mobility, horizontal and verti cal. By horizontal social mobility or shifting, is meant the transition of an individual or so cial object from one social group to another situated on the same level. Transitions of indi vidullls, as from the Baptist to the Methodist religious group, from one citizenship to an other, from one family (as a husband or wife) to another by divorce and remarriage, from one factory to another in the same occupa tional status, are all instances of social mobil ity. So too are transitions of social objects, the radio, automobile, fashion, Communism, Darwin's theory, within the same social stra tum, as from Iowa to California, or from any one place to another. In all these cases, "shift ing" may take place without any noticeable change of the social position of an individual or social object in the vertical direction. By Originally published in 1959. Please see complete source information beginning on page 891. vertical social mobility is meant the relations involved in a transition of an individual (or a social object) from one social stratum to an other. According to the direction of the transi tion there are two types of vertical social mo bility: ascending and descending, or social climbing and social sinking. According to the nature of the stratification, there are ascend ing and descending currents of economic, po litical, and occupational mobility, not to men tion other less important types. The ascending currents exist in two principal forms: as an in filtration of the individuals of a lower stratum into an existing higher one; and as a creation of a new group by such individuals, and the insertion of such a group into a higher stra tum instead of, or side by side with, the exist ing groups of this stratum. Correspondingly, the descending current has also two principal forms: the first consists in a dropping of indi viduals from a higher social position into an existing lower one, without a degradation or disintegration of the higher group to which they belonged; the second is manifested in a degradation of a social group as a whole, in an abasement of its rank among other groups, or in its disintegration as a social unit. The first case of "sinking" reminds one of an indi vidual falling from a ship; the second of the sinking of the ship itself with all on board, or of the ship as a wreck breaking itself to pIeces.... 303 304 Inlnlobile and Mobile Types of Stratified Societies Theoretically, there may be a stratified society in which the vertical social mobility is nil. This means that within it there is no ascend ing or descending, no circulation of its mem bers; that every individual is forever attached to the social stratum in which he was born; that the membranes or hymens which sepa rate one stratum from another are absolutely impenetrable, and do not have any "holes" through which, nor any stairs and elevators with which, the dwellers of the different strata may pass from one floor to another. Such a type of stratification may be styled as absolutely closed, rigid, impenetrable, or im mobile. The opposite theoretical type of the inner structure of the stratification of the same height and profile that in which the vertical mobility is very intensive and gen eral; here the membranes between the strata are very thin and have the largest holes to pass from one floor to another. Therefore, though the social building is as stratified as the immobile one, nevertheless, the dwellers of its different strata are continually chang ing; they do not stay a very long time in the same "social story," and with the help of the largest staircases and elevators are en masse moving "up and down." Such a 'type of social stratification may be styled open, plastic, pen etrable, or mobile. Between these two extreme types there may be many middle or intermedi ary types of stratification.... -rs- General Principles of Vertical Mobility As far as the corresponding historical and other materials permit seeing, in the field of vertical mobility there seems to be no definite perpetual trend toward either an increase or a decrease of the intensiveness and generality of mobility. This is proposed as valid for the his tory of a country, for that of a large social body, and, finally, for the history ofmankind. IV I Sealr.Uag lalliulilty Social and Culturall In these dynamic times, with the triumph of the electoral system, with the industrial revo lution, and especially a revolution in trans portation, this proposition may appear strange and improbable. The dynamism of our epoch stimulates the belief that history has tended and will tend in the future toward a perpetual and "eternal" increase of vertical mobility. There is no need to say that many so cial thinkers have such an opinion. l And yet, if its bases and reasons are investigated it may be seen that they are far from convincing. In the first place, the partisans of the accel eration and increase of mobility used to point out that in modern societies there are no ju ridical and religious obstacles to circulation, which existed in a caste-or in a feudal soci ety. Granting for a moment that this state ment is true, the answer is: first of all, it is im possible to infer an "eternal historical tendency" on the basis of an experience only of some 130 years; this is too short a period, beside the course of thousands of years of hu man history, to be a solid basis for the asser tion of the existence of a perpetual trend. In the second place, even within this period of 130 years, the trend has not been manifested clearly throughout the greater part of mankind. Within the large social aggregates of Asia and Africa, the situation is still indefi nite; the caste-system is still alive in India; in Tibet and Mongolia, in Manchuria and China, among the natives of many other countries, there has been either no alteration of the situation or only such as had happened many times before. In the light of these con siderations reference to feudalism compared with the "free" modern times loses a great deal of its significance. Grant that the removal of the juridical and religious obstacles tended to increase mobil ity. Even this may be questioned. It would have been valid if, in place of the removed ob stacles, there were not introduced some other ones. In fact, such new obstacles were intro duced. If in a caste-society it is rarely possible to be noble unless born from a noble family, it is possible nevertheless to be noble and privi- leged without beil society it is possibl, born in a prominel rule, it is necessary cle gone, another I ory, in the United S izen may become t States. In fact, 99. have as little chan4 cent of the subjects coming a monarch. moved, others have is meant that the al intensive vertical caste-society and fel an absolute decreas( a substitution of or another. And it is ne obstacles-the old ( cient in restraining s I I Occupational Dlsp and Recruitmlllt In present Western s tional groups are 51 the cleavages beJwee obliterated, or, 'mOT what indefinite and since one son of a f: borer, another a bush physician, it is not group such a family hand, since the offsp Or of many families ( status enter the mos the cleavages between considerably oblitera toward each other is heterogeneity and rej: result, the precipice groups becomes less where such dispersio thers who belong to d not take place, or is a This means that there ment of many theora. IV I Generatllg inequality ;, with the triumph of i1 the industrial revo revolution in trans sition may appear The dynamism of our lief that history has the future toward a increase of vertical I to say that many so l opinion.! And yet, if Investigated it may be n convincing. 'artisans of the accel lObility used to point ~ties there are no ju tacles to circulation, -or in a feudal soci nent that this state s: first of all, it is im "eternal historical ,f an experience only s too short a period, sands of years of hu d basis for the asser 1 perpetual trend. In vithin this period of not been manifested e greater part of 'ge social aggregates tuation is still indefi ;till alive in India; in in Manchuria and ves of many other either no alteration lCh as had happened e light of these con feudalism compared times loses a great Social and Cultural Mobility I j. r t l I l ·1· t'" I t J I I I of the juridical and :i to increase mobil llestioned. It would e of the removed ob :roduced some other .bstacles were intro Y' it is rarely possible om a noble family, it , be noble and privi- t l 305 leged without being wealthy; in the present continue to talk about the present social society it is possible to be noble without being classes as though they were still a kind of born in a prominent family; but, as a general caste. They forget completely about the fluid rule, it is necessary to be wealthy.2 One obsta composition of present occupational groups. cle gone, another has taken its place. In the However, a part of the truth is in their state ory, in the United States of America, every cit ment. What is it? The answer is given in the izen may become the President of the United next propositions. States. In fact, 99.9 per cent of the citizens In spite of the above-shown dispersiol1 have as little chance of doing it as 99.9 per '. among different occupations, the "heredi cent of the subjects of a monarchy have of be tary" transmission of occupation still exists, and, on the auerage, It is still high enough. It coming a monarch. One kind of obstacle r:e moved, others have been established. By this is likely also that the fathers' occupation is is meant that the abolition of obstacles to an still entered by the children in a greater pro intensive vertical circulation, common in portion than any othel: This means that a part caste-society and feudal society, did not mean of the population, during one or two or more an absolute decrease of the obstacles, but only generations, still remains in a regime like a a substitution of one sort of impediment for caste-system. Shall we wonder, therefore, that another. And it is not yet known what kind of this part has habits, traditions, standards, obstacles-the old or the new-is more effi mores, psychology, and behavior similar to ---cient in restraining social circulation .... that of a caste-society? Shall we wonder that the cleavages between such "rigid" parts of each occupation are quite clearly cut-eco Occupational Dispersion nomically, socially, mentally, morally, and even biologically? Under specific conditions, and Recruitment such a part of the population may give a real basis for the existence of a class psychology In present Western societies different occupa tional groups are strongly interwoven, and and class antagonisms. To this extent the par the cleavages between them are considerably tisans of the class struggle may have a reason for their theory and aspirations. As an illus obliterated, or, more accurately, are some tration of this, the following fact may be men what indefinite and not clearly cut. Indeed, since one son of a family is an unskilled la tioned. Among the German proletariat, the borer, another a business man, and the third a narrow-proletarian psychology and ideol physician, it is not easy to decide to what ogy-in the form of social-democratic and group such a family belongs. On the other communist affiliations-have existed princi pally among those who have been "hereditary hand, since the offspring of the same family proletarians" or used to remain within this or of many families of the same occupational status enter the most different occupations, class throughout their life. 3 The same may be said of any "hereditary and non-shifting part" the cleavages between occupations are thereby considerably obliterated, their "strangeness" of any occupation. The next basis for the aspirations of parti toward each other is weakened; their social heterogeneity and repulsion diminished. As a sans of class theories is given by the fact result, the precipice between occupational which may be generalized as follows: The groups becomes less than it is in a society closer the affinity between occupations, the where such dispersion of the children of fa more intensive among them is mutual inter thers who belong to the same occupation does change of their members; and, vice versa, the not take place, or is a very rare phenomenon. greater the difference between occupations This means that there is a fallacy in the state the less is the number of individuals who shift ment of many theorizers of class struggle who from one group to another. Since such is the 806 case, it is natural that there are cleavages not so much between occupational groups in the narrow sense of the word, as between bigger social subdivisions going on along the lines of the "affine" and "non-affine" occupational subdivisions. In a class composed totally of the affine occupational groups, e.g., of different groups of unskilled and semiskilled labor, there appears and exists a community of inter ests, hahits, morals, traditions, and ideologies considerably different from those of another class composed totally of other affine occupa tional groups, e.g., of different professional and business groups. These differences, being reinforced by differences in the economic sta tus of such classes, create a basis for what is styled as the present class-differentiation, with its satellites in the form of the class a~tago nisms and class friction. Thus far. the parti sans of the class struggle may-have a basis for their activity and propaganda .... Mobility Facilitates Atomization and Dillusion 01 Solidarity and Antagonisms In an immobile society the social solidarity of its members is concentrated within the social box to which they belong. It rarely surpasses its limits because the social contact of an indi vidual with the members of other different "boxes" is very weak and rare. Under such conditions the members of different boxes are likely to be strangers or to be in quite neutral relations. But within each box the ties of soli darity of its members are most intensive; for the same reason that the solidarity of the members of an old-fashioned family is strong. They have a complete understanding and a complete community of interests, or a com plete like-mindedness, elaborated in the clos est face-to-face contacts throughout a life span. The same may be said of hatred and an tagonisms. All these socio-psychical phenom ena are "localized" within and "centered" around a definite social box. In a mobile so cial body a "delocalization," and "atomiza- IV I Generating Inaq_IIlty Social and Cultural Mobili tion," and diffusion tend to take place. Since an individual belongs to different social groups and shifts from one box to another, his "area" of solidarity is not limited within one box. It becomes larger. It involves many indi viduals of different boxes. It ceases to "con centrate" within one box. It becomes "indi vidualized" and selects not "boxes" but persons, or social atoms. The same may be said of the attitudes of hatred and antago nism. At the same time the phenomena of sol idarity and antagonism a"re likely to lose their intensiveness. They become colder and more moderate. The reason for this is at hand: an individual now is not secluded for life in his box. He stays for a shorter time within each box; his face-to-face contacts with the mem bers of each social group become shorter, the number of persons with whom he "lives to gether," more numerous; he becomes like a polygamist who is not obliged and does not invest all his love in one wife, but divides it among many women. Under such conditions, the attachment becomes less hot; the inten siveness of feeling, less concentrated. In the social field this calls forth two impor tant changes. In the first place, the map of sol idarity and antagonisms within any mobile society becomes more complex and curved than in an immobile one. It is relatively clear in an immobile society. It goes along the lines separating one caste, order, or clear-cut stra tum from another. The vertical and horizontal trenches are in general simple and conspicu ous. In periods of social struggle, slaves fight with slaves against masters; serfs against their lords; plebeians, against patricians; peasants, against landlords. Much more complex is the map of solidarity and antagonism in a mobile society. Since the boxes are less clearly cut off from each other, and since each of them is filled by a fluid population from different strata, the lines of solidarity and antagonism become more whimsical, and assume the most fanciful character. During the World War the citizens of the United States showed a consid erable difference in their attitudes toward the belligerent countries. Anglo-Saxon, French, and Slavic citizens sym lies; the German-Ameri Powers. The unity of t prevent this splitting. II consideration the differ. cal aspiration, economi~ tus, the lines of solidari and against the War ap ful. People of the sam~ same religion, or oceuI nomic status, or childr very often happen to be In the second place, and antagonism in a I more flexible and mOl who yesterday was an: measure, today becom his social position has from one social positio a similar shifting of il Fluidity of social grou result. Therefore, it is n that yesterday's foes a group, which last year' terminated, to-day tw contemporary interrel whole countries this fl solidarity and antagoni Mobility Favors .1 ollndividualisRI fill CosmopolitanlslR II Mobility facilitates an ism because it destroy! in one social box" typ ciety. When a man is "box," a knowledge ( know the characterist other hand, the man f( as a particular person or a component of the longs. 4 Under such c~ but not the individuaL units. When the "box rigid, when their pOpt individual passes fro T IV I Ganaratlnglnequallty :l to take place. Since to different social ne box to another, his ot limited within one t involves many indi ~s. It ceases to "con IX. It becomes "indi s not "boxes" but s. The same maybe hatred and antago he phenomena of sol Ire likely to lose their lme colder and more )r this is at hand: an :eluded for life in his rter time within each Itacts with the mem ) become shorter, the whom he "lives to s: he becomes like a )bliged and does not e wife, but divides it 1der such conditions, ; less hot; the inten mcentrated. :alls forth two impor place, the map of sol s within any mobile :omplex and curved :. It is relatively dear t goes along the lines :ler, or dear-cut stra ~rtical and horizontal ;imple and conspicu struggle, slaves fight ~rs; serfs against their patricians; peasants, more complex is the tagonism in a mobile lre less dearly cut off nce each of them is aion from different lrity and antagonism and assume the most g the World War the .res showed a consid attitudes toward the nglo-Saxon, French, I I I I Social and Cultural Mobility 307 and Slavic citizens sympathized with the Al lies; the German-Americans, with the Central Powers. The unity of the citizenship did not prevent this splitting. If, further, is taken into consideration the difference in religion, politi cal aspiration, economic and occupational sta tus, the lines of solidarity and antagonism for and against the War appear to be most fanci ful. People of the same nationality, or of the same religion, or occupational status, or eco nomic status, or children of the same family, very often happen to be in opposite factions. . In the second place, the lines of solidarity and antagonism in a mobile society become more flexible and more changeable. A man, who yesterday was an antagonist of a definite measure, today becomes its partisan because his social position has been changed. Shifting from 9!1e social position to another calls forth similar shifting of interests and solidarity. Fluidity of social groups facilitates the same result. Therefore, it is not strange when we see that yesterday's foes are today's friends. The group, which last year was an enemy to be ex- , terminated, to-day turns out an ally. In the / contemporary interrelations of groups and whole countries this flexibility of the map of, solidarity and antagonism is conspicuous..../ 'a- I Mobility Favors an Increase 01 Individllalism Followed by a Vague Cosmopolitanism and Collectivism Mobility facilitates an increase of individual ism because it destroys this "seclusion for life in one social box" typical of an immobile so~ ciety. When a man is for life attached to his "box," a knowledge of the box is enough to know the characteristics of the man. On the other hand, the man feels himself not so much as a particular personality, but only as a cell or a component of the group to which he be longs. 4 Under such conditions, the "boxes" but not the individuals are the social atoms or units. When the "boxes" are less definite and rigid, when their population is fluid, when an individual passes from position to position and often belongs to several overlapping groups, his attachment to the box becomes less intensive; his characteristics cannot be de cided through his temporary position; in or der to know him one must take him as an in dividual and study his personality. This participation in many groups, shifting from one group to another, and impossibility of identification with anyone group makes an individual something separate from a social box; awakens his personality, transforms him from the component of a group to an individ ual person. As he is shifting from group to group, he now must secure rights and privi leges for himself, not for a specific group, be cause he himself does not know in what group he will be to-morrow. Hence the "Dec laration of the Rights of Men" but not that of a group. Hence the demands of liberty of speech, religion, freedom, self-realization for a man, but not for a group. Hence the equal ity of all individuals before law; and individ ual responsibility instead of that of a group, as is the case in an immobile society. AIIlohi.le- sq£i~t}C-jnevitably must "invest" all rights and responsibilities in an individual but not in a group.... Complete social isolation or loneliness is unbearable for the majority of people. It has been mentioned that mobility facilitates such an isolation. Detached from an intimate one ness with any group, losing even family shel ter against loneliness, modern individuals try by every means to attach themselves to some social body to avoid their isolation. And the more the family is disintegrated, the stronger is this need. Some enter labor and occupa~ tional unions; some try to fight their isolation through an affiliation with political parties; some, through a participation in different so cieties, clubs, churches; some through a mad rush from one dancing hall to another. Some try to belong at once to many and often oppo site groups. All these "collectivist tendencies" are nothing but the other side of individual ism and isolation, created by mobility. They are attempts to substitute for the previous lost "boxes" something similar to them. To some IV I Generating Inequality 808 extent all these unions, clubs, societies, and so forth, serve this purpose. But only to some ex tent. Shifting does not permit one to attach himself to such groups strongly. Hence arise the trends to go further in this direction. This trend is conspicuously manifested in the social schemes of Communists, revolutionary syndi calists, and guild socialists. They contemplate a complete engulfment of an individual within the commune, or syndicate, or a restored guild. They unintentionally try to reestablish "the lost paradise" of an immobile society, and to make an individual again only a "fin ger of the hand" of a social body. The greater is the loneliness, the more urgent the need. I fear, however, that until social mobility is di minished, such attempts, even being rea!iz~d, cannot give what is expected of them. In the best case they may create a kind of.acompul sory "social box" wnich wiifbe felt to be a prison'by its ~embers. In conditions of social mobility such a cell will be destroyed by its prisoners. In order to realize the program it is necessary to diminish the mobility. If we are entering such a period, then in some form these schemes may be realized. Are we enter ing one? I cannot confidently say. Some symp toms are in favor of such an hypothesis. But they are not quite clear as yet; the topic is too big to be discussed briefly, and the writer too much likes the mobile type of society to prophesy its funeral; therefore, he prefers to finish the discussion right here. Whatever may happen in the future, our mobile period is far from ended. And if our aristocracy would try to be a real aristocracy, strong in its rights and duties, creative in its achieve ments, less sensual in its proclivities and free from parasitism; if it would raise its fecun dity; if the channels of climbing are open to every talent among the lower strata; if the machinery of social testing and selection is properly reorganized; if the lower strata are raised to levels as high as possible; and if we are not permeated by th.e ideologies of false sentimentality and "humanitarian impo tency," then the chances for a long and bril liant existence of present mobile societies are great and high. Let history do what it has to do; and let us do what we ought to do with out wavering and hesitation. Notls 1. See, e.g., Fahlbeck, "Les classes sociales"; "La noblesse de Suede"; "La decadence et la chute des peuples," in Bull. de l'Inst. Int. de Stat., Vols. XII, XV, and XVIII; D'Aeth, F. G., "Present Tendencies of Class Differentiation," The Sociological Review, pp. 269-272 et seq., 1910. 2. Such is the condition necessary for a man to be included in the American "Social Register." 3. See Lurie, Sostav Proletariata, p. 9; see also the series"Auslese und Anpassung der Arbeiter schafr," Schriften des Vereins fur Sozialpolitik. 4. Durkheim, E., La division du travail social, and BougIe, Charles, "Revue generale des theories recentes sur la division du travail," L'Annl!e soci ologique, Vol. VI; Palant, Les antinomies entre l'in dividu et societe, passim. Social Mobility in Industr SEYMOUR MA AND HANS L. Social Mobi~ Widespread social mo comitant of industriali2 acteristic of modern every industrial countfJ the population has ha considerably different f ents. During the ninetc portion of the labor fl tions increased rapidly in agriculture decreasec In the twentieth cenl characterized by a rapi of service industries, as in industry and gove have become employed and the comparative si: tion has declined even fore. l These changes in cupations from gene mean that no industrial as closed or static. This apparently sil counter to widely held ing the different social; and Western European these impressions, Arne ety" with considerable countries of Western El land, France, Italy, Gel tries, and the Scandina1 Originally published in 1 source information begiru