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“SAPIENZA” - UNIVERSITA’ DI ROMA
FACOLTA’ DI ECONOMIA
DIPARTIMENTO DI MANAGEMENT
DOTTORATO DI RICERCA IN
“ECONOMIA E FINANZA NEL GOVERNO DELL’IMPRESA”
TESI DI DOTTORATO
XXVI CICLO
FANATIC CONSUMERS: TRANSCENDING CONSUMPTION
AND THE SACRED SELF
GREGORIO FUSCHILLO
“Scio me nescire”
(Socrate)
Acknowledgements
I would like to express my gratitude to my supervisor, Professor Bernard Cova, for the
great opportunity to work with him during my PhD studies. His experience, his knowledge
and his humanity have been an inspiration for me in this challenge.
I would also thank my co-supervisor, Professor Andrea Rea, whose contribution has been
crucial for the partnership with the University of Roma “La Sapienza”.
I would also like to thank Professor Delphine Dion and Professor Eric Rémy for doing me
the honor of being the rapporteurs for my thesis.
I also thank Professor Dwight Merunka for his support and availability. Our many exciting
discussions helped me to learn a lot.
I thank also Professor Diego Rinallo for his availability, his time and his helpful words.
Many thanks to all my colleagues who have shared with me this common path. Each of
them gave me something; I hope I gave them something too.
Finally I thank my family, my wife and all my friends…it is a long journey that holds us
together.
3
Abstract
This thesis aims to explore the phenomenon of fanatic consumption by interpreting the
underlying meanings that fanatic consumers ascribe to their favorite brands. After having
defined the concept of fanaticism in literature we design a research project founded on an
interpretive epistemology. Then we undertake a data collection by conducting participant
observations and phenomenological interviews on five fanatic consumers’ lives over a
period of more than 18 months. We propose a definition of fanatic consumers to precisely
identify them. Each consumer shares a strong relationship with a single specific brand. A
hermeneutic approach is implemented in order to grasp the underlying meanings of fanatic
consumption. The analysis is organized in two levels – the idiographic level and the
nomothetic level – in order to understand the emic meanings as well as the etic meanings.
Finally, results are conceptually abstracted. Findings show how fanatic consumers find in
brands a means to transcend their life conditions and to sacralize their identity. Our results
contribute to the literature on fanatic consumer research, consumer research and provide
managerial implications for marketing strategies.
Key words: fanatic, transcending consumption, sacred self, Consumer Culture Theory
4
Contents
Introduction
12
General structure
15
PART 1 Fanaticism and Consumption
Chapter 1. Fanaticism as a historical, psychological and social phenomenon
19
Section 1. The evolution of an idea
22
1.1 Fanatic and Fanaticism: the evolution of a word and its meaning
23
1.2 Fanatic and fanaticism in XXI century
33
1.2.1 Enthusiasm
34
1.2.2 Extremism
35
1.2.3 Terrorism
37
1.2.4 Fundamentalism and integralism
42
1.2.5 Universalism
48
Section 2. Studies on fanaticism
52
1.1 Fanaticism in historico-political and religious studies
52
1.2 Fanaticism in psychological and psychoanalytical studies
60
1.2.1 Building a fanatical Profile
61
1.2.1.1 Intensity
63
1.2.1.2 Value attitude
71
1.2.1.3 Pathology
76
1.2.2 Building a fanatical Prototype
82
1.3 Fanaticism in sociological studies
89
1.4 Fanaticism in media and cultural studies
93
Chapter 1. conclusions
101
Chapter 2. Fanaticism as a consumption phenomenon
104
Section 1. Fanaticism and close ideas
107
2.1 Involvement
108
5
2.2 Commitment
109
2.3 Attachment
110
2.4 Passion
111
2.5 Loyalty
113
2.6 Devotion
115
2.7 Love
117
2.7.1 Love towards an object
118
2.7.2 Love towards a brand
119
2.8 Brand relationship
120
Section 2. Fanatic consumption
123
2.1 Episode 1: fanatical behavior
124
2.1.1 Fanatic consumer behavior: weightlifters and jazz fans
124
2.1.2 Bodybuilding culture and religion
127
2.1.3 Jazz musifacts: Home and the family love
128
2.1.4 Triathlets: the effects of fanatic consumption on consumer’s quality life
129
2.1.5 Discussion
131
2.2 Episode 2: fan consumers vs. fanatic consumers
132
2.2.1 Social hierarchies
133
2.2.2 Authenticity
136
2.2.3 Consumer competence
137
2.2.4 Consumer experience
139
2.2.5 Universe of meanings and escapism
139
2.2.6 Social identity: Trekkies and stigma
141
2.2.7 Discussion
145
2.3 Episode 3: fanatic consumers
146
2.3.1 Fanaticism and its main characteristics
148
2.3.2 From fans to fanatics: typologies of fandom consumers
150
2.3.3 The fanatic dysfunctional behavior
154
2.3.4 Fanatics and their identity
158
Chapter 2. conclusions
161
Part 1. conclusions and the emerging of the research problem
164
6
PART 2 Methodological approaches to data collection and analysis
Chapter 3. Epistemological and methodological choice
168
Section 1. Epistemological paradigms
170
3.1 Positivism
171
3.2 Constructivism
172
3.3 Interpretivism
174
3.4 Interpretivism in marketing and consumer research
176
3.5 The interpretivist choice in our research
179
Section 2. Methodological choice
181
3.1 Research objectives
182
3.2 Research approaches
183
3.3 Research methods: qualitative method vs. quantitative method
184
3.4 Qualitative method choice in our research
187
3.5 Phenomenological interviews
189
Chapter 4. Data collection
194
Section 1. Sample constitution
195
4.1 Sampling methods
195
4.2 Sample construction
197
4.3 Approaching the field and informants
198
4.4 Informants selection
199
Section 2. Implementation of data collecting
202
4.1 Organization of meetings and interviews
203
4.2 Implementation of interviews
211
Chapter 5. Data analysis and interpretation of results
215
Section 1. Analysis of data
216
5.1 Data analysis method
216
5.2 Analysis of data
218
Section 2. Interpretation of results
225
5.1 Interpretation of results
225
5.2.1 Grasping the meaning of others
227
7
5.2.2 Seeking patterns and meanings
230
5.2.3 Deciphering cultural codes
231
5.3 The hermeneutic framework at work
233
5.3.1 Selecting a prior context of investigation
235
5.3.2 Interpreting the texts of consumer interviews as consumption stories
236
5.3.3 Interpreting consumption stories as self-referential projections
238
5.3.4 Constructing an integrative interpretation from the texts of
239
consumer's consumption stories
5.4 Analysis and interpretation in our research: a short account
240
Part 2. conclusions
241
PART 3 Analysis of data and interpretation of results
Chapter 6. Idiographic level of analysis
244
Case 1 – Dominique
245
Case 2 – Olivier
267
Case 3 – Robert
293
Case 4 – Amy
312
Case 5 – Raffaele
328
Chapter 7. Nomothetic level of analysis and interpretation of results
351
Section 1. Intertextual analysis and emerging themes
352
Theme 1 - Feeling frustrated
353
Theme 2 - Being saved
364
Theme 3 - Bettering the world
373
Section 2. Etic level of analysis and conceptual abstraction
384
7.1 Transcending consumption and the sacred self
386
Chapter 7. conclusions
398
8
Discussion
400
Section 1. On the validity of our findings
403
8.1 The validity of our findings
403
8.2 Researcher’s reflexivity
406
Section 2. Research contributions
409
8.1 Theoretical contribution in research on fanatic consumption
409
8.2 Theoretical contribution in consumer research
412
8.3 Methodological contribution
419
8.4 Managerial implications
420
Section 3. Limitations
425
Section 4. Further research
428
Conclusion
429
References
433
Web references
464
Annexes
Annex 1. Dominique
466
Annex 2. Olivier
467
Annex 3. Robert
468
Annex 4. Amy
469
Annex 5. Raffaele
470
9
List of tables
Table 1. Definition of fanaticism
Table 2. Profile vs. Prototype
Table 3. Different forms of fanaticism
Table 4. Reason for pursuing an activity
Table 5. Weightlifters segments
Table 6. Dabbler, Fan and Fanatic segments
Table 7. Levels of fanatic consumers
Table 8. Summary of contributions on fanaticism in consumer research
Table 9. Definition of fanatic consumption
Table 10. Positivist, constructivist and interpretivist paradigm
Table 11. Positivist and Interpretivist approach
Table 12. Old versus new perspectives in consumer behavior research
Table 13. Interpretivism vs. positivism
Table 14 Qualitative versus quantitative research differences
Table 15. Qualitative methods
Table 16. Data collection for Dominique
Table 17. Data collection for Olivier
Table 18. Data collection for Robert
Table 19. Data collection for Amy
Table 20. Data collection for Raffaele
Table 21. Informants’ profile and collected data
Table 22. Different types of content analysis
Table 23. Report guidelines
Table 24. Criteria of validity
10
List of figures
Figure 1. Fanaticism and close notions
Figure 2. Determining variables of fanaticism
Figure 3. The fanatical profile
Figure 4. Three forms of intensity
Figure 5. Intensity background
Figure 6. Three forms of value attitude
Figure 7. Three forms of pathology
Figure 8. Similar ideas to fanaticism in consumption
Figure 9. Iterative sampling process
Figure 10. The fusion of horizons
Figure 11. A hermeneutic model of meaning construction
Figure 12. Levels of abstraction in the interpretation of fanatic consumer experiences
Figure 13. Fanatic consumers’ cosmogony
11
Introduction
Introduction
With the collapse of the great ideologies and meta-narratives of the modern era, individuals
have found in consumption an instrument to give security to their existential concerns and
thus construct the identity. As early as the 1970s, the academic literature has highlighted
the loss of existential centrality of the individual work and the growing significance
assumed by consumption (Baudrillard, 1970; Douglas and Isherwood, 1979).
Consumption is the way in which individuals consume objects, values and symbols, in
short the way they consume cultural resources. However, it is also an active process as
consumers, in consuming, produce culture. Current research on consumption is especially
interested in investigating the cultural implications of consumption. As Arnould and
Thompson (2005) have clearly stated “The consumption of market-made commodities and
desire-inducing marketing symbols is central to consumer culture, and yet the perpetuation
and reproduction of this system is largely dependent upon the exercise of free personal
choice in the private sphere of everyday life. The term ‘consumer culture’ also
conceptualizes an interconnected system of commercially produced images, texts, and
objects that groups use - through the construction of overlapping and even conflicting
practices, identities, and meanings - to make collective sense of their environments and to
orient their members’ experiences and lives” (p. 869). Thus, consumption is more than a
mere way of behaving; it has taken on an existential significance in supporting individuals
to create the cultural context in which they make sense of their identities and their lives.
Fandom phenomena and fan consumers are probably the most significant example of how
consumers relate to and depend on consumption for their identity needs. In fact, since the
1990s consumer research has dedicated many efforts in investigating these phenomena,
their practices, their rituals, their cultural and symbolic productions and so forth. However,
most of these studies have focused on the collective consumption of these consumers more
than on the individual extents. Furthermore, studies on collective consumption have
constantly identified a basic distinction in these consumers: soft-core vs. hard-core
12
Introduction
consumers (Cova and Pace, 2006; Kozinets, 2001; Muñiz and O’Guinn, 2001). These two
kinds of consumers have often a different approach to the brand and that is evident by the
distinction among them either in terms of social recognition (Celsi et al., 1993) or in terms
of conflict (Schouten and McAlexander, 1995). Thus fanatic consumers are different from
fan consumers. Fanatic consumers have a strong relationship with the brand, they hold
competences and knowledge about the brand, and they spend time, money and effort in
dealing with the brand. They are both in groups any they consume alone. Hence, the
presence of fanatic consumers and the relative lack of research on them is an interesting
insight for this research. In addition, the influence that fanatic consumers have an on other
consumers – conflicting or as opinion leaders - as well as on the brand and its meanings,
has some important managerial implications for marketing strategies (Cova and Dalli,
2009; Cova and White, 2010; Wipperfürth, 2005).
Our research aims at defining the idea of fanatic consumer, identifying the meanings which
fanatic consumption holds for fanatic consumers and clarifying how these meanings
interplay with fanatic consumers’ identity.
At a theoretical level we wish to explore the phenomenon of fanatic consumption enlarging
our knowledge on the relationship which ties a consumer to a brand. Our findings show
that fanatic consumers use brands to transcend their life condition, sacralizing it.
Sacralization phenomena are deeply rooted in fanatic consumers’ experience with the
brands. Our investigation finds out that transcendence is a key process with which fanatic
consumers resacralize their reality as well as their own identity. The extension of the
knowledge related to the sacralization paves new ways in explaining how consumers live
their consumption experiences and how these experiences influence their identity.
According to the keen interests in consumer research for topics related to sacralization
(Rinallo et al., 2012) we think that our findings could be of further interest in the current
debate in consumer research.
At a methodological level we have implemented a hermeneutic analysis of the data
collected mainly through phenomenological interviews. These interviews have been
13
Introduction
unfolded in the context of a participant observation that we have conducted on five
informants previously identified as “fanatics” - according to our proposed definition. This
method allows understanding of the deep meaning that fanatic consumers ascribe to their
consumption - and to their brands.
At a managerial level our research paves the way for an insertion of the “marketing of
being” (Shankar and Fitchett, 2002) into a societing perspective (Cova and Cova, 2002).
The marketing of being founds on a being mode of identity construction rather than on
possession. This marketing perspective could be of interest to those marketers who are
dealing with phenomena of de-consumption, no-logo or consumer troubles (Holt, 2002)
towards their brands.
14
General structure
General structure
This thesis is organized in three parts:
-
Fanaticism and consumption,
-
Methodological approach to data collection and analysis,
-
Analysis of data and interpretation of results.
In Part 1 we organize the theoretical background to approach the study of fanaticism in
consumption, following its historical, religious, political, and cultural implications.

Chapter 1 clarifies the difference between the idea of fanaticism and other related
ideas. It also provides the analysis of fanaticism in social sciences, form history to
politics, religion, psychology, psychoanalysis, media and cultural studies.

Chapter 2 focuses on fanaticism as a consumption phenomenon. First, it makes the
difference between fanaticism and other related ideas as they are developed in
consumption. Then it identifies traces of fanatic consumers in literature making the
difference with the fans. At the end of the chapter the research problem emerges.
In Part 2 we define the epistemological context in which our research is framed. Then we
specify the methodological approach chosen to attain our research objectives.

Chapter 3 is dedicated to the epistemological and methodological choice. A short
account of the different epistemological approaches is provided as well as a brief
description of the method used to collect data.
 Chapter 4 presents the five informants and their brief biographies with the brand.
A detailed account of the organization of data collection is provided. In this chapter
a definition of fanatic consumers is proposed.

Chapter 5 presents an itemized description of the various steps followed to analyze
and interpret data.
In Part 3 we analyze and interpret our results. Then we come up with the transcending
process and the sacred self as the two major findings in fanatic consumption.
15
General structure

Chapter 6 provides a first level of analysis – the idiographic analysis. This
intratextual analysis allows grasping emic meanings from each informant’s text.

Chapter 7 deepens the previous idiographic analysis moving to a nomothetic
level. The nomothetic analysis is an intertextual analysis that allows construing
etic conceptual abstractions starting from the first level of analysis. Our five cases
share three main themes: feeling frustrated, being saved, and bettering the world.
Then we show how these three themes underlie the transcending process of
consumption and the sacralization of the self.
In discussion, theoretical and managerial implications of our results are proposed as well as
limitations and further research.
16
General structure
General structure
PART I Fanaticism and consumption
Chapter 1
Fanaticism as a historical, psychological and social
phenomenon
Chapter 2
Fanaticism as a consumption phenomenon
PART 2 Methodological approaches to data collection and analysis
Chapter 3
Epistemological and methodological choice
Chapter 4
Data collection
Chapter 5
Data analysis and interpretation of results
PART 3 Analysis of data and interpretation of results
Chapter 6
Idiographic level of analysis
Chapter 7
Nomothetic level of analysis and interpretation of results
17
PART 1 – Fanaticism and consumption
PART I Fanaticism and consumption
Chapter 1
Fanaticism as a historical, psychological and social
phenomenon
Chapter 2
Fanaticism as a consumption phenomenon
18
PART 1 – Fanaticism and consumption
Chapter 1. Fanaticism as a historical,
psychological and social
phenomenon
The notion - and the phenomenon - of fanaticism appear for the first time in human history
during the sixteenth century in Europe where the old continent is the theater of violent
clashes between religious Catholics and Protestants. Through the Age of Enlightenment
fanaticism increases its importance in the religious and philosophical debate and at the end
of the eighteenth century it is identified as a central and essential theme in the historical
development of society (Haynal et al., 1983). At the end of this century, in fact, according
to Bouton (2006) one can distinguish “three traits that define fanaticism. In its religious
aspect, fanaticism has its origin in the feeling of being directly inspired by God; it is the
idea of an immediate and privileged relationship with the deity. From this derives a set of
psychological characteristics: exacerbated imagination, rejection of reason and
argumentation, exclusive and intolerant faith, certainty in holding the truth and desire that
this is universally recognized, hatred for those who do not share this truth, delirium that
can reach the edge of madness, finally breaking the taboo of death, feeling of being
allowed to kill. The clearest difference between enthusiasm and fanaticism is that it
assumes a political form; it takes the form of a collective behavior often aimed at achieving
the beliefs in the world in order to “cleanse” it, and to do so it does not hesitate to make
use of violence. In short, the fanatic is not content to catch fire of ideas, he takes himself
for an instrument of God, the takes action, and this action is systematic, destructive,
deadly, what Leibniz calls ‘a rage for something divine’. ” (p. 208).
The facets of the fanatic phenomenon highlighted by Bouton (2006) - religious,
psychological and political - undergo further evolution during the transition from the
eighteenth to the nineteenth century, the century of the great political ideologies and
totalitarianism. In this new phase of history, the religious dimension is resized - and then
19
PART 1 – Fanaticism and consumption
finds a new impetus in the XXI century – getting more importance to the political theme.
In this sense, Taylor (1991) states that “contemporary use of the term fanatic has extended
beyond the religious context, to refer to the more general expression of extreme behavior.
This shift in emphasis from religion is associated with the declining role of religious
ideology in people’s lives, and its replacement by political ideology. This shift may also
indicate […] that fanaticism is not necessarily associated with religion as such, but with the
expression of particular belief systems and ideological qualities” (p. 37).
The twentieth century - the century of the masses - especially since the Second World War,
gave birth to mass society and, as a direct consequence, to mass culture and/or popular
culture. The rock music of the ‘50s and ‘60s - also known as the music of “screamers” - is
one of the examples of fanaticism emerging in the context of popular culture (Rudin,
1969), along with others that will follow thanks to the influence of mass media on the
society (Hills, 2002; Jenkins, 1992). Popular culture is a new theater for the fanaticism and
a new field of study for scientific research.
Returning to the beginning of this section, in particular to the analysis on fanaticism
conducted by Bouton (2006), the model proposed by him - religion, psychology, and
politics - should be revised by integrating these dimensions with the sociological
dimension and the full stream of cultural and media studies.
The study of fanaticism has experienced a considerable interest in the field of social
research since the ‘60s (Rudin, 1969). The phenomenon itself is shown complex and
difficult to define - also given the phenomenology of the phenomenon which involves
cognitive, philosophical, social, political and religious factors (Colas, 1997; Bronner, 2009;
Haynal et al., 1983; Taylor, 1991; Toscano, 2010).
The study of fanaticism that we undertake here must be conducted along two main lines.
The first concerning the linguistic terminology, it aims to understand the use and the
evolution of the term - fanatic/fanaticism - that over time has developed from a concept
20
PART 1 – Fanaticism and consumption
denoting a specific phenomenon, to a label with pejorative and disqualifying connotations
that has nothing to do with the phenomenon itself (Toscano, 2006). (See Table 1)
Table 1 – Definitions of fanatics
Context
Source
Taylor (1991, p. X)
Definition
Behaviour which is excessive and
inappropriately enthusiastic and/or
inappropriately concerned with something,
Politics
implying a focused and highly personalised
interpretation of the world
Ansart-Dourlen
The adoption by groups, individuals and nations
(2007, p. 7)
of beliefs or faith felt as truth and inspiring a
radical intolerance.
Haynal et al. (1983, p. Abnormal, excessive, exaggerated zeal
216)
Psychology
Rudin (1969, p. 2)
Extreme and radical claims and attitudes
Milgram (1977, p. 58) Unreasonable enthusiasm in political, as well
as cultural pre-occupations, someone who goes
to extremes in beliefs, feelings and actions
Anthropology
Mead (1977, p. 37) A closed mind, a refusal to entertain counter
arguments, a willingness to destroy those who
threaten the fanatically held belief
Perkinson (1977, p. Dogmatic, ignores (or cannot perceive)
56)
arguments, facts, or consequences that refute his
solutions, a fanatic is authoritarian
Colas (1997)
Fanaticism is the rejection of representation,
History-Philosophy
the refusal of political institutions
Toscano (2010)
Fanaticism lies within universal emancipation
and abstract universality. It is a consequence
not a cause.
Sociology
Bronner (2010)
Extreme thinking [fanaticism] is a radical
adhesion to a radical idea.
The second aspect of the analysis is the study of the phenomenon itself and then we present
a review of the various studies that have the most dealt with fanaticism helping to shed
light on the phenomenon from different scientific perspectives. We will review
respectively: religious and historico-political studies, psychological and psychoanalytical
studies, sociological studies, and finally media and cultural studies.
21
PART 1 – Fanaticism and consumption
Section 1. The evolution of a concept
Fanaticism has characterized different phases of the history of mankind (Hughes and
Gaynor, 2005; Ansart-Dourlen, 2007; Dabbia and Spadaro, 2007; Toscano, 2010), to such
an extent that Mead (1977) calls it a “panhuman disorder”. Even today - more than ever the theme of fanaticism is at the center of political, religious and social debate (Bouton,
2006; Bronner, 2009; Toscano, 2010). Although scientific studies of the phenomenon are
relatively recent (Haynal, et al., 1983; Milgram, 1977; Perkinson, 2002; Rudin, 1969;
Taylor, 1991), fanaticism as a phenomenon and terms as fanatic and fanaticism date to the
beginning of the Western modern history (Colas, 1997).
From the sixteenth century onwards, the use of the term is more widespread enriching its
own meanings. From the beginning, however, the term has been accompanied by a
derogatory denotation. During the period of the Protestant Reformation, fanatics were
those - the Anabaptists - that Luther describes as “dogs” and “unlawful combatants”
Toscano (2006). In the Enlightenment, the term takes on the meaning of “superstition” as
opposed to that of “reason”, the cardinal principle of the thought of the Philosophers.
Throughout the nineteenth century the term fanaticism will be used in the context of the
contradictions emerging from the Western liberal policies dealing with the principles of
freedom and democracy on the one hand, and with colonialism and slavery on the other
(Toscano, 2010). In the twentieth century, fanaticism became the term used to qualify (or
disqualify) the totalitarian ideologies, in particular, the Nazi and the communist (Taylor,
1991). This century has seen a new era of fanaticism in which the flashback of religious
themes seems to be the peculiar element and in which the contrast between the “other” and
the West (Rivera, 2010) comes back again in a pseudo-Enlightenment perspective
(Toscano, 2010).
Below, we will discuss the several specific paths followed by the term fanaticism (and
fanatic) and how they have contributed to the evolution of this notion.
22
PART 1 – Fanaticism and consumption
1.1 Fanatic and Fanaticism: the evolution of a word and its meaning
The term fanatic appears for the first time in the Dictionnaire Universel (1690) by Antoine
Furètiere. In 1694, Louis Moreri in his Dictionnaire de l'Académie shows only the word
fanatic, ignoring that of fanaticism. The first to use the term “fanaticism” is Bossuet in a
brief passage in Chapter V of the Sommaire de la doctrine du livre which is titled as
Explication des maximes des saints. It is in the Encyclopédie (1777) that both terms fanatic and fanaticism - find ample space. The Age of Enlightenment is undoubtedly the
period in which the concept of fanaticism is consolidated and is used with a wide
frequency (Haynal et al., 1983). This is the era in which fanaticism becomes a central
theme in the philosophical debate many works, in fact, were inspired by the question of
fanaticism as a source of strife that cross the Europe of that time. The most representative
are: Manuel des inquisiteurs (1762) by André Morellet, the Bélisaire (1767) by JeanFrançois Marmontel et le Traité sur la tolerence (1763), l’Henriade (1728) and Fanatisme,
ou Mahomet le Profète (1745) by Voltaire.
The concept of fanaticism comes from the Latin word fanum which means sacred, the
beneficent, the salvation, the holy place, the temple where the oracles are pronounced. In
ancient Rome, the first to be called by the appellation of fanatics are the priests of the cult
of the goddess Ma Bellona. These priests are directly inspired by divinity and cultured in a
trance state in which the body is also involved - with trembling of the limbs, eyes wide
open up and self-flagellation. These fanatics appear as possessed, kidnapped in a state of
ecstasy they speak in the name of the god to whom they are devoted and which is revealed
to them through visions. It is through the exaltation of God that the fanatics predict fate –
fatum - speaking of cryptic prediction about the fate of the world. If the word fanatic
indicates the fanum, the holy place, all that is around the fanum, is the profanum, that is
what is in front of the temple (or rather in front of the sacred area of the temple), and those
who are uninitiated are outside the fanum. All acts done by them towards tha sacred area of
the temple is seen as a desecration, a profanation.
23
PART 1 – Fanaticism and consumption
The term Fanaticus is already present in Latin literature where, in general, it means being
induced by a deity in a furious and delirious enthusiasm (Rudin, 1969). Seneca uses the
verb fanari to say “to be crossed by the enthusiasm”. Cicero uses the term even in nonreligious contexts, “isti philosophi paene fanatici”. Titus Livy speaks of carmen fanaticum
understood as inspiring poem which refers to the figure of the poet-prophet. The poetprophet is a seer that can read the mysteries of the world and to predict the future. This
meaning is also taken up by Horace - among Latin authors, who has used the term with
greater recurrence -, who calls himself a prophet, a guide (Haynal et al., 1983).
During the same period the term zealot originated. It is used and understood in everyday
language as a synonym for fanatic. The term zealotism took on its current connotation of
meaning - as fanaticism, a phenomenon out of the ordinary as it relates to religious
devotion (Taylor, 1991) - during the first century AD and, in particular, with the rebellion
of the sect of the Zealots1 to the Roman domination. According Haynal et al. (1983/1987),
“[zealotry] cousin of faith inspires the new convert who is not yet admitted to the temple.
In Judea, this proselyte, unlike the initiated zealot, must remain on the square in front of
the temple during the services until the circumcision which marks his total integration.
With this ceremony, which is accompanied by the granting of a new life, he becomes a
neophyte, a new child (neo-phuton) in the family.” (p. 19).
For the ancient Romans the execution of the divine will is the true source of fulfillment for
their existence. The submission to the divine is the existential state through which Roman
society is fully realized. The Roman, therefore, is no more than “the executive organ of the
fatum” (Altheim; quoted in Haynal et al., 1983). The pre-modern and medieval person as
well as in the Renaissance and in the ancien regime has to be thought as an executor of the
divine will. The notion of fanaticism is not conceptualized or encoded in these societies the word fanatic or fanaticism will appear in dictionaries only in the seventeenth century -
1
In Jewish history, the members of a nationalist movement arose in Palestine during the years of Nero (54-68
AD). They were called by the Romans as sicarii, because they killed with the sica (knife). They played an
important role in the rebellion broke out in 66. B.C. in Judea fought with value against the Roman army and
in a bloody manner they got rid of moderate opponents who were insisting on the agreement with the
Romans.
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PART 1 – Fanaticism and consumption
as they are fanatical, by definition. Haynal et al., (1983/1987) state that “It was only when
fanaticism ceases to be society’s unnamed norm – unnamed because unobjectivized – that
it becomes the object of fear and repulsion for the pluralist world of Enlightenment.” (p.
20).
The birth of the idea of fanaticism is historically recent and must be identified in the
transition from absolutism to the principles of tolerance (Haynal et al., 1983). It is during
the Enlightenment era that the concept took shape from the philosophical point of view. It
is produced by the Philosophers’ effort in the attempt to eliminate sources of the
ideological and religious civil conflict2 triggered by what Voltaire, in his Traité sur la
tolerence (1763), defines “superstition” - that is the sum of those erroneous religious
opinions in the name of which to commit cruel and unjust acts. In fact, although the
concept has been substantiated during the Age of Enlightenment, the origins of the term
are traced back to the Protestant Reformation and, in particular, the so-called “Peasant
War” of 1524, fueled by Thomas Münzer follower of the Lutheran thesis and member of
the extreme and violent wing of these latter. Luther railed against this extreme wing in his
essay Against the Murdeorus, Thieving Hordes of Peasants (1525) in which he defines the
rioters as Schwärm (swarm), a term which will then be reported by Luther himself and
Melanchthon, his follower, in the Latin texts as “fanatici” and in the French as “fanatiques”
or “phantastiques”.
The term “fanatics” appears for the first time in the writing of Melancthon, Loci comune
teologici (1535), in which the author defines Anabaptists3 as “fanatical people”. A few
2
The set of religious conflicts unleashed is known as the Thirty Years' War (1618-1648), which all the
continental Europe will be involved
3
The name of Anabaptists (anà: again, and baptìzō: baptize) was coined by opponents, as the Anabaptists
denied any value to the baptism of children, and therefore baptized adults regardless of age sacrament
received in childish. They advocated a strictly ethical Christianity, eager to lead the renewal of the church
down to its most extreme consequences. The Evangelical Church was to be composed only of “saints”, being
able to access only for personal decision, without any interference of the coercive powers of the state. Critical
of the “world”, the Anabaptists formed small fraternal communities, in which private property was also
called into question. Among the precursors of the doctrine of freedom of faith, considered subversive by the
civil and religious authorities, the Anabaptists were 100,000 martyrs throughout Europe. In 1534-35 a group
of Anabaptists took control of the city of Münster in Westphalia, and established a theocratic republic
“communist”-like, bloodily destroyed by the intervention of a coalition of German princes. Enciclopedia
Nova, Utet, Torino, 2007.
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PART 1 – Fanaticism and consumption
years later in 1546, the text of Melancthon is translated into French in which it appears in
the form of “Phanatique”. From Germany, then, the text is spread in France and also in
England where, in some texts of the sixteenth century, it is also found in the form of
“Phanatik”.
The dual form of the French translation of the term Schwärmer proposed by Melancthon,
in f- and ph-, plays with a dual etymology as noted by Bouton (2006) “the false one that
derives the word from Greek ‘phantasm’ in order to emphasize the deliriums of
Schwärmer’s visionary imagination; and the right one which refers to the Latin fanum, ‘the
temple, the holy place’ that dates back to the ancient Roman era and where the term
designated the inspired by the gods (fanatics) who interpret the cards, and priests who
practice a cult in a delirium sometimes accompanied by acts of self-mutilation.” (p. 206).
In the Greek form the word “phanatic” has similarities with the term phantasm (from the
Greek root phos, light) meaning representation, lighting. This refers to the terms phantasm
and phantom that in English have the meaning of vision or hallucination (Colas, 1997).
When Calvin denounces the folly and danger of the Anabaptists he refers to this lexicon
defining the “phantaisies” of the Anabaptists as “phantom-forging phantastiques” (Colas,
1997, p. 12). The Greek version of the term persists in French until the seventeenth
century. The use of the term is found in Rabelais (although with the meaning of
“enthusiastic” which is related to the Greek meaning) and in the writings of Abbot de
Rance reformer of the order of the Trappists. Even in other languages both the forms, phand f-, are present as well as in Latin Luther’s and Melanchthon’s writings where the
authors use the term “phanaticus”. The term is present also in written English with the first
appearance of the term (1535) in the form of “phanatik” in the work of Swift, the
Mechanical Operation of the Spirit (1710) and in Gulliver’s Travels (Colas, 1997).
In general, we can say that during the sixteenth century there is a circulation of different
forms of the word fanatic, on one hand the two terms fanatique and phantastique, and on
the other the two forms in ph- and f-. From the seventeenth century the form “fanatique”
corresponding to the correct Latin etymology is imposed gradually than that of Greek
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PART 1 – Fanaticism and consumption
origin. However the Greek form leaves a deep trace in the definition of the meaning of the
concept. The idea of enlightenment, by the phos Greek word for light, remains associated
with the word fanatic. In fact, in the Age of Enlightenment fanatics are seen as the
enlightened by the devil, the followers of visions and religious beliefs falsely inspired and
erratic. And here we return to the initial term of Schäwrmer and to the two meanings Greek
and Latin that Melanchton impressed both morphologically and semantically to the word.
In fact, the instigators of the revolt during the Reformation were precisely called “false
prophets or Schwarmerei”.
In its historical evolution, the term is enriched by a further meaning in the context of the
English Revolution or English Civil War (1642-1651), that is: “terrible energy, sacred
fury” (Colas, 1997), where to expense the label of fanatics are the extreme Puritans.
According to Colas (1997) “the idea that such illumination was not merely a vision, a kind
of reverie, but also endowed those who experienced it with the terrible Energy of sacred
fury seems not to have become part of the term’s meaning until the beginning of the
Protestant Reformation” (p. 13). It is with this meaning that the term, during the
seventeenth century, returned to France to be used by Jacques Bénigne Bossuet (1669)
against the Quakers4, Anabaptists and the Socinians5 while he identifies the causes of the
English Revolution. He defines them as “fanatical people who believe that all their reveries
are inspired in them [by God]” (Bousset, Oraison Funebre; quoted in Colas, 1997, p. 13).
Thirty years later, Bossuet uses the term against Questists6 in the diatribe that is known as
4
Religious movement spiritualistic-like, born in England within the Protestantism, in the seventieth century.
The word Quakers derives from the verb to quake (shake). They were called Quakers (flickering) due to the
quake that took them during their religious events. Their real name is the Society of Friends. The founder
George Fox through mystical-like experiences reached the certainty of touch with the Spirit of the Lord: it is
the classic Quaker experience of "inner light." According to the Quakers this experience is possible because
in every man there is a hidden divine presence which must only be discovered and made conscious. The
essence of Christianity consists in the experience of Christ's light in the soul and in a moral life consistent
with that experience. Enciclopedia Nova, Utet, Torino, 2007.
5
Socinianism is characterized by an essential rationalism while recognizing the divine inspiration of the
Bible. The whole Socinian system born from the effort to understand the reason according to the truths of
Scripture: the dogmas contrary to reason can not be accepted. Enciclopedia Nova, Utet, Torino, 2007.
6
According to this doctrine the union with God can only be achieved through prayer, contemplation and
absolute surrender to Him. The history of Christianity records at all times Quietistic trends, both in the East
with Euchites and in the West with the brethren of the free spirit, the Beguines and Beghards, Meister
Eckhart etc.., but the real emergence of quietistic doctrines only occurs in seventieth century as a reaction to
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PART 1 – Fanaticism and consumption
La querelle du pure amour. This passage is significant because it marks the first example
of the first use of the term outside the strictly religious domain and, more importantly, it
represents the consolidation of the term fanatic like pejorative label by which stigmatizing
opponents, those who have a different way of thinking, regardless of the goodness or
otherwise of their ideas. The term fanatic thus becomes a talisman to throw at “the enemy”
to exorcise fears (Toscano, 2006).
During the seventeenth century, the term fanatic is in current use in Catholic France and is
used especially with reference to all protestantisims - Lutheran, Calvinist or Anabaptist.
While in Germany the term of the Reformation - used by Luther to distance themselves
from the excesses of the Anabaptists stigmatizing them as Schwärmer (“false prophets”) has essentially the meaning of demonic inspiration of erroneous beliefs. In the Catholic
France the use of the word against the Calvinists - called Camisards - introduces a further
extension of meaning that alludes to a mental deficiency of these latter. It states, in short,
that superstition - “raging superstition” – rooted in inspired prophecies of Camisards – a
Lutheran legacy - represents the effect of deep causes identified in the physiological
dysfunction of the Calvinists. It introduces for the first time the idea that fanatics (in this
case more closely identified with the Protestant religious) are suffering from pathological
dysfunctions. So, Colas (1997) says “their violent spirituality was reduced to an organic
disorder, and when the term “fanatic” was applied to their convulsed prophets, it
designated less a heresy than pathology.” (p. 14).
John Locke, one of the most influential thinkers of the seventeenth century and a
forerunner of the Enlightenment, further extends the meaning of the word fanatic with the
property of “intolerance”. This implies an inherent contradiction between the two
meanings - false prophets and intolerant - as those who accuse the others of being false
prophets implicitly claims the role of a true prophet for themselves. In doing so, they fight
fanaticism with equal fanaticism and intolerance. This is especially true when, as we have
seen above, the term fanatic becomes a talisman to throw at those who have different
the Reformation and Jansenism, which walk away man from God, by almost inspiring the terror of his
terrible majesty. Enciclopedia Nova, Utet, Torino, 2007.
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PART 1 – Fanaticism and consumption
beliefs, regardless of the intrinsic goodness or otherwise of the belief itself. Colas (1997)
states that “denouncing fanaticism can be the speaker’s way of claiming to have exclusive
rights on truth, a truths he wants universally recognized for its unicity, so that everyone
will see but one true light” (p. 16). This is what Luther did when accusing of being
Schwärmer people as Münzer, Karlsradt, Zwingli7 - extreme interpreters of the
Reformation – legitimized his personal position together with his vision of the Reforms
with respect to the civil society (Colas, 1997) or further, with respect to the pre-established
order of the Catholic Church in Germany and the German Princes. The case of Luther
shows how “the designation of one’s enemies as ‘fanatic’ is often the sinister prelude to
treating them ‘like dogs’, or like ‘unlawful combatants’.” (Toscano, 2006).
The concept of intolerance - with its internal contradiction between fanaticism and bigotry- represents a milestone in the evolution of the term. In fact, this paradox becomes a
stimulus for Spinoza’s thought, which ups the ante with the principle of “freedom of
thought”. This principle will affect all current and subsequent philosophical thought. In
Spinoza’s view the proliferation of sects is due to the true nature of man, a kind of passion.
In this view, prohibit the sects does not solve the problem but sharpens it, so “Spinoza’s
vision involved less a secularizing of the political, where it would be reduced to a profane
of imperative order, than the instituting of a political order that allowed freedom of
thought, religious and otherwise, and gave certain individuals access to reason” (Colas,
1997, p. 197). Therefore, in Spinoza’s view the focus shifts from the value judgment on the
“truth” revealed and professed as such, to the means - perverse - by which this “truth” is
professed. Fanaticism changes from a matter of religious deviance to an anomaly in the
active practice of belief (Colas, 1997).
It is in this period, during the flourishing of the cultural movement of the Enlightenment,
that the term is no longer used as an adjective but it mostly spreads the use as a noun8, “a
7
The most important protagonists of the Protestant Reformation in Germany and Switzerland.
In the Dictionnaire de l'Académie of 1694 there is only the adjectival form with the following meaning
“crazy extravagant, alienated who believed to have visions, inspirations, the one only cares about religion”
(quoted in, Bouton, 2006, p. 207).
8
29
PART 1 – Fanaticism and consumption
clear sign that the concept has culturally caught on in a stable manner” (Bouton, 2006, p.
207). The main protagonist of the affirmation of fanaticism in the philosophical language is
Voltaire which quotes it in his Dictionnaire philosophique (1764):
“Fanaticism is the superstition such as transportation to the fever, such as anger to the fury.
The one who has the ecstasies and visions, who take his dreams to the realities and
imaginations for prophecies, he is an enthusiast; the one who supports his madness in
exchange for the death is a fanatic”. (Voltaire, quoted in Bouton, 2006, p. 207).
For Voltaire the issue of fanaticism is a matter of tolerance. For the philosopher, fanaticism
is the enemy of freedom while tolerance is “the backbone of a civilized society” (Lachenal,
quoted in Haynal et al., 1987, p. 22). Voltaire writes:
“The Philosophes all have an excellent thing: their horror for fanaticism… Without
philosophy, we would have two or three Saint Bartholomew’s Day9 massacres each
century… Fanaticism kindles the fire of discord and philosophy extinguishes it” (Voltaire,
quoted in Haynal et al., 1983/1987, p. 23)
Philosophy therefore understood as equanimity of mind towards the facts of the world such as tolerance - is quite the opposite of fanaticism. As Haynal et al., (1983/1987) state:
“Tolerance implies, if not indifference to the plurality of discourse, then at list equanimity:
the acceptance of debate, of opposition, involves a certain amount of ‘laisser-dire’ or
‘laisser-faire’ […]. On the one hand, then, we have the universe of the religio, the
fanaticus, and intolerance, and on the other that of tolerance, negligentia, benign neglect of
the messianic discourse.” (p. 27).
Thus, the transition from the adjective “fanaticus” (those who think otherwise) to the noun
fanaticism (a religious event in opposition to which civil society is defined) is explained by
the construction of a theory of Reason. This theory is understood as the freedom of thought
and tolerance that expels the mystical-religious component from social ethics relegating it
in the dysfunctional dimension - the pathology of fanaticism - of civil society. This is the
9
France between 1547 and 1598 is the theater of continuous clashes between Catholics and Protestants
(Huguenots). In the night between 23 and 24 August, the night of St. Bartholomew, Catholics massacred
about 20,000 of which only 3,000 Protestants in Paris.
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PART 1 – Fanaticism and consumption
point from which the pair fanaticism and civil society is established in a clear manner and
is the reason why Colas (1997) states that “in the polysemic history of the term there is one
constant: the ever-present threat to civil society, the shadow cast upon it by the heavens, is
fanaticism.”10 (p. 10).
The establishment of the principle of freedom of thought as a tool for the solution to the
conflicts emerging from different faiths pushes Leibniz - in the eighteenth century - to talk
about “fanatical atheists” (Leibniz, Opera Omnia, 5:55, quoted in Colas, 1997). That is an
important turning point from a religious fanaticism to a political fanaticism. This turning
point is also carried on in the philosophical thinking of Kant and Hegel. In Kant’s thinking,
fanaticism moves away from a cultural vision to relocate within the subjectivity of the
individual, “in the relationship between knowledge and practice that the fanatic bacillus is
to be found.” (Toscano, 2006). In Critique of Pragmatic Reason (1788), Kant distinguishes
two types of fanaticism, “religious fanaticism” and “moral fanaticism”. The first concerns
the knowledge of God and is put aside in the thought of Kant as it is not his interest of
study. The second - “moral fanaticism” - does not respect any categorical imperative of
duty but acts according to noble beliefs; it comes from the illusion of possessing a moral
purity that can disregard duty as such. In the Critique of Judgment (1790), the notion of
fanaticism as worked by Kant returns to the origins of the idea - the philosopher, not
surprisingly, takes the concept of Schäwrmerei leaving that of fanaticism and calling into
question the principle of iconoclasm that Luther had as the bridgehead of his critique of
fanaticism. As Toscano (2006) states, “fanaticism – which for Luther was caused by an
excess of iconoclasm (the anti-representational fury of the radical Reform) – is described
‘aesthetically’ as a desire to ‘see something beyond all bounds of sensibility’. This is
almost a kind of metaphysical idolatry (in fact, Kant praises Jewish iconoclasm here).”.
In Hegel's thought fanaticism is the result of free will that “if guided by religion (love for
God, the search for holiness, purity, etc.). Produce a fanaticism tending to establish a
theocracy; it is the case of Münster. Conversely, if the will is guided by the politics
(equality, freedom, justice, etc.) political fanaticism that results will tend to take the place
10
Colas (1997), in his semantic analysis of the term brings back up the pair societas civilis and fanaticus
homo from a comment by Melanchthon to the Aristotle’s ouvrage, Politics, in 1529.
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PART 1 – Fanaticism and consumption
of religion producing a religion of state, it is the case of the French Revolution”(Bouton,
2006, p. 215). To quote the words of Hegel:
“But to the extent that this negative behavior has no within a mere state of mind and a
point of view, but on the contrary it applies to the effectiveness in it and it asserts itself, in
that religious fanaticism is born, as political fanaticism, it banishes all institutions of the
state and every legal order as giant constraints, inappropriate for [the disposal of the spirit]
inner infinity of the heart, and that, bans private property, marriage, relationships and work
of civil society, etc.. as unworthy of love and freedom of feeling.” (Hegel, Principes de la
Philosophie du droit, p. 335; quoted in Bouton, 2006, p. 214).
In addition to this significant shift from religion to politics, another focal point in the
concept of fanaticism proposed by Hegel is the loss of any pathological connotation of the
concept itself. This connotation became part of the term since the seventeenth century with
Burton, Voltaire, de Brueys, S. Turretin, Locke, Hobbes and Leibniz (Bouton, 2006). In
this period the term fanatic has gradually lost all supernatural explanations. However, it
acquired physiological explanations – “fanaticism is analyzed in terms of spiritual disease;
it is a disease that has nothing to do with the devil but rather refers to the domain of dark
madness” (Bouton, 2006, p. 209). So, fanaticism in Hegel has no pathological nature but it
is a mode of the indeterminate will, a process of the abstract will.
With Engels the shift of the term fanatic from the religious meaning to the political
meaning is completed. Engels, in fact, does not see in fanaticism a freedom without
content, as posited by Hegelian abstraction, but rather an aspiration to a concrete liberty
aimed at a new civil order. What characterizes the thought of Engels than their
predecessors, especially compared to Hegel, is the requirement that fanaticism is not the
result of hope but of the aversion. As Colas (1997) explains “in Fanatismus or
Schwärmerei – Engels used the words interchangeably – he saw a positive means of
political mobilization, an idea that Lenin would concretize to great effect, acting on his
belief that the energy that galvanized masses in revolt was not hope, but hatred.” (p. 19).
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According to Colas (1997) this leads to think at the totalitarism11 as the modern version of
the tension between fanaticism and civil society.
1.2 Fanatics and Fanaticism in XXI century
From the twentieth century, the term fanaticism has gradually shifted from the religious to
the political, featuring especially the fury of Nazi ideology and the heresy of capitalism –
the communism - spread on a global level in an anti-Western key as the “Evil Empire”
(Toscano, 2010). The term fanaticism has been gradually enriched with additional shades
of meaning that, in the current political, social and psychological vocabulary, characterizes
different concepts but semantically close to that of fanaticism (See Figure 1). Below, we
present a brief discussion of these notions and their relationships with the term fanaticism.
Figure 1 – Fanaticism and close ideas
Terrorism
Integralism
Universalism
Fanaticism
Enthusiasm
Extremism
Fondamentalism
11
The term was introduced by the work of Hannah Arendt, The Origins of Totalitarianism (1951) in which
the author refers especially to Nazism and Stalinist Soviet regime. The term emerged in the second half of the
1920s has now become a category of historical interpretation to designate a specific structure assumed by the
state of the contemporary era, in which the sphere of power, widening dramatically, invests every type of
human behavior, economics, law, up to dominate the private individual. Enciclopedia Nova, Utet, Torino,
2007.
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PART 1 – Fanaticism and consumption
1.2.1 Enthusiasm
During the seventeenth century, the translation of the term Shwärmeri - term used by
Luther to condemn the peasant rebels during the so-called Peasants’ War of 1524 - is that
of enthusiasm - even if in some English texts of the sixteenth century we find the form
fanatik (Colas, 1997). In this period, the two terms as synonyms circulate because of the
overlapping of the Greek etymology - from phos “light”, “lighting” - and the Latin
etymology - from fanum “temple”. In 1621 Robert Burton in Anatomie de la mélancolie,
defines enthusiasm as “a religious melancholy due to sick imagination” (Bouton, 2006, p.
206). In Leviathan (1651), Hobbs condemns the enthusiasm - a synonym for fanatic - as a
“defect of reason, a delirious passion prone to collective fury, [enthusiasts] betray a
monstrous pride which is the madness to get lost in God” (Bouton, 2006, p. 206).
Similarly, Locke sees in the enthusiasm a pathological charge where melancholy, pride and
unbridled imagination mix up. In Locke “enthusiasm is the desire to establish the
Revelation without reason, thanks to an immediate trade with God, but it destroys faith and
reason” (Bouton, 2006, p. 206).
It is starting from the Lettre sur l'enthousiasme (1708) by Shaftesbury that the combination
of fanaticism and enthusiasm undergoes a first distinction. The author clearly distinguishes
a “noble enthusiasm” from its degenerate form, “fanaticism”. Going back to the etymology
of the Greek term, Shaftesbury states that “enthusiasm is not only a deficiency, it has
something of the divine, is a powerful and communicative passion rooted in human nature,
which transports, inspiring heroes, statesmen, poets, philosophers themselves. Religious
fanaticism is a degeneration of the enthusiasm; it is caused by passions as the excess of
love or fear” (Bouton, 2006, p. 207). In this setting, the pathological aspect is reserved only
to fanaticism while the enthusiasm preserves the positive sense of passion that crosses the
spirit of the ‘enthusiastic’”.
By the eighteenth century, therefore, the two terms - fanatics and enthusiasm - clearly
dissociate assuming different meanings. In Traité sur la Tolérance (1763), Voltaire states
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PART 1 – Fanaticism and consumption
that “fanaticism is a kind of madness that is different from the enthusiasm through the use
of unlimited violence” (Bouton, 2006, p. 207).
In the Critique of Practical Reason (1788), Kant distinguishes between “religious
fanaticism” on the knowledge of God and a “moral fanaticism” (moralische Schwärmerei),
which he defines as a kind of disease with great ability to spread. It is convinced to have a
moral purity that is independent from any obligation of duty and, at the same time,
enhances the self-sacrifice (Toscano, 2006). Religious fanaticism for the German
philosopher is a disease that has nothing to do with the good moral feelings which are
expression of enthusiasm. In the Essai sur les maladies de la tête (1764), he states that:
“This ambiguous appearance of the phantasmagoria, full of moral sentiments that are good,
is the enthusiasm (Enthusiasmus), and nothing great has ever been accomplished without
this in the world. It is totally different for the Fanatic (Fanatiker) (visionary or extravagant
[Visionär, Schwärmer]). The latter is, strictly speaking, a disturbed man who claims for
him an inspiring and an immediate intimacy with the heavenly powers. Human nature does
not know the most dangerous hallucinations. Since its irruption is recent, since the man has
talent and a large crowd is ready to use this means of effervescence, it may happen that the
state itself will be involved. The extravagance (Schwärmerei) leads the inspired to the
extreme.” (Bouton, 2006, p. 209).
As in the previous tradition, even Hegel maintains a clear distinction between the terms of
enthusiasm and fanaticism - Hegel confirms the use of the word fanatismus abandoning the
use of the German term Schwärmerei. In Hegelian vocabulary, enthusiasm refers to a
positive sense close to the concept of passion (Bouton, 2006). Starting from this point the
two terms are clearly distinguishable from each other.
1.2.2 Extremism
The concept of extremism is closely related to those of fundamentalism, radicalism, and
terrorism (Bronner, 2009). Extremism is “adherence” to a specific belief system, Bronner
(2009) says in this regard that “the specificity of the extreme thinking is the fact that it
radically adheres to a radical idea” (p.130). Then the extreme thinking is defined as “the
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PART 1 – Fanaticism and consumption
ability of certain individuals to sacrifice what is most precious (their careers, their
freedom...) and in particular their lives, and in many cases also that of others, in the name
of an idea.” (Bronner, 2009, p. 11).
To Abrams (2012), extremism represents a necessary condition for the society, “they view
extremism in terms of shared meaning, value impact, relevance, purpose, and functions.
They use extremism to frame social life; they want extremism to provide boundaries, set
limits, or sometimes aspirations.” (p. 36).
A distinction must be done between the individual adherence to a belief system and the
collective adherence undertaken by a group. In the first case, one talks about spirituality, in
the second case about religion (Hogg et al., 2010). In fact, “spirituality is a personal pursuit
of existential understanding and an approach to the divine and sacred that typically
revolves around self-transcendence (Helminiak, 2006; Miller and Thoresen, 2003; Moberg,
2002). Religion is a group of phenomena involving a group of norms that specify beliefs,
attitudes, values, and behaviors relating to both sacred and secular aspects of life. These
are integrated and imbued with meaning by an ideological framework and worldview
(Hunsberger and Jackson, 2005; Koenig, McCullough, and Larson, 2001; Pargament,
Magyar-Russell, and Murray-Swank, 2005; Silberman, 2005) […]. Religious groups differ
from other groups in one fundamental way-they invoke the sacred and the divine to render
existence meaningful and to provide prescriptive moral guidance for behavioral choices,
sacred rituals and quests, and daily life (Kimball, 2002).” (Hogg et al., 2010, p. 73).
Belonging to a group, and the subsequent extremism, is a means through which reducing
the degree of identity uncertainty. The adherence to a specific belief system allows to
sharply defining the boundary between “us” and “them”. In other words, it allows to
produce certainty for ourselves and for the others (Abrams, 2012).
Where the degree of uncertainty is acute and touches the core conception of the self, the
adhesion can be extreme - as “true believers” - and this pushes the members to acquire a
fanatical-like relationship with their beliefs (Hogg et al. 2010).
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PART 1 – Fanaticism and consumption
Hogg (2012), Hogg et al. (2010), and Abrams (2012) have illuminated the issue putting
particular emphasis on the psychological dynamics of the individual and the implications
for the self. However, Bronner (2009) emphasizes the interactional aspect of extremism
showing the social relativity which qualifies it as such. The French author assumes that
extremism as such is a phenomenon socially determined and that extreme behavior refers
to the set of beliefs that inspire the actions of certain individuals and that are judged as
incomprehensible by others. According to Bronner (2009), the judgment of extremism has
led to a belief system through the criterion of “unconditional adherence” which, according
to the author, in the collective thinking reflects a common underlying epistemological
distortion, “when we want to interpret this or that action individually or collectively and
analyze (the) belief(s) which has (have) inspired it, our reasoning is often contaminated by
the false idea according to which there would be only two choices: to believe absolutely or
do not believe absolutely [...], when the belief is there it must be unconditionally valid in
the mind of the one who adheres, this is an untenable proposition” (p. 120). While
recognizing the importance of social dynamics in the qualification of beliefs as more or
less extreme, Bronner (2009) does not neglect to address the ontological question of
extremism in itself; in fact the author asks “are there beliefs that are extreme as such?”.
The answer to this question lies in the identification of two fundamental characteristics of
the extreme thinking the “transubjectivity” and the “sociopathy”12 (Bronner, 2009).
1.2.3 Terrorism
Terrorism is characterized by violent behavior (Saucier et al., 2009) towards the others as
well as towards oneself (Pape, 2003). The term terror or terrorism finds its origins in the
French Revolution and, in particular, it was created with the Reign of Terror (1793-1794)
in which the principles of the revolution were imposed with violence to the whole French
society. The element of violence is central to the definition of terrorism and is the element
that distinguishes this concept from that of fanaticism (Taylor, 1991). Blin (2005) in his
12 12
For a more exhaustive discussion on this topic see the paragraph Fanaticism in sociological studies.
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work, Le Terrorisme, states that “Terrorism in almost all its forms - but there are
exceptions - binds to a system of rules that the majority of the movements wants to impose
through the use of violence. This idea often linked to the idea of purification of a system social, political, geopolitical - is shared by both secular and religious movements and is
present also in the context of state terrorism, and in a general, in revolutionary ideology”
(p. 32). Of course, not all violent actions are necessarily terrorist actions. What qualifies a
violent action as terrorist is the exploitation of “mass” technologies - in the case of modern
terrorism, the explosive and the media - with the aim of achieving political goals.
Therefore, the use of violence has not only a concrete value - with effects on people
involved in the violent action – but it has also, and above all, a symbolic value. To better
understand this point we refer to Baudrillard’s (2002) words “The symbolic violence
begets singularity, the singularity of the event [...] one tries to impose any kind of
interpretation. But there are none, and it is the radicalism of the spectacle, the brutality of
the show to be original and irreducible. The spectacle of terrorism imposes the terrorism of
the show. And against this immoral fascination (even if it triggers a universal moral
reaction) the political order can do nothing.” (p. 40).
In the common feeling, especially in west societies, when one thinks about terrorism it is
associated mainly with phenomena of a religious nature and, specifically, with Islamism.
This association was born with the “modern state” and the necessity for liberal thought to
distinguish the public sphere from the religious sphere in which relegate the secular power
of the church (Cavanaugh, 2011).
The history and the evolution of terrorism clearly show two aspects: 1) historically
terrorism unfolds in two distinct forms, “secular terrorism” and “religious terrorism”, 2)
religious terrorism involves equally all religions including, especially in this part of the
century, the Islamic one. From this it follows that the type of Islamic terrorism is a specific
historical phenomenon, and as well as other forms of terrorism in the past it had a
beginning and it will most likely also have an end (Blin, 2005).
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The whole history of modern terrorism is essentially a secular terrorism, a phenomenon
that is inspired especially by political ideology13 - the principles of the French Revolution
are a significant example - without any reference whatsoever to the religious sphere - this
also because of the clear distinction made by the Philosophers of the Enlightenment
between religion and philosophy (or civil society). This phenomenon has been through
much of the nineteenth and twentieth century hitting in the first case the great European
empires - France, Russia, Austria, Great Britain - in the second, during the twentieth
century, becoming an instrument of power for political regimes – it is the case of the Nazi
Germans, of Stalinist Russia, Maoist China and Cambodia of the Khmer Rouge (Blin,
2005).
In this secular path of terrorism - but as we shall see even in the religious one - one can
make a further distinction between “state terrorism” and “no state terrorism” (Hoffman,
2006). Where, while the former is the result of the mobilization of the resources of the
states to consolidate their power – it is the example of the Committee of Public Safety
during the French Revolution or of totalitarian states of the twentieth century - the second
is constituted of a series of groups organized - not by state - and, in general present in an
international network such as the movement of anarchists or that of the ultranationalist
Slavic which are those responsible for the attack in 1914 against the Archduke Franz
Ferdinand of Austria that will lead to the outbreak of the first war world. In both forms,
terrorism seems to rise as a force of opposition and rejection of democracy (or rather a
rejection of the nations in which it rises, along with others, of the universal values),
whereas the latter is emerging right between the nineteenth and twentieth century. The two
terms, in fact, both rise in the context of the French Revolution and according to Blin
(2005) “Terrorism and democracy both occupy emptiness, ideological and geopolitical, in
a world that is - between 1870 and 1914 - in full mutation.” (p. 93).
Unlike the secular terrorism that characterizes much of the modern era, religious terrorism
fills a prominent place both in the pre-modern era, namely it is at the origins of the
13 “No less eternal aspiration to be guided in private and public life by a system of rules, rules that unleash
the infinite punishment that one would look for in every day and every occasion in a pattern of conduct to
follow, constantly putting everything in question” (Blin, 2005, p. 32).
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phenomenon itself, and at the beginning of the XXI century. The movement of the Zealots
is the first historical evidence of a terrorist movement – with a religious nature - in the
struggle for political purposes against a foreign power. During the first century A.D. the
members of this sect opposed the Roman occupation with a campaign of terror – at close
quarter - in all Palestine. In 70 A.D. they are besieged for three years in the fortress of
Masada after which they decided to kill themselves rather than surrender to the besiegers.
In the Middle Ages, the sect of the Assassins (from the Arabic al-Hašīšiyyūn) of the
Islamist current (a current of Shiite Islam) under the leadership of Ḥasan-i Ṣabbāḥ (called
“the old man of the mountain”), is the protagonist of acts of political and religious
terrorism over the centuries XI - XIII. The violent extremism of the Assassins will be taken
to inspiration from Voltaire for his work Fanaticism, or Mahomet the Prophet (1745), in
which the author denouncing the evils of religious superstition - in this case Islam indirectly condemns the infighting - rooted in Christianity - that inflame Europe.
This point is important because it allows us to clarify how the religious terrorism is not an
exclusive event to one specific religion - Islam - but how, however, it has involved several
religious confessions14 including Chirsitanism – a significant example is what was made in
Münster (1523-1524) by the Anabaptists (Haynal et al., 1983).
If the modern period was characterized by a secular terrorism, the last part of the twentieth
century and, above all, the beginning of the XXI seems to propose a return of religious
terrorism - Jewish extremism against the Palestinian cause (the attack to Rabin is inscribed
in this context), the Oklahoma City bombing in 1995 by the right wing Christian
fundamentalist, or the escalation of ethnic-religious conflicts, especially in Africa (Sudan,
Nigeria) and in what is now the former Yugoslavia. This in turn is determined, first, by the
disappearance of anti-colonial struggles (the last of which is symbolized by Che Guevara
in the war of liberation of Cuba) following the dissolution of the great European empires
with the two world wars, with declining of Marxist ideology - in this regard Blin (2005)
notes that “religious movements are multiplied when the movements of the extreme left
14
For further discussion on that see the paragraph Integralism.
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disappear” (p. 32) and, finally, with the end of the Cold War that for half a century had
mobilized the whole world in a choice of ideological field .
The changing of the guard between the component Communist-Marxist and religious also
involves a substantial change in the philosophy of terrorism, in fact, where the Marxist
movements promote “acceleration of history, destabilizing the society [...], religious
terrorists have as their objective to protect themselves against the assaults of an impure
modernization [...] and in general of civilization, and they feed the dream of a return to the
golden age.” (Blin, 2005, p 35.).
Among all the religious terrorisms, Islamism15 has assumed more and more a central role
especially since the infamous attack on 11 September 2001. Unlike other religious
terrorisms - Jewish and Christian for first, which retain the original distinction between
secular and religious - in the Islamism these two components are blended. The
assassination of Yitzhak Rabin in 1995 found its reasons in a divergence of views on the
solution to the Palestinian issue among Israeli extremists and their head of government. In
short, this means a restatement of the antinomy between terrorism and democracy as
previously discussed. However, in the case of Islamic terrorism the fight is not brought
against a political model whose political choices are not accepted, but rather the fight is
against a cultural model perceived as an enemy. The radical opposition of the ArabMuslim world to the West has been anticipated as early as 1953 with a lucid analysis by
Arnold Toynbee in his essay, The World and the West, where the author describes assessing the long-term consequences - the relation with the West that the world has
undergone, rather than experienced, throughout all the modern era (Norris et al., 2003).
In addition to the causes mentioned above – the end of colonialism, the end of Marxist
movements and the Cold War - other causes have intervened in giving to Islamism its
vitality: the Israeli issue, the Iranian Revolution (1979) and the Soviet invasion of the
Afghanistan (Blin, 2005). To all that, it should be added a history of colonization, the
imposition of the modernist or global model and the lack of the economic wealth – which
is a measuring tool (imposed) to assess the well-being of a society. All these factors have
15
Groups most well-known are Hezbollah, GIA, Hamas and Al-Qaida.
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contributed to construct a social identity within the idea of a tension between a hostile
West and an Arab-Muslim world forced to defend itself to not be humiliated (Arciszewski
et al., 2009). Although the idea of Muslim identity is relatively recent – it was born in
Egypt in 1929 with the company of the Muslim Brotherhood - and based on principles of
religious fellowship modeled on the idea of national unity in vogue in those years - its
expansion has been very rapid and the terroristic degeneration impressed by some extreme
fringes is the sign of the discomfort of a social reality which is in search of its own identity
far from the Western model (Toynbee, 1953).
1.2.4 Fundamentalism and integralism
Integralism as well as fundamentalism16 is two phenomena both related to religious and
political context (Marsden, 2006). Both define an attitude of closure with respect to new,
and claim the protection of tradition in an orthodox manner. Although the two concepts integralism and fundamentalism - are different in the approach to religion,
“fundamentalism seeks to come back to a form of primordial truth of the faith that would
be lost with modernity when the fundamentalist considers that the religious system as well
as he knows it has to be considered as definitive as it draws its authority from the
unchanging tradition” (Bronner, 2009, p. 171). Thus, both ideas of radicalism and
fundamentalism have a difference which is substantially thinner and that leads us to treat
the two terms interchangeably.
Both terms - fundamentalism and radicalism - differ from terrorism as “The
fundamentalist, contrary to the terrorist is an extremist who refuses to surrender to the
potential competition of his vision of the world” (Barnavi, 2006, p. 332). Unlike terrorism,
fundamentalism does not deny anything that does not fit in its scale of values, “there is an
inherent tension, i.e. an incompatibility between certain existing laws and the law of God
that the fundamentalist strict obedience will follow. But the conflict is located, as a general
16
“Fundamentalism is a term of Anglo-Saxon origin with which was labeled the Protestant churches and
organizations who insisted in the divine origin and the infallibility of the Bible” (Spadaro and Tabbia 2007,
p. 28).
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rule, limited to the precise legal framework. The global struggle against the West does not
belong to the logic of religious fundamentalism.” (Bronner, 2009, p. 332).
For Lomier (2007) “religious fundamentalism has always existed in human history.
Regardless of the religion concerned, it manifests itself in the same way: the paranoid fear
of those who are different, the fear of change within society, the certainty of being holders
of the only saving truth at the expense of darkened religions, phobia of sex, distrust of
women, the rejection of dialogue with different religions, the ‘holy’ war aims to impose its
doctrine, sectarianism, fanaticism, a literal interpretation of it without shades nor
reflections of religious texts, the hatred of the mystical and spiritual paths that exceed the
dogmas and institutions established by political ‘religious’ leaders, the interdiction of inner
experience - only ‘faith’ is important in the dogmas established by ‘theologians’ or
‘doctors’ of the Law - the recovery of the reason for ideological purposes with the
objective of establishing a partisan doctrine ...” (p. 5). In summary, we can say that the
religious radicalism or fundamentalism is a form of fanaticism that is particularly notable
for the lack of tolerance towards all other faiths.
The history of religion is full of fundamentalism; this is true both to the Christian religion the various schisms are a proof of that – and to Islam, Judaism, Hinduism and Buddhism
(Lormier, 2007).
Throughout its long history, Christianity has experienced a strong fundamentalism. Since
its origins - the first century A.D. in Roman Palestine -, Christianity presents itself as an
intolerant movement of religious diversity - Christians proclaim the existence of a single
“true” God, the Christian God - and this puts them on a collision course with one of the
pillars of Roman politics, the cultural and religious tolerance of the people that are part of
the empire. In this regard Lomier (2007) argues that, unlike common opinion about the
massacres of the early Christians at the hands of the Caesars “the number of Christians
who have lost their lives in the pits of the lions is revised downwards by historians more
serious: 3000 victims” (p. 27). However, once in power with the election as a state religion
- 315 AD under the Emperor Constantine - Christianity unleashed a persecution first
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against Jews, then against pagans, and finally against the Christian heretics: those who do
not recognize some extents of the doctrine17. The emperors themselves who will try to reestablish a regime of religious tolerance - as Julian the Apostate in 361 - fall under the
knife of Christian fundamentalism.
The spread of anti-Semitic feeling continued throughout the Middle Ages, an example is
the destruction of the Jewish ghettos in Spain by the population at the instigation of the
ecclesiastical authorities following the reconquest of Spain against the Moors - during the
Arab domination the three monotheistic religions - Muslim, Catholic and Jewish - enjoyed
full freedom of worship (Lormier, 2007; Tibi, 1998). Even the Muslim kingdoms are to
reopen the aggressiveness of the “little western” Christian (Toynbee, 1953), during the
Middle Ages in fact, are promoted nine crusades between 1101 and 1271 with the purpose
to invade the territories of Asia Minor and bring Jerusalem under the control of WesternChristian.
With the end of the Middle Ages new prospects are opening up for Christianity: the
opening of new lands and peoples who bring the word of Christ and the invention of
printing, which introduces a new relationship - one to one - between believers and the
sacred texts. What during the Middle Ages was a little aggressive West, little because
reduced in the extreme western Europe and besieged by the Turks (Muslims) - that besiege
Vienna in 1529 - and by the Tartars, succeed to circumvent the siege of the (eastern) great
empires thanks to the combined development of trade (ships) and technology (cannons)
and to conquer the world (Cipolla, 2003). The populations in the new lands - from Japan,
China, India, and Latin America - are initiated to the Gospel message in a sectarian and
disrespectful way of the religious traditions of these cultures. In Latin America, the
encounter/clash with the Christian West recorded a very high price “in four centuries, the
17
In 382 the Emperor Theodosius enacts a law against apostates, those who abandon Christianity for other
religions; in 385 Theophilus, Christian patriarch of Alexandria in Egypt, launched a campaign of destruction
of all pagan temples, with which debris build new churches; in 389 the bishop of Milan, Ambrose, burns all
the synagogues in the city; in 532, the Emperor Justinian ordered the closing of the school of philosophy in
Athens regarded as the last bastion of paganism (Lormier, 2007).
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Indian population in America decreases from 7,000,000 to 400,000 in 1900” (Lormier,
2005, p. 96) .
On the other hand, the invention of printing is at the origin of the Protestant Reformation
and the subsequent struggles that will fire Europe during the sixteenth and seventeenth
centuries, in particular, with the Thirty Years War (1618-1648) where two
fundamentalisms oppose each other, the Catholic and the Protestant. The end of the war without winners - which sees the German population halved, is greeted by Pope Innocent
X in a conviction in the bubble Zelo Domus Dei (1648) (Lomier, 2007).
Another Pope Pius IX in 1863 condemned the modern achievements such as “tolerance in
Catholic countries of the rites of other religions, pantheism, the criticism of a Catholic
sovereign, the criticism of the temporal power of the Pope, the opportunity to progress
through the reason, the non-intervention of religion in science and philosophy [...]”
(Lormier, 2007, p. 105).
Currently we are witnessing the emergence of Protestant fundamentalism, especially in the
U.S. where the phenomenon has become increasingly relevant to catch the attention with
the election of President George W. Bush (2001-2009). These movements – which have
emerged since the 1970s - are characterized by common ideas with other religious
fundamentalisms, the certainty of having the only saving truth, the demonization of other
religions, in particular Islam, discrimination against homosexuals, teaching Genesis instead
of evolutionary theories (Lormier, 2007).
The election of George W. Bush represents the perfect synthesis between religious
fundamentalism and the fundamentalism of state. Fundamentalism is the rediscovery of the
true faith, a revelation, and a rebirth that comes after an existential crisis (Fourest and
Venner, 2003). The rediscovery of faith and relationship with God were the central themes
of the campaign and, later, of his government - with the fight against terrorism and Islamic
fundamentalism.
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Unlike Christianity, Islam rests on foundations of greater tolerance and respect of the
revealed religions, called also religions of “book”. Currently, the coexistence of Christians
in Muslim lands seems peaceful in 25 countries; it is difficult in 10 countries and is
conflicted in as many 10 countries (Lormier, 2007). Territories such as Indonesia and
Sudan stand the difficulties of Christian-Muslim coexistence, difficulties that result in real
persecution and massacres. In Indonesia, where the proportion of 200 billion inhabitants is
85% Muslim and 10% Christian, 438 churches have been destroyed since independence
(1945) to date, 131 have been attacked and 38 were razed between 1995 and 1998 (Fourest
and Venner, 2003). In Sudan, since independence (1956) and, above all, following the
Islamic fundamentalist coup d’état of 1989, a series of ethnic-religious conflicts have
triggered at the expense of the Christian community culminating in the secession of 2011
(Lormier, 2007).
The greatest example of Islamic fundamentalism carried out at the government level is
made in Iran with the regime of Ayatollah Khomeini (1979). The Islamic Revolution
marks the return to the Iranian state, the orthodoxy of Islamic law (Sharia), an application
of the fundamentalist Islam more repressive than the Koran itself (Tibi, 1998). Another
example is Saudi Arabia, the State in which fundamentalism and religious intolerance
exceed the dictates of tradition, the sunna - in fact, Islamism in Iran and Saudi Arabia is a
minority (Sunni), and by itself more fundamentalist than Islam18.
Finally, we must remember the different organizations of Islamic born in the last century
and known for their fundamentalist vision of Islam. This vision often leads to actions of
real terrorism: al-Qaida, Hamas, GIA (Armed Islamic Group), GSPC (Salafist Group for
Preaching and Combat), the Taliban, Hezbollah.
18
In addition to the primordial split between Sunni and Shiite (680 AD), from the eighteenth century Islam
knows the birth of three other forms of fundamentalism: Wahhabism, Salafism and Tabligh (Lormier, 2007).
Wahhabism was born during the eighteenth century by Abd Al-Wahhab, who proposes a literal interpretation
of the Koran regardless of historical context. Salafism is developed during the nineteenth century and has
more conservative positions of Wahhabism, not accepting the spiritual guidance of local leaders, such as the
political rulers, but looked forward to a return to a supreme authority, on the model of the caliphate, as
religious leader. Finally, the Tabligh movement was founded in the 1920s in what is now Pakistan, at the
base of this movement there is a vision of the pious and humane relationship with religion rather than the
literal vision of the dogma (Lormier, 2007).
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Another question is represented by Jewish fundamentalism, increased especially following
the events of the Second World War and the birth of the Palestinian issue. Lormier (2007)
writes in this regard “the Jewish fundamentalist movement was favored by the Shoah,
experienced by some ultra-Orthodox as a sign of divine punishment, as a burnt offering
aimed at the punishment of the wicked Jews, those who have strayed from the true
Judaism” (p. 250). The fundamentalist Jews reject the creation of a Jewish liberal and refer
to the Promised Land of Israel, a land entirely religious and respectful of the word of God.
This together with the tensions with the Palestinian people is a source of further
aggravation and religious conflicts which are characterized by a strong inclination towards
the terrorism for both parts.
Even Hinduism (in India) and Buddhism (in Japan) have not been spared by the
fundamentalist fever (Lormier, 2007). Although the two religions have a tradition of
tolerance - the path of yoga in Hinduism and Zen Buddhist philosophy as the way for the
abandonment of earthly and spiritual union with God - the advent of the twentieth century
and the “colonization” effect of the Western ideas and feelings - first of all the nationalism
- had a strong impact on these cultures (Toynbee, 1953). In India, Gujarat is the theater of
Muslim massacres promoted by the government of the region (Lormier, 2007). In Japan,
the phenomena of fundamentalism are especially intensified during the imperialist era and
World War II (Trefalt, 2005).
This brief overview of fundamentalism allows highlighting that in all religions there is a
double chance in the search for God: the apophatic research (from the Greek apo “out of”
and phas “language”, outside the language) and the cataphatic research (cata “compliant”,
which uses the language). Both researches are theological formulas common to the various
religions - especially Christianity and Islam (Lormier, 2007). The apophatic theology is a
form of spirituality that involves consciousness, it is the inner search of the absolute, of
God and that needs symbols, representations and concepts in its mystical experience. In
contrast, the cataphatic theology aims to explain the divine and its manifestations and to
this end needs of discursive thought, of language. As Lomier (2007) says “the two
[theologies] could be perfectly complementary but, very quickly, cataphatic theologians
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begin to fight the apophatic mysticism as they fear it, and as it escapes their desire to be
able to control everything” ( p. 24).
The intolerance and radicalism are the result of cataphatic theology, a form of theology common to all religions - that binds tighter to the discourses, to the scriptures and that, in
its most extreme limits to interpretation that takes into account historical evolution and
change of the social context. Not only, as some cases have shown – it is the example of
Saudi Arabia seen before - sometimes the very idea of fundamentalist interpretation
exceeds, in a fundamentalism way, the interpretation laid down by the current extreme
orthodoxy.
1.2.5 Universalism
The discourse on universalism is linked inexorably to the Western discourse on modernity
and to its values (Citot, 2005). The historical evolution of the West and the impact that it
has had on the world - from the sixteenth century - have strongly influenced the reflection
on universalism giving it a strong pan-European mark (Wallerstein, 2006).
For universalism one intends the assumption of certain values as a system of reference for
measuring all that is outside the system itself. Latour (1997) provides a clear distinction of
the concept of universalism in relation to its opposite by definition: relativism. The author,
in fact, identifies four forms of the pair universalism-relativism: 1) the absolute relativism,
2) cultural relativism, 3) the relative (or relativistic) relativism, and 4) the particular
universalism. For absolute relativism one means “immeasurable and separate cultures, not
ordered in any hierarchy”. However, in cultural relativism nature assumes a role as for
culture one means “many points of view more or less precise on this unique nature”. The
relative relativism considers the nature and culture as a whole interacting and
commensurable. Finally, the particular universalism assumes as system of reference a
unique society in which it “establishes the general framework of nature against which
others are positioned” (Latour, 1997, p. 141). Currently in the world there are two forms of
universalism, Orientalism whose universalism resides in the understanding of a
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multiplicity of particularities and the West whose universalism is constituted by a single
set of values (Wallerstein, 2006).
The Western universalism is already born in the Enlightenment in which universalistic
principles and polygenetic theories coexist. Theories, these latter, which will give raise in
the next century the armamentarium of scientific and theoretical productions on racism. In
fact, one of the issues which philosophers were called to answer is the reasons for the
differences between the different civilizations and peoples of the world, which is the
passage that leads human beings from the state of nature to that of civilization. According
to Rivera (2010), the emergence of this Enlightenment “paradox” lies in the very premises
of philosophical reflection of the Philosophers because “it is precisely because the
universalized history is actually the history of a particular individual and limited fringe of
humanity - but proposed as a model of evolution for the whole human race - which does
not allow, for other historical schemes and for other ways of life, no possibility of
evolution than that of Europe of its time in this way, one gets to deny any historicity to
societies that claims to be primitive” (p. 162).
The European universal model consists of a set of specific values; in this regard
Wallerstein (2006) argues that “there are three basic variants of this invocation
universalism [Western]. The first argues that the policies put in place by the leaders of the
pan-European world consist of the defense of ‘human rights’ and the promotion of
something that they designate by the name of ‘democracy’. The second holds the label of
‘clash of civilizations’, following which is always implicitly assumed that civilization
‘Western is superior’ to the ‘other’ because it is the only one to be based on these universal
values and truths. And the third proclaimed scientific truths of the market, and claims that
‘there are no other roads’ for governments except accepting and suffering the dictates of
neo-liberal economic laws” (p. 4).
The West, in some principles as the defense of universal principles such as human rights
and democracy, after a period of decolonization during the first half of the twentieth
century, has rediscovered a fundamentalism, especially after the events of 11 September
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2001. A new distinction between “us” and “them” seems to have taken form as the “West”
is continually reminded and recalled by the political and media system as a geopolitical
and cultural entity whose boundaries are not determined. At the same time there has been a
decline of the principle of tolerance - raised during the Age of Enlightenment even if only
thought for the West. The “principle of interference” has taken its place (Wallerstein,
2006). In fact, taken for granted the goodness and the universality of principles such as
“human rights” and “democracy” - both expression of the principle of freedom - the
question was posed only in terms of the legality and ethics of intervention - not always
peaceful! - in countries where civilization is inspired by values other than in the West.
This first issue leads us to the second version of Western universalism “the clash of
civilizations” (Huntington, 1993). The concept of “civilization” is central to the
understanding of the evolution of Western universalism or paneuropean. Marcel Mauss
proposes a definition of civilization which is not tied to an ideal of human progress, but
rather to the evolution of specific societies over time and geographical space:
“A set of phenomena of civilization sufficiently large, sufficiently numerous, sufficiently
important both for their mass and for their quality; it is also a set, large enough for the
number, of societies that have them, in other words: a set sufficiently large and sufficiently
distinctive because it might mean to evoke a family of societies” (Mauss, quoted in Rivera,
2010, p. 157).
The word civilization comes from civilitas which in turn derives from the adjective civilis
(civil) and the noun civis (citizen). This Latin term that refers to a set of qualities and
characteristics of the members of a community - as opposed to the term rusticitas
(roughly). It is in the Renaissance that the term acquired its modern sense, connoting a
value judgment that alludes to the superiority of one way of life regarded as more
advanced than in the past and compared to non-European societies (Rivera, 2010).
Finally, the commercialism is the third version of Western universalism - one of the last
works by Joseph Stiglitz (2006) is called, not surprisingly, Un'autre monde: contre le
marché du fanatisme - implemented by the principles of “development/progress”, and
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“economic growth”19. The idea of “market”, in particular, has deeply influenced the
evolution of Western society during the entire cycle of the modern era, arousing
enthusiasm and strong criticism but, in any case, being a central issue in political,
economical and social debate (Hirschman, 1982).
19
The notion of market and growth is particularly criticized and revisited in recent studies by scholars who
propose alternatives to the growth market paradigm (Latouche, 2009; Stiglitz et al., 2010) and to stabilize
capitalism structure (Stiglitz, 2010; Žižek, 2009).
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Section 2. Studies on fanaticism
Why fanaticism? This is the basic question to which researchers have attempted to answer
in their scientific contributions. In general, it is possible to distinguish two positions of the
research with respect to the question on fanaticism. A first perspective looks at the
fanaticism as a phenomenon, in whole or in part, outside of reason, a persistent threat
caused by pathological causes or by religious superstitions (Rudin, 1969). A second
perspective looks at fanaticism as an abstract passion or as an emancipation trend based on
universalistic principles (Colas, 1997; Toscano, 2010). It is around this basic dichotomy
that the research discourses on the phenomenon of fanaticism expound today: 1) the
historico-political and religious discourses, 2) the psychological and psychoanalytic
discourses, 3) the sociological discourse, and 4) the cultural and media discourses.
Below, we will review the various fields in order to have a general overview of the
fanaticism and the way scientific discourses conceptualize it.
1.1 Fanaticism in historico-political and religious studies
The Peasants’ Revolt (1524) led by Thomas Münzer is the first event in the modern history
of fanaticism. It is the reaction to the emergence of a new social system based mainly on
economic freedom - or rather, freedom achieved through the ownership of the means of
production (Toscano, 2010). It is a new social system emerged at a time when there has
been a reversal of the medieval relationship between “sir” and “servant”, where production
no longer follows exclusively the demand expressed by the feudal system but expands to a
wider “market” whose recipients are unknown (Godbout and Caillé, 1992). So, fanaticism
appears as a phenomenon arising from the “shock of capitalism” (Toscano, 2010) but at the
same time it shows itself as a modern phenomenon, as deeply tied to economic and
political changes typical of modernity (Toscano, 2010). Fanaticism, in short, appears as “a
political-religious response by colonized, subaltern or ‘backward’ societies to ‘a genuine
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social cataclysm that leaves them completely out of joint’.” (Löwy, quoted in Toscano, p.
46).
These movements - the peasants in Lutheran Germany or, in later centuries, the riots in
revolutionary France, the peasant revolts in the late nineteenth century in Andalusia and
the bundles in Sicily - are characterized by the obvious desire to pursue a radical change
aimed at eliminating conditions of poverty, oppression and misery in the world and to
achieve a more just society, a paradise on earth (the millennium) (Toscano, 2010). The
term derives from the Latin millennium (one thousand) - from which millenarianism - and
it is the equivalent of the Greek kilia (in Greek, thousand) - hence the term chiliasm. The
millenarianism (or chiliasm) aims to achieve a millennium of peace, justice and
brotherhood on earth, as promised in the Gospels and other biblical prophets (Dianteill and
Löwy, 2005).
The contrast between the earthly and the heavenly world was made by Colas (1997) with
the terms of “city of God” and “earthly city”. Where to earthly city means the civil society,
political power, status, all synonyms of the established power against which millennialists like the peasants of Munster - are willing to sacrifice their lives in the belief that they can
contribute to the coming of the Kingdom of God on earth, the “city of God” (Colas, 1997).
The dichotomy “city of God, earthly city” was born around the fourth century A.D. with
the work of St. Augustine's, The City of God. A period of strong social and political crisis,
the largest secular institution by definition - the Roman Empire - is at the end of its historic
path and in 401 A.D. the Eternal City is sacked - for the first time in nearly a thousand
years of invulnerability - by Vandals of Alaric. The responsibility for this tragedy is
attributed by St. Augustine to the same “earthly city” and the original sin that goes with. In
this way, operating a net identification of sin and evil in the “earthly city” he acknowledges
in the “city of God” the good. This raises the foundations of a dichotomous construction of
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reality in which civil society20 - earthly city - is placed in a lower but irreducible sphere in
which the individual can act (Colas, 1997).
As St. Augustin, Luther also makes a distinction between “political authority” and
“spiritual authority” (Toscano, 2010). It is in opposition to the vision of the latter that
Thomas Münzer proposes a radical interpretation of the Lutheran thesis. Münzer, in fact,
unlike Luther believed that the change in the internal or spiritual cannot be separated from
the change of the outside world and indeed the one makes possible the other in a
relationship of necessity. According to Münzer “‘really was one of transformation of
relationships, namely those binding individuals to God, to themselves and to the Church
and temporal authorities respectively, and these authorities to God and people’. This is
why ‘the devolution in consciousness is a political and social revolution’.” (Goertz, quoted
in Toscano, 2010, p. 73). There is more, with the revolt of the peasants in the sixteenth
century led by Thomas Münzer is marking a turning point in modern history, namely the
union of millenarianism with the needs of the poorest sectors of society. It is with the spirit
of the utopian millennialism - whose founding principle is given by the constant inclination
to the improvement of the earthly world aspiring to the divine - and its penetration within
the oppressed social layers - first of all the Anabaptists - that emerges politics in its modern
meaning (active and proactive approach) as opposed to fatalistic acceptance of events
(Dianteill and Löwy, 2005).
The link between millenarism and politics is, therefore, an inherent and structural bond
even if the relationship between the two terms is, in fact, oppositional in the sense that the
first accepts no compromise with the second, denying it (Colas, 1997). At the bottom of
this opposition there is a completely different relationship with time - a political time and
millenarist time (Hobsbawm, 1965). Toscano (2010) defines the time as political “the
repetitive order of the cycles, the static order of stability or the cumulative order of
development” (p. 45). Toscano (2010) again deepens this aspect stating that “the disruptive
force of fanaticism lies in its explicit refusal of history as a domain of gradualism and
20
In the tradition of Western thought, Platonism had already paved the way for a dualistic view of a material
reality and an ideal reality, respectively the “world” and “supercelestial”.
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mediation, combined with its de facto interruption of history as a naturalized dimension of
predictable combinations” (Toscano, 2010, p. xxi). From this come out what Toscano
(2010) calls the “paradox of fanaticism”, and the attempt of fanaticism (or millenarianism)
to break with the historical time favors the emergence of a modern conception of history
and progress itself. In this perspective, the end of ideology is reflected in the abandonment
of any Universalist project of emancipation and the millenarian visions are irreparably
ridiculed. This marks once again the deep bond between fanaticism and the historical time
in which the presence of political, economical and social crises - in short the need to
reduce conditions of inequality and oppression - implies, in fact, the emergence of the
phenomena of fanaticism (Toscano, 2010).
Millenarianism, therefore, is part of a relationship break up with politics – as it is
understood as the established secular order - but at the same time, it is a modern
phenomenon despite being anachronistic; Toscano (2010) writes “millenarian anachronism
– the reference to a vanished edenic compact or the wish to break out of time altogether –
is ineluctably enmeshed in the now of economic development and its attendant political
transformations (whether in the context of European state-formation or of imperial-colonial
conquest), leading to unstable amalgams of nostalgias for a mythical past, encounter with a
violently novel present, and aspirations for a redeemed future.” (p. 46).
According to Mannheim (1929) millenarianism is a form of utopian mentality that aims to
give a radical change in society. Historically there are also other ideologies that with
different visions pursue the same goals. Mannheim (1929), first, in his essay Idologie und
Utopie has distinguished four ideal types of utopian mentality that find themselves at odds
with a social and historical date and that, therefore, seek to overcome, to transcend reality
itself:
1)
chiliasm
(millenarianism),
2)
liberalism,
3)
conservatism,
and
4)
socialism/communism (Dianteill and Löwy, 2005). To Toscano (2010) fanaticism
corresponds to the chiliasm (or millenarianism) as expressed in the thought of Mannheim
(1929). The idea of transcendence in millenarian movements indicates the instrumental
view that the world holds for fanaticism and how, in this context, earthly things can be
used to achieve goals determined by transcendental values (Martinich, 2000). In the
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thought of Mannheim (1929), there are two possible forms of thought, the “ideology” and
“utopia”. The first contributes to the established order and to preserve the existing state of
things, while the latter tends to “sweep, partly or wholly, the order of things that reigns
here and now” (Mannheim, quoted in Dianteill, Löwy, 2005 p. 23).
The first two utopias are united by an identical contingent approach to reality - fanatic and
policy maker in chiliasm, regulatory and deliberative in the liberalism -; while the
conservative and socialist doctrine have a deterministic approach - the first inert, the
second transformative - conceiving time as a succession of historical deploying periods
(Toscano, 2010). Mannheim (1929) lays special emphasis on head-on collision that
concerns the chiliastic and the liberal utopia “where the first is emotional, sensual, and the
other is abstract and rational: the one charged with hostility towards the world, its culture,
all its works and all the progresses, the other has a positive attitude towards culture: the
one wants to provoke a sudden and immediate change, the other believes in a gradual and
non linear; the one is an expression of vitality, the spirit ecstatic and the vindictive mindset
of the oppressed strata, the other is the expression of the rationality of the middle classes
and the bourgeoisie. The utopia liberal/rational is therefore the first opponent of the
historical chiliastic mentality, and inevitably this is a continuing and powerful threat
against liberalism and a war cry against the bourgeoisie” (Mannheim, quoted in Dianteill
and Löwy, 2005, p. 31)
Millenarianism and liberalism are sharing the same tendency towards abstraction,
understood as a striving for universalism and egalitarianism of the principles (even
communist doctrine is characterized by the same voltage while having a relationship with
the opposite historical time). The key to understanding fanaticism by an historical and
political perspective, then, is given by abstraction precisely understood as the hope of a
radical politics of emancipation and egalitarianism. Toscano (2010) states that “rethinking
the history and politics of fanaticism is not simply a way of resisting the invidious calls for
a defense of the beleaguered West against its irrational adversaries; it also allows us to
confront the impasses and hopes of a radical politics of emancipation and egalitarianism –
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a politics that over the centuries has frequently been smeared with the charge of
fanaticism.” (p. xii).
What emerges is a dimension of power, a conflict between social groups, from which the
fanaticism jumps out as a phenomenon but also as a stigma to be attributed to one or
another group to delegitimize and discredit the ideas that inspire the movements
themselves. Mannheim (1929/2001) clarify how “It is always the dominant group, in full
agreement with the existing order, which determines what should be considered utopian,
while the ascending group in conflict with things as they exist, is the one who determines
what is considered as ideological.” (p. 71).
Good case in point that makes the idea of how the dynamics of fanaticism is activated and
becomes the “matter”, is the conflict between abolitionists and anti-abolitionists unleashed
in the United States during the nineteenth century. The anti-abolitionist party is headed by
John C. Calhoun, twice U.S.A. vice-president, who in February of 1837 speaks in favor of
slavery, defining it as a “positive good” and pointing to the abolitionists as “fanatics”
(Toscano, 2010).
The example of Calhoun and the American anti-abolitionism shows two aspects of
fanaticism. The first concerns the apparent paradox that characterizes the liberal thought,
the foundation of modern Western culture and its relationship with fanaticism. The second
makes clear the process by which the accusation of fanaticism is released from the content
of the principles underlying ideology to become a simple label with pejorative
connotations of meaning.
In the first case, Toscano (2010) speaks of “age of extremes” just to indicate the binding of
opposition of liberalism - which has played a central role in Western politics since the
Enlightenment until today (via the era of empires, the Cold War and the current issue of
“the West”) - with the fanaticism that is generated within it. This paradox of liberalism,
which combines individual freedom and slavery - as in the case of Calhoun - is made
possible thanks to an operation of distinction of political spaces where, on the one hand, it
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locates “sacred space” of civil liberties and trade, on the other hand the “profane space” of
oppression, colonialism and imperialism. This division allows the sacred space to be
legitimated and established thanks to the existence of the secular space in which it lies.
(Losurdo, quoted in Toscano, 2010).
The structure of liberal values is built on the processes of “abstraction” which in turn are
based on principles of universalism and egalitarianism. The idea is that these principles are
universally valid for defining and promoting social equality. These processes not only
invest the liberal politics in the strict sense but are an integral part of Western culture as a
whole - it influence upstream the mechanisms of generation and production of knowledge
– to such an extent that Toscano (2008) speaks of “culture of abstraction”.
Thus, the abstraction is the primary source of fanaticism (Colas, 1997; Toscano, 2010). It
is characterized by the unconditional adhesion and the principle of egalitarianism as a
consequence of the pursuit of a policy of emancipation (Toscano, 2010), as well as by a
transforming enthusiasm which can sometimes degenerate into violence (Gautier, 2002).
The unconditional adhesion is the feature that most leads to accusations of fanaticism
especially since, by definition, it is set against a Universalist view of the principles which it
binds. This results in the impossibility of any compromise with the reality that instead one
tries to overcome. This is precisely what occurred with the abolitionist doctrine, rejected
by anti-abolitionists and charged the first ones to adhere unconditionally to their concerns
threatening the established social order:
“If we don’t defend ourselves none will defend us; if we yield we will be more and more
pressed as we recede; and if we submit we will be trampled underfoot. Be assured that
emancipation itself would not satisfy these fanatics – that gained, the next step would be to
raise the negroes to a social and political equality with the whites; and that being effected,
we would soon find the present condition of the two races reserved.” (Calhoun, quoted in
Toscano, 2010, p. 4).
The clash between abolitionists and anti-abolitionists refer to the emerging dynamic during
the Age of Enlightenment, namely that the fanaticism genres to counter anti-fanaticism of
equal intensity but of opposite sign. This dynamic underlies the whole modern history,
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from the abstraction “under God” - immanent and unitary form of abstraction - to the one
driven by capitalism which by contrast follows a rationalist reductionism. Toscano (2010)
writes in this regard “abstract passion and unconditional demands is enduring dimension of
politics, especially when the space for negotiation is absent - as in the case of
abolitionism.” (p. 250).
In the history fanaticism is present in two forms: “a matter of individual delusion or crowd
madness (or both, as in the Enlightenment image of fanaticism as a kind of ‘swarming’
affecting individual minds and assembled bodies alike). More importantly, the accusation
of fanaticism may be leveled at excesses of abstraction and universality, but also directed
towards the irredeemably sensuous and particular.” (Toscano, 2010, p. 249). From that
emerges that the individual vs. collective dimension is central in the analysis of the
phenomenon both concerning the manifestation of the phenomenon itself – individual vs.
mass -, and concerning processes of accusation of fanaticism – universalism vs.
particularism -, as significant aspect of the political analysis. In this regard, Passmore
(2003) distinguishes two types of fanatics “internalist” and “externalist” whereas “for
internalist fanatics, the revelation comes as a private experience; it is revealed to them as
being persons who have been particularly chosen by God. On the externalist view,
revelation comes to fanatic’s way either by reading sacred Scriptures or by listening to
what is said by the priests of a particular Church or by accepting the authority of someone
the fanatic takes to have experienced an internal revelation, an oracle or a guru.” (p. 216).
In the second case, the reading of holy texts or the listening to inspired persons can also
generate “internalistic” inspirations to the individual.
The distinction between internal and external fanatical inspiration allows reading from a
different perspective the opposition processes - fanaticism and anti-fanaticism - highlighted
by Toscano (2010). The idea of a dichotomy at the origin of fanaticism - internal vs.
external – leads to the introduction of a twofold dimension of the fanatic, a “private
fanatic” and a “public fanatic”. The “private fanatic” is individuals or members of a sect
who believe in the infallibility of their beliefs but who have no antagonistic attitude against
those who do not share the same beliefs. In contrast, the “public fanatic” acts directly or
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PART 1 – Fanaticism and consumption
asks the State - or constituted authority - to take action against those who do not share the
same beliefs. Passmore (2003) states that “what both private and public fanatic have in
common is the notion that those who do not share their believes are in some way
immorally inferior to them: where they differ is in respect to whether this morally justifies
them in acting towards the unenlightened in ways which, in relation to persons who
disagree with them on other issues – issues other than the single issue which they take to
be of supreme importance – they would regard as being immoral, by, for example,
torturing, killing, or imprisoning them.” (p. 219)
Passmore’s (2003) view establishes a continuum between the size of public and private,
interior and exterior providing defined concepts that allows interpreting more clearly the
political processes of abstraction and counter-abstraction –, movements that tend both to
the extremes. For Toscano (2010) these are characteristics of political movements in
comparison with the historical situations in the modern era.
1.2 Fanaticism in psychological and psychoanalytical studies
The first studies on fanaticism were more focused on the cognitive processes that underlie
the extreme behavior (Rudin, 1969; Haynal et al. 1983). Furthermore, the psychological
approach has also had an influence in areas of fanaticism other than the psychological one.
Gridley (1987) studied the cognitive processes underlying the fanaticism in jazz, Taylor
(1991) applied behavioral analysis – a psychological approach – to the study of political
fanaticism. Fanaticism is a concept difficult to define (Rudin, 1969; Taylor, 1991), for this
the effort produced by the research is mainly concentrated in identifying the determinants
of the phenomenon and their cause-effect relationships. The results of this research method
are the basis of many recent studies on fanaticism, such as in the field of management
(Steiner, 2004), in studies on consumption (Redden and Steiner, 2000), and research on
tourism (MacKellar, 2006).
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PART 1 – Fanaticism and consumption
Below, we analyze in detail the two approaches that have helped in forming the
background of psychological research on fanaticism, Rudin (1969) and Taylor (1991).
Both studies, despite having the same focus on the behavior of the fanatic; attain the
elaboration of two different results. Rudin (1969) develops a conceptual model of the
fanatic that constitutes her/his psychological profile. In contrast, Taylor (1991) identifies a
number of features that outline the fanatical prototype, therefore without closing the fanatic
in discrete categories. The model proposed by Taylor (1991) is that of the prototype
(Wittgenstein, 1968) whose peculiarity is to define its object of analysis based on the
principle of “similarity” rather than on that of “correspondence” - as in the case the profile.
1.2.1 Building a fanatical Profile
Rudin (1969) identifies three fundamental variables which determine fanaticism (see
Figure 2):
1. Fanaticism as an intensity issue;
2. Fanaticism as a value-attitude issue;
3. Fanaticism as a pathological issue.
Figure 2 – Determining variables of fanaticism
INTENSITY
FANATICISM
VALUE
ATTITUDE
PATHOLOGY
In turn, these variables are influenced by some specific antecedents. In Figure 3 we can see
the complete model developed by Rudin (1969) to describe the profile of the fanatic.
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PART 1 – Fanaticism and consumption
Figure 3 – The fanatical profile
VITALITY
COMPENSATION
EXCITEMENT
PASSION
INTENSITY
ABSOLUTIZING
DRIVE
RAGE OF WILL
FORMAL
VALUE
ATTITUDE
FORMALISTIC
VALUE
CONTENT
PSYCHOPATHY
HYSTERIA
PATHOLOGY
SCHIZOID
SYNDROM
COMPULSIVE
BEHAVIOUR
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PART 1 – Fanaticism and consumption
1.2.1.1 Intensity
Intensity is “the degree of energy with which one lives, feels, thinks, wills, works, and in
general confronts the objective world, and, more, exactly, a degree that works at top speed”
(Rudin, 1969, p. 19). This definition suggests a quantitative dimension of intensity, a
degree of energy led to high levels that characterizes the fanatic, “intensity as quantitative
category manifests itself in two directions: toward the outside as a loud and excited,
strongly aggressive, and at times destructive discharge of energy; toward the inside as a
silent, mild-tenacious, rigid-inelastic, doggedly stubborn energy buildup, as an innermost
concentration and fixation upon an ideal” (Rudin, 1969, p. 22).
In fact, the intensity also refers to the feeling of pure elation, the recherche de l'absolu, and
the tension toward the divine which refers to the etymological meaning of the word
fanaticism, “inspired by God”. In this case, the concept assumes a greater qualitative value.
Rudin (1969) structures the distinction between quantitative intensity and qualitative
intensity by introducing the ideas of “little fanatics” and “great fanatics”, whereas the
former – in a quantitative perspective of the intensity – “stubbornly fight, in a blind rage,
for something that they themselves have experienced only superficially and with hardly
any depth” (p. 21).
In contrast, the “great fanatics” live in a deep way their fanaticism to the point that “the
dialectic of intensity and value-experience continues within them and almost tears them
apart.” (p. 21). Rudin (1969) on great fanatics quotes Nietzsche: “everything I touch
becomes light, everything I let go of, coal; I am certainly fire.” (p. 21).
In consumer research intensity is referred to studies on consumer satisfaction
(dissatisfaction) (Day, 1984; Giese and Cote, 2000; Johnston, 1998; Prakash, 1991) or, in
other cases, to the consumer emotional dimension. According to Moore and Homer (2000,
p. 231) intensity “refers to stable individual differences in the strength with which
individuals experience both positive and negative emotions. The Affect Intensity Measure
can be used to identify profiles of consumers who might respond more favorably to
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emotionally charged advertising appeals as opposed to a cognitively oriented non
emotional message”. In Thorne and Bruner (2006) intensity is a key concept for
understanding consumer fanaticism; it is “the degree to which one is a fan” (p. 52).
To Rudin (1969), intensity is present in three distinct forms even if interconnected each
other: 1) excitement, 2) passion, and 3) rage of will. (See Figure 4)
Figure 4 – Three forms of intensity
EXCITEMENT
PASSION
INTENSITY
RAGE OF WILL
1. Excitement
According to Rudin (1969) the term excitement means an event that is generated in the
psychic sphere but then immediately moves into the somatic expression and manifests
itself especially through the vibration of the body. Rudin (1969) states that “the
excitement of the fanatic seems to manifest itself toward the outside as ‘explosions’,
eruptions, elemental violence, frenzy, fits to rage, or a san out break heretofore silenced
or repressed judgments, feelings, and emotions” (p. 24).
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PART 1 – Fanaticism and consumption
The excitement as it manifests is a mixture of passion and willpower, poisoning work
that pushes the fanatics to plunge heart and soul into their work (Rudin, 1969). Let
consider, for example, that Kafka wrote The Trial in a single night, or Van Gogh and
the time spent with the Dutch miners in bringing the message of God, or Michelangelo
Buonarroti who received the order by Pope Julius II for paint the Sistine Chapel. He
disappeared retiring in the marble quarries of Carrara - after starting the work and
destroyed a big part of it, risking the condemnation of the Pope - in search of
inspiration, the true one, the divine one (this “divine” inspiration is especially
expressed by the fresco of The Creation of Adam)21.
The excitement also has a power of contagion and propagation moving from the
individual and then involving groups or actual masses of people. Already the middle
Ages had its “frantic dancers”, especially in times of plague and epidemics. “The
Middle Ages had their dancing frenzy, especially in times of pestilence and epidemics,
but we too should wonder why even today’s states of mass excitement can bring our
young people to the verge of ecstasy; rock-and-roll groups, the “new sound”, can cause
thousands to shiver and shake in fanatic excitement” (referring to the appearance in the
‘60s of the rock music – also called the “screamer music”) (Rudin, 1969, p. 29). In
consumer research excitement is a weak concept. It is especially referred to particular
occasions of consumption as the bargaining (Schindler, 1989) and the retailing
experiences (Wakefield, and Baker, 1998).
2. Passion
According to Rudin (1969) passion is manifested through an enthusiasm and an
excitement that arise both in the “vital instincts” and in the feelings. For Rudin (1969)
vital instincts - intended as vehemence, impetuosity and impulsiveness - feature the
blind rage that often characterizes the passion and make it a tool for the reduction and
simplification of reality. In the history, passion expressed by characters commonly
21
This last example is rendered in the film The Agony and the Ecstasy where intensity and excitement are felt
by Michelangelo passing days and nights without stopping in full-time obsessively painting at the point he is
physically forced to a rest, but not before “ending it” (The Agony and the Ecstasy, 1965, directed by Carol
Reed)
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PART 1 – Fanaticism and consumption
recognized as fanatics - Münzer, Savonarola, Hitler, just to name a few - have been
qualified for their blind and destructive fury of their actions but also for their
simplistic, and in some case, strictly binomial representation of reality – i.e.: Jews
during the Nazi regime became synonymous with “Bad” (in opposition to the “Good”,
the Nazi ideology).
The instincts, by themselves, are not enough to explain the reasons for the fanatical
passion. The fanatical passion cannot be such without the contribution of feelings
(Rudin, 1969). Rudin (1969) says that “only the feeling can bring the man into the state
of emotion and enthusiasm and arouse in him the high temperature of the fervent ardor
that breaks out in a ‘holy anger’, a blazing fury which generally destroys but one in a
while can also be constructive. ‘Fanaticism originates primarily in our affect-life. The
indwelling passion impulsively urges fanaticism into action and gives it power’.” (p.
35).
For Belk et al. (2003) passion is the desire as it is “born between consumption fantasies
and social situational contexts” (p. 327). Belk et al. (2003) contrast the concept of
desire with both the concepts of needs and wants. Other scholars as Shimp and Madden
(1988) relate the feeling of passion between consumer-object to the theory of
interpersonal love. In studies on fanatic consumption, according to Redden and Steiner
(2000) passion is a key concept in defining fanatic consumers.
3. Rage of will
Rage of will is a further form of intensity. With rage of will Rudin (1969) means those
spiritual powers working within the individual and that cannot be isolated from the
whole of his behavior. Rage of will is composed with: 1) will for action, 2) the
monomania (the lack of scruples), and 3) the hatred of the enemy. These features are
historically traceable, for example, in the figure of Adolf Hitler or Stalin - the
exaltation of the “will” is one of the predominant themes of the entire Nazi and
Stalinist propaganda.
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Rudin (1969) defines the will for action as “they allow themselves no rest, they have no
time to be tired, sacrifice every pleasure, recreation, their Sunday rest and strive to
make all others do the same. There is something tormenting in their sense of duty,
which can become a severe vexation for themselves, their family, and their place of
work. All this does not spring from an exuberant pleasure, in Energy and work which
has no limits, as in many hypomanics, but apparently from the most abstract idealism,
from an a priori Kantian principle of duty.” (Kretschmer, quoted in Rudin, 1969, p. 44).
This will for action is driven by the monomaniac belief in an ideal, and in its
realization. This produces a natural consequence, the lack of scruples to see fleshed out
the dictates of their ideology and identification of enemies in all those who directly or
indirectly oppose this order (Rudin, 1969).
Intensity, in turn, is determined by a number of factors that explain its emergence.
Rudin (1969) in this regard speaks of “background” of the intensity in order to avoid
reductionism which may arise from the use of the term “cause”. Rudin (1969) states
that “we use the term ‘background’ in order to avoid the word ‘cause’, since a merely
causalistic thinking cannot grasp and adequately understand the psychic process.
Whether this back-understand is in the last analysis a matter of the psychic structure,
that is, a psychic constitution which gives rise to the disposition and is one of the
causes of the states of wild excitement, burning passion, and cramped tightening of the
will.” (p. 48). Rage of will characterizes fanatic consumers behavior (Redden and
Steiner, 2000).
The background of the intensity is composed by three factors: 1) vitality, 2)
compensation e 3) absolutizing drive. (See Figure 5)
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PART 1 – Fanaticism and consumption
Figure 5 – Intensity background
VITALITY
COMPENSATION
INTENSITY
ABSOLUTIZING
DRIVE
1. Vitality
According to Rudin (1969) “there is the primordial vitality which always works with
inordinate energy and carelessly and naturally spends itself in function-pleasure and
exuberant feelings of energy” (p. 49). Vitality acquires a further importance in the
current age, Michel Maffesoli in Le temps des tribus (1988), has identified in the
vitality a central element in the postmodern societies.
This charge is shown both as an explosion of physical energy – i.e.: the rave parties or
the techno music - and as a psychic and intellectual commitment. A primordial vitality,
intellectual, exciting, and challenging at the same time and that sees the individual “to
devote himself to absolutely intellectual space trips to the steepest climbs, the most
daring curves, and the wildest descents of intellectual problems and pleasure in
experiments, ad he hereby reaches the verge of intolerant fanaticism in the intoxicating
experience of his vitality” (Rudin, 1969, p. 50).
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This research of the extreme involves a loss of contact with reality, although Rudin
(1969) points out how the very supreme effort and the expenditure of energy brings
each man closer to reality, to its understanding. This vision is consistent with an
attitude of extreme existentialism towards life. (Rudin, 1969, p. 51).
In consumer research vitality keeps and feeds the relationship between a consumer and
a brand (Fournier, 1998). The relational theory muted from the interpersonal relational
theory leads to a sort of antropomorphization of the brand. In that consumers look for
and need the vitality of the relationship itself in order to carry it on.
2. Compensation
The compensation mechanism is one of the factors at the basis of the intensity. For
compensation Rudin (1969) means “a rejection to a defect which tries to nullify the
defect. When despite this the defect remains, then compensation also remains and a
false equilibrium (overcompensation) is established. But when compensation nullifies
the defect, then compensation, too, disappears.” (Hart; quoted in Rudin, 1969, p. 55).
This compensation mechanism is well-known in marketing of services (Goodwin and
Ross, 1990; Goodwin and Ross, 1992; Wirtz and Mattila, 2004).
For Rudin (1969) compensation emerges whereas one is at the presence of strong selfdoubt, in a state of inner emptiness, hence the tendency to assume the unshakable
certainty that put to rest the doubts which are a source of insecurity and instability.
However, intensity is also supported by the resistance - from the psychoanalytic point
of view it is the presence of external topics that feed the inner doubts. Nietzsche first,
showed that the presence of real or imaginary enemies becomes a source of excitement
and ecstasy of the Dionysian charge that reaches the highest levels when people “think
to their environment, the age in which they live, and the whole world in which they
have their being, with feelings of vindictiveness” (Rudin, 1969, p. 58).
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This construction of the enemy in the process of fanaticization seems to come from far
away, in fact, according to Alfred Vierkandt (1941) - quoted in Rudin (1969) - it is in
the Middle Ages that have to be placed the occurrence of these phenomena (Crusades,
Inquisition and so forth.). On one hand, rural-urban migration and, secondly, the loss of
the legacy of paganism - with its values of gaiety and joy for life - for the benefit of a
higher incidence of Christian morality in the existence of the people, have helped to
increase the sense of insecurity, weakness and anxiety. These feelings have led to the
emergence of the tension secular/spiritual that will characterize the history of societies,
especially the Western ones, to the present day. This tension is the symptom of an inner
concern that finds its compensation in the adoption of certain beliefs and indisputable
orthodoxy. It is in this kind of circumstances that the scapegoat, the external enemy as
defined by Nietzsche, it should be tracked and hunted to give more strength to their
beliefs and to put to rest any inner doubt, any inner preoccupation. In the middle Ages
pagans, Jews and heretics will be the scapegoats.
A final example of the compensation mechanism is given by the addiction. The
addiction is one of the most recurrent themes especially in our contemporary societies,
a sign of the presence of forms of fanaticism even in contexts where religious and
political spheres are greatly reduced compared to the past. In the framework of
intensity, the addiction comes as the surrogate capable of maintaining high intensity
even when the physical and biological performances begin to decline for a natural
course of things. The consumption of alcohol and other substance has as its purpose the
stimulation of vitality, as well as music or consumption of any product that brings the
sensory system to levels of ecstasy (Rudin, 1969).
For Belk (1995a) the addiction takes over right where there is evidence of decline of
needs and desires. Even in this case, the addiction is a compensatory mechanism to
maintain high physical and spiritual vitality. In this sense, in the field of studies on
fanatical consumption, Lehmann (1987) introduced the notion of “positive addiction”
to indicate the constructive value held by the activity of consumption made with
intensity.
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Absolutizing drive
For Rudin (1969) the vitality and the principle of compensation alone do not tell the
whole truth on the intensity but more elements are to be found in the etymology of the
term fanum which stands for “inspired by God”. Beyond any consideration of the
metaphysical order, for “inspired by God” the author means that tension characteristic
of man that pushes him to the recherche de l'absolu, striving for perfection in a world
that is inherently flawed. “When we meet ecstasy at its wildest and intensity reaches
ecstatic dimensions, it may perhaps sometimes be a matter of something ultimate and
supreme where man wants to touch the absolute. Intensity can become the symbolbearer of the absolutizing drive – and can even become an absolute itself.” (Rudin,
1969, p. 65).
The intensity thus becomes the vehicle for the research and the achievement of the
absolute. The ability for human beings to grasp the true reality, the real one, the one
that hides behind the Shopenauer’s veil of Maya, eternal and infinite, the supreme
being in which the whole history of philosophical thought from its origins has turned
its attention. The intensity is movement, is to go out, to tend to, as Rudin (1969) states
“intensity, the dynamic, become the fanum, the sacred sign o fan higher existence, of a
value-filled existence” (p. 68).
This feeling of the absolute can also be presented in a distorted form in human beings,
unlike the “divine fury” of Plato; the value of the absolute becomes in the single
individual experiences a torment, an anxiety in which the intensity becomes a stuffy
force. In this case, the intensity is “an innermost fire which either draws everything into
the light or sears and burns everything” (Rudin, 1969, p. 69).
1.2.1.2 Value-attitude
The value attitude gives an account of the importance of the value in the subject-object
relationship. According to Rudin (1969) there is an objective definition of the fanatic in
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itself, irrespective of the ruling component that often accompanies the term. The fanatic
does not perceive himself different from others with respect to the intensity of his
behavior. What covers a cardinal importance in his conscience is the value or ideal for
which it stands or to whom he dedicates his life. The question of value is central to all
human beings, for which the need for a life full of values is essential to existence. Further,
it is a necessary condition for a meaningful life. To Rudin (1969) the value is “being in
itself”, the set of determinants of an object which establish their perfection or imperfection
and the presence or absence of flows from a value judgment. “Value is experienced and
striven for as an expansion of being as an enrichment and enhancement of existence” (p.
73). In consumer research, the study of value-attitude relationship aims to the
understanding of how (cultural) values influence the consumers’ attitudes (and behavior)
towards their consumption (Allen et al., 2002; Dembkowski and Hanmer-Lloyd, 1994;
Gregory et al., 2002). Some researches on fanaticism have improved a value-attitude like
model in order to apprehend the fanatic behavior (Redden and Steiner, 2000).
Rudin (1969) identifies three types of value-attitude: formalistic, formal and substantial.
(See Figure 6)
Figure 6 – Three forms of value-attitude
FORMAL
FORMALISTIC
VALUE
ATTITUDE
VALUE
CONTENT
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1. Formalistic value-attitude
Rudin (1969) defines those fanatics featured with this form of value-attitude also as
“little fanatic”. In these fanatics, the relation with the value is purely formal and
superficial, “in these there is not only no true interior relationship to a concrete and
definite value-content but they lack even the inner experience of the form in which this
value is represented” (p. 75). The value, in its proper sense meant as content, takes a
back seat, what characterizes these little fanatics is the adherence to external canons
and practices prescribed by a specific belief system. The example proposed by Rudin
(1969) are the Hitler’s SS, “they are impenetrable to true insights and ideals, they
instinctively only seek ways out within the prescribed explosion-channels. […] without
any element of culture, that is, without any capacity of forming spirit and instincts into
a higher psychic unity.” (p. 76).
This approach to value does not imply any moral obligation for the fanatic, no
“engagement” of the spirit that binds its existence indissolubly to the same value, “the
specific value is not formed into a specific way of experiencing and living: on activist
propagates religion just as another represents his champagne company or sells soap”
(p. 78). Even at high intellectual levels one meets this kind of people. These are lavish
in endless rants and complicated thoughts that hide a vacuum of arguments and a lack
of reflexivity that often causes them to express the contradictory positions if not
paradoxical. This produces the result that the same person is totally opposite in
defending two positions but with the same passion, the same determination and the
same logic coldness.
2. The formal value-attitude
The formal relationship to a value is not only formal and secondary; it is rather “an
inner, physically rooted attitude toward a very definite value in the concrete case. This
value is the form in which an idea, an object, presents itself.” (Rudin, 1969, p. 83). The
word forma, in fact, it is possible to understand both the forma substantialis that the
forma accidentalis, following the scholastic terminology. Where the first is related to
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the essence of things, their material causes while the second refers to what makes
things intelligible for the human intellect.
In the formal value-attitude, Rudin (1969) emphasizes the relationship between the
subject and the formal value of the forma accidentalis of the object. In this case, two
categories of formalism have to be further distinguished, a first aesthetic formalism of
an artistic kind which recall the various movements - Russian formalism in the
literature, the figurative arts with the abstractism and futurism and the idea of formal
perfection and purity - and a second formalism ethical-like - in philosophy and in law where the ethical form is compliance with behavior commonly considered, by
definition, as ethical, “what the fanatic of ethical form experiences is external
conformity of action with the ethical form, with the law” (Rudin, 1969, p. 94).
Thus, formal value can be considered as “a true experience of form which in the
specific case shows a clear individual gestalt and is generally rooted deep in the
structure of the person. On the other hand it would be difficult to equate them
psychologically with the inner-form fanatics of high value content. The external form
seldom remains this for his whole life or even for an extended period of time.” (p. 87).
3. The intrinsic value-content
The issue of the value and of the deep inner relationship with the fanatic is a crucial
point in the analysis of fanaticism. Fanatics have towards their values enthusiasm,
creative and ecstatic rapture toward a more just social order – “the City of God” (Colas,
1997). This enthusiasm is often judged - in a simplistic way - as a form of pathology
(Rudin, 1969). On the other hand, the obsessive nature of the fanatic, the violence that
erupts in certain circumstances to silence dissenting voices must not forget that
fanaticism can be an anti-social phenomenon. Of course, not all values-content of
fanatics manifest themselves as revolutionary forces capable of imparting an epochal
leap in the social order in a broad sense – i.e.: Lenin, Hitler, the artists of the
Renaissance, innovators in the world of science, culture etc. In this case, fanatics are
quite the collectors of various kinds, such as jazz fanatics, animal-rights activists,
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vegetarians and more. These values-content have a range in an absolute sense less
strong and, in general, they are considered to be arbitrary and inconsistent values
(Rudin, 1969).
The value is deeply experienced and deeply rooted in the person’s structure. Rudin
(1969) states that “there is a need for personal value which for years and decades, in a
strong and systematic drive for value-experience, seeks to arrive at a subjective
stimulation by value and at a psychic value-fulfillment and by this to achieve as goal a
new value-realization and value-intensification in the objective, extra personal and
super personal realm.” (p. 110).
This boost to the research into the experience of an “absolute” is clearly different from
the simple search of sensations that stimulate the subjective dimension and result in
procuring personal gratification. At the same time, it is not a simple instinctive and
unconscious spring but, on the contrary, it is characterized by the significant impact on
the desire of the individual in search of what was previously defined la recherche de l'
absolu. In this case, therefore, the fanaticism of the relationship between subject and
value-content is placed on a plane of full awareness by the individual. This brings us to
another point; our discussion has so far developed around the individual, and not on a
collective level, that is the strength of the Jungian theories on the archetypal foundation
of the creative collective unconscious. In the approach of Rudin (1969), in addition to
the collective unconscious dimension that plays a role already recognized, the same
role should be granted under the fanaticism to the individual dimension - and conscious
- as a field of creativity and attitude to the value as constituting an existential and
psychic structure of the person.
The fanatic is characterized by two opposing tendencies, on one hand he shows an
opening in search of the universal, of the perfect, of the value-content being able to
give meaning to their existence; and secondly his attitude is stubborn in a given and
narrow view of the world very often tending to the intolerant and the aggressive. Rudin
(1969) explains this dual nature of the oppositional fanatic: “this attitude of inquiry
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opens up all the gates of the sense and of the soul and keeps them to open to new
searching and striving. […]. The power of concentration grows to an exaggerated,
feverish intensity of action and an uncanny sharpening of the external performance of
the conditions of its realization. The affective accompaniment is played fortissimo or in
a long-lasting crescendo. At the same time – and here is the step into fanaticism – the
vision and the universal attitude of inquiry become more and more restricted, and this
restriction sets up a contrast to the original broadness and unlimitedness of the valueattitude. The outsider gradually gets the impression of a fixated rigor and inflexible
stubbornness. The fanatic genius feels himself even less understood than before; he
believes himself misunderstood and despised in his most sacred world of experience.
His feelings then abreact with aggressive intolerance and his enemies are accused of
being philistine, boorish or godless. Finally this can lead to complete identification
with a more and more isolated partial value which is increasingly absolutized as the
supreme and only value.” (p. 113).
This kind of fanatic is the most common case in the history of humanity and at the
same time is quite far from the image of the stereotypical fanatic emerged in the last
decade mainly as a result of the terrorist threat and the events of 11 September. The
fanatic inspired by a relation value-content is the one who on the one hand expresses
the maximum enthusiasm in their work, or in any activity that gives him a certain
pleasure and for which he is able to maintain a state of intellectual excitement, of
ferment and intensity that in the long term leads him to neglect the loved ones,
themselves and their own health. On the other hand, he presents himself and his beliefs
as ready to fight against anyone who gets between him and his own ideal of a better
world (Rudin, 1969).
1.2.1.3 Pathology
Fanaticism as potentially deviant and antisocial phenomenon that can manifest itself
through violent acts must also be assessed by a clinical-pathological perspective (Rudin,
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1969). This however does not mean that fanaticism goes confused with clinicopathological manifestations, on the contrary, Rudin (1969) explains that “we must keep in
mind that the fanatics in question are not fanatic ‘because’ they are psychopaths or
hysterics, schizoids or compulsive individuals but that the clinical view merely intends to
complete the picture of the fanatic thus far delineated without pretending to have causal
explanations” (p. 137). In according to that, Redden and Steiner (2000) defines the
pathological aspect of fanatic consumers as the inconsistence among their thoughts,
behavior and goals.
Rudin (1969) distinguishes four forms of pathologies: 1) psychopathy, 2) hysteria, 3)
schizoid syndrome, 4) compulsive behavior. (See Figure 7)
Figure 7 – Three forms of pathology
PSYCHOPATHY
HYSTERIA
PATHOLOGY
SCHIZOID
SYNDROM
COMPULSIVE
BEHAVIOUR
1. Psicophaty
The psychopathic personality is defined as “an abnormal personalities who because of
their personality anomaly readily come into conflict with life” (p. 139). These people
are psychopathic for their being different than the others. From this original condition
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can arise, as a secondary effect, becoming fanatic of the person who can show
antisocial behavior and - in extreme cases – a criminal behavior. In the case of the
fanatic, what sets it apart from the psychopath is that the rigidities of the fanatic - in
socio-political contexts, the conflict of adolescents against the authorities, research by
groups of strong leadership etc. - are not such that they can be defined as the real
diseases (Rudin, 1969).
This does not mean that the phenomena of fanaticism and psychopathy may occur
together and characterize certain persons or groups. This is the case for all groups that
during the middle Ages - the Waldensians, the flagellants, the Inquisition - have
practiced torture on themselves or on others in the name of pure doctrine. What
distinguishes the fanatical psychopath is in failing to take the place of the other, of his
way of thinking and grant him equal rights (Rudin, 1969). This feature can be
explained as a phenomenon of “overcompensation” aimed at filling deficiencies affective and of self-confidence - which emerge as outwardly emotional passions “for
an idea of roe a fürher and, on the other side, as an inhuman callousness and sadistic
cruelty toward enemies” (Rudin, 1969, p. 145).
2. Hysteria
The concept of hysteria is composed of two characteristics: 1) the psychic lability, and
2) the reflector mechanism and mechanisms of identification and projection. According
to Rudin (1969) “psychic lability is indicative of a disproportionally great lack of
psychic equilibrium, a readiness to yield to momentary stimuli and impressions, and to
extremes. It points to the absence of a self-secure center and of a core resting itself. The
development of a conscious, healthy ego has not taken place. Thus this ego is tossed
back and forth between feelings of superiority and inferiority complexes.” (p. 149).
This lack of certainty of identity is at the basis of the inability of the individual to bring
a fair judgment on what surrounds him; this is the source of intemperate and erratic
behavior. “Whenever the personal core has remained so weak the well-known reflector
mechanisms can exercise their control over the person. Such individuals are quickly
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gripped by the ‘storm of movement’, and almost without transition the ‘feigned-death’
reflex suddenly takes over, a silence and complete withdrawal, a paralysis and apathy.”
(Rudin, 1969, p. 149)
This type of behavior qualifies especially the “great fanatics” – whose we have already
talked about earlier - in fact the great fanatics can be considered of the hysterical
(Rudin, 1969). Hysteria is a contagious phenomenon, especially among the masses and
the crowds where the sense of individual responsibility is weakened, Rudin (1969)
states that “it is a well-known fact that fanatics can at times exercise a mysterious
fascination. They put the public into raving ecstasies, orgies of enthusiasm or
indignation. Such power of fascination can hardly be comprehended without
consideration of the unrestraint and intensity of the hysteric mechanism.” (p. 149)
The second constituent element of hysteria is given by the mechanisms of identification
and projection. The fanatical groups find their identification in slogans and instigators
that often result in the external projection of a common enemy – i.e.: Jews in the Nazi
Germans - who becomes the object of the worst quality, corruption, degeneration, etc.
These caricatures of the “enemy”, as Rudin (1969) states “show that is no longer a
matter of justice, of true freedom for all, and of a natural order but an instinct-driven
showing off, an egotistical self-superiority and thus a basis of profound inner
untruthfulness.” (p. 152)
3. Schizoid syndrome
Schizoid syndrome comprises a series of stimuli which cannot be defined psychotic
that is not pathological in itself, because they are a-specific. This means that these
symptoms cannot be uniquely associated with schizophrenia. But if they manifest in
the individual even if they do not generate a schizoid syndrome, however they
determine a psychic situation that is halfway between a condition of normality and of
disease (Rudin, 1969). The symptom that persists in most fanatics is the psychic
rigidity, where rigidity is meant as a form of obsession the individual is possessed and
which tries to involve others. As Rudin (1969) explains “such a rigidity process of
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psychic functioning necessarily implies the fixation of psychic Energy on a very few
points or even on a single point of the psychic ‘energy field’.” (p. 154).
Therefore, for these people there is only one topic of conversation around which they
build their whole life. This means that they tend to assume a fundamentalist and
totalitarian posture in every aspect of their lives. According to Rudin (1969) “even the
fanatics of a ‘new freedom’ and a ‘true tolerance’ manifest the same inflexible,
inelastic attitude. Their fight is always for the freedom ‘which I mean’, and they
suppress that of the others the moment they take control of a nation or community or
gain a position of authority in the public eye. All too often today’s hero of freedom is
tomorrow’s brutal dictator. World history still attests to this fact even today. The fact is
that the rigid attitude is not caused by the ideal fought for but by the psychic makeup of
the particular function-structure.” (p. 158).
4. Compulsive behavior
Compulsive behavior comprises four elements: 1) inner force, 2) mission, 3) fixation
tendency, 4) aggression (Rudin, 1969).
Compulsive behavior is generated by an inner strength difficult to escape to; it needs to
be expressed in words, gestures, and expressive tones. Rudin (1969) takes Adolf Hitler
as example: “his compulsive gestures, and the bellowing tone of his speeches.
Listening to these hour-long eruptions one had the impression that he spoke not out of
a calm and sensible judgment but out of a cramped condition that was both tormenting
and tormentingly pleasurable. After all, Hitler did not appeal to the reason of his
audience but moved heaven and earth to electrify and anesthetize his listeners.” (p.
171).
This inner strength expresses in the fanatic the feeling of being called to serve a
mission, “the force is accepted as a ‘mission’ and fulfilled as a ‘task’. Not infrequently
this mission is perceived as an internal or even external ‘voice’ which conveys the
‘order’. From such a power the ‘called’ cannot escape.” (Rudin, 1969, p. 171).
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The tendency to fixate on their own ideas invokes the concept of “rigidity” expressed
in the schizoid syndrome, although in this context it is not a symptom but a portion of
their compulsive behaviors. Rudin (1969) states that “his ideas and thoughts are always
vested in the very same formula. Thus even his way of speaking takes on something of
the character of a formula. With an almost deliberate monotone he creates a hypnotic
effect. These individuals seem to believe that the great and essential, the
incomprehensible and mysterious can be captured in a single magic formula. This
compulsion for a ready-made and final formula necessarily degenerates into a
repetition compulsion in which the overwhelmed ego experiences over and over the
magic power of the formula. Whole communities can assimilate such stereotyped
formulas, which develop into a distinctive jargon creating a close unity among the
‘initiated’.” (p. 173).
Finally, aggressiveness characterizes many manifestations of compulsive behavior
“ranging from relatively harmless ridicule and sarcasm on to the more serious form of
quarrelsomeness and chicanery and finally ending up with excessive cruelty and
deliberately devised torture.” (Rudin, 1969, p. 175). The aggressiveness is an important
part of the history of fanaticism - the riots of Münster, the Hundred Years’ War, the
Jacobin terror - the Nazi and the soviet genocide. These are facts in which the
compulsive element has played a key role.
In consumer research aggression behavior is a consequence of a consumers’ feeling of
frustration (Rose and Neidermeyer, 1999). The lower self-esteem is strictly linked to
the compulsive behavior phenomena (Faber et al., 1987; Faber and O’Guinn, 1989;
O’Guinn and Faber, 1989). According to O’Guinn and Faber (1989) consumers led by
a compulsive behavior are more prone to fantasy than other consumers. Their behavior
aims to obtain psychological benefits in order to improve their self-esteem. Desarbo
and Edwards (1996) identifies two typologies of consumers affected by a compulsive
behavior: the internal and the external. In the first case the compulsive behavior is
triggered by internal and psychological factors, in the second case such factors come
from the external environment. As Desarbo and Edwards (1996) state “the internal
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compulsive buying group appears to be driven to compulsive buying behavior by deepseated psychological problems, personality structures, and family upbringing; whereas
the external compulsive buying group appears to be compelled not by psychological
issues so much as by personal circumstances. Prototypical behaviors such as
compulsive buying do not necessarily need to be restricted to the extremes. The
external group may be exhibiting a more temporary behavior, perhaps one that is
borderline compulsive.” (p. 252).
1.2.2 Building a fanatical Prototype
Taylor (1991) studies fanaticism - in the political sphere - through a behaviorist approach.
The author identifies a list of ten characteristics that define the fanatic as such. However
this set of features does not establish a detailed and accurate profile of the fanatic, they
rather represent a series of traits that outline the fanatic. Taylor (1991), taking into account
that the concept of fanaticism is difficult to define, proposes a prototype of the fanatic
claiming that “the overlapping qualities of these features indicate the fuzzy boundaries of
the concept. Our use of the term is related to the aggregation of all or some of these
qualities which contribute to and determine our use of the term fanatic” (p. 37). The
prototype has the advantage of getting out of a static view on studying the fanatic and leads
a reflection following the principles of familiarity and similarity that is based on many
characteristics of the prototype (Wittgenstein, 1968).
1. Focusing
Focusing is the feature through which the fanatic focuses all his energies into a single
interest, the one represented by the beliefs that inspire his fanaticism. Taylor (1991)
defines the concept as “excessive and all-absorbing focusing on the issue of concern to
the fanatic, to the exclusion of almost, or perhaps even all other things. The fanatic
follows the logic of his own behavior to the total exclusion of all other alternatives,
regardless of social approbation, and more general social or broader cultural norms.”
(p. 38). The focusing process is not limited to the psychological level but it produces
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contingent effects on the fanatic behavior, in fact it implies a strict interrelation
between the center of interest of the fanatic and his daily life.
In addition, the extreme focusing on their own value system makes the fanatic myopic
compared to the consequences of his actions. This leads him into a sociopathic attitude
compared to the “others”. In this regard, Taylor (1991) describes the testimony of
Gerry Adams - the leader of Sinn Fein, the Irish terrorist organization linked to the
extreme right - “I support the right of the IRA to do this and while I don’t take any
pleasure in anybody’s life being taken and am often momentarily taken back by it, I
believe the IRA is morally justified in doing this and I am morally justified in
supporting their right to do it.” (p. 40). Focusing on the cause of the IRA imposes itself
so much in the consciousness of the fanatic that the end of the cause is self-justifying
and self-legitimizing regardless of the consequences for the “others”. Along the same
lines, Hannah Arendt (1977) gives the example of Adolph Eichmann - one of the
organizers of the concentration camps and described as fanatic - “The longer one
listened to him, the more obvious it became that his inability to speak was closely
connected with an inability to think, namely, to think from the standpoint of somebody
else.” (p. 49)
2. Personalized vision of the world
For Taylor (1991) the personalized vision of the world is an extension of the process of
focusing. By personalizing the view of the world the fanatic creates his own ideological
construction of the world to which he attaches his own universe of meaning. According
to Taylor (1991) there are two ways to personalize the view of the world:
1. personalization as a concern on how to interpret the world;
2. personalization as the way events not linked to the individual are instead interpreted
as such. In this case, the focusing can be seen as a process that exacerbates the
effects of personalization or, in general, it can be only one component of
personalization.
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The first way of personalizing the world is that which is common to all individuals, and
is typical of the process of psychological growth – particularly it affects children aged
two to seven years. Concerns about how to interpret the world from their point of view
are mechanisms that allow the individual to build their own points of reference with
respect to reality. However in the fanatic these processes take on a more rigid posture
to be seen as the real ideologies, where ideology is defined as “the organization of
beliefs and attitudes - philosophical, political or religious - which are more or less
institutionalized or shared with others, and which are derived from an external
authority.” (Taylor, 1991, p. x). From this point of view “the fanatic’s view of the
world is particular interpretation of the events, or the significant of particular acts
which characterize his approach seem only to exist from his particular standpoint, and
other perspectives are either ignored, judged irrelevant, or incorporated into the
personalized view.” (Taylor, 1991, p. 41).
The second definition of the process of personalizing the view of the world binds to the
first, whereas the fanatic perceives events that are not related at all to his own vision of
the world as instead having a meaning in his life. According to Taylor (1991) this type
of process induces a certain degree of empathy that motivates people to be involved,
for example, about the injustice affecting the others. In the case of the fanatic Taylor
(1991) underlies that the empathy occurs exclusively towards the groups which share
with him the same system of meanings, symbols and, in general, a same ideology. An
example of this is given by the animal rights activists who care the welfare of the
animals but it seems they forget completely the well-being of the others. This illustrates
well the way in which personalization can characterize the fanatic. (Taylor, 1991).
3. Insensitivity
The fanatic shows a considerable degree of insensitivity both towards other people and
towards the standards of conduct that society imposes. Taylor (1991) states that “we
are concerned with what others might think of us, we seek approval or praise for what
we do, and we give praise for things done to us. This reciprocity in relationships seems
either to be lacking in the fanatic.” (p. 44). In this sense, up against any problem the
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fanatic tends to push their own responsibility up against the outside world, “the devotee
becomes insensitive to those aspects of his environment (family, friends) that affect the
rest of us in some measure.” (p. 45).
4. Loss of critical judgment
The “normal” people - Taylor (1991) often employs this adjective - tend to maximize
the benefits through the exercise of a certain critical judgment. Where, for critical
judgment Taylor (1991) means the “maintenance of equilibrium, or balance, may be a
feature of optimization, where benefit is interpreted in terms of balance. When we
successfully ‘optimize’ in this sense, we might be said to be exercising our critical
judgment. Similarly, when we make what seem to be situationally appropriate choices,
or avoid behavioral choices that might disadvantage us, again we might be said to be
exercising our critical judgment.” (p. 45).
In the case of the fanatic, critical thinking seems not to be pursued; on the contrary the
fanatic derives his benefits only from equilibrium in its actions in accordance with its
ideology, that even at the cost of going to certain disapproval by the social context in
which he lives.
5. Inconsistency and tolerance of incompatibility
According to Taylor (1991) human behavior is characterized by a substantial
consistency between the actions and the belief system that inspires them - a system of
beliefs reputed as “normal”. In the fanatic this consistency seems to be entirely absent
though as Taylor (1991) explains “this inconsistency lies in the contrast between the
fanatic’s values and actions with those actions expected by the broader community in
which the fanatic lives. It is inconsistent to us, because we expect something different.
To the fanatic […] it is consistent with his ideological position from his perspective.”
(p. 47).
The case of the Nazis - especially the SS - is a good example to observe the
inconsistency, or presumed, of fanaticism at work. One wonders how it was possible to
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commit the atrocities that were perpetrated during the Second World War against the
Jews and the people of Russia (against which it has unchained a “total war”) find no
explanation in psychopathy. The mental illness is not the only explanation; many of the
soldiers who then militated in the SS have also explained that they had committed these
acts in the name of “duty” (Taylor, 1991). “This was possible by placing the ‘duty’ of
operationalising Nazi ideology before other societal values. In this situation where
ideology conflicts with other values, the fanatic’s resolution to the paradox is it adheres
to his ideological imperatives.” (Fest, 1970).
6. Certainty
The characteristics previously analyzed - in particular, the personalization of the vision
of the world, focusing and insensitivity - lead to the definition of the characteristic of
certainty that qualifies the attitude of the fanatic. According to Taylor (1991) “the
fanatic is not just single-minded or focused, but he energetically and vigorously directs
his activity and pursues his ends, this pursuit admits of no deviation or recognition of
moral dilemma.” (p. 49).
7. Simplification
The fanatic is suffering from a simplistic view of the world based on dichotomous
distinction “we” – “other”. In this process of differentiation “the other” is represented
with negative characteristics. Taylor (1991) states that “the world of the political
fanatic often seems black and white – imperialists or non-imperialists populate the
world or communist conspiracies color and influence all actions. The religious fanatic
has a similar view, perhaps seeing the devil (or God) always present and responsible
foe vents.” (p. 50)
Manicheistic representations of reality do not belong only to fanatics. The history of
propaganda - such as that of totalitarian regimes - is dotted with simplistic reductions
of the other - often caricatured - in order to make the opponent directly recognizable
but above all in order to create and strengthen a common identity in opposition to the
opponents. What distinguishes the fanatic is that “what for the rest of society remains
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propaganda (however effective), for the fanatic it seems properly to characterize his
views” (Taylor, 1991, p. 50)
8. Resistance to change
The behavior of the fanatic is characterized by force and perseverance, whereas for
force one means the tenacity compared to adverse circumstances (Taylor, 1991). These
features make the fanatic particularly rigid towards the change. According to Taylor
(1991) “the reluctance of the fanatic to change his views is because he is unaware of
the problem (resulting from his insensitivity), or whether he simply does not wish to
change his views because he knows he is right (certainty).” (p. 51).
The topic of consumer resistance is widespread in marketing and consumer research
(Cherrier, 2009a; Holt, 2002; Kozinets, 2002a; Kozinets and Handelman, 1998, 2004;
Mikkonen et al., 2011; Moisio and Askegaard, 2003; Price and Peñaloza, 1993;
Thompson and Coskuner-Balli, 2007). Moreover, in fandom studies on consumption
the topic has been largely investigated (Cova and Dalli, 2009; Cova et al., 2013; Muñiz
and O’Guinn, 2001). In these studies consumers are engaged in a resistance to the
dominant marketplace ideology and/or to the dominant role of companies in managing
the brand.
9. Disdain/dismissal
The characteristics set out so far give us an idea of the dimension of the fanatic who
qualifies himself especially for his attitude of disdain (dismissal). He seems to attach
little importance to the lives of others by being fully folded on his beliefs, ideologies,
and the consequent actions.
In the case of victims of terrorism - especially in reference to the situation in Ireland
and the IRA - the members seem to feel little empathy for the pain of the families of
the victims, and if feelings of closeness are expressed, they seem far from being really
including the state of mind of others. Taylor (1991) explains that, “where apologies are
given, there is often a sense of appeal to their own supporters, with a stress on the
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rightness of the cause despite some unfortunate mistake, rather than e genuine
expression of sympathy with the bereaved.” (p. 52).
10. Contextual facilitation
Despite the personalized and focused vision, the fanatic is not intended as an autistic
incapable of relationships and social reciprocity, on the contrary. The behavior of the
fanatic is characterized by the quality of the “self-sustaining” a feature that pushes the
fanatic to research in the social environment the total sum of information - often within
subcultures - that helps him to grow, to share and strengthen his ideology. According to
Taylor (1991), “in the case of the fanatic, this leads to the construction of what might
be termed a fanatical world, where, in so far as is possible, the social contacts and
exposure to news confirm and sustain the fanatic’s preoccupations. Thus, in this sense,
given the ideological control which fanaticism implies, the environment creates further
feeds and develops existing excessive qualities.” (p. 55).
All the literature in consumer research on consumer tribes (Cova et al., 2007) has
deeply investigated the social environment in which consumers share their
consumption interests. Furthermore, the context facilitation and its self-sustaining
characteristic have been found out as a key finding even in the consumption field of
studies (Chung et al., 2008).
Table 2 – Profile vs. Prototype
Intensity
Value-attitude
Fanatic profile
Fanatic prototype
Rudin (1969)
Taylor (1991)
Enthusiasm
Focusing
Passion
Personalized view of the world
Rage of will
Insensitivity
Formalistic value-attitude
Loss of critical judgment
Formal value-attitude
Inconsistency and tolerance of
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Pathology
Content value-attitude
incompatibility
Psychopathy
Certainty
Hysteria
Simplification
Resistance to change
Schizoid Syndrome
Disdain/dismissal
Compulsive-phenomenon
Contextual facilitation
1.3 Fanaticism in sociological studies
In the analysis of fanaticism, the theme of deviance emerges as a central topic for the
understanding of the phenomenon. However, in sociological studies deviance is
approached by an interactionist perspective (Becker, 1963). Although fanaticism would
have as implications violent behaviors, intolerant behaviors and, in general, extreme
behaviors (Bronner, 2009), the basic idea is that in social identification of fanaticism - and
fanatic - there is a strong influence of relational dynamics. In these dynamics emerge
processes of judgment of the whole system of beliefs that inspires the behavior of a
particular group or individuals (Becker, 1963; Bronner 2001). From this perspective, the
deviance of a given behavior is not necessarily to be found in the behavior itself - whereas
deviance is defined as the violation of specific pre-established social norms (Becker, 1963)
- but rather it is in the judgment that “those who make the rules” attributes to the specific
conduct itself. Milgram (1977) introduces the idea of fanatical label that is how the concept
of fanatic represents a pejorative label “applied by the majority to a deviant minority” (p.
61).
The judgment, therefore, by an interactionist perspective (Mead, 1934) is the key to
understanding of fanaticism as a deviant phenomenon. In fact, it is possible to distinguish
two forms of judgment, the judgment on the fact and judgment on the value, both linked to
logic of “discontinuity” (Bronner, 2001). This means that in social dynamics the judgment
brought on by their different belief systems are often defined as deviant - in the sense of
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irrational - but through cognitive processes that relate to the value - good or bad - of the
actual content of the beliefs rather than their actual rationality (Bronner, 2001). Bronner
(2009) states that “we should be surprised but the extremism, whatever the form it takes,
meets the criteria of rationality. On the one hand, as he is consistent with the teachings of
the doctrine - sometimes he is more consistent than the moral system of the ordinary
citizen who accepts any compromise. Besides, once admitted this doctrine, he proposes the
means appropriate to the aims pursued. Accordingly, both from the point of view of
cognitive and the instrumental rationality, the extremist have definitely a well-functioning
head.” (p. 61).
Bronner (2009) defines rationality as the set of “cognitive rationality” and “instrumental
rationality”. Cognitive rationality refers to the consistency and validity of the beliefs
produced by the individual and their compatibility with respect to reality. However,
instrumental rationality “qualifies the ability of individuals to use the means that seem
appropriate to achieve certain goals” (Bronner, 2009, p. 95). Martinich (2000) further
develop this extent by making an additional distinction between the concepts of
“rationality” and “reasonableness”, attributing the latter to the beliefs commonly accepted
and reserving, however, the former exclusively to the beliefs susceptible to be labeled as
fanaticism “‘the rational [person knows how]… to adopt the most effective means to ends,
or to select the more probable alternative, other things [being] equal’. In contrast,
reasonable people desire ‘a social world in which… [all] can cooperate with others on
terms all can accept’.” (Rawls, quoted in Martinich, 2000).
Then, if it is assumed as given that fanaticism – as a belief system - is consistent with the
principle of rationality, this implies that the rationality is not a valid criterion in itself to be
able to distinguish “normal” belief systems - commonly shared - from the most “extreme”
as fanaticism (Bronner, 2001). The principles of rational and reasonable (Martinich, 2000)
already introduced a first element of reflection on this point. In fact, while the
reasonableness is characterized by a greater flexibility to adapt their beliefs from the
others’ point of view, rationality means a very strong relationship with the fanatic’s beliefs.
In these two principles, we find the same distinction that Max Weber operates between
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“ethics of conviction” and “ethics of responsibility” where with former the individual “will
feel responsible for the need to ensure that the flame does not go out of the pure doctrine”.
However, with the latter “we must respond to the foreseeable consequences of our actions”
(Weber, 1990, pp. 172-173).
This relationship of the fanatic with their beliefs is defined by Bronner (2001) as
“unconditional adhesion”, so the extreme thinking is typified by a radical relationship - in
extreme cases, an absolute relationship - with a specific belief system. However, the
unconditional adhesion characterizes both the extreme thinking and also the ordinary
thinking - for example, the principles of liberty, democracy, etc. in Western societies -,
“for which it is necessary but not sufficient in determining the onset of fanaticism”
(Bronner, 2001, p. 152). According to Bronner (2009) “radically adhering to an idea is not
the same as to adhere to a radical idea. For which, in particular, the peculiarity of the
extreme thinking is given by the fact that it tends to radically adhere to a radical idea” (p.
130).
Now we have to define the notion of “radical idea”. For Bronner (2001) a radical idea is
defined as such by the concepts of “transubjectivity” and “sociopathy”. The
transubjectivity is a concept first expressed by Raymond Boudon in his book Le Juste et le
Vrai, in which he says “I will talk about the transubjective reasons to indicate that in order
to be credible, these reasons must be seen by the person if not as demonstrative, at least as
convincing. So I designate this way the reasons that have a capacity to be taken up by a
group of people even if, in their case, we cannot speak of objective validity” (Boudon,
quoted in Bronner, 2009, p. 134). The transubjectivity then refers to the ability of an idea
to spread to other people and to gain greater presence in the world of ideas, even if the
success of ideas, as Bronner (2009) says, may depend on other contingent factors not
necessarily related to transubjectivity, as the presence of totalitarian political systems that
do not allow the competition of alternative ideas to those of ideology. In this case, a lack of
transubjective ideas can be determined by the hostility of a context which in order to
prevent the spread of new ideas can go as far as the physical suppression of the people who
generate or who are carriers of such ideas – it is the case of heretics in the Middle Ages,
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the royalists during the French Revolution or the opponents in the totalitarian regimes of
the twentieth century.
Sociopathy is a term composed by the two words society and pathos (from the Greek,
suffering). Sociopathy means “values or beliefs that have a competitive charge that, when
applied in terms of their logic (that is the case of the extreme thinking) imply the
impossibility of certain people to live with others” (Bronner, 2009, p. 159). Sociopathy,
therefore, indicates to some extent the degree of intolerance that a specific intrinsic value
system has, or rather the degree of intolerance expressed by it as a result of a
fundamentalist interpretation of the beliefs themselves such that they are in contradiction
and therefore in conflict with other belief systems. This is one of the reasons why, by this
perspective, Islam is perceived today as a high risk extreme thinking, just because it is
socially seen as weakly transubjective, highly sociopathic and with a high level of
unconditional adhesion by members (Bronner, 2009).
Fanaticism emerges from the conjunction of three factors: 1) the unconditional adhesion to
a value, 2) the sociopathic effects that may arise from the pure observance of value, and 3)
the weak transubjectivity of the value itself (Bronner, 2001). From the crossing of these
factors arise various forms of thinking that are characterized by an extreme level more or
less greater of transubjectivity and sociopathy. (See Table 3)
Table 3 – Different forms of fanaticism
Beliefs less
sociopathic
Beliefs more
sociopathic
Beliefs more
transubjective
Beliefs less
transubjective
Ordinary thinking
Extreme collectors
/arts/fundamentalism/sect 1...
Sect 2, Islamic terrorism, messianic
sionism...
Egalitarism/deep
ecology/struggle for
independence...
Source: Bronner G. (2009).
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The development of sociological studies on fanaticism reflect an evolution of the
phenomenon itself that since the twentieth century has shifted gradually from its natural
milieu - that is the religious domain - to the political, and finally coming to what is
commonly defined as popular or mass culture. Already in the 60s, in fact, Rudin (1969)
argues that it can be fanatics about everything from “work fanaticism to sport fanaticism,
from the paroxysm of the dance to the burning fires of religious activity, from the demon
of knowledge to the fever of justice” (p.63). Hereafter, we will focus on popular and
cultural phenomena.
1.4 Fanaticism in media and cultural studies
According to Fiske (1989/2010) popular culture is “the active process of generating and
circulating meanings and pleasures within a social system” (p. 19). However this idea of
popular culture has a contradiction at its core, as the meanings that are built in it are
intrinsically linked to cultural products - music, sports and TV series – produced by the
world of production. Popular culture, in fact, coexists with industrial society even if, in
some extents, it stands out. First of all, popular culture is made by people, not by the
cultural industry (Fiske, 1989). This activity of construction of value is carried out by
people at a time when the products of cultural industry meet the individuals’ daily life
(Fiske, 1989). The everyday life is the theater in which the meanings of cultural products
are renegotiated and revised through practices and rituals that belong to the people and that
are foreign to the industrial system (de Certeau, 1984).
This idea of popular culture is in opposition to the capitalist system - so much so that Fiske
(1989) speaks of “cultural economy”. In particular, Fiske (1989/2010) states that “the
popular culture, then, is determined by the forces of nomination to the extent that it is
always formed in reaction to them; but the dominant cannot control totally the meanings
that the people may construct, the social allegiances they may form. The people are not the
helpless subjects of on irresistible ideological system, but neither is they free-willed,
biologically determined individuals; they are a shifting set of social allegiances formed by
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social agents within a social terrain that is theirs only by virtue of their constant refusal to
cede it to the imperialism of the powerful. And space won by the weak is hard won and
hard kept, but it is won and it is kept.” (p. 37).
This dichotomy between the capitalist system and popular culture as well as produced by
individuals leads to the onset of a number of cultures that finally differ from the dominant
culture. These numerous and widespread cultures are the so-called “subcultures” (Hebdige,
1979; Redhead, 1997). Subcultures are the “kingdom of the fans” hence the term “fandom”
(Jenkins, 1992). According to Jenson (1992) “Fandom involves an ascription of excess and
emotional display – hysterics at rock concerts, hooliganism at soccer matches, autograph
seeking at celebrity sites.” (p. 20). The emotional dimension is at the base of the
stigmatization of fandom phenomenon. In fact, since the beginning it is defined in social
studies as deviant phenomenon.
According to Jenson (1992) the common judgment of deviance is determined by a
dichotomous view that sees opposing rationality and emotionality. This view has its origins
in the Enlightenment and characterizes the whole modern era. Further, just the idea of
modernity plays a crucial role in the onset of fandom phenomena, through the decline of
the traditional community and the growing power of the mass media (Jenson, 1992). In
fact, the gradual loss of community relations gives rise to a corresponding loss of social
references to ensure the sources of stability for individuals’ identity. Simultaneously, the
increasing media coverage (and standardization of messages) helps to reinforce into the
individual the idea of an anonymous personality, lost in the mass. However, the same
media system provides messages, symbols and icons that become the new points of
reference for people, hence the rise of “hot behaviors” (Baudrillard, 1990) - a strong
emotional charge - towards the icons of the culture industry (Jenson, 1992).
Thus, fandom phenomena are in general perceived as phenomena with negative
connotations. According to Jenkins (1992) this essentially depends on two factors, the first
is the root of the word fan which is an abbreviation of the word fanatic, and although it was
introduced during the nineteenth century in the language of American sports journalism -
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especially with regard to the fans of baseball – it has never quite lost its original
connotations of “religious and political zealotry, false beliefs, orgiastic excess, possession
and madness” (p. 12). A second factor is given by the ratio that the oppositional
subcultures as such have towards the dominant culture, “the fan’s transgression of
bourgeois taste and disruption of dominant culture hierarchies insures that their [fans]
preferences are seen as abnormal” (p. 17).
It is possible to identify several subcultures both in music (Becker, 1963; Fox, 1987;
Zellner, 1995), in sport (Crawford, 2004; Dimmock and Gross, 2005), and in TV-series
(Bacon-Smith, 1992; Jenkins, 1992; Lewis, 1992). In all of them, the issue of the deviance
is the central one and it is well represented by the title of one of the paragraph of Textual
poachers, “Get a Life” (Jenkins, 1992). Special attention has been paid to the phenomena
of violence in sport, especially hooliganism (Dimmock and Gross, 2005, Dunning et al.,
1988; Kerr, 1994) as well as the aggressive behavior (Wann et al., 2001).
However, from the 1990s the fandom phenomenon has known a popularity so much
gradually increasing to lose part of the pejorative connotations it held (Jenkins, 2006a). In
fact, in all these areas - music, TV and sport - there is a tendency, even by academics, in
legitimizing these phenomena without necessarily relegate them to areas of deviance. In
the analysis of the phenomena of violence and sport hooliganism, Dunning et al. (1988)
recall a series of historical, psychological and social factors to determine and explain the
evolution of the behavior of sport fans. In the interpretative framework proposed by Fiske
(1989), the fandom subcultures are the result of social reactions to the presence of the allembracing modernity, and modernity during its development has been gradually expanding
from the economic sphere to fill the fields of leisure and entertainment (the contexts in
which the fandom makes its first appearance!). Even in the case of sport, Dunning et al.
(1988) link the emergence of violent behavior supporter of the dynamism underlying the
capitalism in continually generating hierarchical class relations – upper class, middle class,
lower class etc.
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Furthermore, even the evolution of societies in terms of civilization – as meant by Norbert
Elias (1978) in his book The Civilizing Process – has played a role in the rise of violent
phenomena. Dunning et al. (1988) argue that the process of civilization as well as
developed by Elias (1978) represents a further key to explain the emergence of violent
behavior in fans - mostly made up of members of the working class. A key moment in the
process of civilization is - in addition to the concentration of the means of production even, and especially, the monopolization of violence which coincides with the formation of
modern states. Dunning et al. (1988) state that “in a society with a relatively stable
monopoly of physical force, people are largely protected from sudden attack […] at the
same time; they are forced to suppress their own impulses to attack […]. As a result, fear,
both of one’s own aggressiveness and of a punitive response to it from powerful others,
becomes internalized, a deep-rooted feature of the personality.” (p. 224).
Similarly, the changing attitude toward sports fandom in the last twenty years - but this
applies to the fandom in general - is also shown by the fact that we tend to distinguish the
phenomena of extreme and deviant fanaticism from an attitude - that of the fan - which
after all is within the ordinary patterns of behavior (Crawford, 2004). As evidence of this,
many scientific contributions have started to offer distinctions within the fandom
phenomena between fans and fanatics, or rather between fans whose behavior falls in
forms of sociality of ordinary behavior which are completely different from those which
are dysfunctional and anti-social.
In this sense, Hunt et al. (1999) have developed a classification of different levels of sports
fanaticism - temporary fans, local fans, devoted fans, fanatical fans, dysfunctional fan. This
classification founds on the level of attachment of fans to their object of devotion, and the
degree of deviance of their behavior “this difference in attachment between the fanatical
fan and the dysfunctional fan manifests itself not by the degree to which one engages in
fan-like behavior (as was the case with the difference between a devoted fan and a
fanatical fan), but rather the degree to which the behavior is anti-social, disruptive, or
deviant.” (Hunt et al., 1999, p. 447). In addition, Crawford (2004) goes further by reading
the level of investment of the fans as a path that links the two worlds, that of the audience -
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the sports consumers - and that of sports companies (Abercrombie and Longhurst, 1998). It
is a path that potentially leads the fan from being a mere spectator to be an effective
member of the company with which he shares the passion for sports.
Although the image of the fan has significantly changed over time - becoming a figure
more familiar and less prone to stigmatization of sorts - the fanaticism which animates it is
an oppositional feeling towards the surrounding dominant culture (Hills, 2002). Fanaticism
is born as a phenomenon of reaction to the dominant culture imposed by the capitalist
system. A reaction deviant but not necessarily - especially in the case of media productions
- distinguished by a certain productive creativity, thanks to the convergence of new media
with the traditional ones and the creative possibilities offered by them (Jenkins, 2006b).
Although, as pointed out by Hills (2002), fandom subcultures - even the media ones - tend
to be structured in terms of skills, knowledge and distinctions which, on the one hand
allow to draw sharply the border “we” – “others”, and on the other hand they represent “a
social hierarchy where fans share a common interest while also competing over fan
knowledge, access to the object of fandom and status.” (p. 20). This is an element of
competition which generates internal distinctions within the same fandom between a
“hard-core” and “weekend fans” (or “soft-core”).
However, the study conducted by Benzecry (2011) on the opera fanatics does not agree
with the considerations of status and social hierarchy which are common to studies on
fandom phenomena. As Benzecry (2011) writes “while this [opera] involves many
occasions that imply forms of sociability, grouping, and exchange, passionate opera fans
are not led hand in hand into the social aspects of the activity; on the contrary, they give in
to it in a highly individualized way” (p. 67). Even if fans, in their individual way of living
opera create in their personal view a difference among themselves, the equals and the rest
of the audience, “passionate fans shape an image of worthy salves through a laborious,
sustained, long-term engagement with opera that is founded on claiming opera as thei own
and is based on an ethic of sacrifice, refined knowledge, and bodily attachment; that works
through strategies to distinguish themselves, partly from what they perceive as the outside,
but mostly (in terms of symbolic boundaries) from other parts of the house audience; and
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that is presented and performer through intense sociability with an audience of equals.
What distinguishes audience members in this case are, not that they are listening to a
different cultural product than other people, but their belief that, while they are listening to
the same thing as other people, they are listening better.” (p. 84). More in detail, “opera
fans discredit the new audience members by categorizing them according to three
distinguishing features: First and foremost, they participate in other cultural practices
besides opera, second, they engage in automatic applause, which shows an absolute lack of
sophistication. Third, they have no self-restraint, something the opera fans associate
explicitly with the cultural degradation of the outside world.” (p. 98).
Opera fanatics do not share their passion with other people neither inside the opera (except
for temporary ties) nor and above all outside the opera. That happens because opera
fanatics feel like not understood in their passion and in extreme cases stigmatized and
treated as crazy people. It entails that opera fanatic lives her/his passion in a personal way
accumulating a cultural and symbolic capital that she/he does not share but keeps for
her/himself.
Benzecry (2011) defines the opera as a form of high culture, different from the popular
culture. Even if in the case of the opera fanatics the high culture is not a form of elite and
exclusive culture that marks social differences (Benzecry, 2011). In fact, Benzecry (2011)
highlights how the theory of taste (Bourdieu, 1979) falls short in explaining the passion of
fans for opera “the class composition of the population of passionate fans who populate the
higher floor of the Còlon (and better seats at houses where the price ranges are not so
extreme) suggests a heterogeneous population. What all of them share, despite their
differences in income, education and age – from the doctor with a country house to the
forty something high school dropout still living with his parents – is their affiliation with
the urban-middle-class imagery of a country based on social homogeneity” (p. 54).
The study is the ethnography of the audience of the Teatro Colon Opera House in Buenos
Aires, Argentina. Unlike studies on communities of fans, Benzecry (2011) highlights how
the passion for the opera has been developed primarily as a personal feeling and that
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neither the family of origin nor the family environment in general have a role in bringing
an opera passionate. Benzecry (2011) points out that many of the fans have a lonely social
life, without ties and how “the release from family responsibilities has a direct relationship
with the increase of the investment in opera.” (p. 58). The lover becomes so once he came
in and watched the show with an “instant of revelation” (p. 66).
The opera fanatic establishes a relationship of love with the musical product. This love has
a sacred value to allow the enthusiast to satisfy his need for transcendence. Transcendence
is sought through four styles of consumption: 1) hero; 2) addict; 3) nostalgic; and 4)
pilgrim. The hero emphasizes the engagement and self-sacrifice of the fan in the opera
house. Tank to their long-lasting engagement they are part of the opera economy (with the
singer, the orchestra, etc.). Their role in the opera economy allows them to transcend the
everyday life. The addict lives the opera experience as a highly personalized dissolution
(transcendence) of their selfhood in the music. Those fans express the physical music
enjoyment both as a sickness and a cure. The nostalgic person lives the present as the
negation of a glorious and golden past. They transcend living the present experience while
it recalls the past. Pilgrim lives the opera experience as a liminal moment in which they are
abandoning the outside real world and embracing the opera audience in a communitarian
(metaphoric) relationship. This liminal passage allows pilgrims to transcend in their opera
experience.
Indeed, in investigating opera fanatics Bezecry (2011) show those fans are not involved in
social status interactions but they are concerned in social practices on opera music
consumption. As Benzecry (2011) states “it is, not a struggle over cultural membership or
authority, but a story of how transcendence operates as a goal for many while at the same
time organizing modes of engagement and the cosmology that underpins them.” (p. 143).
This brief review on fanaticism in cultural and media studies and on fandom phenomena in
- TV, music and sport - does not exhaust the discussion on this topic. In fact, the notion of
popular culture includes, in addition to intangible products that we have discussed, also
material products (Arnould and Thompson, 2005) - whose role goes back to the idea of
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cultural commodification of social relations proposed by Marx. Material products – the
objects in the system of production - are elements with which people interact producing
and conveying meanings (Fiske, 1989). There are many scientific studies that have dealt
with the role of objects in industrial society and the daily life of people, and the way in
which these contribute to the construction of culture (Baudrillard, 1970; McCracken, 1986,
1990; Arnould and Thmposon, 2005). We will discuss this issue in more detail in chapter
two.
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Chapter 1 conclusions
In this chapter we are interested in the birth and evolution of the phenomenon of
fanaticism. First, we propose a historical and philosophical approach to the concept of
fanaticism, and then we carry on a conceptual analysis of the terms semantically close to
our object of study. This first section propose a general overview of the concept of
fanaticism as discussed in the literature, this allows us to determine the etymological and
semantic field of fanaticism.
The second section is focused on the development of discourses on fanaticism. In
particular, we show the specificity of the phenomenon as well as it is conceptualized in
various fields of research. First we show how fanaticism binds to the political and religious
phenomena. Particular attention is paid to the ontological connection between liberalism
and fanaticism or, more in general, between fanaticism and modernity. Then, we offer a
psychological perspective of the phenomenon. Two models of explanation of fanaticism
are identified in the literature - the profile and the prototype - both in search for the
psychological determinants of fanatic behavior. Finally, we analyze the impact of
fanaticism in the social sphere, and how the sociological discourse with the emphasis on
the rationality of behavior fanatics within a frame interactionist. Then, we pay attention to
the interest to the phenomena of fanaticism by the field of cultural and media studies. We
show how research approach fandom phenomena highlighting the social relations, the
status concerns and the hierarchical issues at play in communities of fans, as well as the
cultural role acquired by material products.
Far from being a phenomenon necessarily deviant, fanaticism has evolved with the history
of modernity before finding religion, politics, and then, finally, in mass culture, its scenic
theater. It is bound by an oppositional relationship with the dominant culture, whether it is
expressed by political liberalism or consumer capitalism, it is animated also by the constant
search for a change in the established order in the name of the egalitarianism or, in general,
for the improvement of social and existential conditions. Finally, fanaticism seems to have
a role in the construction of new social identities especially in times of severe crisis of
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identity. The identity relationship between fanaticism and consumer culture (Arnould and
Thompson, 2005) is the direction we will explore in the second chapter.
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PART I Fanaticism and consumption: a comparison
Chapter 1:
Fanaticism as a political, social and psychological
phenomenon
Chapter 2:
Fanaticism as a consumption phenomenon
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Chapter 2. Fanaticism as a phenomenon of
consumption
The concept of fanaticism appears for the first time in studies on consumption in two
publications of the 1980s by Holbrook (1987) and Lehmann (1987). Both studies are
devoted to the analysis of typical phenomena of popular culture respectively, jazz music
and the sport of weightlifting. In addition, both based their studies on purely personal
interests, in fact, both Holbrook and Lehmann is lovers and participates in “fanatical”
activities of jazz music and lifting weights. This particular condition leads them to employ
a method of study that is not the traditional one, the positivistic approach. Both the authors
define the approach they use as “introspective”.
Since the new millennium, research on fanaticism as a theoretical key concept to
understanding of the practices of consumption and consumer behavior has experienced a
new and decisive momentum (Chung et al., 2008; Hunt et al., 1999; MacKellar, 2009;
Redden and Steiner, 2000, Smith et al., 2007; Thorne and Bruner, 2006). These studies
have moved in different directions going from collective consumption, based on specific
brands, to the study of the individual consumer linked to some consumption activities. The
aim of these studies is to understand the motivations of the fanatic behavior, or to assess
their identity interplay in a social interaction perspective.
However, these differences are accompanied by two points which are common to all
researches on fanaticism. The first concerns the almost unanimous assertion that fanaticism
as a concept lacks its own definition. In this regard, some studies have been developed
with the specific intent to bring out the characteristics that would allow advancing in this
direction (Chung et al., 2008; Thorne and Bruner, 2006). With the lack of a definition of
fanaticism we are faced with two problems. First, there is a difficulty in distinguishing
fanaticism from other consumption related concepts which are generally mobilized in
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consumer research studies. That is really evident because studies on fanaticism normally
mobilize these concepts: devotion, attachment, commitment, passion, etc. (Chung et al.,
2008). Thus, this lack of definition has important implications on stating the scientific
status of fanaticism.
The second common point concerns the fuzzy manner through which fanatic consumption
and fanatic consumers are treated in research studies. In these studies it seems established
the idea that the analysis of the characteristics of fanaticism stem from the empirical
analysis of fanatic consumers, or in other cases of the fans. But, on the other hand, those
studies do not really provide an empirical difference between a “fan” and a “fanatic”. This
seems to be a paradox as fanaticism is tried to be defined without necessarily knowing who
is the fanatic. At the same time, it tries to define and/or identify the fanatic without
knowing what fanaticism is. This paradox seems to be caught in most studies as a concern.
Some research has attempted to address the issue at a methodological level. This is the case
of Chung et al., (2008) who identify the fanatics as “a sample of consumers who were
reported as ‘fanatics’ or have experienced the ‘fanatic’ label (p. 334). Smith et al. (2007)
make use of the self-selection of consumers as fanatics by using an advertisement:
Are you an enthusiast about something, an avid watcher / participator of something, or an
intense collector or hobbiest willing to be interviewed by a university researcher
concerning your interest? Please call the Following number: (XXX) XXX-XXXX. (P. 87).
This advertisement shows that – for researchers - the main features of a fanatic consumer
are “avid and intense”!
Otherwise, other studies have attempted to define fanaticism by classifying the several
levels of consumer fanaticism. They created classifications in a way so as to define, at the
same time, the degree of fanaticism and the type of consumer corresponding to it (Hunt et
al., 1999; MacKellar, 2009, Thorne and Bruner, 2006).
The study of fanaticism that we face here is conducted along two main lines. The first one
aims to distinguish fanaticism from other concepts close to it and already present in the
literature on consumer research and marketing. The second objective is to explore the
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study of fanaticism as well as it has evolved in the context of consumer research.
The development of these two directions of research should enable us to achieve a
clarification of consumer fanaticism in order to make it more easily intelligible for the
purposes of our research.
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Section 1. Fanaticism and close ideas
Love, devotion, loyalty, or fanaticism towards a brand? In marketing studies and consumer
research several concepts have been introduced to define the particular relation that
consumers establish with objects and brands. Each of those concepts aims to identify the
interplay between consumers and brands both in terms of antecedents-consequences
outcomes, and in terms of identity implications (Arnould and Thompson, 2005). (See
Figure 8)
Brand love (Batra et al., 2012), as well as brand relationship (Fournier, 1998) are the
freshest and currently the most powerful concepts carried on by scholars to enrich our
understanding of consumer behavior. Moreover, most of the studies on collective
consumption - fandom communities, brand communities, consumer tribes - hugely
mobilize these concepts in order to provide thick descriptions of consumers’ behaviors,
their practices and their cultural productions (Cova et al., 2007).
Figure 4 – Similar ideas to fanaticism in consumption
Loyalty
Love
Devotion
Fanaticism
Passion
Commitment
Involvement
Attachment
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Recent studies on fanatic consumption largely use these concepts in their investigations of
the phenomenon (Chung et al., 2008; Hunt et al., 1999; McKellar, 2009; Thorne and
Bruner, 2006). Below, we shortly introduce these concepts, their theoretical implications,
and their connections each other.
2.1 Involvement
Studies on consumer involvement have developed from the observation that consumer
choices are not necessarily dictated by the search for complete information. In contrast,
most consumer choices in everyday life are based on limited information for the purchase
of major assets (Olshavsky and Granbois, 1979). The introduction of the concept of
involvement allows accounting for this type of behavior (Zaichkwosky, 1985).
Thomson et al. (2005), define the involvement as “a state of mental readiness that typically
influences the allocation of cognitive resources to a consumption object, decision, or
action” (p. 79). The literature has dealt with involvement of consumer in advertising
(Krugman, 1977; Laurent and Kapferer, 1985; Park and Young, 1986), product (Dholakia,
2001), and purchase decisions (Bloch, 1982; Clarke and Belk 1978). As Zaichkwosky
(1985) states “in the advertising domain, involvement is manipulated by making the ad
‘relevant’: the receiver is personally affected, and hence motivated, to respond to the ad. In
product class research, the concern is with the relevance of the product to the needs and
values of the consumer. In purchase decision research, the concern is that the decision is
relevant, and hence that the consumer will be motivated to make a careful purchase
decision.” (p. 342).
Consumer behavior is seen as dichotomic behavior from the point of view of involvement:
low involvement consumer behavior and high involvement consumer behavior (Engel and
Blackwell 1982). The results of studies of behavior, as observed by the research, serve as
indicators of the level of involvement of the consumer. Zaichkwosky (1985) defines
involvement as “a person’s perceived relevance of the object based on inherent needs,
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values, and interests” (P. 342). The latter corresponds to the definition commonly accepted
in literature that is the concept of involvement relates only to the cognitive dimension
(Thomson et al., 2005).
According to Thomson et al. (2005), the involvement, along with other concepts such as
“attitude favorability, satisfaction” (p. 79), are dimensions of the attachment. Coulter et al.
(2003) define involvement as “the personal relevance or importance of a product category”
(p. 152). The authors introduce the idea of involvement towards branded products and
suggest that the involvement influences the brand commitment “our findings suggest that
involvement with branded products facilitates product involvement, brand commitment,
and brand experimentation” (p. 165).
2.2 Commitment
Studies on commitment have been developed in the context of advertising (Ahluwalia et
al., 2000; Robertson, 1976), marketing services (Fullerton, 2003; Sharma and Patterson,
1999), organizational behavior (Allen and Meyer, 1990), and consumer behavior (Fournier,
1998; Scammon, 1987). Moorman et al. (1992) define commitment as “an enduring desire
to maintain a valued relationship” (p. 316). Gundlach et al. (1995) argue that commitment
consists of three components: “an instrumental component of some form of investment, an
attitudinal component that may be describe as affective commitment or psychological
attachment, and a temporal dimension indicating that the relationship exist over time”
(quoted in Garbarino and Johnson, 1999, p. 71).
For Coulter et al. (2003), the brand commitment is a form of emotional and psychological
attachment to a brand within a product category (Fournier 1998; Laštovička and Gardner
1978), and its definition is based on an attitude rather than behavior (Bloemer and Kasper
1994; Traylor 1981). For much of the research in the past, the brand commitment has been
addressed as a result of product involvement (Coulter et al., 2003). Other research shows
the unnecessary presence of this bond (Ratchford, 2001; Warrington and Shim, 2000).
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For Fournier (1998), the product involvement has a marginal influence on brand
commitment “consumer-relevant relationship themes cut across the artificial boundaries of
brands and products to reveal purposive constructs employed in making sense of one’s
daily life.” (p. 367). Fournier (1998) does not distinguish between the meaning that the
category of the product and the brand can take to consumers. Similarly, all the researches
that study the brand commitment within the life experiences of consumers tend to neglect
this distinction (McAlexander et al., 2002; Schouten and McAlexander, 1995).
In a recent work, Coulter et al. (2003) show that between product involvement and brand
commitment there are several implications. They demonstrate how the brand commitment
is not necessarily related to product involvement and they show as well that phenomena of
involvement relate to branded products.
2.3 Attachment
The attachment to the objects is a pervasive phenomenon (Wallendorf and Arnould, 1988).
Research on consumption (Belk, 1988; Kamptner, 1991; Kleine et al., 1989, 1993; Mehta
and Belk, 1991) shows how consumers can develop an attachment to gifts (Mick and
DeMoss, 1990), collectors’ items (Slater, 2000), places (Hill and Stamey, 1990), celebrities
(Thomson, 2006), special possessions or favorite objects (Ball and Tasaki, 1992; Kleine
and Baker, 2004; Kleine, et al. 1995; Richins, 1994a, 1994b; Wallendorf and Arnould,
1988), and the brand (Fournier 1998; Keller, 2003; Schouten and McAlexander, 1995).
Park et al. (2010) define brand attachment as “the strength of the bond connecting the
brand with the self. Consistent with attachment theory (Mikulincer and Shaver 2007), this
bond is exemplified by a rich and accessible memory network (or mental representation)
that involves thoughts and feelings about the brand and the brand’s relationship to the
self.” (p. 2).
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The role of the attachment as a bond able to define the self is virtually shared by the
majority of the researches (Ball and Tasaki, 1992; Kleine and Baker, 2004; Park et al.,
2010). In particular, a part of these studies see in the attachment a form of self-extension
(Kleine and Baker 2004; Kleine, et al. 1995), while others insist on the concept of selfbrand connections (Chaplin and John, 2005; Park et al., 2006; Park et al., 2010). For Park
et al. (2010, p. 2) “two critical factors reflect the conceptual properties of brand
attachment: brand–self connection and brand prominence”.
Escalas and Bettman (2003) describe the concept of self-brand connections in this way:
“Consumers construct themselves and present themselves to others through their brand
choices based on the congruency between brand image and self-image. As a result of this
process, the set of brand associations is linked to the consumer’s mental representation of
self. Thus, the meaning and value of a brand is not just its ability to express the self but its
role in helping consumers creates and builds their self-identities (McCracken, 1989) by
forming connections to brands.” (p. 340). Park et al. (2010) mobilize the concept of selfbrand connections just as consumers “can be connected to a brand because it represents
who they are (e.g., an identity basis) or because it is meaningful in light of goals, personal
concerns, or life projects (an instrumentality basis; Mittal, 2006).” (p. 2).
The brand prominence is the significance with which the thoughts and feelings related to
the brand become part of a person’s memories. For Park et al. (2010) the brand prominence
“reflects the salience of the cognitive and affective bond that connects the brand to the self.
This salience is reflected by the perceived (1) ease and (2) frequency with which brandrelated thoughts and feelings are brought to mind” (p. 2).
2.4 Passion
The study of passion consumption has recently found some interest in research (Albert et
al., 2012; Belk et al., 2003), although the concept is present in researches on related topics.
In particular, passion emerges both in relational constructs as the consumer-brand
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relationship (Fournier, 1998), and in the affective constructs such as attachment (Thomson
et al., 2005) and love (Albert et al., 2008; Batra et al., 2012; Whang et al., 2004). For
Fournier (1998), passion is one of the factors that determine the quality of the brand
relationship. Within studies on love in consumption, Albert et al. (2008) see the passion as
one of the eleven dimensions that make up the brand love, and Batra et al. (2012) assume
passion - passion-driven behaviors - as one of the elements constituting the prototype of
brand love. Whang et al. (2004) in their study of the bikers love for their bikes claim that
“bikers love for their bikes involves feelings that are possessive (Mania), caring (Agape),
and passionate (Eros), but loyalty depends only on passionate feelings (Eros).” (p. 325),
thus establishing a link between the passion and loyalty. Thomson et al. (2005) see the
passion one of three dimensions of the attachment. In general, the passion is an example of
the enthusiasm of the consumer towards a brand or consumption activity (Bauer et al.,
2007; Belk et al., 2003; Matzler et al., 2007).
Bauer et al. (2007) state that, “in a consumption context, brand passion can be defined as a
primarily affective, extremely positive attitude toward a specific brand that leads to
emotional attachment and influences relevant behavioral factors.” (p. 2190). From a
different perspective, Matzler et al. (2007) show that there is a connection between the
extroverted personality of consumers and their predisposition in being passionate towards
an object of consumption. Such a passion, whether in the context of a positive relationship
with the company, generates phenomena of evangelization.
Recently, Albert et al. (2012) have demonstrated how the brand passion is determined by
brand trust and brand identification, and which in turn determines the brand commitment.
The authors explain that in the relation brand-consumer confidence comes before the same
passion as “consumers do not expect a brand to reject or betray them (Ahuvia, 2005b) and
can therefore build trust in the brand more quickly. Whereas many interactions must take
place before a person can trust a romantic partner, a few interactions may be sufficient to
develop trust in a brand.” Unlike previous studies, Belk et al. (2003) deal with the theme of
passion through an interpretive approach. Belk et al. (2003) show how passion is expressed
through the desire is an embodied passion involving a quest for otherness, sociality,
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danger, and inaccessibility.” (p. 326). For authors, the desire is intrinsically linked to the
consumption passionate, “desire is experienced […] as an intense and usually highly
positive emotional state best characterized as passion.” (p. 333). In Belk et al. (2003)
emerges that the desire is to be understood “as active construction of consumer passion”
(p. 345).
2.5 Loyalty
Many of the researches on loyalty agree in defining loyalty as “repeat purchasing” (Jacoby
and Kyner, 1973; Oliver, 1999; Zeithaml et al., 1996). Oliver (1997) defines loyalty as “a
deeply held commitment to rebuy or repatronize a preferred product/service consistently in
the future, thereby causing repetitive same-brand or same brand-set purchasing, despite
situational influences and marketing efforts have the potential to cause switching
behavior.” (p. 392). For Chadhurai and Holbrook (2001) purchase loyalty is influenced by
the brand trust and brand affect. The majority of the scientific contributions explain the
development of loyalty by the consumer through the “cognition-affect-conation pattern”
(Oliver, 1997). In particular, Oliver (1999) argues, in contrast to previous research that
develops loyalty “at each attitudinal phase relating to different elements of the attitude
development structure. Specifically, consumers are theorized to become loyal in a
cognitive sense first, then later in an affective sense, still later in a conative manner, and
finally in a behavioral manner, which is described as ‘action inertia’.” (p. 35). Oliver
(1999), therefore, enriches the model “cognition-affect-conation” with an additional stage
“action”, so as to move the model from the perspective of loyalty-based attitude towards a
greater interest in the behavioral aspect (behavior), “the action state of inertial rebuying.”

Cognitive loyalty: “In the first loyalty phase, the brand attribute information
available to the consumer indicates that one brand is preferable to its alternatives.
This stage is referred to as cognitive loyalty, or loyalty based on brand belief only.
Cognition can be based on prior or vicarious knowledge or on recent experiencebased information. Loyalty at this phase is directed toward the brand because of
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this "information" (attribute performance levels) […] the depth of loyalty is no
deeper than mere performance.” (p. 35).

Affective Loyalty: “At the second phase of loyalty development, a liking or attitude
toward the brand has developed on the basis of cumulatively satisfying usage
occasions. […] Commitment at this phase is referred to as affective loyalty and is
encoded in the consumer's mind as cognition and affect. Whereas cognition is
directly subject to counter argumentation, affect is not as easily dislodged. The
brand loyalty exhibited is directed at the degree of affect (liking) for the brand.” (p.
35).

Conative Loyalty: the stage conative (behavioral intention) is influenced by
repeated episodes of positive affect toward the brand. “Conative loyalty, then, is a
loyalty state that contains what, at first, appears to be the deeply held commitment
to buy noted in the loyalty definition. However, this commitment is to the intention
to rebuy the brand and is more akin to motivation. In effect, the consumer desires to
repurchase, but similar to any ‘good intention’, this desire may be an anticipated
but unrealized action.” (p. 35).

Action Loyalty: “Study of the mechanism by which intentions are converted to
actions is referred to as "action control" (Kuhl and Beckmann, 1985). In the action
control sequence, the motivated intention in the previous loyalty state is
transformed into readiness to act. The action control paradigm proposes that this is
accompanied by an additional desire to overcome obstacles that might prevent the
act. Action is perceived as a necessary result of engaging both these states. If this
engagement is repeated, action inertia develops, thereby facilitating repurchase.”
(p. 36).
Finally, as Oliver states (1999) “Cognitive loyalty focuses on the brand's performance
aspects, affective loyalty is directed toward the brand’s likeableness, conative loyalty is
experienced when the consumer focuses on wanting to rebuy the brand, and action loyalty
is commitment to the action of rebuying.” (p. 36).
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For Oliver (1999), the consumer’s willingness to be a regular customer and regain can
reach its maximum level only if the consumer is willing to worship and to engage
faithfully (e.g., love, devotion) in a product or a service.
Oliver’s (1999) argumentations on brand loyalty seems to be near to the studies on fandom
phenomena, in fact as Oliver (1999, p. 43) states “this discussion has proposed behavior
states that transcend this somewhat logical model [cognition-affect-conation]. In essence,
consumers can become near-zealots on the basis of adoration and devotion and can be
placed in self-sustaining social environments that reinforce their brand determination.”.
The studies by Oliver (1999) bring out the relationship between loyalty and commitment.
Other researches see the attachment as one of the antecedents - along with the commitment
- of loyalty (Cristau, 2001; Lacoeuilhe, 2000; Litchlé and Pichlon, 2008).
2.6 Devotion
Pimentel and Reynolds (2004) are the first to approach the study of devotion as an
independent concept. The term is still present in some studies on fandom community (Hunt
et al., 1999; Thorne and Bruner, 2006). To Hunt et al. (1999), the devoted fans in sports,
“remains loyal to their team or player even if either the specific, short-term event that
captivated that temporary attention has ended or if they are removed from the context of
the original geographical location” (p. 444). To Hunt et al. (1999) this level implies an
influence of the object of devotion in the definition of an embodiment of the same, but not
in the self. For Thorne and Bruner (2006), the devoted fan “may devote sections of their
homes to showcasing the object of fascination, attend conventions focusing on the subject,
and ultimately endeavor to become recognized as an expert in the area of involvement” (p.
58). In Thorne and Bruner (2006) this level of devotion is characterized by an increasing
level of involvement.
Pimentel and Reynolds (2004) define the devotion as an “affective commitment
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accompanied by proactive sustaining rituals.” (p. 18). The higher is the level of
commitment; therefore, the greater the propensity of the consumer to go to levels of real
devotion. The commitment is characterized by high levels of emotional ties with the brand.
In the research of Pimentel and Reynolds (2004) emerges as the devotion is linked to
strong feelings such as love, the sacredness and worship. The model proposed by Pimentel
and Reynolds (2004) has developed within a postmodern context in which one sees the
profanization of the sacred and the sacralization of the profane (Belk et al., 1989). The
devotion of consumers is characterized precisely by the attempt to avoid any new
secularization and lowering the high emotions of consumers themselves (Pimentel and
Reynolds, 2004).
Pichler and Hemetsberger (2007) show that in the literature on devotion there are two main
features: “First, devotion is depicted as a highly emotional concept, reflecting very intense
relationships between consumers and objects, or activities. Second, it argued Has Been
That the term ‘devotion’ also implies religious fervor” (p. 194). These features put the
concept of devotion in relation to other concepts already present in the literature. First,
“their extremely high level of emotional bonding with the brand justifies the distinction of
devotees from the rest of loyal and committed consumers” (p. 194). Where the loyalty is
distinguished by devotion because, “it reflects a voluntary emotional bond between an
individual and a love object.” (p. 197).
Pichler and Hemetsberger (2007) show that the devotion is very close to the concept of
passion (Belk et al., 2003), “consumer passion and desire is portrayed as a strong, highly
emotional, captivating, and motivating force, which makes us want the particular object of
desire. Hence, desire is defined as a highly emotional, positive state” (Pichler and
Hemetsberger, 2007, p. 195). But what marks the difference between passion and devotion
is the lack of commitment within the latter “desire is rather characterized by powerful
feelings of urge, and lacks the notion of commitment” ((Pichler and Hemetsberger, 2007,
p. 195), to which is also added a less altruistic “as opposed to desire, devotion is
characterized by a much more altruistic attitude, by responsibility, and dedication”
((Pichler and Hemetsberger, 2007, p. 197).
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The characteristic of “high emotional bond” refers to the concept of love. Ahuvia (2005)
develops the idea of love for an object, very close for the emotional extent to devotion. For
Pichler and Hemetsberger (2007) “devotion as an emotional state can be described as a
tripartite state of passion, intimacy and dedication” (p. 196). This definition, in fact, creates
a bridge between the concept of love and devotion without therefore draw a clear line
between the two. Moreover, the same definition is inspired by the love triangle of
Sternberg (1976), used in early studies on love in consumption (Ahuvia, 1993, 2005a, b;
Shimp and Madden, 1988). For Pichler and Hemetsberger (2007) there is a direct
relationship between the concepts of devotion and love, “acts of devotion perpetuate and
refuel the loving feelings for the loved, sacred object” (p. 196).
2.7 Love
Love is a concept recently introduced in studies on consumption (Ahuvia, 2005). The
consumer research developed in the last decade has established that it is possible to speak
of love where there is a relationship between a person and an object of love – a product or
a brand (Albert et al., 2008; Fournier, 1998). Although love has become a topic of
marketing having a proper scientific status, the various researches have not been able yet to
converge on a shared definition. Carroll and Ahuvia (2006) identify a single dimension,
while Albert et al. (2008) eleven. Recently, Batra et al. (2012) following previous work of
Ahuvia (2005) have proposed the “prototype” of love as a possible alternative to the
definition of the concept according to specific criteria. This is due to the fact that love is
like a complex and nuanced concept difficult to define, for which the structure of the
prototype - a list of attributes that people associate with the concept - is more effective in
grasping it and study it. Research on love in consumption has been developed in two main
directions. The first focuses on the relationship consumer-loved object, where object refers
to a product, activity, idea etc. The second concerns the relationship between the consumer
and the loved brand. Below, we will discuss these two areas separately.
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2.7.1 Love towards an object
Sternberg (1986) in the stream of previous studies (Aron and Aron, 1986) treats love as a
psychological independent construct. He shall draw up a triangular theory of love in which
the three components are: intimacy, passion, and decision/commitment. Based on the
model of Sternberg (1986), Shimp and Madden (1988) have proposed a conceptual model
of the relation “consumer-object” where “intimacy, passion, and decision/commitment”
become “liking, yearning, and decision/commitment”. Following the psychological
approaches, Ahuvia (1993, 2005a, b) provides an empirical contribution to the theory of
love as proposed by Aron and Aron (1986) theory that is based on the extension of the self.
Specifically, Ahuvia (1993) argues that a person can feel love for an object when the level
of integration and the desire for that object reaches a critical threshold. However, in
“Beyond the Extended Self: Loved Objects and Consumer's Identity Narratives” Ahuvia
(2005b) takes a significant step forward in the study of love. First, he abandoned the idea
of defining the concept of love through the fixed criteria and goes to comparing
interpersonal love with love for an object, introduces the notion of “prototype” of love (e.g.
Aron and Westbay, 1996; Fehr, 1988; Fehr and Russel, 1991). Secondly, it calls into
question the concept of extended-self as proposed by Belk (1988), and that in a sense
characterizes his early studies in which love is seen in a perspective of expansion of the
self. Although the influence of the loved objects on the definition of the self remains a
staple in his analysis, the ratio of consumer-object is caught in a relational perspective
(Fournier, 1998) instead of in the idea of the self embedding (Belk, 1988). Ahuvia (2005b)
states “this article supports Belk’s basic claim regarding the importance of identity issues
in high involvement consumption. It suggests, however, that the metaphor of core versus
ex-tended self may not be the most useful way of describing this phenomenon. Instead, it
may be simpler and clearer to keep Belk’s thesis that products, ideas, activities, and so
forth, have varying degrees of selfness for a consumer, without invoking the potentially
misleading notion of a core self.” (p. 182).
In addition, Ahuvia (2005b) also demonstrates how interpersonal love between people and
that toward an object has many more similarities than differences. The study of Whang et
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al. (2004) is based on the same principles; it is the first study to build a measure scale of
love towards a specific product - the love of a biker towards his Harley. This love consists
of three variables: eros (passionate love), mania (possessive love) and agape (altruistic
love). From this, for Whang et al. (2004) it follows that the love for the Harley is a form of
romantic love.
2.7.2 Love towards a brand
Studies that explicitly deal with the brand love are very recent (Ahuvia et al., 2009; Carroll
and Ahuvia, 2006; Albert et al., 2008). The independence of the concept of brand love
arises in consideration of the distance of this concept to other next to it. Already Ahuvia
(1993) in his first work on love says that involvement in an object is a different concept of
love, “involvement also differs from love. People can be very involved with things they
detest and can love things that they are not currently involved with, as in the case of the
informants who loved books they hadn't read in years.” (p. 171). For (Albert et al., 2008),
attachment and commitment are part of the more general concept of love for a consuming
object or a brand. Other concepts such as brand attachment (Thomson et al., 1995) and
self-brand connections (Escalas and Bettman, 2003) are included in one brand of love
which, according to Batra et al. (2012) represents a construct of a greater order than the
latter.
The concept of brand love, the love for a brand, is difficult to define due to the fact that
love is a feeling and/or a relationship that is established between people. This leads some
researchers to apply a methodology that, on the one hand allows the emergence of the
concept dimensions from the field, and on the other hand it allows integrating the models
of interpersonal love (Shimp and Madden, 1988). Albert et al. (2008) avoid the use of the
word “love”, being their research conducted on a sample of French society in which the
association love-brand is not so straightforward. Batra et al. (2012) use the “grounded
theory approach” in order to bring out the dimensions of the concept of brand love. “We
argue that brand love needs to be conceptualized from the ground up, built on a deep
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understanding of how consumers experience it, and only then should valid connections be
made to the interpersonal love literature.” (Batra et al., 2012, p. 2) The analysis of Albert et
al., (2008) reveals 11 dimensions of brand love: passion, a long-duration relationship, selfcongruity, dreams, memories, pleasure, attraction, uniqueness, beauty, trust (satisfaction),
and a willingness to state this love. Batra et al., (2012) have undertaken the construction of
the prototype of the brand love to define the concept. The prototype reflects a set of
associations that consumers attach to the concept of brand love so that “uncovering mental
prototypes presents a challenge because they are tacit knowledge structures and thus are
not easily verbalized.” (p. 2). The elements of the prototype of the brand love that emerge
from the analysis of Batra et al. (2012) are: great quality/qualities, strongly held values and
existential meaning, intrinsic rewards, self-identity, positive affect, passionate desire and a
sense of natural fit, emotional bonding and anticipated heartbreak, willingness to invest,
frequent thought and use, length of use.
In all studies on brand love, the concept of love is treated in an ambiguous manner, at the
same time as a feeling and as a relation. Love as feeling is a single and specific feeling that
as all feelings is short-lived. Love as relationship may have a long-term duration and
involves many experiences affective, cognitive and behavioral. For Batra et al. (2012),
brand love is the consumer-brand relationship and it fits with the prototype of brand love
as it has been built up with its various characteristics.
2.8 Brand relationship
As seen above, in all researches on fanaticism and related concepts the notion of
relationship comes up. Studies on love define this concept as a relationship (Batra et al.,
2012). In addition, some research (Ahuvia, 2005a) analyze the implications for the
construction of the self in the context of brand love. Even studies on devotion (Pichler and
Hemetsberger, 2007, 2008) go towards a definition of devotion as a relationship. Pichler
and Hemetsberger (2007) tie devotion to the concept of love. In doing so, they define the
devotion as a form of brand relationship.
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The concept of brand relationship is introduced by Fournier (1998) with the aim to
overcome the limitations of the literature on brand loyalty. These limitations are associated
with the lack of approaches capable of truly grasp “the phenomenology of consumer brand
bonds” (Fournier, 1998, p. 343). According to Fournier (1998): “Even well-intentioned
attempts to consider loyalty as more than repeat purchase (Jacoby and Chestnut, 1978)
reduce the process to ‘narrowly cognitive utilitarian decision-making’, thus failing to
capture ‘the talismanic relationships consumers form with that which is consumed’ (Belk,
Wallendorf, and Sherry 1989, p. 31).” (p. 343).
In Fournier’s (1998) perspective, the brand relationship quality (BRQ) is a conceptual
alternative construct to the one of the brand loyalty. “Brand relationship quality is similar
in spirit to brand loyalty: both constructs attempt to capture the strength of the connection
formed between the consumer and the brand toward a prediction of relationship stability
over time. [However] BRQ facets stipulate affective components left highly underspecified
in traditional loyalty conceptions (e.g., love, passion, and self-attachment).” (p. 367).
The brand relationship offers a measure of the brand relationship strength. In this
relationship, brands are considered as a partner in the relationship (Aaker et al., 2004;
Fournier, 1998). The strength of the relationship can be influenced by the partner (brand)
personality and by the commission of acts of transgression which are a “violation of the
implicit or explicit rules guiding relationship performance and evaluation” (Aaker et al.,
2004). The interpersonal metaphor is also a guide for consumers in their behavior towards,
and their assessment of, the brands (Aggarwal, 2004).
Unlike the notion of brand loyalty, brand relationship has a direct implication on the
construction of the consumer self-identity “meaningful relationships can change selfconcept through expansion into new domains (Aron and Aron, 1996) or reinforce selfconcept through mechanisms of self-worth and self-esteem (Aron, Paris, and Aron, 1995).”
(Fournier, 1988, p. 346). The idea of “meaning provision” is widely spread in consumer
research - especially in the interpretive and qualitative approach - (Belk, 1988; Holt, 1995;
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Kleine et al., 1995; McCracken, 1988; Richins, 1994; Sirgy, 1982; Wallendorf and
Arnould, 1988).
Thus, the BRQ allows enriching the theoretical framework of the relationship with the
brand and demonstrates the composite reality of the relationship. “The multifaceted nature
of the [BRQ] construct highlights that there is more to keeping a relationship alive than the
pull of positive feelings: affective and socioemotive attachments (love/passion and selfconnection), behavioral ties (interdependence and commitment), and supportive cognitive
beliefs (intimacy and brand partner quality) combine to yield strength and durability over
time.” (Fournier, 1998, p. 363).
Although the idea of relationship is emerging in other notions as devotion, conclusions on
the implications on the self are quite different. For Pichler and Hemetsberger (2008)
consumer behavior with the objects of devotion has to be interpreted in a different
perspective from that of the self-interest (Belk, 1988). Pichler and Hemetsberger (2008)
adopt other-centered perspective (Bajde, 2006), in which the relation consumer-object is
dyadic. In the other-centered perspective the object is other than the consumer, “we
perceive the object as distinct other whose condition and needs matter to the consumer,
precisely because the person accepts his object as distinct, independent other and does not
take it for an extension of his own self. Carrying the idea further leads us to the conclusion
that consumers’ acts in such relationships must differ from those noticed in relationships
where the object represents an incorporated aspect of the self” (Pichler and Hemetsberger ,
2008, p. 439).
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Section 2.
Fanatic consumption
A reading of the research on fanaticism shows how studies of the phenomenon have gone
through three distinct developmental moments. An initial exploratory phase in which the
phenomenon is presented as a topic of interest for consumer research. Holbrook (1987) and
Lehmann (1987) first explored the subject through an introspective analysis - one avid
consumer of jazz music, the other a constant weightlifting practitioner- in order to bring to
light some of the characteristics of being a fanatical consumer.
A second moment occurs with the development of a whole school of study - known as
studies on collective consumption - which focuses on the analysis of social and cultural
formations, generally known as subcultures of consumption, brand communities or
consumer tribes, and on the practices enacted by their members. At this stage, fanaticism
remains in the background of the various cultures of consumption without rise as a central
theme. This research has its own object of analysis in the passionate fans of a brand or an
activity of consumption. However, in a significant amount of contributions the presence of
groups of hard-core fans, or fanatics, which differ from the fans, occasional consumers,
etc., is detected. In this phase, the fanaticism is enriched with additional elements - the
collective dimension, identity and social discrimination, cultural practices, etc.
In the recent period a number of studies arose focusing on fanaticism and in particular on
consumer fanatics (not fans). These studies carry on the idea of fanaticism as an important
topic of research in consumption. In this stage the attention of researchers is on the
establishment of fanaticism as a topic to which attribute its own scientific stature.
Below, we present the literature on fanaticism that we have divided into three distinct
episodes. Each episode is distinct according to the approach, the objectives and the main
results.
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2.1 Episode 1: fanatical behavior
The study of fanaticism as a consumption behavior is introduced by Holbrook (1987) and
Lehmann (1987). These two studies have several points in common. First, both engage in
the analysis of two objects belonging to the scope of what is typically referred to as
popular culture. Respectively, Holbrook (1987) studied the consumption of jazz music
while Lehmann (1987) deals with the study of bodybuilding. As further analogy, the
epistemological approach adopted by both authors is the same. Both, in fact, carry out a
“non-scientific” research in order to not quantify and measure but rather to provide basis
for reflection on the phenomena “intuitive-like”. Both Holbrook (1987) and Lehmann
(1987) are consumers fanatics of jazz music and weightlifting (or bodybuilding), and it is
the reason for them to adopt an introspective approach to the study of their consumption.
Another common point is given by the way in which the term fanaticism is understood. In
these researches fanaticism is defined as the fanatic consumer behavior. That is, consumer
who has a consumption behavior “involved” (Holbrook, 1987) and/or committed
(Lehmann, 1987) toward the object of their own consumption.
Following the work of Holbrook (1987) and Lehmann (1987), Hill and Robinson (1991)
conducted a study on the effects of fanatical consumer behavior about its activities and its
emotional states. Unlike previous studies, Hill and Robinson (1991) carry out a purely
positivistic approach. The study focuses on the sport of track and field, in particular, on
“triathlets” (lovers of triathlon). Both authors have no personal involvement in this activity.
2.1.1 Fanatic consumer behavior: weightlifters and jazz fans
The first studies on the fanatic behavior are based on non-positivist approaches (Holbrook,
1987; Lehmann, 1987). Lehmann (1987) studies the practice of weight lifting as an
example of fanatical behavior and Holbrook (1987) investigates the jazz fanatics. In both
researches introspective approach is used (Hirschman and Holbrook, 1986), especially
because that both authors are personally involved in such practices. For Lehmann (1987)
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fanatic behavior “is repeated behavior that conflicts with the observer's utility function and
any utility function the observer accepts as valid or reasonable.” (p. 129). This implies that
the fanatic behavior stops where rational behavior begins, “consequently we treat
fanaticism as a continuous construct related to strength of and reason for commitment.” (p.
129). Holbrook (1987) defines the fanatic behavior as “marked by excessive enthusiasm
and often intense uncritical devotion.” (p. 144). Enthusiasm indicates a level of
involvement and greater intensity, “we accuse them of pursuing their consumption
activities with a level of passion grossly out of proportion to that experienced by other
more temperate consumers of the same product category.” (p. 145).
The lack of rationality present in both researches - although more markedly in Lehmann
(1987) - leads to the idea that fanatic behavior misses any specific goal but it is produced
as an end in itself. Lehmann (1987) states “a fanatic devotee of anything continues the
activity at least partly because the activity is an end to itself. With this in mind, we can
uncover fanaticism based on two dimensions: opportunity cost involved in participating
and reason for participation” (p. 129). The “opportunity cost” is easily reducible to a
quantitative variable “the opportunity cost is relatively easy to assess and is measurable by
the time involved, possibly multiplied by a marginal wage rate appropriate for those hours,
plus the out-of-pocket cost. The more inflexible/rigid the time commitment, the more
fanatic the participant.” (p. 129). Unlikely, the “reason for participation” cannot be
quantified and for this Lehmann (1987) proposes a typology of five categories: 1) specific
benefit-based, 2) image, and 3) global liking, and 4) the activity being the goal itself; and
5) addiction. (See Table 4)

The first category “specific benefit-based” is characterized by its rational character
that allows consumers to grasp the instrumental side of activity of weightlifting that
is its being a means to an end. Like, for example, “rehabilitating an injury, getting
exercise, or improving strength in order to participate in other sports more
effectively.” (p. 129).

The second level has to do with the image, “some lift weights because they feel that
bigger biceps or tighter abs will impress members of the opposite (or same) sex.
Others, the author included, somewhat enjoy the semi-wild, macho image of
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weightlifters, a healthy substitute for riding a Harley-Davidson.” (p. 129). This type
of reasons, according to Lehmann (1987) does not represent the signals of
fanaticism. They are intended rather as a form of narcissism, the search for eternal
youth and the Puritan ethic of hard work. All elements that contribute to the image
of the lifter.

The third category is that of the global liking, which “includes explanations such as
‘it gives me something to do’ and ‘I just like it’ (p. 129). The reason for the
pleasure (liking) is difficult to understand for those who do not practice this type of
activity especially about the effort that the practice requires.

The fourth category of the reasons includes weight lifting as an end in itself. This
attitude “includes competitive power lifters whose basic goal in lifting is to lift
more.” (p. 129). This is difficult to understand for those who are not involved in
this kind of practice; this is a type of behavior considered “rational” from a small
number of people.

Finally, the last level of motivation is the “addiction”. In this case, participants
“basically lift because lifting is what they do. Their behavior is literally a routinized
response behavior.” (p. 130). Many continue to increase their efforts for fear of
losing their lift and, although improvements are minimal compared to the effort
made, they continue the practice that in the meantime assumes the function of a
ritual. In this ritual participants pushed by the reasons seen in the above categories,
are not welcome.
Table 4 - Reasons for Pursuing an Activity
Specific Benefits
(e.g., weight reduction, improving strength, rehabilitating an injury)
Image Enhancement
2
(e.g., impress others)
Global Liking
3
(e.g., acquired taste, something to do)
Goal In Itself
4
(e.g., competition)
Addicted
5
(e.g., "because I do")
Source: Lehmann (1987)
1
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Lehmann (1987) argues on several occasions that consumers are not fanatics as such but
they become gradually advancing - by evolving the reasons for their “commitment” - from
the first to the fifth category. Unlike Lehmann who refers to the “commitment” to define
the fanatic behavior, Holbrook (1987) mobilizes the concept of “deep involvement”. For
Holbrook (1987), the fanatic behavior is directly derived from the concept of “enduring
involvement” proposed by Bloch and Bruce (1984):
“At very high levels, enduring involvement may be termed product enthusiasm and is
characteristic of product enthusiasts such as car buffs, wine connoisseurs, or avid video
gamers. Product enthusiasm entails a strong, abiding, hobby-like interest in the product
class in question which transcends the temporary purchase process arousal investigated in
most involvement research” (Bloch and Bruce 1984, p. 197; quoted in Holbrook, 1987).
Time marks the transition from the enduring involvement, as it is defined by Bloch and
Bruce (1984), to the deep involvement introduced by Holbrook (1987). In particular, the
hallmark of deep involvement is that it is focused on the experience of consumption as an
end in itself. This implies a substantial correspondence of the study on fanatics of
weightlifting and those of jazz. In fact, both for Holbrook (1987) and for Lehmann (1987)
being an end in itself is one of the characterizing features of the behavior fanatic.
2.1.2 Bodybuilding culture and religion
Lehmann (1987) points out that the culture of fanatic weightlifters has many common
points with religious fanatics. The first point concerns the tendency to look down on those
who are not members with a certain compassion (“I feel sorry for those people who are out
of shape”), disdain (“look at that pencil-necked geek”) and intolerance (“there is no excuse
for being weak and out of shape”) (Lehmann, 1987). The second is concerned with the
adherence to a set of principles, so while religion has the commandments and the Holy
Scriptures, the weightlifters have their magazines of reference (e.g. Muscles and Fitness).
In addition, there is the proselytism that in the culture of weightlifters is very present. As
Lehmann (1987) explains “once converted, one’s lifting can be guided by a set of
principles more complex than the often quoted “no pain - no gain” slogan, for example the
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‘Weider Cycle Training Principle’, the ‘Weider Instinctive Training Principle’, and the
‘Weider Muscle Confusion Training Principle’.” (p. 130). As in all the congregations, even
among members of health club there are several segments which vary according to the
degree of intensity of their commitment; Lehmann (1987) distinguishes three of them:
Social Belongers, Serious proponents, Fanatics. (See Table 5)
Table 5 – Weightlifters segments
Segments
Characteristics
Social Belongers
Occasional Attenders
Observers of Surroundin
Concerned about Attire
Regular Attenders
Functional Dressers
Like to Concentrate, but Willing to Talk
Completely "into it"
Assume the Church or Club is Theirs
Reaction to Non-Serious: 1) Ignore or 2) Belittle
Use Special Clothing
Serious Proponents
Fanatics
Source: Lehmann (1987)
2.1.3 Jazz musifacts: Home and the family love
The fanatical behavior towards objects is profoundly different from the behavior of the
ordinary consumer. Holbrook (1987) introduces the metaphor of “house” and “home” to
mark the difference between the two behaviors and the value that the objects of
consumption assume in both cases. While in ordinary consumer behavior, objects allow
getting a social status, in the case of the fanaticism they reveal a profound aspects of
personality by customizing the home environment (“home”) in such a way that consumers
communicate things about themselves. As Holbrook (1987, p. 148) writes fanatic
consumption takes us through a massive amount of lived experience that, in time, comes to
form the boundaries wherein we reside, where we are: centered where we find our home our place of comfort, rest, and sustenance. Our houses contain furniture, food, clothing,
and other material objects. But, if we are lucky, they also contain the central core of our
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consumption experience - the deeply involved appreciative responses, the passionately
committed activities, the emotionally charged reactions that inform our truest, most
profound consumer behavior and that provide a niche in time and space where we can
reside”.
The more the objects shake in a bond of intimacy with the personality of the fanatic
consumer, the more they feel the need to deal with and collect them. This is a kind of
behavior that can often result addictive and compulsive. As Holbrook (1987, p. 145) states
“these ‘musifacts’ fill my home and slowly encroach on all aspects of family life. They
serve as an emblem of my devotion to jazz that others can interpret as a symptom of its
fanaticism.”
Fanatic consumers buy, use but they never dispose of their objects. Those are the core of
their fanatic consumption holding a real familiar value for the fanatic, “besides the people
in my life, because I am a fanatic, certain objects come alive for me. They fill our house.
They make our house my home.” (p. 148).
2.1.4 Triathlets: the effects of fanatic consumption on consumer’s quality life
Hill and Robinson (1991) seek to understand the fanatic consumption through the analysis
of consumer’s (1) intrinsic motivations, (2) resulting behaviors, and (3) affective
consequences, “an attempt was made to understand subjects motivations and consumption
behaviors as well as emotional consequences and effects on their intra- and interpersonal
lives.” (p. 82). Authors have no personal commitment in their field of research but
“triathletes were chosen as the study population because of the enormous time, energy, and
financial commitment necessary to participate in competitions that require entrants to
swim, run, and bike long distances within the same event” (p. 82).
About the motivations, Hill and Robinson (1991, p. 90) found that “the factors desire for
health and competitive urges (which emerged from one of the two factor analyses)
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represent motives for being a triathlet.”. The need for health is described as the natural
desire “for an overall sense of wellness, and stems from an organismic view of the mindbody relationship (Morgan, 1974).” (p. 90). On the other hand, competitiveness can be
explained as a human inclination to aggressive acts. It comes from the early history of
humankind where “this instinct served to provide food, clothing, shelter, and protection.”
(p. 90). According to Hill and Robinson (1991) “rather than ignore or repress this natural
instinct, many individuals search for positive ways to alleviate associated stress termed
eustress” (p. 90).
The resulting behaviors show “the persistence, intensity and the vigor of athlete training”
(p. 90), as already proved by previous studies on sport. Furthermore, interesting
observations are undertaken about “additional related activities (Bloch and Bruce, 1984;
Scammon, 1987)” (p. 90). Consumers reorganize other unrelated activities around the
fanatic consumption experience, i.e. physical training, diet, spending money on athlete
products and services, etc. (Scammon, 1987).
Finally, affective outcomes show how consumers experience both negative and positive
feelings. “Increases in competitive urges expand the amount of training, which in turn
leads to a rise in negative feelings due to schedule adjustments and an increased likelihood
of training while injured.” (p. 94), it is due to compulsive behavior associated with
negative addiction (Hill and Robinson, 1991). On the other hand, consumers experience
positive feelings, “both competitive urges and desire for health directly influence diet and
spending (the relationship is marginal for competitive urges), which engender positive
feelings. Such positive feelings may be the result of the perception of increased control
over one's physical and emotional health (Johnsgard, 1985).” (p. 94). In this case, it is
possible to talk about a “positive addiction” (Glasser, 1976), that is a set of activities which
bring beneficial outcomes.
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2.1.5 Discussion
These early pioneering researches on consumer fanatic laid the groundwork for subsequent
studies on this phenomenon. What differentiates the study of Lehmann (1987) from that of
Holbrook (1987) is above all the epistemological approach. Although both researchers
claim to follow an introspective approach, there are evident differences between the two
studies. While Holbrook (1987) seems to maintain its “non-scientific” line in all the steps
of his work, from the theoretical framework, data collection (collections of picture) to the
interpretation of results; Lehmann (1987) uses a non-positivistic at the beginning of his
work switching to a positivistic approach in the analysis of results. With the identification
of two dimensions to define fanaticism and the reduction of those latter to qualiquantitative variables, Lehmann (1987) position his contribution at the limit of positivistic
approach, even if the epistemological posture (introspection) and results (intuitive insights)
give to this work a “non-scientific” nature or, in other words, a post-positivist standing. In
contrast, Hill and Robertson (1991) opt for a positivistic approach to the study of fanatic
consumption.
The combination of religious fanaticism and consumer fanaticism is a significant insight
for studies on fanaticism (Muñiz and Schau, 2005). Holbrook (1987) also detects the
aspect of consecration that objects hold for fanatic consumers (Belk et al., 1989). The
phenomena of collecting fulfill a dual function (Holbrook, 1987), on the one hand it helps
to create the home, a kind of environment in which to seek refuge, which recalls the role of
objects in the construction of the self (Belk, 1988) on the other hand they are the symptom,
for the researcher, of the fanaticism of the consumer.
From these early studies the aberrant properties of fanaticism is a subject of discussion.
While Lehmann (1987) assumes that the fanatic behavior is aberrant and as such irrational,
Holbrook (1987) is more cautious in this regard stating that “apparently, then, some forms
of fanatic consumption are more than just aberrant behavior. They are a way of
personalizing our spaces, of tangibly symbolizing the meanings in our lives, and of
humanizing, dignifying, and even consecrating the houses or apartments where we live.”
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(p. 148). However, although the aberrant dimension is also confirmed by the study of Hill
and Robertson (1991), with the notion of “negative addiction”, an original insight is
offered by the authors with the notion of “positive addiction”, in other words the beneficial
aspects (“positive feelings”) of the fanatic consumption.
2.2 Episode 2: fan consumers vs. fanatic consumers
Since the 1990s a series of studies developed around the theme of collective consumption
(Cova et al., 2007). Several constructs are proposed to better capture the realities of
consumption that are emerging around brands: subcultures of consumption (Schouten and
McAlexander, 1995), brand communities (Muñiz and O'Guinn, 2001), cultures of
consumption (Kozinets, 2001), consumer tribes (Cova et al., 2007). But it is the case even
with consumption activities such as, for example, skydiving (Celsi et al., 1993), river
rafting (Arnould and Price, 1993), skating (Cova and Cova, 2001).
These studies cover a wide range of activities and brands: temporal servicescapes (Arnould
and Price, 1993; Celsi et al., 1993; Peñaloza, 2001), motorcycles (Schouten and
McAlexander 1995), computers (Muñiz and Schau, 2005), vehicles (Brownlie et al., 2007;
McAlexander et al., 2002; Muñiz and O’Guinn, 2001), sport leisure (Cova and Cova,
2001), television shows (Brown, 2007; Kozinets, 2001), convenience products (Cova and
Pace, 2006), music (Schau and Muñiz, 2007), culinary matters (de Valck, 2007), game
entertainment (Cova and White, 2010).
In these studies, the theme of fanaticism - or the consumption behavior of fanatic
consumers – so as discussed in previously by Holbrook (1987) and Lehmann (1987)
becomes the background of a set of the social, economical and cultural dynamics that
develops within these cultures of consumption (Kozinets, 2001). However, in these studies
fanaticism emerge leaving evident traces: fanatic consumers. From the study of the social
structures of subcultures or from the analysis of consumer experiences emerges with some
evidence the presence of a hard core of consumers - generally called hard-core - who are
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distinguished from the all other community members (fans, occasional consumers, etc.) by
their competences, status, and authenticity of their lived life.
Moreover, in their study on in-line skaters, Cova and Cova (2001) define the members of
the community with the term “fanatics” (p. 74), completely abandoning the most common
“fan” label used in research. While making an articulated distinction among members of
the tribe of skaters - adherents and devotees, participants, practitioners, sympathizers Cova and Cova (2001) prefer the term fanatic when they refer to the whole tribe, “fanatical
tribe of in-line skaters”22 (p. 74).
The presence of this hard-core group - which has already been highlighted by Lehmann
(1987, p. 130) - indicates the substantial latency of fanaticism within the studies on
fandom.
2.2.1 Social hierarchies
The identification of the figure of the fanatic, or more generally of a “hard-core” (Schouten
and McAlexander, 1995) or “core members” (Schembri, 2009) in consumer tribes emerges
in relation to the presence of a social structure within the same formations or tribal groups.
Already Fox (1987), in his study on punk subcultures, develop a concentric structure
founded on the commitment in the punk ideology. The hard-core punks, for example, are at
the core (at the top) of the hierarchy of the various local groups, these are characterized by
“a commitment to punk style and ideology that is full-time and enduring.” (p. 48, quoted in
Schouten and McAlexander, 1995).
This commitment is expressed through their evident altered state, drug use and adherence
to the rules of the punk community. Around the hard-core develops an additional circle of
a “soft-core” represented “by those whose commitment to punk styles and values is less
22
The “fanatical” adjective is referred to the term “fanatic”, used even elsewhere in the article, and not to the
more common – at least in research in marketing and consumption - “fan”.
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complete and whose roles are subordinate to and dictated by the hard core.” (p. 48, quoted
in Schouten and McAlexander, 1995). Finally, the audience of those who belong neither to
soft-core nor hard-core are called pretenders (or “preppie punks”) “who are fascinated by
punk and who delve superficially into the subculture, particularly on weekend nights.” (p.
48, quoted in Schouten and McAlexander, 1995). It is on the basis of the Fox’s (1986) that
Schouten and McAlexander (1995) have developed their analysis of the Harley Davidson
subculture.
Schouten and McAlexander (1995) base their investigation on the Harley Davidson
subculture of consumption on the concept of “hierarchical social structures” (Fox, 1987).
For the authors a subculture of consumption is defined as “a distinctive subgroup of society
that self-selects on the basis of a shared commitment to a particular product class, brand, or
consumption activity.” (Schouten and McAlexander, 1995, p. 43). In the HD subculture
each group “maintains a formal hierarchy of officers that is subsumed by an informal
hierarchy based on within-group status. Status is conferred on members according to their
seniority, participation and leadership in group activities, riding expertise and experience,
Harley-specific knowledge, and so forth - in short, the results of an individual's
commitment to the group's consumption values.” (p. 49). The visible signs of commitment
are “tattoos, motorcycle customization, club-specific clothing, and sew-on patches and pins
proclaiming various honors, accomplishments, and participation in rallies and other rider
events.” (p. 49). For Schouten and McAlexander (1995) the HD subculture consists of an
“inner-circle” or “hard-core” characterized by a strong commitment and it holds the
highest status within the subculture.
In addition to the commitment, even the authenticity has a weight in determining the status
of the members of the hard-core compared to the other bikers. Schouten and McAlexander
(1995) stress how the “hard-core bikers who consider themselves ‘defenders of the faith’
often will not acknowledge Moms-and-Pops and RUBs, whom they regard as unauthentic
pretenders or ‘weekend warriors’.” (p. 49). Although the Harley-Davidson subculture
crosses through different social categories, its subgroups called “chapter” have a certain
degree of internal homogeneity. Moms-and-Pops chapters are “semiretired or retired
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couples with a preference for “dressers” (touring bikes with hard saddle bags, trunks,
fairings, stereos, and other such amenities).” (p. 49). The RUBS (rich urban bikers)
chapters are made up of bikers “richly costumed in leather and riding highly customized
Harleys down the back roads of midlife crises.” (p. 49).
Unlike the hard-core bikers, the “weekend Harley enthusiasts” can snub all no-Harley fans
but they cannot do that with all the members of the groups described above. Finally, the
“outlaws” are precisely the hard-core par excellence, the subgroup that will retain the
ownership of the Harley authenticity. For Schouten and McAlexander (1995) “true outlaws
do not wave to anybody but their brother outlaws; anyone else is denigrated as a ‘citizen’.”
(p. 49). In short, in Harley subculture hard-core members are those who hold higher status
and decide the meanings to be conveyed within the subculture thus playing the role of
opinion leaders.
The study of the subculture of skydiving (Celsi et al., 1993) - an activity “deviant or
semideviant” (p. 10) - reflects the structure of the Harley subculture, including subgroups
with overlapping roles based on experience (students, novices, intermediates and experts)
and other function-based (owners, manifest coordinators, instructors, dive organizers,
riggers, and pilots). While subgroups constitute a formal hierarchy based on functions, an
informal hierarchy is made up based on the experience, in which a group of particularly
expert paratroopers - the “Jerry Birds” – are listened to by everyone else when they give
their advices and suggestions. The development of the skydiving skills is an important
element both for personal satisfaction and also for the acquisition of a status in the
community. For this reason, the high-risk activities take on a high value in relation to skills
that they require and the way in which they are perceived by others, “attaining mastery also
differentiates the individual from novice skydivers as well as from nonskydivers” (p. 11).
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2.2.2 Authenticity
Brand communities are “a specialized, non-geographically bound community, based on a
structured set of social relations among admirers of a brand.” (p. 412). For Muñiz and
O'Guinn (2001) what determines the definition of a hard-core within the community is the
presence of internal processes of “legitimacy” - in particular with reference to the
community and Saab Bronco. “Legitimacy is a process whereby members of the
community differentiate between true members of the community and those who are not,
or who occupy a more marginal space.” (p. 419). The processes of legitimation are based
on the contrast between “old and new, ‘real’ and ‘faux’ members”. These processes are
based on the motivations why one joins the community. For true members those
motivations must be honest and right because “the wrong reasons are typically revealed by
failing to fully appreciate the culture, history, rituals, traditions, and symbols of the
community.” (p. 419).
The “real” members of the community are those who feel a sincere devotion towards the
brand, in opposition to the “new and false” members of the community to which the
adhesion is dictated by an opportunistic and trendy logic. Muñiz and O'Guinn (2001) also
emphasize that the “real” members of the community may cause potential problems in the
case of brands with low market share for which “a small but extremely loyal group of
consumers desires to keep the infidels out (p. 419).
The theme of the authenticity and the “real” devoted fans to the brand is also approached in
the study of Muñiz and Schau (2005) on the Apple Newton community and Schau and
Muñiz (2007) on the TPATH (Tom Petty and the Heartbreakers) community. Here, the
true fans identify themselves as such through the “tests of true fans” in which it is proven
true devotion of fans to the brand. This is the case of the rituals of consumption rising in
the Newton community which create knowledge and cultural capital and in the community
around the brand (Muñiz and Schau, 2005). The same happens in the TPATH community
in which to choose songs less successful as the preferred ones or to know the whole story
of the group is a sign of authenticity for each fan (Schau and Muñiz, 2007).
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Even in the fandom, the “real” fans make their way into the crowd of supporters and
followers of countless phenomena of great success as Harry Potter (Brown, 2007). Since
the launch of the fifth book of the series, JK Rowling has focused on the support of the
community and the most authentic fans – “Pottermaniacs” -, 4000 of them have been
carefully selected at the time of the launch to read some excerpts from the book at the
Albert Hall (Brown, 2007). To Brown et al. (2003) “skeptics and true believers” can act as
a barrier to the revival of old brand - it is the case of the New Beetle. Brown et al. (2003)
point out that “consumers demonstrate that they are sophisticated interpreters of marketing
cues about a brand's authenticity” (p. 24).
2.2.3 Consumer competence
In other studies, the contrast “hard-core” vs. “soft-core” shifts from the issue of the social
structure and processes of legitimation/acceptation within it to the relationship between
the company and community “fanatics” (Cova and White, 2010). The issue is in terms of
“rejection of brand hegemony” (Cromie and Ewing, 2009), where the brand hegemony
“refers to both the domination of one brand over others (e.g., Microsoft) and the
domination of this brand over its consumers” (Cova and White, 2010, p. 264). This is the
case of the Warhammer community, where a group of fanatics angry and dissatisfied with
the management of Games Workshop (Warhammer company brand) have abandoned their
community by developing a new brand - Confrontation - thus giving rise to a “counterbrand community” (Cova and White, 2010), a community that is able to compete with the
community of origin. In the analysis of Cova and White (2010), the factor that is causing
the conflict between fanatics and enterprise is the feeling felt by consumers to see doubly
exploited their contribution to the brand (Cova and Dalli, 2009), “first, consumers are not
generally paid for the know-how, enthusiasm, and social cooperation that they contribute
to. Second, customers typically pay what the marketing profession calls a price premium
for the fruits of their labour, as the value provided by co-created offers is said to be higher
than that which can be achieved through company creation.” (Cova and White, 2010, p.
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264). Therefore, the competence and the “know-how” seem to be, in the case of
Warhammer, the element that characterizes the fanatics of the community.
In addition to groups affiliated with brands, the dynamics hard-core vs. soft-core emerges
within communities who gather in common activities. This is the case of the fans of the
food and their expertise (de Valck, 2007). In this community what constitutes the
difference of the “core members” by the other participants is the degree of expertise the
formers have. de Valck (2007) shows that “the core members not only challenge each
other, as a group, they challenge the practices and the norms of others that diverted from
Their Own high standards.” (p. 265). This condition of challenge within the community is
very close to the idea of a tribal fighting for territory, in which the “core members” being
those most involved in the community feel they can claim rights on the territory and its
rules (de Valck, 2007). In addition, the expansion of community brings these members to
feel their territory invaded and desecrated by others who live following other rules than
those set by the “core group”. This condition pushes the core members or marginalizing
within the community or to leave and go elsewhere (Kozinets, 1999).
Even the “cruiser chiefs” in the communities of cruiser base their higher status in
opposition to the other members, on the competence (Brownlie et al., 2007). The
community of cruisers has a fluid structure and the role of individual groups within it
including that of “chiefs” is under constant threat. This is due to the fact that the “cruiser
chiefs” base their legitimacy on what Simmel defines as “works of art”, that is the ability
to create forms of uniqueness “destroyed in their uniqueness the moment they are
reproduced” (Nedelmann, 1991, p. 182). Brownlie et al. (2007) show that some of the
“chiefs” try to gain a greater distinctiveness through their productions “coolness” and
designed to remain “outside the socializing practices of the group, that is to say they would
avoid speaking to or befriending others or otherwise participating in face-to-face
networking activities to maintain a sense of aloofness” (p. 123).
In analyzing the Jeep community, McAlexander et al. (2002) find - during the emergence
of the community - the presence (perceived) of groups so-called “barbarians” and “hard-
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core four-wheelers”. These groups are perceived and defined as such by the new owners of
a Jeep which nourish a feeling of fear in participating in the events of Jeep - the Camp
Jeep. A feeling of not fully belonging to the group fed their stereotypical idea of jeepers,
the “real” members of the Jeep, and the way in which they are different in a pejorative
sense. Although the presence of a hard-core “barbarian” may prove by the new comers
experience more a fear than a real reality. The existence of relationships based on status
between the new members and the “veterans” is confirmed especially by the greater
knowledge and expertise of these latter. This greater experience gives to “veterans” the
function of leadership.
2.2.4 Consumer experience
The consumer experience is another context in which the dialectic of hard-core vs. softcore occurs. River rafting investigated by Arnould and Price (1993) it highlights the
presence of “die-hard” customers in their relationship with the experience of communion
with nature: “Most clients retired early, but the guides stayed up ‘to watch the [full] moon
come up over the canyon wall’. They sat on the beach with a few die-hard clients and
waited until well after midnight for the full moon to rise.” (p. 33). The same evidences
come up from the study of the stock show and rodeos as a consumption phenomenon of the
American Western culture (Peñaloza, 2001): “You see lotta western wunnabes as well as
hard core ranchers that live the lifestyle.” (p. 379).
2.2.5 Universe of meanings and escapism
Some researchers suggest that the presence of a hard-core does not bind to the social
structure, or necessarily to the competence or expertise acquired by the most active
members, but it depends by the degree of experiential immersion with the object of
devotion (Kozinets, 2001; Cova and Pace, 2006). From the study of the phenomenon Star
Trek comes up the characters of the “Trekkies” and “Trekkers” (Kozinets, 2001). As
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shown by Kozinets (2001) Trekkies and Trekkers respectively correspond to the hard-core
and soft-core of Star Trek fandom. While the Trekkers have a less intense approach with
the fantasy world of Star Trek culture, “[they] don't do it in the streets and scare the
mundanes’.” (p. 80), Trekkie “is someone who is pretty much lost in the fantasy world of
Star Trek, someone who has taken an escapist approach to the show and almost literally
‘escaped’ into it.” (p. 79). Although the whole phenomenon is an object of stigmatization,
the figure of Trekkies is the one to which stereotypes are applied and then generally
extended to all the members. According to Kozinets (2001) such stereotypes on Trekkies
“associate Star Trek consumption with fanaticism, immaturity, passivity, escapism,
addiction, obsessive consumption, and the inability to distinguish between fantasy and
reality.” (p. 74).
What marks the difference in the work of Kozinets (2001) with respect to contributions on
the subcultures of consumption and brand communities is that the Star Trek phenomenon
is a fandom phenomenon in the proper sense of the term. It is a phenomenon that is arise in
relation to a fiction, an entertainment product/text in which the rise of a hard-core is not
linked to the presence of internal hierarchies and status relationships, rather hard-core is
such thanks to members involvement in a world with its own meanings which is that of
Star Trek culture (of consumption).
Similarly, the world of a convenience good as Nutella is a universe of meanings - “Che
Mondo sarebbe senza Nutella”! (“What would the world be like without Nutella?”) - in
which consumers distinguish occasional consumers from “hard-core fans” (Cova and Pace,
2006). In particular, the “hard-core fans” are characterized by a degree of relationship with
the brand very intense and long-lasting that in some cases can go to the hijacking of the
meanings provided to the brand (by the company). This brand hijacking is realized by
group of consumers that Wipperfürth (2005) defines “fanatics”! Here below, it is shown an
example of a “hard-core fan” of Nutella:
Nutella is something essential in my life. When I feel down, Nutella brings me back up. Only
Nutella gives me this feeling...It would have been awful if they had never invented it!!
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She’s always been there to reassure and help me without asking for anything in return. She’s made
me so very happy, and I’ve never had any fights or disagreed with here. She’s my oldest friend.
Thank you for being there, NUTELLA!!!
Nutella is the only “person” who is always there to celebrate a happy event or console me if I’m
down.
Nutella ... where would the world be without Nutella! I promise you that without this wonderfully
soft and delicious spread, I wouldn’t know what to do. For a small spoonful of Nutella, I’d be
willing to give up on pasta, wouldn’t you? What would you do for Nutella?
For me nothing compares to the feeling I get when I stick my finger into a giant jar of Nutella,
really, these are great and exciting sensations you only get with this jar of nut spread (Plate 2).
(Cova and Pace, 2006, p. 1096)
2.2.6 Social identity: Trekkies and stigma
The relationship between identity and stigmatization is explored by the research of Cusack
et al. (2003) as part of the Star Trek fandom culture. Although the authors speak of
Trekkies as a fan it is plausible, following the research of Kozinets (2001) on the same
subculture, to consider this contribution as focused on a group of fanatics and not of fans.
Kozinets (2001), in fact, has highlighted how the Star Trek subculture is formed by a softcore, Trekkers, and a hard-core, Trekkies. Moreover, even in the research of Cusack et al.
(2003) there are some passages where consumers are labeled as “Trekkers”, referring to the
fact that some fans prefer the epithet of Trekkie rather than Trekker because “the suffix
‘i.e.’ is perceived as having a comical and diminutive meaning (‘Doggie’), whereas ‘er’ is
more of an action suffix (‘Faster’).” (p. 305).
Cusack et al. (2003) consider the deviance of fandom phenomena as socially determined
(Becker, 1963, Goffman, 1963), assuming that others play an active role in the
construction of our identity both threatening and labeling them on the stage of social
relationships. Hence, it is important to prove the relationship between deviance and social
control (Jenkins, 1996). As described by Foucault (1975) in Discipline and punish, social
control influences the individuals conditioning their behavior in social relationships. In
Foucault view, social relations act as a real control system - the Panopticon - impersonal
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but omnipresent. It is in this context that Foucault introduces the principle of
“subjectivation” and “production of the subject”, just to show the role played by the social
structure in conditioning and shaping the subjective dimension. This conception of social
action moves away from the dramaturgical Goffman’s view even if they share the idea of
the interactionist nature of deviance and stigma - and the processes of stigmatization –
associated to it. For Cusack et al. (2003) stigma “is a mode of social control (Schur, 1980)
which works at symbolic and moral levels, regulating alternative identities and behaviours
through the continuous reproduction of social values and mores, and through this
regulation, inflicting a kind of ‘symbolic violence’ on those misfits such that they might
‘fit in’.” (p. 297).
The Panopticon instills the feeling of being under a constant control that leads to
internalize the gaze of others. The Panopticon is for Foucault a metaphor of the power that
the society practices on all individuals through a surveillance system made up by the same
individuals. What emerges from the analysis of Trekkies is the presence of a “disciplinary
gaze, or self-surveillance” which leads some to act according to the conventions and
standards of the people who does not belongs to the Star Trek community. Those people
are lead to express a value judgment - generally negative - on the practices of the
community. As noted by Cusack et al. (2003), “self-surveillance” occurs even in the
absence of the “controllers” as a behavior induced and internalized.
According to Cusack et al. (2003) the main mechanism through which the social normative
power is exercised on the individual is the “humor” (Powell, 1988). Humor is defined as
“an important (albeit mild) means, by which a group clarifies its norms, negotiates or
maintains shared notions of reality, and socially controls deviance.” (p. 301). To play the
game with humor and to respond in an appropriate manner it is the way to show to really
having understood what the rules are - and therefore the judgment concerning our behavior
- and have grasped exactly how things are. “The joke, then, is analogous to the Panopticon
since it creates in the deviant the sense of being under close surveillance without actually
revealing the disciplinarian.” (Cusack et al., 2003, p. 302). From the Trekkies’ point of
view, the management of the identity through the self-surveillance and humor becomes a
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means to distance them from the judgment of deviance, to search for a more acceptable
label for their own person and to rationalize the choice of their tastes in a positive way.
Trekkies “have internalised the social imperatives of self-control and rationality, which
produces an unconscious ambivalence towards their own tastes”. As observed by Cusack et
al. (2003), although the Trekkies accept the mechanism of humor admitting their
transgressions, at the same time they feel to have a completely normal behavior. On the
other hand are a few who, among fans and non-fans, admit to have a sick obsession for
Star Trek and extreme interests. Then, what can be defined as extreme it is not totally clear
because those who allow themselves to be increasingly involved in the fandom, and
especially in those activities that are taboo for non-fans, tend to take on the idea that there
are many other “hard-core Trekkies”. According to Cusack et al. (2003) “this suggests that
the belief in the existence of hard-core Trekkies reflects less the reality of actual fan
behaviour and more the need to resolve the ambivalence fans feel towards their tastes.” (p.
303).
The term Trekkie is the bearer of a very specific “label”. The fact that the term is
associated with that label complicates the process of interplay between Star Trek and
Trekkies identity. For Cusack et al. (2003) “labels are often a focal point of conflict or
resistance from ‘deviants’ and dealing with the label is frequently seen as necessary if they
are to reclassify themselves as ‘normal’.” (p. 304). The presence of the label leads many to
reject the epithet of Trekkie and taking the one of Trekker which is non-pejorative and less.
Moreover, as Cusack et al. (2003) explain “for most fans, regardless of whether they prefer
the label Trekkie or Trekker, their own ambivalence and/or the social pressure to conform
leads them to use different labels at different times and places.” (p. 305).
Trekkies are also struggling with the constant attempt to rationalize their taste for Star
Trek. The most common behavior is to justify the functional utility of their purchasing of
Star Trek objects. It is also frequent to recur to positive and nice discourses of positive on
Star Trek in order to destigmatize its image, “these alternative discourses present ‘reasons’
explaining why it is a quality television series and, in turn, why being a Star Trek fan is to
be valued.” (p. 305). The development of these alternative discourses serve to reduce the
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criticism from the dominant culture, “in effect, if fans have at their disposal logical and
legitimate explanations of their tastes there is a greater chance that they will be able to
reduce their ambivalence towards those tastes.” (p. 305).
Another topic that allows Trekkies to defuse the stigma of Star Trek refers to the ability of
the TV series to anticipate, to some extent, the future - mobile phones and other modern
inventions. Also Star Trek enjoys a privileged relationship with NASA, for which it
improved its credibility, while NASA has gained an ally in promoting the value of its
work. According to Cusack et al. (2003), in reality, despite these pluses Trekkies have
never attempted to challenge the logic underlying the dominant cultural discourse on Star
Trek, but what often happens is that Trekkies “propose that Star Trek is an exception to the
rule, and therefore the rule itself - the distinction between art and entertainment and
between fantasy and reality - is cast under no suspicion.” (p. 305).
What emerges from what has been said so far is the willingness by Trekkies to check out
the information about their tastes. This desire does not translate to hide their interest in Star
Trek but “to decrease the extent to which that interest becomes a central aspect of their
public identity.” (p. 307). To this end, the excessive consumption of Star Trek video, for
example, is presented as an excessive tendency to typically collect video. In doing so, they
shift the attention from being a Trekkies to being an excessive collector. Recontextualizing
the video possession in this way the possibility of social stigma results limited (Cusack et
al., 2003). In general, the information concerning the fact of being a Trekkie are checked
carefully choosing how and when to reveal it. In addition, the Trekkie often resort to a
metalinguistic use of the Star Trek stigma, explaining that they are aware of this injury and
how they are personally far from it. Cusack et al. (2003) conclude that “ironically, denying
the public expression of their interest, which they recognize as an important constituent of
their identity, is frequently rationalised in terms of showing people who they really are.”
(p. 307).
Kozinets (2001) points out how the fantastic world of Star Trek is for the Trekkies a form
of “escapism” through which to escape the routine and the troubles of everyday life.
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According to Cusack et al. (2003), the first Trekkies escape the gaze of others “the hotel ’s
brick walls ‘shuts away’ the taunts, jibes and sniggers of strangers that his behaviour might
attract outside, plus there is no danger of being observed by family, friends, colleagues or
passing acquaintances that do not share his interest.” (p. 308). In addition, conventions
offer the possibility of a kind of invisibility for participants. They are absorbed in the
crowd that shares the same fantasy, wearing the same costumes and acting the same way.
For others, the costume conceals their identity “those who wear masks and heavy
prosthetic make-up are nearly impossible to identify and this is likely to lead to more
ambitious identity transformations.” (p. 308).
Cusack et al. (2003) point out that the line between reality and fantasy is a feature in
Trekkies, “these boundaries may not be as absolute for all fans […] but all fans place
boundaries around their activities and these boundaries tend to be rationalised in terms of a
need to maintain the distinction between fantasy and reality.” (p. 309). The presence of the
idea of the border “authorises these little excursions into fantasy and so he [the Trekkie]
can enjoy without guilt.” (p. 309).
2.2.7 Discussion
The interest of the research on approaches to collective consumption has greatly
contributed to opening up new perspectives on fanaticism. At this stage, the research has
mainly focused on the study of the practices, rituals and, in general, the meanings that
consumers develop gathering around their consumption activities or their favorite brands.
The most important contribution of this stage is to have extended the scope of the fandom
to objects and consumption activities that do not necessarily have to do with popular
culture as understood in studies of Fiske (1989) and Jenkins (1992). In popular culture, the
media texts have a central role in the production and circulation of meanings (Jenkins,
1992). However, with the widespread of objects in the individuals’ everyday life
(Baudrillard, 1968) meanings are also conveyed by material objects. They assume an
important role in defining of the cultural universe that surrounds the individuals
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(McCracken, 1986). In his essay, The invention of the everyday life, de Certeau (1990)
clearly captures the relationship of the consumer with the objects of consumption “to a
rationalized, expansionist, centralized, spectacular and noisy production is opposed a
completely different production, described as ‘consumption’, which has the characteristics
of its tricks, its fragmentations related to various occasions, its poachings, its clandestinity,
its ceaseless murmuring, in short, a quasi-invisibility, since it does not shows itself with its
own products (in which spaces?) but with the art of using those which are imposed.” (p.
53).
In general, we can observe that at this stage fanaticism has benefited of contributions from
researches on: texts and media influences on consumer behavior (Hirschman, 1988, 1998;
Hirschman and Thompson, 1997; Holbrook and Hirschman, 1993; Kozinets, 2001), on the
meanings and practices of consumption (Belk et al., 1989; Holt, 1997; McCracken, 1986;
Thompson and Haytko, 1997), and finally on subcultures related to brands and activities of
consumption (Belk and Costa, 1998; Cova and Cova, 2001; Muñiz and O'Guinn, 2001;
Schouten and McAlexander, 1995; Thompson and Troester, 2002).
2.3 Episode 3: fanatic consumers
Research on fanaticism as an independent topic with its scientific stature develops on the
legacy of the previous studies. Previous researches have highlighted the characteristics of
the phenomenon. In particular, the characteristic of “aberrancy” (Hill and Robinson, 1991;
Holbrook, 1987; Lehmann, 1987) - reoccurring in the current research under the label of
“dysfunctional” or “dark side” - represents one of the central points in them. Then,
fanaticism has been extended to completely new areas different from its traditional context
of popular culture - music and sport (Hill and Robinson, 1991; Holbrook, 1987; Lehmann,
1987). This extension is due to the collective dimension of consumption phenomena and its
practices and experiences; the identity concerns in social structures and in stigmatization
processes. In this stage, fanaticism has inglobed fandom phenomena in all their
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manifestations as well as phenomena of individual and solipsistic consumption.
Holbrook (1987) and Lehmann (1987) vaguely use the terms fanatical. They do not make a
real difference between “fans” and “fanatics”. This is essentially due to the pejorative
meaning that the whole fanatical phenomenon had at that period (Jenkins, 1992).
Furthermore, both the authors do not provide a clear distinction between the terms of
fanatic and fanaticism. For both authors they are quasi-synonyms. For fanaticism, in fact,
they intend the attitude to adopting a fanatic behavior. The “fanatic behavior” is the subject
of their analysis. With the revival of studies on fanaticism, on the one hand it is felt the
need to distinguish clearly the concepts of fanatic and fanaticism (Chung et al., 2008); on
the other the non-distinction between both terms remains (Chung et al., 2008, 2009, Smith
et al., 2007).
2.3.1 Fanaticism and its main characteristics
The two main researches that have tried to define the characteristics of fanaticism are:
Chung et al. (2008), and Thorne and Bruner (2006). For Thorne and Bruner (2006)
fanaticism is “the level of investment one has in the liking or interest of a particular person,
group, trend, artwork or idea.” (p. 53). The authors have conducted an investigation into
three different fandom subcultures - Star Trek, Dungeons and Dragons and Axis and Allies
- in order to identify the main features of fanaticism. This research is based on the idea that
fans - as consumers of fandom communities, are those that best represent the fanaticism as
such and, therefore, its own characteristics.
Thus, the analysis of Thorne and Bruner (2006) focuses on the study of the fan - in
particular of “devoted fans” - within various fandom contexts. The characteristics that
emerge from the investigation are:

Internal involvement: “fans focus on their time, energy, and resources intently on a
specific area of interest” (p. 53).
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
Desire for external involvement: “those identifying themselves as fans tended to
state a strong desire to be involved in fan-related activities […]. Fans are motivated
to involve themselves externally with the area of interest through such activities as
posting to web sites, attending conventions or club meetings, or researching the
area of interest” (p. 53).

Wish to acquire: “they exhibit a very high interest in acquiring items such as
autographs, photographs and related memorabilia” (p. 53). “At the high end, fans
may create displays or shrines featuring the items acquired. These displays will
often become a focal point of the fan’s home and are often the first thing shown by
the fan to visitors. Similarly, other fans that have heard of the display will travel to
the fan’s home to see it” (p. 66).

Desire for social interaction: “the desire of interaction with others of like interest is
likely to be strong […]. The discussion of the area of interest with friends, family,
and casual acquaintances who are not fans often proves unfulfilling, as they fail to
approach the subject with the same level of intensity as fans do” (p. 53). The
consumption of a single fan is initially individual but then she/he tends to search for
other fans who share the same passion.
Chung et al., (2008) based their study on fanaticism on the results produced by Thorne and
Bruner’s (2006) research. In this case, the analysis focuses exclusively on those consumers
who show an “extraordinary devotion” to an activity of consumption, just “fanatics”
according to the authors. Chung et al., (2008) do not propose a definition of fanaticism but
they provide one on summing conclusions of previous studies “fanaticism is a unique form
of loyalty characterised by strong, intense, and extreme levels of commitment, allegiance,
devotion, passion, emotional attachment, enthusiasm, and involvement” (p. 333).
Chung et al. (2008), as well as Thorne and Bruner (2006), investigate fanatic consumption
as stemming from various consumption activities (car model and toy collecting, sports and
luxury fashion brands consumption) and which are not linked at all to specific brands, in
order to identify the main characteristics of fanaticism. From the analysis of fanatic
consumption the following characteristics are highlighted:
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
Extraordinary loyalty and devotion: the extraordinary loyalty and devotion entail
an “attachment” which goes beyond ordinary, “loyalty and devotion implies that
fanaticism is beyond simple engagements between the consumer and the object
[…] that is, the notion of loyalty and devotion considers not simply the frequency
of participation, such as usage or purchase patterns, but involves emotional
attachments such as feelings of passion and love, intimacy and dedication” (p. 334).

Extreme Enthusiasm: fanatics’ enthusiasm for their object of fanaticism is such that
it achieves unsustainable levels “fanatics often involves such extreme behaviours,
and is often at such a high level of intensity that sometimes its pursuit cannot be
sustained over long periods of time” (p. 335)

Inertial Involvement and Behaviour: fanatic behaviour is “uncontrollable” and
“compulsive” but “it may be more appropriate to view this as a form of inertial
behavior – a drive or desire to interact with the consumptive object, which is not
always linked to negative outcomes detrimental to the individual or to others” (p.
336).

Consumption as an “End to Itself”: fanatics show a propensity to consumption
which is ended in itself, “a fanatic devotee of anything continues the activity at
least partly because the activity is an end to itself” (Lehmann, 1987, p. 129; quoted
in Chung et al., 2008).

Personal Self-Sustaining Phenomenon: “there is evidence to suggest that fanaticism
can be an intensely personal phenomenon, which can occur in the absence of a
group or social context […], because a consumer fanatic can be just as loyal
without the support from their surrounding social network or community (p. 337).
In these studies, some of the features already present in the pioneering studies on
fanaticism (Holbrook, 1987; Lehmann, 1987) are highlighted - consumption as an end in
itself and collecting – but some new items clearly emerge as the theme of devotion (Pichler
and Hemetsberger, 2007, 2008).
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2.3.2 From fans to fanatics: typologies of fandom consumers
Moving from the idea that fanaticism is strictly linked to fandom, some researchers have
produced an effort in an attempt to draw different levels of fans along an ideal intensity
scale. This scale is the expression of the level of attachment of consumers (fans, fanatics,
etc.) to the object – product or brand – they are interested in and passionate for (Hunt et al.
1999; MacKellar, 2006, 2009, Thorne, 2011; Thorne and Bruner, 2006).
To Hunt et al. (1999) “fans reveal their level of attachment through their sports-related
behaviour. So within our scheme, devoted, fanatical, and dysfunctional fans differ in terms
of their attachment to the sports consumptive objective, as exhibited by their behaviour
towards that object” (p. 442). The authors develop a scheme in order to allow one to
distinguish the different categories of sport fans: 1) temporary fans, 2) local fans, 3)
devoted fans, 4) fanatical fans, 5) dysfunctional fans.
Categories of “temporary fan” and “local fan” are almost less important in the
investigation of fanaticism as they have been generated by “situational” sources. As Hunt
et al., (1999) explain: “within our classification scheme the source of temporary and local
fans’ motivation is situational, while the source of motivation for devoted, fanatical, and
dysfunctional fans is enduring” (p. 442).

Temporary fan: a temporary fan does not avail him of being a fan to build their
identity. The factor that characterizes the behavior of the temporary fans is his
passion time-limited, “the temporary fan’s interest in the phenomenon is time
constrained. After the phenomenon of interest is over, the fan is no longer
motivated to exhibit behavior related to the sports object, but rather returns to
normal behavior pattern” (p. 442).

Local fan: “the local fans are bounded by geographic constraints” (p. 444).
According to the authors the two reasons why one becomes a fan, for example a fan
of a sport team, is because the team is local and because the fan is born in the same
town where the team plays. For this, even the local fans is subject to constraints, in
fact if the geographic factor is lacking this may be the cause of the end of the
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interest of fans, “if the local fan moves away from the city where the schema target
is located, the devotion of the fan diminishes” (p. 444).

Devoted fan: devoted fans have no constraints, “their motivation toward and
attachment with the consumptive object (personality, league, or sport) increased,
thus breaking the boundaries of time and place. The devoted fan remains loyal to
their team or player even if either the specific, short-term event that captivated that
temporary attention has ended or if they are removed from the context of the
original geographical location” (p. 444). In devoted fans the quest for self
identification emerges as a significant factor for consuming sport “the object to
which we are attached plays a key link in becoming and broadcasting our ideal
self” (p. 445).

Fanatical fan: fanatical fans have a higher degree of “attachment” than devoted
fans. Fanatical fans are also used to consume sport object in order to “self through
attachment with the sports consumptive objects” (p. 445). Even if for those
consumers the consumption activity is marginal regarding to the “core center” of
their own lives. However consuming sport object is a significant activity for those
fans.

Dysfunctional fan: to dysfunctional fans the consumption of sports objects plays a
central role in the construction of their own identity and, thus, of their lives, “the
dysfunctional fan uses being a fan as the primary method of self-identification” (p.
446). In addition, dysfunctional fans are characterized by their antisocial, violent
and disruptive behaviors.
MacKellar (2009) has conducted a study on the audience of an Elvis Presley event held in
Australia; identifying different types of audience (consumers). In particular, the author
identifies the “segments” which compose the event audience: dabblers, fans, fanatics. (See
Table 6)
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Table 6 – Dabbler, Fan and Fanatic segments
Dabbler segment
Looking for an Elvis
experience
Elvis clothing-handcrafted
Long-time dedication to
Elvis
Fan segment
Looking for an Elvis
experience
Elvis clothing-hand-crafted
Group identity as Elvis
family
Included both locals and
visitors
Attended ticketed
concerts
Context-to gather with
other fans
Spectated and
participated activities
such as parades
Interest in Elvis is a big
part of their life and
identity
Strong opinions on EPE
Group identity as Elvis
family
Included both locals and
visitors
Attended ticketed concerts
Extensive knowledge of
Elvis’s life and works
Only attended Elvis
events
Extensive knowledge of
Elvis’s life and works
Only attended Elvis events
Long-time dedication to
Elvis
Context-to gather with
other fans
Spectated and participated
activities such as parades
Interest in Elvis is a big
part of their life and
identity
Strong opinions on EPE
Fanatic segment
Looking for reassurance,
context, other fans
Showed an intensity and
passion in activities
Wore Elvis and Priscilla
clothing and attached deep
significance to it
Long-time dedication
Group identity as Elvis family
Included both locals and
visitors
Paid to attend all concerts and
activities
Would pay for an ultimate
experience
Interest in Elvis is a big part of
their life and identity
Interest in Elvis is a central
part of their life and identity
Houses decorated as shrines
Knowledge is deep and
personal
Strong opinions on Elvisrelated issues
Attended Selected Elvis events
in Australia and overseas
Source: MacKellar J. (2009)

Dabblers: people who knows Elvis and want to live a new experience and enjoy a
special week-end, “the dabbler relished the comical opportunities to add Elvis
quotes to a situations” (p. 14).

Fan: fans have a deep and long knowledge of the whole Elvis world. They show a
particular consumer behavior “to attend more ticketed concerts than less dedicated
participants and social fans did […] to purchase Elvis-related products” (p. 16).
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
Fanatic: Elvis fanatics show a high level of Energy, enthusiasm and passion for all
about Elvis. They love to posed rare objects, cimelia and they are proud to show
them “a proud displays of rare items they had hand-made for themselves out of rare
materials sourced from the USA” (p. 16).
Following the previous studies on identifying fans according to their level of fanatic
intensity (Dimmock and Grove, 2005; Hunt et al., 1999; Zellner, 1995), Thorne and Bruner
(2006) defines four specific profiles of fanatic consumers:

Dilettante: at this level of intensity, fans have an occasional and not significant
involvement with the “primary source materials”. “Without additional stimulation
or the guidance of a more experienced fan, this dilettante fan may lose interest in
the object” (p. 58).

Dedicated: “the dedicated fan actively adjusts his/her lifestyle to watch program,
collects items related to the area of interest or attends conventions devoted to the
topic. At this level, the fan actively seeks out others with the same interest for
conversation and interaction” (p. 58).

Devoted: at this level there is an expanding involvement in the area of interest, “the
fan may devote sections of their homes to showcasing the object of fascination,
attend conventions focusing on the subject, and ultimately endeavor to become
recognizes as an expert in the area of involvement” (p. 58).

Dysfunctional: this is the level of intensity showed by individual with an antisocial
behaviour to the point that they distance from their families, “level of fanaticism
may include behaviors such as violence, hysteria, and stalking, activities not
characteristic to other three levels”23 (p. 58).
What emerges from these studies is a differentiation of different profiles of fanatic
consumers according to the level of their “investment” – keeping the concept mobilized by
Thorne and Bruner (2006). The variation of the “investment” allows distinguishing from a
23
“In some instances, it is this level of involvement that is common shared when popular media refers to a
‘fan’” (Crouse, 1993a, b; quoted in Thorne and Bruner, 2006).
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lower level where the fan is positioned, to a higher level where we find the
(dysfunctional) fanatic. (See Table 7)
Table 7 – Levels of fanatic consumers
Hunt et al. (1999)
Temporary
Local fan
fan
Thorne and Bruner
Dilettante
Dedicated
Devoted
Fanatical
Dysfunctional
fan
fan
fan
Devoted
Dysfunctional
Fan
Fanatic
(2006)
MacKellar (2009)
Dabbler
2.3.3 The fanatic dysfunctional behavior
In Hunt et al. (1999) the fanatic consumer crosses both the categories of the “fanatical
fans” and “dysfunctional fans”. The first difference between the two categories lies in the
role of the object of fanaticism in the process of identity construction. While for the
fanatical fans it represents an important element but not the unique key element, in the case
of dysfunctional fan the object of fanaticism is at the heart of the individuals’ existence.
Further there is a second difference, that is unlike fanatical fans, dysfunctional fans are
characterized by a violent and antisocial behavior, “the dysfunctional fan will readily
engage in violent or other disruptive behavior under the pretext that this behavior is
somewhat justified because of being a fan” (p. 447). A typical example of that is given by
the hooligans.
For Thorne and Bruner (2006), the fanatic behavior is a synonymous per se of
dysfunctional behavior, in the sense that it violates the social norms, “the literature in the
field has generally focused on behaviour as it expresses itself through obsessive or
compulsive activities, actions that are viewed here as characteristic of only a subset of fans
(latter referred to as the dysfunctional fan)” (p. 52). Fanatic is “a person with an
overwhelming liking or interest in a particular person, group, trend, artwork or idea that
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exhibits extreme behavior viewed by others as dysfunctional and violating social
conventions.” (Thorne and Bruner, 2006, p. 53).
In MacKellar’s (2006) perspective fanatics “have a pre-disposition to consume. Their goals
drive them to excessive consumption, collecting objects that reflect themselves and are
iconic of their pursuits. Their deep and passionate interest in an object or product category
drives them to share their collections and their involvement with other like-minded people
– possibly at the expense of their family, friends and finances. To others, their
consumerism may seem irrational, but to their own value-attitude, it is necessary to achieve
their goal. They are willing to go to great lengths to search out their products and have a
great loyalty to them, and their creators.” (p. 202)
Both Thorne and Bruner (2006) and Hunt et al. (1999) highlight the “dysfunctional” aspect
held by fanatics. This is also defined by Chung et al. (2009) as “dark side”, in the sense of
the negative consequences that fanaticism can produce on the fanatic themselves and on
the others around them. In particular, Chung et al. (2009) state that fanaticism can tease on
consumers feelings as “entrapment”, “uncontrollable desire for more”, “addiction”,
“obsession”, “anger” and “jealousy”. So, consumer fanatics seem like entrapped in their
purchasing desire and lost in a diseased relationship with their brands (Chung et al., 2009).
In opposition to what is stated by other researches on the addictive and compulsive extents
of fanatic consumption (Redden and Steiner, 2000; Thorne and Bruner, 2006), Chung et al.
(2008) conclude that fanatic behavior has not to be interpreted as only in its negative
connotations, “contrary to common portrayals of addiction and obsessive-compulsive
behaviours, the consequences here are not as morbid and detrimental as that resulting from
pathological addiction” (p. 336). In fact, Chung et al. (2008) talk about an “inertial
behaviour” as “a drive or desire to interact with the consumptive object, which is not
always linked to negative outcomes detrimental to the individual or the others” (p. 336).
Redden and Steiner (2000) focus on the negative aspects of fanaticism. They define fanatic
consumption as “destructive and often deadly instincts that create a pathological
disjunction among fanatics’ state of mind, their behaviour and their goals. Their thinking,
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behaviour and goals not only not support each other, but also sometimes actively work
against each other illogically and counterproductively (destructively)” (p. 330).
This position marks the difference with the “normal” consumption: “to appreciate such a
disjunction might manifest in fanatical consumption, let’s first assume that “normal”
consumption is constituted by a coherent and felicitous interplay of thinking, behaviour
and goals operating in harmony. That interplay constraints consumption to keep within
“normal” bounds […]. When our goal is to buy a car, that goal leads to thinking about the
features and benefits of different cars and how to acquire the money to buy the car and
how a new car might change our lives and even our sense of who we are. As we do this
thinking, we may reconsider our goal or recognise the need to modify behaviour to achieve
our goal. But perhaps the necessary behaviour modifications are so unattractive that we
rethink our needs and wants or abandon or modify our goal” (p. 330).
Indeed the clear distinction between the fanatic and the “normal” consumption is that
“fanatical behaviour is not just a more intense version of “normal” consumer behaviour. It
is fragmented in the sense of schizophrenic or shattered, but not because consumers are
complex, volatile and unpredictable” (p. 332). According to the authors, in fanatical
consumers “the coherence and interplay of thinking, behaviour and goals may be seriously
disrupted by the destructive instincts which manifest in the identified characteristics of
fanatics. These characteristics, by weakening the coherence among thinking behaviour and
goals, can lead to distorted thinking and unacceptable behaviour that create the impression
of gross abnormality, pathology, even insanity. We think such fanatical thinking and
behaviour are likely to be judged ‘abnormal’ when they work against achievement of
goals” (Redden and Steiner, 2000, p. 331).
Redden and Steiner (2000) state that “the fanatically brand loyalty, their dogmatism,
certainty and lack of critical capacity can make them resistant to change and willing to
invest money or time to collect brand capital without regard to quality or value” (p. 332).
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Redden and Steiner (2000) is the first scholars – as well as Holbrook (1987) and Lehmann
(1987) - in studying fanatics by a non positivist perspective. They propose a conceptual
framework in order to frame the understanding of fanatic consumption. This model is
articulated on the concepts of: intensity, intolerance and incoherence among thinking,
behavior and goals. Following a postmodern approach (Firat and Venkatesh, 1995),
Redden e Steiner (2000) came up with the identification of some key features of fanatic
consumption: “fanatical intensity” and “fanatical intolerance”.

Fanatical intensity: it is constituted by the elements of the “Excitement
(Bromberger, et al., 1993; Buford, 1991; Corbin, 1973; Dunning et al., 1988; Fiske,
1992; Gardner, 1997; Kerr, 1994; Redhead, 1997; Rudin, 1969; Sloan, 1979;
Willis, 1990); Passion/commitment (Brown and Reid, 1997; Chauduri, 1997;
Gould, 1997; Lee and Zeiss, 1980; Milgram, 1977; Morandian and Oliver, 1997;
Sutton et al., 1997; Taylor, 1991); Rage of will (Haynal et al., 1983; Milgram 1977;
Taylor, 1991)” (quoted in Redden and Steiner, 2000).

Fanatical intolerance: it is composed by the “Focusing (Haynal, 1983; Redhead,
1997; Rudin, 1969); Personalised view of the world (Taylor, 1991); Resistance to
change (Taylor, 1991); Disdain/dismissal (Colas, 1997; Mead, 1977; Milgram,
1977; Perkinson, 1977; Taylor, 1991); Certainty (Fiske, 1989, 1992; Hornby, 1992;
Marsh et al., 1978; Taylor, 1991); Contextual facilitation (Belk et al., 1989;
Heynes, 1993; Lee and Zeiss, 1980; Milgram, 1997; Smith et al. 1981; Taylor,
1991; Wann and Branscombe, 1993)” (quoted in Redden and Steiner, 2000).
These basic features of the phenomenon are applied to consumer fanaticism in order to find
out a model of research relevant to interpret the fanatic consumer behavior. In addition to
the “intolerance” and the “intensity”, Redden and Steiner (2000) identify the characteristic
of the “incoherence”. Consumers are characterized by a fanatical behavior of extreme
intensity and intolerance that drives them to enact behavior inconsistent with the objectives
pursued (Redden and Steiner, 2000). According to the authors, the concept of
“incoherence” is useful to look for distinguishing between “the extreme intensity or
intolerance that manifests even in ‘normal’ consumers from time to time and the more
counterproductive extremism characteristic of incoherent consumer fanaticism” (p. 333)
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2.3.4 Fanatics and their identity
A fanatic viewed by fanatics is the interpretative approach adopted by more recent studies
(Smith et al., 2007). Smith et al. (2007) analyze the individuals who have experienced the
“fanatic” label in order to understand the motivations that drive their consumption behavior
and to examine the way in which these stigmas are used, accepted, modified or rejected in
the definition and construction of their own identity. For the authors, fanatic “is often
someone extreme, who lies outside the normal range of behavior in his or her devotion to a
cause, religion, a team, or even a brand.” (p. 78).
The definition of deviant behavior associated to the fanatic label is the key point in the
research undertaken by Smith et al. (2007). In fact, starting from the Becker’s (1963) idea
on the nature of deviance as socially determined, Smith et al. (2007) conclude that within
social relations, the factor of power (Foucault, 1972) is determinant in influencing the
judgment of deviant (or not deviant) on a given behavior. For Foucault (1972), power is
founded on knowledge and discursivity. Individuals, in fact, may acquire power by
dominating or by acquiring knowledge. Knowledge, more than domination, allows creating
a virtuous circle between power and knowledge, where knowledge fuels the power and
vice versa.
That implies the impossibility of using or acquiring knowledge in a disinterested way or at
least, conceiving knowledge as an end in itself. In fact, the increase of new knowledge
produces changes of power that shapes, in turn, new social rules. These last widespread
through new discourses and contribute to the creation of new knowledge. For Foucault
(1972) power fits with human practices and social interactions through specific and
complex procedures. The organization of the world into categories and hierarchies, in
particular through the discourses about what is allowed and what is not, are the key ways
in which power is perpetuated.
According to Smith et al. (2007) the dynamics of power is used by fanatics through their
consumption practices to change the perception of their behavior from a marginal to a
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mainstream behavior and vice versa. Smith et al. (2007) state that “on the one hand, their
fandom may distinguish them from many other consumers. On the other hand, it serves as
a point from which affiliative and affective bonds are developed.” (p. 84).
Three main themes are indetified in Smith et al.’s (2007) investigation:

Ways of Living and Consuming to Provide a Sense of Self: the link with the objects
of consumption are for fanatics a source for constructing their identity, “they
rework consumption into an intensely pleasurable and signifying personal
formation that is both similar and yet significantly different from consumers
considered more ‘normal’.” (p. 90). Smith et al. (2007, p. 90) write: “the
relationship and commitment to certain activities, experiences, and objects becomes
a distinguishing point as well as means of finding a home, so to speak, in the ever
fluid modern or postmodern world. The informants, despite their passion and
energy, had a sense of being settled and at home in the world in their devoted
attachments.”. This suggests that identities are built around emotional and
passionate bonds.

The Polarity of the Fanatic - Justification/Denial Through the Use of Extreme
Endpoints in Fandom: fanatics from the inside do not see their behavior as an
extreme one as they “can find ways to ‘de-fanaticize’ their behavior in relation to
some extreme endpoint. In a sense, fanaticism from the insider’s perspective
disappears.” (p. 90). It entails that “although other outsiders may label something as
extreme, almost any fan can normalize in their own mind what he or she does.
Extreme points of comparison serve to distinguish their practices as ‘not so out
there’.” (p. 91).

I Am Living - The Feelings of Others toward Fandom and Pity Toward Those
Without a “Reason for Living”: stigmatization plays a marginal role in the
processes of identity construction of the fanatics, on the contrary they transform the
stigma in “a sense of what might be called pity for those not as deeply involved in
some endeavour as they were. They saw others as not having a compelling reason
for being. Stigmatization was often converted into a type of validation or written
off as “they just don’t understand.” (p. 91). Furthermore, stigma becomes just a
useful tool in tracing the boundary between different types of people and
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consumers. In this case, stigma is managed in a strategic manner as fanatics
renegotiate its value within the interactions with non-fanatics. In doing so, stigma
becomes a positive hallmark. As Smith et al (2007) states: “there are ways to cope
with negativity and stand firm in one’s practices. In fact, this often became a badge
of authentic selfhood - that one was not just going with the flow, nor were they
aimless drifters. Some of the informants were fanatical about retaining their sense
of fanaticalness.” (p. 91).
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Chapter 2 conclusions
In this chapter we have first of all highlighted how studies on fanaticism lack of a specific
and clear idea of what fanaticism is and who fanatic consumers are. These studies on
several concepts are recalled to refer to consumer fanaticism, i.e.: loyalty, attachment,
devotion etc. The first section has been developed in an attempt to shed light on the various
definitions of fanaticism proposals from the literature. A set of concepts and constructs has
been identified: involvement, commitment, attachment, passion, loyalty, devotion, and
love. Furthermore, a common point among those terms has been found in the relationship
construct which underlies the relation between consumer and the object of consumption.
The discussion as it has been developed has led us to provide an overview of the concepts
used in consumer research. We have shown their common points and their main
differences. This overview has been useful to better understand the amount of studies
produced on the topic of fanaticism in all its phases as it has been developed in the section
2.
The second section is concerned with the development of studies on the phenomenon of
fanaticism in consumption. We proceeded to an arrangement of various researches. In
particular, we have identified three main patterns in which research on fanaticism has
developed: 1) fanatical behavior, 2) fandom studies, and 3) studies on fanaticism in
consumption (see Table 8). For each of these episodes we described the focus of the
research, its methodology and its contributions. This allowed us to determine the main
characteristics of the research on fanaticism, the influence of the first two stages on the
third (the current stage), and to highlight the objectives that current studies on fanaticism
pursue. In particular, we have highlighted as the whole recent research on fanaticism is
focused on the identification of a definition of the phenomenon (see Table 9).
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Stages
Episode 1
Labels
mobilized
Fanatic consumer
Fanatic lifter
Concepts mobilized
Fanatic consumption
or Fanaticism
Authors
Holbrook (1987)
Lehmann (1987)
Hill, Robinson (1991)
Contributions
The use of the adjective
“fanatic” allows consideration
of new, highly committed and
involved consumer behavior
Field of research
Jazz music,
Weightlifting,
Athletics
Episode 2
Inner-circle or hard-core,
Core group,
Old and new, real and
faux members,
True fans,
True believers,
Pottermaniacs,
Core members,
Cruiser chiefs,
Die-hard,
Trekkies,
Jerry Birds
Episode 3
Fanatical fan
Dysfunctional fan
Fanatic
Social hierarchy,
Authenticity,
Competencies and
expertise,
Consumption
experience,
Escapism,
Social stigma
Cova et al. (2007);
Schouten, McAlexander
(1995), Schembri (2009),
Muñiz, O’Guinn (2001),
Kozinets (2001), Celsi et al.
(1993), Arnould, Price
(1993), Cova, Cova (2001),
Peñaloza, (2001), Brown et
al. (2003), Brownlie et al.
(2007), McAlexander et al.
(2002), Brown (2007),
Cova, Pace (2006), Schau,
Muñiz (2007), de Valck
(2007), Cova, White (2010),
Cusack et al. (2003)
Studies on fandom culture and
consumer tribes allow the
presence of “hard-core”
consumers to emerge, which
distinguish themselves from
the other fan members through
their hierarchical status,
expertise, authentic
experience, social stigma, etc.
Harley-Davidson,
Skydiving,
Apple, Saab and Bronco,
TPATH (Tom Petty and
the Heratbreakers),
Harry Potter,
New Beetle,
Warhammer,
Culinary matters
community
(www.smulweb.nl),
Cruiser community,
Jeep,
River rafting,
In-line roller skaters,
Stock show and rodeo,
Star Trek,
Nutella
Method
Introspection,
Quali – quantitative
method,
Questioners
Ethnography,
Netnography,
Longitudinal study:
- Written protocols
- On-site depth
Interviews
- Drop-off/mail-back
survey
- Participant
observation
- Focus group
- Pretrip and posttrip
surveys
- Member check
- Mail survey,
Multiple methods:
- desk research
- semi-structured
interviews
- participant and non
participant observation
Fanaticism
Chung et al. (2008, 2009),
Thorne, Bruner (2006),
Thorne (2009, 2011),
MacKellar (2006, 2009),
Hunt et al. (1999), Redden,
Steiner (2000), Smith et al.
(2007)
Fanaticism is a central and an
independent concept in
describing a specific consumer
behavior
Star Trek, Dungeons and
Dragons, Axis and
Allies;
Car model and toy
collecting, sport and
luxury fashion brands
consumption;
Travelling;
Elvis Revival Festival
Table 8: Summary of contributions on fanaticism in consumer research
162
In-depth interviews,
Structured interviews,
Observation,
Ethnography,
Videography
Conceptualization
Fanaticism is linked to the
meanings of consumer’s lives
Fanaticism is irrational and
leading to addiction
There is not a specific
conceptualization of
fanaticism and fanatic (hardcore) phenomena
Fanaticism is strictly linked to
other concepts such as
devotion, loyalty, attachment,
investment, commitment,
passion etc.
Fanatics have extreme
behavior leading to
dysfunctional and detrimental
effects
PART 1 – Fanaticism and consumption
Table 9 – Definition of fanatic consumption
Source
Chung et al. (2008, p. 333)
Definition
“fanaticism is a unique form of loyalty characterised by
strong, intense, and extreme levels of commitment,
allegiance, devotion, passion, emotional attachment,
enthusiasm, and involvement” (p. 333).
Hunt et al. (1999, p. 442)
“fans reveal their level of attachment through their
sports-related behaviour. So within our scheme, devoted,
fanatical, and dysfunctional fans differ in terms of their
attachment to the sports consumptive objective, as
exhibited by their behaviour towards that object”
McKellar (2009, p. 18)
“[Fanatics] showed an intensity and passion in
activities”
Smith et al. (2007, p. 78)
“fanaticism has been created as a label for those
individuals who do not adhere to the normal or central
perspective”
Thorne and Bruner (2006, p. 53) “the level of investment one has in the liking or interest
of a particular person, group, trend, artwork or idea”
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Part I conclusions and the emerging of the research problem
In the first chapter we clarify the boundaries of what is commonly referred to as
fanaticism. We develop our arguments in many areas (historical, political, religious,
sociological, psychological, popular culture and media studies) which allow us to observe
the extent to which fanaticism is a pervasive phenomenon in societies, both diachronically
and synchronically. This chapter traces the phenomenology of fanaticism up till the 20 th
century, during which it had gradually spread from the religious to the more recent
political realm. However in the 20th century, the phenomenon of fanaticism became a
manifestation of the popular culture – i.e.: fandom phenomena - and it was from here that it
started to establish its linkage to the consumption phenomena of today.
In the second chapter we highlight the connection between fandom and fanaticism
phenomena in consumption. The fandom phenomenon has been the topic of a large number
of studies between 1990s and 2000s which demonstrate that popular culture (sports, music
and television texts) has gradually encompassed the material consumption objects as well
(Cova et al., 2007). The widespread of fandom entails the creation of new social bounds
generally defined as subculture of consumption, brand communities, and consumer tribes
(Schouten and McAlexander, 1995; Muñiz and O’Guinn, 2001; Cova et al., 2007) in which
consumers establish a particular relationship with the brand (or products or consumption
activity) and also among them. We highlight how in these social formations which are the
kingdom of fans, two types of consumers are constantly detected: hard core vs. soft core
consumers (Cova and Pace, 2006; Kozinets, 2001; Schouten and McAlexander, 1995).
Most part of the research on collective consumption has hugely focused on fans while
overlooking to deepen the investigation on hard core fans (or fanatics). However, recent
studies have focused their attention on fanatic consumers (Chung et al., 2008; Smith et al.,
2007; Thorne and Bruner, 2006). Unfortunately, these researches do not really enlighten
the deep meaning that ties fanatic consumers have with their fanatic consumption. This is a
first important point as it is evident that in fanaticism new implications between the objects
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of consumption (brand and products) and consumers arise. Moreover, researches on
fanaticism do not take into account the whole historical path (in the 20th century) from
which the fanaticism in consumption context emerges. In doing so, the previous research
does not highlight the connection between the historical and socio-cultural context, and the
fanatic consumers’ lives.
Thus, our research problem is to grasp how the fanatic consumption makes sense for
fanatic consumers and their life experiences. This research problem as it is formulated is
coherently framed in the CCT (Consumer Culture Theory) field of research. CCT
“explores how consumers actively rework and transform symbolic meanings encoded in
advertisements, brands, retail settings, or material goods to manifest their particular
personal and social circumstances and further their identity and lifestyle goals.” (Arnould
and Thompson, 2005, p. 871). Thus, in CCT “consumers are conceived of as identity
seekers and makers” (Arnould and Thompson, 2005, p. 871). Hence, consumption is
thought to be part of consumer identity projects. Such identity projects are the “ways in
which consumers, working with marketer-generated materials, forge a coherent if
diversified and often fragmented sense of self” (Arnould and Thompson, 2005, p. 871).
According to the research nature and the analytic orientation of CCT, we formulate our
research problem in the following research questions:
What are the meanings that fanatic consumption experiences hold for fanatic
consumers?
and
How do these lived meanings interplay with fanatic consumers’ identity projects?
These research questions aim to understand the meaning that consumers – defined as
fanatic for their strong relationship with a brand – ascribe to their consumption activity in
order to make sense of their everyday life experiences. Understanding those meanings
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allows grasping new insights to extend our knowledge on the relationship between
individuals and consumption.
To effectively answer to our research questions, it is necessary to identify an appropriate
research methodology. The next chapter will be developed in this direction.
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PART 2 Methodological approaches to data collection and analysis
Chapter 3
Epistemological and methodological choice
Chapter 4
Data collection
Chapter 5
Data analysis and interpretation of results
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PART 2 – Methodological approaches to data collection and analysis
Chapter 3. Epistemological and
methodological choice
In this chapter we will present the several epistemological and the methodological postures
normally adopted in science, and we will provide an explanation of our choices in
conducting our research. In the first section we will present the three main epistemological
paradigms in social sciences: positivism, constructivism and interpretivism. Each of them
has its own characteristics in terms of ontological posture, research objective, and research
methods. In particular, constructivism and interpretivism are strictly linked each other.
Both share the idea of the subjective nature of knowledge and the intentional logics of
human action. However, they have important differences especially in their objectives and
methods of research.
In marketing and consumer research, the big debate is between the positivism and
interpretivism. These two paradigms are diametrically opposed both at the ontological
level and methodological level. Positivism move from the assumption the reality is
objectively determined, for this it is empirically described, measured, quantified and, in
certain cases, predicted. On the other hand, interpretivism founds on the individual action
as underlain by a meaning which is borne by the individual. In this case, reality exists as a
subjective construction and it is the result of individuals’ interpretation of social facts.
The interpretive paradigm has been introduced in marketing and consumer studies since
the ‘80s by the some pioneering works on consumer culture (Belk, 1987; Sherry, 1987;
Wallendorf, 1987; Wallendorf and Belk, 1987). Since then it has increasingly developed
founding new theories in approaching consumer studies (Arnould and Thompson, 2005).
The second section is dedicated to the presentation of the differences between a qualitative
and quantitative methodology. Both methodologies are hugely used in traditional
positivistic studies. However, the interpretive paradigm stresses more the qualitative
approach in analyzing and interpreting data from the field.
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All the choices made for our research, from the epistemological paradigm to the
methodological choice and, finally, to the specific method used to collect data are
explained and justified all through this chapter.
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PART 2 – Methodological approaches to data collection and analysis
Section 1. Epistemological paradigms
Epistemology is the reflection of science on science. It produces an amount of discourses
in order to understand what is the science, what is the method to achieve the knowledge,
and what is the value of the knowledge achieved (Perret and Séville, 2007).
As Lincoln and Guba (1985) state “the history of humankind is replete with instances of
attempts to understand the world” (p. 14). Such understanding to be undertaken needs
basic beliefs which “represent the ultimate benchmark against which everything is tested”
(p. 15). When those basic beliefs constitute a system of ideas, they “either gave us some
judgment about the nature of reality, or a reason why we must be content with knowing
something less than the nature of reality, along with a method for taking hold of whatever
can be known” (Reese, 1980, p. 352, quoted in Lincoln and Guba, 1985). According to
Lincoln and Guba (1985) systematic set of beliefs together with their methods constitute a
paradigm. A paradigm is defined as a set of “basic beliefs or metaphysical principles in
which its adherents believed and upon which they acted” (Lincoln and Guba, 1985, p. 15).
This means that paradigms drive the construction of models, intellectual patterns and
cognitive frameworks which influence the way through which researchers inquire the
world (Kuhn, 1970). A paradigm is fundamental as it allows establishing what phenomena
are knowable, the way phenomena may become known and the criteria to evaluate what is
effectively known (Hirschman, 1986).
According to Lincoln and Guba (1985) the history of science has been marked by three
major paradigm eras: the prepositivist era, the positivist era and the postpositivist era.
Although the prepositivist era has been the longest era, from Aristotle (384-322 B.C.) to,
but not including, Hume (1711-1776), it has been also the less interesting from a modern
perspective. Current social sciences are founded on positivist and postpositivist (or
postmodern) paradigms (Hirschman and Holbrook, 1992). In particular, in management
science Perret and Séville (2007) distinguishes three epistemological postures: positivism,
constructivism and interpretivism.
Here below we present a short description of each of them.
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3.1 Positivism
The positivist paradigm, and its extent the logical empiricism, developed during the XIX
century in the Vienna Circle. For Dumez (2010) logical empiricism must be considered as
the strong relationship between the data (empiricism) and the theoretical framework
(logic). This strong relationship is deployed through a linear and invariable schema:
theory-hypothesis-observations-generalization-Theory (Wacheux, 1996).
In positivist paradigm the social world, as the physical world, is seen as an existing entity
which as such exists independently of the individuals’ perception. This means that there is
a totally independence between the object observed – reality - and the subject who
observes the reality (Perret and Séville, 2007). Fragmented components and their mutual
relationships constitute the social reality. Therefore, through the observation and the
measurement of those components and their relationship, researchers can reach the
comprehension of the world reality. The goal of positivism is to explain this reality that is
an objective “truth” trough the subsumption of the phenomena under universal laws. In
other words, researchers aim to explain the causality relations underlying the human
behavior (Evrard et al., 2003). Both the ability of measuring and explaining the systematic
association between variables which structure a phenomenon allows generalizing these
laws to a large number of people, times and settings. As Hudson and Ozanne (1988) state
“the positivists endeavor to identify time and context-free generalizations, or nomothetic
statements” (p. 511). Hirschman (1986, p. 238) synthesizes in an effective manner the keytraits of the positivism “1) a single, tangible reality consisting of discrete elements; 2) the
division of discrete elements into causes and effects; 3) independence between researcher
and phenomenon; 4) the possibility and desirability of developing statements of truth that
are generalizable across time and context; and 5) the possibility and desirability of valuefree, objective knowledge discovery”.
Wacheux (1996, p. 39) defines four principles underlying the positivist paradigm:
-
Facts are the basis of scientific knowledge; only the empirical observation allows to
validate, or to refute, the a priori theoretical constructs;
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-
Researchers reject their intuitions; consciousness is not allowed in the practice of
science;
-
The discovering of laws which order the society is the ultimate goal of science;
-
The evaluation of progress of knowledge is appreciated by the ability, or not, of
models in predicting phenomena.
The scientific posture of positivism in terms of its ontology and its axiology (goals) entails
specific protocols for its research design (methodology). The research design is a fixed
structure which guarantees accurate answers to research questions (Hudson and Ozanne,
1988). In positivism the ideal structure is the experimental design where subjects are
observed in a controlled context in which extraneous variables are neutralized, relevant
independent variables are manipulated and dependent variables are observed. Positivist
researchers argue that controlled experiment allows obtaining confidence in highlighting
relationships between variables and in confirming their hypothesis (Hudson and Ozanne,
1988).
The validity of results is assured by three criteria: verifiability, confirmability, refutability.
Those are specific and universal criteria for all the sciences and any research field or
context. In positivist view, those criteria set forth what is scientific and what is not. This
means that for positivism the legitimacy of science is given by a unique epistemology, a
unique methodology, and according to the application of universal criteria of validation.
3.2 Constructivism
In a constructivist perspective, reality is seen as a construction (Le Moigne, 1994). Radical
constructivism states that reality does not exist at all and that it is constructed through the
interaction of the observer with the object observed. Hence, for constructivism exists a
dependency bound between the subject and the object. This scientific posture founds on the
idea that the social world is made by interpretations which unfold within social interactions
and specific contexts. The social interactions create intersubjective meanings mutually
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shared and accepted by social actors (Berger and Luckman, 1996). The scientific project is
interested to the large amount of knowledge present in society (Berger and Luckmann,
1996) and it aims to understand the individual and collective experiences as daily lived by
social actors (Giddens, 1984).
The human facts have no meaning. This entails that social science founds on the
intentionality of human actions more than on conditions causing them. So, social facts are
constructed and not observed. This epistemological position rejects the idea of social
determinism. In opposition, it drives on conviction that scientific discourses aim to give
coherence to the vision of “total human”. Researchers move from the idea that social
reality stem up through representations (Le Moigne, 1995). Those representations are the
result of the discourses produced by social actors. Researchers, in their effort to explain
social reality, produce themselves other representations. Representations are set of
elements that make sense.
As Moscovici (1988) states social representations “concern the contents of everyday
thinking and the stock of ideas that give coherence to our religious beliefs, political ideas
and the connections we create as spontaneously as we breathe. They make it possible for us
to classify persons and objects, to compare and explain behaviors and to objectify them as
part of our social setting. While representations are often to be located in the minds of men
and women, they can just as often be found ‘in the world’, and as such examined
separately” (p. 214).
According to Wacheux (1996) constructivist method are founded on two main criteria:
-
Break into different parts representations of reality in order to obtain many
independent fragments as basis for the analysis;
-
Find out rules of association able to explain those phenomena.
In a constructivist research the knowledge production and is validation are linked by a ratio
of need (Avenier, 1992). The results validity is assured by their pertinence (the logical
coherence of discourses), their fecundity and their explicative power. Validity is founded
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on two major criteria: adaptation and transferability. For Glasersfeld (1988) the knowledge
produced is valid if it is really adapted to understanding a specific situation. In Le Moigne
(1995) perspective, reality cannot be demonstrated but only argued through a construction
on it (Le Moigne, 1995). The validity of such argumentations on reality is given once they
are reproducible and understandable by others.
As Wacheux (1996, p. 44) states “constructivism is the opposite than logic empiricism
because it works in observing, understanding, and proposing explications on phenomena
before creating associations among them and reinterpreting them”. However,
constructivism shares many common points with the interpretivism – a relativistic
conception of reality – but they are different according to the way knowledge is produced
and the criteria to validate it (Perret and Séville, 2007).
3.3 Interpretivism
Interpretivism is founded on the notion of Verstehen (understanding) as defined by Weber
(1965). This notion refers to two levels of reality: the individual and the scientific. At the
first level reality makes sense as it is understood by individuals in their everyday life
world. At the second level, researchers seek to grasp the subjective meanings which
underlie the individual behaviors. Hence, interpretivism aims to understand the meaning of
human action as they are intentionally realized by the social actors themselves. The
knowledge production is undertaken through the understanding of reality and the meaning
that social actors associate to it. This entails that interpretivism focuses more on the
investigation of the intentions, motivations, beliefs and practices more than facts (Perret
and Séville, 2007).
In order to understand the sense that social actors provide to their actions it is necessary to
take into account the natural context – space and time – where they acts (Lincoln and
Guba, 1985). Hence, “data are not viewed as given by nature but as stemming from an
interaction between the inquirer and the data sources (human and nonhuman)” (Lincoln
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and Guba, 1985, p. 332). In the interpretivist perspective, the validity of results is given by
their idiographic and empathic stature.
The ideography concerns a king of knowledge including a detailed description of the
investigated phenomenon. This description feeds the investigation with contextual and
historical information on the phenomenon itself in order to reach a “thick description” of it
(Geertz, 1994). Empathy reveals the effective ability of the researcher to go deepest in the
investigation of the social phenomenon observed. In order to reach the reality such as it is
lived by social actors; researchers have to empathically understand their habits, their jargon
and cultures. The scientific objective aim in the interpretive paradigm is not to understand
social phenomena as such but the way they are experienced, lived and interpreted by social
actors (Denzin and Lincoln, 2003). From the epistemological perspective, interpretivism
shares the same scientific posture of constructivism.
In table 10 are summarized the main analogies and differences between the positivist,
constructivist and interpretivism paradigm.
Table 10 – Positivist, constructivist and interpretivist paradigms
Paradigms and
epistemological
questions
Knowledge stature
What is the
knowledge stature?
Relation subjectobject
Positivism
Interpretivism
Realistic hypothesis
The object of
knowledge has an
ontological own
essence
Independence of the
subject and the
object
Relativistic hypothesis
The essence of the object can not be
reached (interpretivism) or does not exist at
all (constructivism)
Dependence of the subject and the object
Intentinalist hypothesis
The world is underlay by the logic of the
possibility
What is the nature of
reality”?
discovery
Research goals
How is knowledge
produced?
The path of
Constructivism
Research formulated
as “what are the
causes…”
understanding
construction
Research formulated
as “what are the
actors’
motivations…”
Research formulated
as “what are the
goals…”
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scientific knowledge The favorite status
of the explication
Validity criteria
What is the value of
knowledge?
Verifiability
Confirmability
Refutability
The favorite status
of the
comprehension
Idiography
Empathy (revealing
the experience as
lived by actors)
The favorite status
of the construction
Adaptation
Transferability
Source: adapted from Perret and Séville (2007)
In this research we will use the interpretivist paradigm as it seems the most appropriate to
answer to our research objective.
3.4 Interpretivism in marketing and consumer research
Marketing and consumer research are strictly linked, as Belk (1986) states “Once upon a
time a fledgling discipline was born and given the name Consumer Research - the bastard
child of Marketing and an unknown father variously alleged to be Economics, Psychology,
Sociology, Anthropology, Home Economics, or occasionally others as well.” (p. 423).
Consumption has been traditionally studied by social sciences, i.e. sociology (Baudrillard,
1970; Bourdieu, 1979; Bauman, 2001), anthropology (Douglas and Isherwood, 1979;
McCracken, 1988; Miller, 1998); philosophy (Adorno and Horkheimer, 1944; Marcuse,
1964).
Traditionally, economy and psychology have had a great influence in consumer research
studies (Codeluppi, 2005; Kassarjian and Goodstein, 2009) driving on a cognitive
approach for explaining consumer behavior and its unchaining mechanisms. This research
model has been challenged in the ‘80s by the so called “interpretive turn” (Sherry, 1991)
with the pioneering studies provided by Belk (1991) and Belk et al. (1989). Since then this
new research approach has had several labels: “naturalistic” (Belk et al. 1988),
“interpretive” (Holbrook and O'Shaughnessy, 1988; Hirschman, 1989), “humanistic”
(Hirschman, 1986), “phenomenological” (Thompson et al., 1989), “semiotic” (Holbrook
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and Grayson, 1986), postmodern (Hirschman and Holbrook, 1992; Firat and Venkatesh,
1995) and, recently, “CCT” (Consumer Culture Theory) (Arnould and Thompson, 2005).
The dichotomy between positivism and interpretivism is really marking the current field of
consumer research (Kassarjian and Goodstein, 2009). Both paradigms entail deep
differences at the epistemological, ontological, and axiological level. As Hudson and
Ozanne (1988, p. 508) state “positivist and interpretive approaches are incommensurable
because they are based on different goals and philosophical assumptions”. (See Table 11)
Table 11 – Positivist and Interpretivist approaches
Assumptions
Positivism
Ontological
Nature of reality
Nature of social beings
Axiological
Overriding goal
Interpretivism
Objective, tangible, single,
fragmentable, divisible
Socially constructed,
multiple, holistic, contextual
Deterministic, reactive
Voluntaristic, proactive
“Explanation” via
submission under general
laws, prediction
“Understanding” based on
Verstehen
Nomothetic, time-free
context-independent
Idiographic, time-bound
context-dependent
Real causes exist
Multiple, simultaneous
shaping
Epistemological
Knowledge generated
View of causality
Research relationship
Dualism, separation,
privileged point of
observation
Source: Hudson and Ozanne (1988)
Interactive, cooperative,
no privileged point of
observation
Both paradigms entail differences even at a methodological level (Belk et al., 2012). In
opposition to the traditional positivist methods, where knowledge on consumption is
obtained through controlled laboratory experimentation, in the interpretive approach
researchers engage in the real world where people live. Those uncontrolled situations are
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for interpretive researchers the better way to grasp how consumers think and behave. (See
Table 17)
Table 12 – Old versus new perspectives in consumer behavior research
Old perspective
New perspective
Positivist
Experiments/Surveys
Quantitative
A priori theory
Non-positivist
Ethnographies
Qualitative
Emergent theory
Economic/Psychological
Micro/Managerial
Focus on buying
Emphasis on cognition
American
Source: Belk (1995b)
Sociological/Anthropological
Macro/Cultural
Focus on consuming
Emphasis on emotions
Multicultural
Furthermore, the distinction between positivism and interpretivism is generally, but not
only, represented as a dichotomy between old and new approaches (Belk, 1995b). In a
recent study Tadajewski (2006) has shown how interpretivism – and ion particularly CCT
– is rooted in the middle of the XX century. This is proven by the overlapping of the
motivation research which is considered as an embryonic form of the interpretivism. (See
Table 13)
Table 13 – Interpretivism vs. positivism
Positivism
Interpretivism
Ontological
assumptions
(nature of reality)
Objective;
tangible;
ahistorical;
fragmentable;
divisible
Socially constructed;
multiple;
holistic;
contextual
Nature of social
being
Deterministic;
reactive
Voluntaristic;
Proactive
178
Motivation
research
Historically and
socially constructed;
multiple;
contextual
Historically
influenced, but
voluntaristic
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PART 2 – Methodological approaches to data collection and analysis
Axiological
assumptions
(overriding goal)
‘Explanation’ via
subsumption
under general laws;
prediction
‘Understanding’ via
interpretation but not
necessarily in order
to confirm
hypotheses
Understanding
via interpretation;
understanding as
prerequisite to
explanation and
prediction
Epistemological
assumptions
(knowledge
generated)
Nomothetic;
time-free;
contextindependent;
value-free
Idiographic;
time-bound;
contextdependent;
value-laden;
Largely idiographic
time-bound;
value-laden;
forward-looking;
critical
View of casuality
Real causes exist
Multiple;
simultaneous;
shaping
Research
relationship
metaphor
Dualism;
separation;
detached
observer
Interactive;
co-operative;
translator
Multiple;
Shaping;
exposure of potential
constraints
Interactive;
co-operative
but tempered
with suspicion
Source: adapted from Tadajewski (2006)
3.5 The interpretivist choice in our research
As we have seen in the second chapter researches on fanatic consumption are really poor.
The phenomenon has been approached both by a positivist and an interpretivist
perspective. In both cases the main goal of researches has been to defining the fanatic
consumption main characteristics, in order to verify (explaining) or refute the negative
traits commonly attached to the fanatic label.
For this, a first limitation is produced at the ontological level even by the interpretivist
angle because researchers keep an etic perspective in approaching the phenomenon; and
they completely miss the emic dimension which is an important step to understanding the
phenomenon, that is the way consumers live this specific consumption experience. A
second limitation is given by criteria in selecting informants, the fanatic consumers. This
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methodological limitation stems from the lack of a proposal of fanaticism and who are
fanatic consumers. According to our reading of these works, especially the CCT-like, they
seem to be trapped in a research object paradox. In fact, as well as it is true that the
research objective in interpretive research is emerging from an abductive process, moving
repeatedly from theory to field and back, in this case this process seems not to be fulfilled.
Researchers aim to define fanatic consumption characteristics investigating fanatic
consumers but, at the same time, they look for fanatic characteristics in order to provide
conceptual tools to identify fanatic consumers. In our opinion, this short circuit between
the methodological position and the research objective jeopardizes the real understanding
of fanatic consumption. For these reasons, we think that to really grasp the phenomenon
and the meanings that it holds for consumers and their lives, an interpretive research is
needed in order to explore first of all its emic dimension before moving to further abstract
(etic) levels of understanding. Furthermore, fanatic consumption builds a specific
relationship between consumers and the object of their fanaticism as well as with the social
world which they belong to. The interpretive approach is the most appropriate to
understand the meaning underlying consumers’ actions in their life-world.
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Section 2. Methodological choice
After having chosen the epistemological context, we have to show our methodological
approach in collecting and analyzing data. The method selection is an important step as it
allows to access to the reality of consumption. In fact, on one hand methodology is the
means through which the researcher can enter into the field of research. On the other hand,
it allows the researcher to be consistent with her/his research objectives and goals.
In the following section, first we will present the different typologies of research objectives
as they are developed in the existing literature (Petit Charreire and Durieux, 2007) and we
will justify our research objective choice - the explorative objective – as it seems to be the
more consistent with our research topic.
Then, we will discuss about the different methodological approaches addressing our
research towards an abductive approach. This choice is justified by the consistence of this
approach with our research objective as we have chosen it.
Finally, we will show the two major methods existing in research. Qualitative and
quantitative methods are two different methods even if in some cases they can be
complementary. We argument the choice of our method and specify the particular
technique used to empirically collect data on the field. The choice of the phenomenological
interviews (Thompson, et al., 1989) is not new in consumer research but it is a largely used
technique. This technique – according to its philosophical nature - is particularly coherent
with our research objective and, above all, with our research topic.
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3.1 Research objectives
Research problems can be distinguished in two major families: explorative research and
testing research (Petit Charreire and Durieux, 2007). Descriptive research represents the
largest amount of studies in marketing research. These studies observe and describe a
phenomenon by using statistical tools (descriptive statistics) in order to classify and
categorize specific variables constituting a given phenomenon or, at least, it aims to create
a set of taxonomies to organize the observations. Descriptive studies produce a picture of
the observed phenomenon highlighting the associations among the variables underlying it.
Predictive studies can be undertaken on the basis of descriptive studies. In this predictive
approach, data gathered with the description are explained and used to realize prediction on
a specific phenomenon (Evrard et al., 2003). These research objectives (descriptive and
predictive) are founded on a positivistic nature. In fact, a theoretical hypothesis is
formulated by the researcher and tested on the reality. This test is carried on using
methodological tools both quantitative and qualitative. However, quantitative tools are
generally the most recurrent ones (Petit Charreire and Durieux, 2007).
Explorative research aims to conduct a deep analysis of a phenomenon in order to obtain a
rich understanding as complete as possible of the phenomenon itself (Evrard et al., 2003).
Normally these researches have both a positivist and interpretivist (as well as
constructivist) nature. Moreover, qualitative and quantitative methods are generally
employed, even if qualitative ones are preferred. Petit Charreire and Durieux (2007)
identify 3 types of explorative researches: 1) theoretical exploration; 2) empiric
exploration; and 3) hybrid exploration.
Theoretical exploration: in theoretical exploration researchers operate a new and original
link between two or more theoretical domains. Researchers select specific conceptual items
in the investigated theories in order to perimeter their context of analysis and, at the same
time, to identify the context to explore. The inductive approach underlies this research as
researcher has to construct path trough different theoretical domains.
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Empiric exploration: this research is totally focused on the field and it aims to build up a
new theory ignoring the existing knowledge. This research objective is appropriate when
the phenomenon under investigation is partly or completely unknown. The inductive
approach allows exploring these phenomena without mobilizing any theoretical
framework. An example of this research is the “Grounded theory” as proposed by (Glaser
and Strauss, 1967).
Hybrid exploration: this research explores a phenomenon moving from a theoretical basis
mobilized by the researchers according to their research object. The approach in this case
is abductive as the researcher moves back and forth from the field to the theory and vice
versa in order to enrich little by little both the knowledge on the field and the theoretical
construction. For this, this type or research is deployed in order to enrich and deepen an
existing knowledge.
In our study on fanatic consumption we are oriented to deploy an exploration research, in
particular a hybrid exploration. This seems to be the most appropriate research objective
because, as we have seen in the first part of this work, a large amount of studies has been
produced on fanaticism in consumer research as well as a rich knowledge on this topic. A
hybrid exploration allows increasing the understanding of fanatic consumption, especially
that on fanatic consumer.
3.2 Research approaches
The research knowledge can be produced through three main analytical approaches:
deduction, induction and abduction. In the deduction process researcher elaborates
hypothesis moving from a set of well established theories, concepts and assumption. Then,
those hypotheses are tested and verified on the field (Bergadàa and Nyeck, 1992). On the
contrary, in the induction process researcher starts their investigations from – generally
new – observations. Then, form the specific observation they infer hypothesis and theories
which are extended to the whole observations belonging to the same phenomenon
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(Bergadàa and Nyeck, 1992). Thus, induction moves from the particular to the general. It
seeks to associate similar observations in order to generalize to a whole class. Instead,
deduction moves from the general to the particular. It derives hypothesis form theories
already known.
In opposition to the deductive and the inductive approach, the abductive process starts
when an “unexpected” observation does not fit with the existing theory (Dumez, 2013).
“Abduction is founded on putting near what has been observed (“unexpected” observation)
with something new” (Dumez, 2013, p. 195). According to Koenig (1997) abduction is
“the operation that does not belong to logic and that allows escaping the chaotic perception
we have of the real world by a conjecture attempt on the relationships that exist among
things” (p. 7). In sum, abduction is a process of back and forth between the field and theory
in order to progress in the research path. For Dumez (2013) the abductive approach
naturally leads to the mobilization of qualitative methods to investigate the field.
The previous choice to adopting an explorative (hybrid) research objective, naturally leads
us to adopt an abductive approach in our study. This choice influences also our
methodological choice as we demonstrate later.
3.3 Research methods: qualitative method vs. quantitative method
As Belk et al. (2012) state “all researches are interpretive, whether that involves
interpretive patterns in relationships between quantified observations or in recurring
patterns in talk, text, images, or action. Thus we do not consider being interpretive
something that distinguishes qualitative from quantitative research” (p. 2). The difference
between the two approaches lies on their goals, “qualitative approach integrate all methods
aiming to the comprehension of phenomena as subjectively constructed, but quantitative
approach aims to explain and to know an objective knowledge” (Bergadàa and Nyeck,
1992, p. 35).
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According to Belk et al. (2012), the main differences of qualitative and quantitative
approach are: 1) Nature of data; 2) Relevance of context; 3) Nature or control of potential
causes; 4) Key research instrument. (See Table 14)
Table 14 – Qualitative versus quantitative research differences
Qualitative
Quantitative
Visual and verbal
Responses distilled into
Nature of data
recordings in rich detail
numeric scores
Results are generally
Results are generally
Relevance of context
assumed to be specific in
generalisable across
time, place, people, and
contexts and cultures
culture studied
Ideally naturalistic with
Ideally settings are
Nature and control of
multiple factors shaping the controlled and variables are
potential causes
behaviors observed and
manipulated or measured to
discussed
allow simple causal
inferences
The
researcher
is
the
Researcher try to be
Key research instrument
instrument and uses skills
invisible and relies on
and rapport to gain insights responses to structured
based on trust
measures or choices
Source: Belk et al. (2012)
Richly detailed data vs. quantified data: “the core contribution of a piece of qualitative
research liens not in reducing concepts to scaled or to binary variables that can be
compared and contrasted statistically based on the assumption that they provide
meaningful measures of the behavior they seek to understand. Instead, it builds upon
detailed and nuanced observation and interpretation of phenomena of interest. Doing so
requiring a commitment to illustrating concepts richly whether with words, or image or
both” (Belk et al., 2012, p. 3)
Contextualized vs. decontextualized: in quantitative research data are normally gathered
from different contexts and generalized across time and places. Otherwise, in qualitative
method data are strictly linked to their context, as Belk et al. (2012, p. 3) state “cultural,
social, institutional, temporal, and personal or interpersonal characteristics of the context”
are taken into consideration for data comprehension. This means that the context really
matters in understanding phenomena under investigations.
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Naturalism vs. control: in qualitative method people are investigated in their natural setting
(Lincoln and Guba, 1985), where they live, work, shop, spend time etc. This “in situ”
inquiry allows to observe behaviors and to grasp insights completely unexpected and
unpredictable in an experimental context. It means that qualitative researchers are able to
understand things that people from the field are not able to communicate by themselves.
Subjective instrument vs. objective instrument: in qualitative research the researcher is a
fundamental instrument in feeding the research contribution itself. This founds on the
assumption that reality is deeply constructed through the social actors’ action and that the
role of the researcher is to articulate this world vision as it is intended by people. In doing
so, qualitative researchers use their personal knowledge and their experience to interpret
data as they emerge from the field. Otherwise, quantitative method aims to discover an
objective reality that is there in the world. In this case, the role of researcher is to be
invisible and to use “scientific” tools in order to explain the reality as it is.
Since the development of qualitative research in marketing and consumer behavior, many
methods of investigations have been introduced in order to improve the data collection and
the interaction researcher-informant. In the Table 15 we present a short list of the most
representative ones.
Table 15 - Qualitative methods
Access
Face to face relation with
the informants
Privileged position of the
Direct and non-direct
researcher
observation
Participation of the
Participant and
researcher to social
non-participant
phenomenon
observation
Analysis of written traces
Archives
of past processes
Analysis of written traces
Documents
of present processes
Source: adapted from Wacheux (1996)
Interview
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Validity
Many interviews
Taping and coding of the
observation
Last-long observation and
possibility of triangulation
Supporting other sources
Supporting other sources
PART 2 – Methodological approaches to data collection and analysis
According to our research object, the choice of a qualitative method seems to be more
appropriate. It allows letting the consumers totally free in expressing themselves and their
vision of the world avoiding the risk of reducing and limiting the richness of data
collection because of predefined questions.
3.4 Qualitative method choice in our research
In our research we have adopted a participant non-direct observation method for each
single informant “life-world”. Observation (also known as ethnography) is a traditional and
a milestone method in qualitative consumer research (Belk et al., 1988; Belk et al., 1989;
Schouten and McAlexander, 1995). It consists in the immersion in situ in order to grasp the
consumers’ culture and their “life-world”. Observation can be either direct or non-direct
(Rodhain, 2008). Direct observation consists of using any device for taking notes.
Researcher uses his senses (and at least a pen and a block notes). Non-direct observation is
conducted with material devices as an audio recorder, a camera and a video camera
(Rodhain, 2008).
In qualitative consumer research audio and video recorded observations has been used
since the beginning as a powerful tool for data collection (Belk et al., 1988; Belk et al.,
1989). In recent studies particular attention has been dedicated to the development of the
video recording technique (also called videography) (Belk and Kozinets, 2005a; Belk and
Kozinets, 2005b). Dion (2008) defines this technique as visual taking notes. This technique
is useful to understanding consumers’ behavior in their intimacy and private life.
Moreover, it allows catching the consumers’ use of a product, service or a brand, the
relation with them and, finally, the social interactions around them (Dion, 2008). As Dion
(2008) states videotaped observation is useful for:

Collecting information in situations or according to sensitive topics which are
difficult to talk about for the informant;

Better understanding the use and the relationship with a service, product or a
brand;
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
Analyzing consumers’ behavior in commercial space as a POS or a service area
(the interactions with other customers, with the products, the exploration of the
space etc.).
Thus, the pluses provided by the non-direct videotaped observation are: 1) objectify the
reality; 2) catch the detail; 3) obtain a more complete and detailed description of the field
(Dion, 2008). To these advantages, Belk and Kozinets (2005a) add also “videotaped
interviews offer a powerful advantage over the more conventional audiotapes or fieldnoted interviews. Body language, often considered to be at least as important at
communicating meaning as oral language is captured in video, but not in audio. Proxemics,
kinesics, and other kinetic forms of body expression can also be captured.” (p. 129).
All in all, the use of observation is motivated when the investigation is focused on
unconscious aspects of a phenomenon which are difficult to be expressed in words by
informants (Rodhain, 2008). Generally, the observation method is carried on with an
“array of different types of interviews from casual formal conversations hardly justifying
the term interview to full-on in depth interviews that are prearranged and recorded.” (Belk,
et al., 2012, p. 36).
In our research we have adopted a non-direct (audio and videotaped) observation with the
employing of in depth interviews in the format of phenomenological interviews
(Thompson et al., 1989). This type of interviews is the most appropriate according to the
objectives of our research that is to grasp the consumers’ “life-world”. Furthermore, we
have used eliciting materials (photos) – photos realized by informants (Dion, 2008) - in
supporting interviews in order to facilitate the conversation and the dialogue with the
informants (Belk et al., 2012; Moisander and Valtonen, 2006). To better understand the
opportunity of phenomenological interviews in our research a short description of it
follows below.
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3.5 Phenomenological interviews
Researchers seek to understand phenomena from the meaning that people attach to them in
the context of their world project (Pourtois, and Desmet, 1988). Interviews are the most
powerful tool to reach an in-depth understanding of another person’s experience
(Thompson et al., 1989). Thus, phenomenological interviews have an in-depth nature. As
Thompson et al. (1989, p. 138) state “The goal of a phenomenological interview is to attain
a first person description of some specified domain of experience. The course of the
dialogue is largely set by the respondent. With the exception of an opening question the
interviewer has no a priori questions concerning the topic. The dialogue tends to be
circular rather than linear; the descriptive questions employed by the interviewer flow from
the course of the dialogue and not from a predetermined path. The interview is intended to
yield a conversation not a question and answer session”.
The role of the interviewer is completely neutral in the knowledge relationship with the
informant. The interviewer’s aim is to unchain the informant’s reflexivity on their own
experience. Hence, interviewer is a non-directive listener “the interviewer does not want to
be seen as more powerful or knowledgeable because the respondent must be the expert on
his or her own experiences. The questions and probes used by the interviewer follow the
course of the dialogue and are aimed at bringing about descriptions of experiences.” (p.
138). Definitively, “the role of the interviewer is to provide a context in which respondents
freely describe their experiences in detail.” (p. 138).
Wacheux (1996) identifies four steps to move from the lived experience to a rational
representation of it:

Step 1- the experience: the first step is to lead informants to reveal their lived
experiences and to reflect on it. Experience as it is lived by individuals is the way
people see and organize the world they live. This assumption entails the idea that
knowledge is reachable only through the experience (Piaget, 1967). Thus, the
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emerging of experience is the first material on which researcher needs to produce
knowledge on a certain phenomenon.

Step 2 – form the experience to the awareness: the second step aims to the
apprehension of the individuals’ awareness of their experiences. The focus is on the
understanding of motivations, intentions and meanings underlying individual
actions. In this phase an abductive process is unfolded in order to connect the
empirical dimension to the theoretical framework. This is an important point as it
allows starting the interpretation of data.

Step 3 – from the awareness to the rationalization: at this step researcher moves
from the emic level to the etic level of knowledge on the phenomenon. Emerging
themes at a theoretical level are confronted, that allows apprehending, interpreting
and rationalizing life as it is lived and perceived. This step produce a set of
interpretations of the phenomena investigated.

Step 4 – discourses and their representations: in this step researcher seeks what are
the logical and deductive values of experiences lived as subjective phenomena
(Piaget, 1967). The revealing and the analysis of the emic subjectivity is organized
and articulated in theoretical propositions of individuals’ behavior.
The validity of phenomenological interviews is given by their intrinsic qualitative nature.
“For a descriptive methodology, where no conceptual distinction is made between
discovery and justification, the method of interpretation affords its own justification
(Giorgi, 1986). The descriptive metaphors of existential-phenomenology (pattern,
figure/ground, and seeing) are all perceptual metaphors, which implies that verification
procedures should be internal to the interpretive process. From such a perspective,
verification procedures should capitalize on insight and intuition instead of replacing them
with external criteria. Intuition and insight are empirically based: the “seeing” is of thingsin-the-world (i.e., empirical phenomena) and not of things-in-the-head of the observer.”
(Thompson et al., 1989, p. 143).
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The insight of a problem is not subjectively experienced nor objectively. It is experienced
by people living a specific phenomenon because it is in the phenomenon. So, here it is the
being-in-the-world nature of knowledge. Making to access to other people the same insight
is the best way to help them to solve a problem linked to a specific phenomenon. This
relationship between knowledge and reality founds the internal validity of the
phenomenological investigation. As Thompson et al. (1989) state “In verifying an insight,
first-person experience can not be removed from the process. When other individuals see a
pattern describing some event, they are doing more than providing inter-subjective
certification; they are experiencing the understanding afforded by the insight. Verification
is given in the direct experience of seeing a meaningful pattern.” (p. 143).
Phenomenological interviews as a tool to understanding the individuals’ experience stem
from the existential phenomenology philosophy as in has been introduced by (Giorgi,
1983; Merleau-Ponty 1962; Pollio, 1982; Sartre, 1962). But, as Thompson (1996) explains
“An e-p orientation, however remains open to the criticism that it fails to provide sufficient
historical and social context to the reported lived meanings.” (p. 391). For this reason,
recent studies on consumption employing a phenomenological approach have enlarged
their investigation with a hermeneutic scope. This in order to grasp how the historical
context shapes the way consumers subjectively live their own life experience, and in
general to highlight the interplay between consumers’ discourses and marketplace
ideologies (Arsel and Thompson, 2011; Giesler, 2008; Holt and Thompson, 2004;
Luedicke, 2006; Luedicke et al., 2010; Thompson, 1996; Thompson and Arsel, 2004;
Thompson and Coskuner-Balli, 2007; Thompson and Haytko, 1997; Thompson and Tian,
2008; Thompson and Troaster, 2002).
According to Thompson (1996) “a hermeneutic direction has been embraced by a number
of theorists as a means to ameliorate this ahistoric tendency and to also productively
expand the theoretical scope of e-p research's life-world analyses.” (p. 391). This grafting
of the hermeneutics on phenomenology is necessary because as Ricoeur (1995) points out
how the subject is not directly known but researcher can interpret her/him only by the signs
deposited in her/his memory and imagination thanks to the influence of the surrounding
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cultures. Researchers have dealt with the symbolic resources culturally produced to
apprehend new interpretive keys to understand self identities and the world. Hermeneutics
is the science which aims to decode symbols and their meanings. Thus, the hermeneuticphenomenology focuses on language as a source of individuals’ experience which
embodies a specific sociohistorical context. As Thompson (1996) concludes “in other
words, this background of cultural narratives provides the conditions of possibility for the
personalized meanings constructed by a given person” (p. 392).
In our study on fanatic consumers, phenomenological interviews are the appropriate means
to describe how consumers live their fanatic experiences of consumption. Then, a focus on
their discourses would provide meaningful insights on the social and cultural context and
the way the meanings of individual action embed in it.
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PART 2 Methodological approaches to data collection and analysis
Chapter 3
Epistemological and methodological choice
Chapter 4
Data collection
Chapter 5
Data analysis and interpretation of results
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Chapter 4. Data collection
In the previous chapter we have seen the main difference in terms of epistemological and
methodological approaches. In this chapter we go on in that direction moving to the data
collection on the field. The collection of data is a very important step as it allows holding
the “real” material to be treated by the researcher in order to find out insightful results. In
our research we have chosen phenomenological interviews as the main means to carry on
our data collection.
This choice produces many implications on the informant’s selection. In the present
chapter, we will employ in some cases the term “sample” and “sampling”. Instead of
“informants” who is the most appropriate especially in a CCT research. This choice is
fundamentally made in order to facilitate the discussion on the several steps followed to
structure our data collection stage. For this, the term “sample” is useful in being easily
understood. Anyway, it has to be intended in its interpretive meaning of “informants” as
well as and it must be free from any positivistic connotation.
However, in qualitative research the term sample is largely used (Corbin and Strauss,
2008). Qualitative studies drive their informant selection not on a random sampling but
following the principle that informants have to be selected because they have a story to tell
about which is consistent with the research topic (Creswell, 2012) or because it is
consistent with the themes emerging along with the research progression (Strauss and
Corbin, 1990).
This chapter is organized in two sections. The first section is dedicated to the steps
followed to select our informants. The second section is focused on the organization of the
interviews, the details of the research on the field, and the amount of data collected for
each informant.
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Section 1. Sample constitution
In this section we present the sampling method and its main criteria. The sampling method
is important as it allows providing validity to our informants’ selection. In the first part of
this section we focus on the sampling construction. We show different ways of selecting
informant according to different criteria recognized in consumer research.
Then we focus on the sample construction. The sample is realized according to an iterative
process which allows satisfying the replication and the saturation of the sample itself.
These criteria are largely known and accepted in qualitative research.
Finally we explain how we have approached our field of research. A short presentation is
provided for each one of our informants. Moreover, we focus on their personal story,
presenting it, as it is the most important criterion which has led us in their selection.
4.1 Sampling methods
A sampling procedure aims to help researcher in selecting the right basis of informants - or
more generally, items or cases - in order to test hypothesis or explore a specific
phenomenon. The right selection of a sample is a fundamental step to achieve the research
objectives and to lend validity to the research results. Two main criteria must be respected
to guarantee the validity of a sample method: internal validity and external validity.
Internal validity is the relevance and the congruence of the sampling results according to
the sampling objectives. The external validity consists in the possibility to generalize
results obtained on the analysis of the sampling to a larger amount of items in different
conditions of time and space. Both these criteria lend to the sampling methods their own
scientific validity.
In marketing research sampling methods are generally gathered in two major groups: 1)
probabilistic sampling; and 2) purposive sampling. In probabilistic sampling items are
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selected on their statistical probability to be a part of the sampling, in other words they are
thought to hold properties and characteristics consistent with the sampling objectives. In
this sampling process the role of the researcher is totally passive, this in order to guarantee
the objectivity of the sampling selection. In this sampling method the sampling selection is
carried on statistical basis.
On the contrary, the purposive sampling aims to a subjective selection of the sampling
items. This method is especially (but not only) used in qualitative researches as it allows to
accurately identify each item according to the research objectives. Generally, in qualitative
research, the most recurrent technique of sampling is the “snowball technique”. It consists
in selecting a first informant who fits with the sampling criteria and objectives, and then
she/he is asked to indicate another informant with the same characteristics and so forth
with the next ones until the sample size is reached. The purposive sampling selection
follows theoretical criteria and the generally little number of investigated items (in
qualitative research) reduces the biases related to this sampling method. Internal and
external validity for the purposive sampling are achieved through two main criteria: typical
criteria and the homogeneity criteria.
Typical (atypical) criteria concerns a set of items considered as common to all the
population of the investigated phenomenon. Researchers can choose to select a number of
typical items in their sampling process or, on the contrary, to opt for atypical items. In
qualitative research, researchers are used to select atypical items (“extreme cases”) as they
are able to facilitate the identification of new and unexpected aspects (Mintzberg, 1983),
The criteria of homogeneity (non-homogeneity) concerns the degree of similarity – in
terms of social, cultural, geographical etc. characteristics - among each single item in order
to gain in terms of generalization (external validity) of results. As Glaser and Strauss
(1967) suggest, in order to enrich the construction of a theory is preferred to select
different cases.
According to our research objectives and the methodological posture adopted we think that
a purposive sampling method is the most appropriate in our research.
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4.2 Sample construction
In purposive method sample is constructed through a process defined as “iterative” (see
Figure 9). In this process sample is build up step by step integrating a new case at a time.
Each new case is collected and analyzed before integrating a new one. There are no size
criteria in this type of sampling but the process stops one the criteria of replication and
saturation is satisfied. Yin (2003) and Glaser and Strauss (1967) identifies in both
replication and saturation the two criteria to follow in order to obtain a sample size
adequate to the research objectives.
Figure 9 – Iterative sampling process
Iterative sampling process
Definition of the unit of analysis
Choice of an observation unity
Collecting and analysis of data
Choice of a new observation unit
Collecting and analysis of data
Sample
Definition of the universe for
generalizing results
Source: Royer and Zarlowsky (2007)
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Replication: it is a rational through which obtain a confirmation of an existing knowledge
or to confute it. Two types of replications are possible, the first (literal replication) in
which each new case collected leads to similar results. The second (theoretical replication)
that leads to contrasting results but for “anticipatable reasons” (Yin, 2003/2009, p. 54).
Saturation: with saturation Glaser and Strauss (1967) state that a sample construction
process should stop when there are not new emerging and relevant information. It is up to
the researcher sensitivity to decide when data are saturated and collecting have to be
stopped. According to Glaser and Strauss (1967/2009) “the criteria for determining
saturation are a combination of empirical limits, the integration and the density of the
theory, and the analyst’s theoretical sensitivity.” (p. 62). Thus, in addition to the intrinsic
saturation as expressed by researchers’ sensitivity and theoretical richness, even the
empirical limits are significant in determining the sample size. It concerns the accessibility
of the field (informants) as well as the expensive nature of qualitative research.
4.3 Approaching the field and informants
Qualitative research result to be really difficult as the access to the field is particularly
complicated (Wacheux, 1996). Informants are not always available to be interviewed and,
in some cases, the break up the relation with the researcher after few meetings. However,
in some cases the relation between the interviewer and the interviewee can evolve but
always keeping a certain distance in order to avoid the risk for researcher to “becoming a
native” (Denzin and Lincoln, 2003). Anyway, in order to avoid any breach with the
informants some basic rules must be respected (Ruth and Otnes, 2006). Ruth and Otnes
(2006) introduce the importance of the etiquette in researcher-informant relationship as an
important point to guarantee the effectiveness of the data collection even by the
interviewee point of view. The respect of etiquette allows keeping a good relationship with
the informants before, during and after the data collection.
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4.4 Informants selection
In the construction of the sample were progressively included people belonging to different
groups with a fanatic consumption in relation to different brands. We have differentiated
the sample according to geographical and cultural criteria (3 French, 1 American, 1
Italian), socio-professional (2 high education, 3 mid-low education) and gender (4 males one of them is homosexual, 1 female).
However, the process of our informant selection we selected some informants which
proved to be unsuccessful. This concerns both the individuals and the brand. An example is
Gianni Boldrini, a Vespa fan, who was not really available according to our research needs
in terms of meeting and time. Then, Bruno Camus, and Jaguar, who did not really fit with
the definition of fanatic we have proposed in our research. Finally, the brand Transformer
and its community which was really interesting but it had the disadvantage to be a toybrand and we had already two toy brands: Playmobil and Walt Disney.
Respondents were chosen not only on the basis of accessibility, but also according to the
significance of each case to the object of research (Belk et al., 2012). The selection was
primarily based on identifying respondents who had the profile of the fanatic, or by their
own admission or after referral by significant others. Our purposive sampling has been
supported by snowball technique as well.
Given the sensitivity of our research object, the term fanatic - as seen in the first chapter has connotations not socially desirable. For this it was not possible to implement any
standard procedure for the selection of respondents. Thus, each respondent represents a
special case and was selected through a specific path.
Below we present the 5 informants of our research:
1. Dominique: Dominique has been selected by direct contact. He is a graduate
student – he is doing his thesis on Apple - and we had the opportunity to know him
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and to meet him several times during seminars and doctoral courses. The work of
Dominique’ profession - he teaches in a business school -, and his doctoral profile
have allowed to facilitate the involvement of Dominique in the research sample.
2. Raffaele: Raffaele was contacted by email after consulting his website
Nirvanaitalia.it. Then, a telephone contact has allowed us to know Raffaele and to
let him explain his interest and his passion for Nirvana. A first impasse was met
just about the content of this research. Raffaele feeds some hostility for marketing
and what it represents. The common origins with the researcher and most
importantly, the proper name of the researcher which is that of the patron saint of
the city of Agerola - where Raffaele lives - and the name of his father and of his
first child, have allowed an overrun of the impasse leading Raffaele to participate to
our research sample.
3. Robert: Robert is the vice-president the Vespa club of Marseille. The first contact
with him was made via email after the site found on the internet. To respond to the
first email message is president of the Vespa club of Marseille who invited us to
one of the monthly meeting which is held in a bar in Marseille. At the meeting we
got to know several members of the group including Robert. During the meeting
and after we presented to all members explaining our interest in the Vespa club, all
attendees indicated in the Robert the most passionate of all the Vespa members.
This indication was confirmed during the same meeting in the single chatted with
people. At the same meeting, towards the end of the evening, we invited Robert to
be involved in the research sample.
4. Olivier: the first contact with Olivier was taken by telephone at the company
headquarters Klikobil. We have identified the Klikobil case in the online version of
a major national Italian daily newspaper. Later we read about it also in the French
press. We have also observed the presence of some videos on YouTube that speak
of the company. On the official website Klikobil we got in touch with the company
via phone asking for Olivier (“protagonist” of the interview in the press). At this
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first contact, where we explained our interest in Klikobil and Olivier, a second
telephone contact was made to further deepen the mutual meeting and explain the
content and the objective of our research.
5. Amy: Amy has been presented by a friend in common that describes Amy as a true
fanatic of Disney (especially of Disney parks). The first contact with Amy was
conducted via email – her email was provided by our common friend – where we
explained the reasons for our interest in her case (thus facilitating our approach
with Amy). After a first meeting was fixed by the phone where additional
explanations about our project were provided.
During these early approaches were also fixed the first face-to-face meetings with each of
the respondents. Each meeting was preceded by contact by telephone or email for
confirmation. At the beginning of the first meeting with each of the respondents a brief
description of the content of the meeting and its objectives has been exposed, that also to
make sure that respondents did not have the theoretical knowledge on the object of
investigation (Thompson, 1997).
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Section 2. Implementation of data collecting
In this section we discuss our meetings with each of our five informants. Each informant
represents a single case, a different experiences of data collection has been lived with any
of them (Fournier, 1998).
Although the data collection has been carried on observing the informants and spending
time with them in their everyday life, the amount of data used as material – verbatim – for
the analysis and the further interpretation is only the text collected during the “official”
phenomenological interviews (Belk et al., 2012).
This operation of skimming data has allowed us to “clean” our data from all the
information collected in the form of chats, and informal discussion. However this material
has been used in supporting our analysis and interpretation as they are useful in defining
the context of the informant’s life experience (Belk et al., 2012)
Finally, a depiction of the amount of data is presented for each informant with the detail of
the context where data have concretely been collected. Then, a total amount of data
collection is provided with the most significant common contexts in which data have been
collected.
Every experience of data collecting with each case is detailed in order to offer the real
experience “in field” as it has been lived by the researcher. Finally, a detailed description
of the rules followed to implement the interviewing is provided in order to guarantee the
validity of our data collection.
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4.1 Organization of meetings and interviews
Research on field has been carried on during a period of 19 months. The first interview has
been done on the 27/02/2012 while the last interview has been realized on the 08/08/2013.
Each meeting has been unfolded in the informants’ natural setting (Lincoln and Guba,
1995). All the interviews - audio and video recorded - have been unfolded in the context of
observations (Belk et al., 2012). Interviews have been enriched with visual material in
order to elicit more responses from the interviewee and/or to complete the interview (Belk
et al., 2012). The use of material elicitation for interviewing seems to be particularly
appropriate in the case of fanatic consumption as “being a fanatic” is a sensitive
phenomenon as such (Sayre, 2006).
Even if each informant has been approached as a “situ” per se, a sort of main schema was
followed in managing the interviews all through data collection. The approach for the
interviewing followed a protocol organization for each interview (Belk et al., 2012). The
protocol interview leads the researcher to start the interview with “grand tour” questions
(McCracken, 1988) and then specify more and more the emergent themes as they are
revealed by the informants. Moreover, we have avoided as it was possible any specific and
detailed question, and leaving the informants drive the interview on specific episodes and
aspects. This approach has been followed during the whole data collection period. Each
new meeting and interview have been prepared reflecting on the themes emerged during
the previous encounters. Themes considered interesting to be deepened, opened the new
discussion (Belk et al., 2012).
Despite this main schema, data collection has been a really unique experience according to
each single case. For this we present a short description of the main steps in data collection
with each case:
1. Dominique: we have observed Dominique at the place of work and at home. The
first meeting has occurred at his office where we spent a big part of the day.
Dominique showed his Apple “machine” as an important piece on his desk. Many
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photos of his family were placed in his office. In many of these photos Apple
brand was present as part of the daily life of his family members. During these
first meeting we had the first interview where Dominique was led to talk about
Apple and the meaning of the brand in his life. As the family was an important
theme emerging from his narrative, the second meeting was organized at his home
with his son (Mathieu)24. At Dominique’s home, the Apple brand was not present
at all in the home design. As Dominique said, all Apple old stuff is stocked in a
part of the house. The interview has been carried out with the support of eliciting
materials as family pictures. Dominique and Mathieu have developed a huge
narrative around them. Even if the family was not present in the house design, it
was a constant in the family relationships. Other meetings have been organized by
Skype and phone calls. (See Table 16)
Table 16 - Data collection for Dominique
Data
collection
period
Observation
at home audio
and (video)
recorded
1h28.
From
28/02/2012
(40min.)
To 03/07/2013
Observation
at place of work
audio and
(video) recorded
1h27
Phone and Skype
conversation
30 min.
Pictures
63
2. Olivier: we have observed Olivier in his two Klikobil stores, one in DrémilLafage in Toulouse suburb, and the other in the city center of Toulouse. Klikobil
is a store entirely dedicated to the Playmobil toys. Olivier and his partners
(Laurent and Johann) buy old Playmobil toys, restore and sell them. At the
beginning they adopted the Playmobil brand name for their store but after have
been forbidden by the Playmobil Company to use it, they chose the name Klikobil
which comes from the ancient product name of the toys, kliki. Currently this name
has been abandoned by the company. In 2012 Olivier and his partners lunched the
Klikobil e-commerce website. On the whole now they have three stores, one
24
As Belk et al. (2012) explain, generally in depth interviews are conducted one-to-one but they can be
carried out even including other people.
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online and two offline. The first meeting was held in the store situated in Toulouse
city center. It is the smallest one of the two stores, it has two big rooms where toys
are displayed on shelves on all the walls and some of them are placed in the
middle of each room presented with a special scenic design. Even in the shelves
toys are organized as they are part of little scenes. The whole layout is entirely
thought by Olivier and it completely independent from the Playmobil official
catalogue. Further, music related to the cartoons of ‘70s-‘80s is continuously
broadcasted during all the day. We had the first approach here with Olivier and we
also had the opportunity to observe him with some customers (they belonged to
different generations, children, young people, and adults) in explaining and
presenting Playmobil toys. In this first part of the meeting Olivier was especially
oriented to showing the business aspect of Playmobil. A more intimate knowledge
was made once we had lunch together, Olivier after repeating many times “I feel
comfortable in speaking with you” revealed the meaning of Playmobil for him
mining in his life and recalling particularly sensitive episodes. This first meeting
was concludes with a new visit to the store were we spent a while in talking with
Olivier and listening to him in encountering some customers. The second
observation was held in Drémil-Lafage, this is the first store opened by Olivier
and his partners and it is the “head-quarter” of the company (there is the
administration office and the laboratory where Olivier work on restoring
Playmobils). It looked like an ancient field house entirely dedicate to Playmobil.
This is the Olivier’s favorite place, where he feels like at home, as he said
“children when come here ask me if it is my home and if I sleep here”. The layout
is the same as in the city center store but here the offering of toys is huger and
richer. Moreover, many newspaper publications on Klikobil with Olivier and
Laurent in foreground were attached on a wall of the store. In this store is placed
Olivier’s laboratory where he works on Playmobil toys. The observation has been
conducted observing Olivier working on the toys and dealing with the customers
went in the store. Interviews have been conducted in the laboratory and then at the
restaurant for lunch with Olivier’s employee, Claudine. Other conversations
followed via phone callings and fb chat. (See Table 17)
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Table 17 – Data collection for Olivier
Data collection
period
From 16/02/2012
To 03/07/2013
Observation
at place of work audio
and (video) recorded
5h20
Conversation by
phone
16 min.
Pictures
31
(1h07min.)
3. Robert: we have observed Robert both at the place where the Vespa fun club of
Marseille is used to meet (a bar) and at home. The first meeting was held with all
the Vespa members at bar l’Olympic (this is the name of the bar where all the club
members gather together). In this occasion we had the opportunity to meet Robert
who was indicated by his friends as “the most passionate one” and the one who
“has a very particular and strange passion”. The second meeting was a face-toface interview at the same bar; Robert came with his Vespino, the one he is used
to drive with in Marseille. We had a long discussion about his passion and the
story behind it. Robert showed us some pictures, he had them in his pocket and,
important, we did not asked him to bring them. The impression was that Robert
spontaneously brought those pictures because he really cared to communicate
what the Vespa really meant for him and, above all, to make sure we understood
this meaning. These two pictures show Robert on the same Vespa model when he
is nine years old and when he is thirty-five years old (see Annex 1). The second
meeting occurred in the same day in two different places. The first was Robert’s
boxes, where he parks his Vespa models. He has two boxes; one which he is the
owner is dedicated to the storing of all the tools he needs to maintain his Vespas,
the other where Vespas are parked. This second box has been leased on purpose
by Robert for being dedicated exclusively to the Vespas. For Robert is dangerous
to keep together tools and scooters as the formers can damage Vespas.
Nevertheless Vespas are parked all alone and far from tools, Robert covers them
with 4-5 bed-clothes each one to assure their safety. After the visit to the box we
visited Robert’s house, especially his room which is a sort of Vespa sanctuary.
Many posters are attached to the four walls of the room, and a whole glass
showcase contains many heirlooms related to the Vespa world and Robert’s
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personal experiences in events, gatherings, etc. An interview was held in the
kitchen were some of the topics of the first interview were more deeply explored
and were insights from the previous observation were useful to stimulate the
dialogue and Robert’s narrative. Other meeting followed with Robert and the
entire community, especially in the format of gatherings. (See Table 18)
Table 18 – Data collection for Robert
Data collection
period
From 27/02/2012
To 30/07/2013
Observation
at home audio and
(video) recorded
1h22
Observation
Pictures
at place of work audio
and (video) recorded
1h31
37
(22min.)
4. Amy: all the meeting with Amy were held in Disney Village in Paris (Marne-laVallée). Amy was really comfortable here; she was like at her home. As she said
at the beginning she went in France in ’95 she was used to go to Disney about
forty times per year, after having had her daughter she goes to Disney many and
countless times per week. In the first meeting Amy accompanied us in a tour in all
the Disney Village showing us all the buildings and the whole landscape. Then we
had a visit in single building as the Sequoia Lodge hotel where she showed us all
the details of the internal design explaining how they were important in making
the whole Village true and authentic. She did the same even for single elements in
the park as, for example the flower boxes and the fountains. She was really
fascinated of how the staff was effective in presenting fresh flowers every day.
Finally, we moved to the Disneyland Hotel where we sat on a sofa and had a long
conversation. Amy retraced the main episodes in her life with Disney, in USA
(Georgia) as well as in France. This first meeting was concluded with a visit to the
Hannet’s diner where Amy said one can find a “real” milkshake, we spent a while
there. The second meeting we spent all the time in the couches corner of the New
York hotel. This time we videotaped the interview as a certain degree of
confidence was established with Amy – we had many internet exchanges after the
first meeting. In this occasion some of the main topic debated by Amy in the first
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meeting was deepened. She also brought many pictures on which the discussion
was unfolded. We explicitly asked Amy to make a selection of those pictures to
discuss on them. Many pictures concerned her wedding – she is married with a
French man –, in particular her honeymoon that they spent in the Disney park,
staying in the Disneyland hotel. The second part of the meeting was spent in the
Earl of Sandwich restaurant where we had other discussions. (See Table 19)
Table 19 – Data collection for Amy
Data collection
period
From 16/02/2012
To 03/07/2013
Observation
at place of work audio
and (video) recorded
1h43
Conversation by
Phone
8 min.
Pictures
10
(2h18)
5. Raffaele: we have observed Raffaele exclusively at home. All the interviews have
been realized in his personal room-office where he has his Nirvana albums
collection (as well as other music albums) and other Nirvana gadgets. At the first
meeting, Raffaele showed his whole Nirvana albums collection, the classical
discography and the special publications. We had a long discussion on Nirvana
music – the grunge – and the related generational phenomenon generated in the
‘90s especially in Italy. In this same meeting he displayed his interview on The
Rolling Stone in 2009, where a special session was dedicated to the hard-core fan
of Nirvana and grunge music in general. Some discussions were held on the
website Nirvanaitalia.it which is administrated by Raffaele and two other friends.
Other meetings followed (3 meetings) were we discussed in depth about the
website, the music published on it, the importance of collecting especially rare
pieces and the issue of sharing them with others on Nirvanaitalia.it. Being
Raffaele comfortable with internet and social networks, in addition to the face-toface meetings, many discussions have occurred by fb chat, and also by phone.
(See Table 20)
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Table 20 – Data collection for Raffaele
Data collection
period
Observation
at home audio and (video)
recorded
From 24/02/2012 4h42
To 08/08/2013
(41min.)
Phone
conversation
16 min.
Pictures
18
Here below - (see Table 21) - we present a summary of our informants’ profiles and the
amount of data we have collected during the period spent on the field. Meetings were
repeated over a period of 19 months collecting a total of 22 hours of audio and video
taping. The number of pages refers to the transcriptions of phenomenological interviews.
So all the other texts collected in the format of discussions, chats and informal
conversations have been excluded from transcription and used exclusively to help us to
define the context for the analysis of data (Belk et al., 2012).
Even if the number of informants seems to be short, it is on average established in the
research practice. Generally, research using phenomenological interviews swing between 3
cases (Fournier, 1998) to 21 cases (Arsel and Thompson, 2011).
Moreover, as we use a qualitative methodology the number of informants is not significant
at all because the research objective in qualitative research is not to guarantee any
generalization of results. On the generalization of results in qualitative research
McCracken (1988), states that “in the qualitative case, however, the issue is not one of
generalizability. It is that of access. The purpose of qualitative interview is not to discover
how many, and what kinds of, people share a certain characteristic. It is to gain access to
the cultural categories and assumptions according to which one culture construes the
world. How many and what kinds of people hold these categories and assumptions is not,
in fact, the compelling issues. It is the categories and assumptions, not those who hold
them, that matter. In other words, qualitative research does not survey the terrain, it mines
it. It is, in other words, much more intensive than extensive in its objectives.” (p. 17)
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Table 21 – Informants’ profile and collected data
INFORMANTS
Name
Dominique
Age
55
Profession
Lecturer
COLLECTED DATA
Education
PhD (student)
No. of
interviews
3
Total
length of
No.
interviews pages
audio and
(video)
3h25
54
(40min)
Raffaele
39
Employee
undergraduate
4
(Field Service
4h58
39
(41min)
Engineer)
Robert
59
Retired
undergraduate
2
2h53
32
(22min)
Olivier
37
Entrepreneur
undergraduate
3
5h36
44
(1h07)
Amy
43
Writer
Graduate
3
1h51
33
(2h18)
TOTAL AMOUNT OF DATA
17h23
202
(5h08)
Informants’ selection has been made by progressive sampling and it has followed the main
criteria. First, we have tried to avoid, especially at the first meeting, the word “fanatic”
because of negative connotations that go with this word and the implications in terms of
social desirability – we have hugely discussed that in the first section of the first chapter.
Then, as second criterion we have decided to adopt a guide-definition allowing to identify
the fanatic consumer as such and to distinguish him from other consumers as, for example,
fans.
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Following the definition of fanatic proposed by Bronner (2009) we have defined the
fanatic consumer as: a consumer who adheres unconditionally to the same brand
during - at least - a significant part of their own life. They can be members of a
community or practice their brand consumption all alone. They daily spend time with their
brands using them, practice them, talking of them and working with them.
This definition allows conducting our purposive sampling progressively selecting our
informants. Furthermore, our informants respect criterion of heterogeneity and atypical
criterion in order to amplify the significance of the sample and the emerging findings. In
fact, in our informants’ selection, 3 informants are linked to the same brand since their
childhood: Olivier (Playmobil); Robert (Vespa); Amy (Walt Disney). The other 2
informants spent with the same brand more than an half of their life. In this case, the nature
of brands plays a role. Raffaele is linked to Nirvana (music brand) since he was a teenager.
He was 17 years old in 1991 when Nevermind was published. Dominique meets Apple (hitech) in 1983 when he was 28. It was the beginning of the hi-tech and computers era for a
large public of consumers.
In the next paragraph we will shortly show the approach we followed in interviewing our
informants.
4.2 Implementation of Interviews
Depth interviews as well as observation and participant observation are the core of
qualitative research (Belk et al., 2012). In our research we have interviewed our informants
completing the knowledge on them thanks to the observations. This helped us in defining
the context for really understanding our informants’ world (Belk et al., 2012; Askegaard
and Linnet, 2011).
Each meeting has been organized in the way of assuring that each informant was
comfortable. Privacy has been guaranteed as well as the richness of conversations and the
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quality of recordings. As suggested by Belk et al. (2012) each informant has been
interviewed at home and “in situ”, that is the place where their gather with their
community or where they practice their fanatic consumption. For example, in the case of
Robert the first meeting was held at the bar where we met the first time during a Vespa
meeting (it is the bar where the club gather once per month). Then, further meetings were
held at his home or at his boxes where he have his Vespa scooters. However, in the case of
Amy all the meetings were held at the Disney Village, this is the place where she feels
really comfortable and like at “home”. Furthermore, meeting at Disney provided the
advantage to be surrounded by all the materials and objects Amy was responding on. In
fact, we were used to have a tour in all the park and sit here and there in the comfortable
couches of the Sequoia Hotel or the New York hotel etc.
In the interviews we have followed protocols (McCracken, 1988), that is we have avoided
any pre-defined question but our interviewing has been carried on as a spontaneous
conversation (Thompson et al., 1989). After any meeting a set of main topics has been
identified and it has been used as a drive for following interviews (Thompson, 1997).
All the interviews started with “grand tour” questions but because the topic of fanaticism
and the fanatic label are really sensitive and charged with an undesirable social
connotations we preferred to carry on our conversations employing abstract concepts (Belk
et al., 2012) as brand passion or brand relationship. As long as interviews carried on we
focused more and more on “tell me about” questions such as: “Tell me about your passion
for this brand…”, “Tell me about the relationship you have with this brand…” and, in
particular cases “You seem to be more than a simple fan of this brand…”.
As prescribed by Thompson et al. (1989) all “Why” questions have been avoided and a
huge use of “What” questions has been done. It is because the use of “why” can lead
respondents to rationalize their questions in order to appear as a “reasonable, prudent ad a
responsible person” (Belk et al., 2012, p. 37). However, in all interviews a large use of
probes was done in order to tease the interviewee responses and at the same time to reduce
the intervention of the interviewer in the conversations. It is important in order to
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guarantee a non-directive imprinting to the interview and to grasp the real respondent’s
point of view.
Once established a more intimate relationship, visual materials has been asked to
informants in order to elicit more information and to enrich their stories (Belk et al., 2012).
In some cases, this material has been produced spontaneously – this is the case of Robert
and Raffaele. Even in this case, the role of the interviewer has been really limited and we
preferred to let informants react in front of those materials. However, emerging topics from
the data collection were used to tease the discussion and to deepen certain points
considered by us as significant (Belk et al., 2012).
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PART 2 Methodological approach to data collection and analysis
Chapter 3
Epistemological and methodological choice
Chapter 4
Data collection
Chapter 5
Data analysis and interpretation of results
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PART 2 – Methodological approaches to data collection and analysis
Chapter 5. Data analysis and interpretation
of results
In the following chapter we will discuss about the method to adopt in order to analyze and
interpret the data emerging from the field. The use of phenomenological interviews as the
major technique for collecting data prescribes the implementation of some specific
operations both for the analysis (Spiggle, 1994) and for the interpretation (Thompson et al.,
1994; Thompson, 1997).
The analysis of our research is focused more on the informants’ narratives. This focus on
narratives stems from the idea that the social interaction and the use of the words are
strictly linked in providing a meaningful context for the individuals (Ricoeur, 1995).
Grasping the meaning behind the informants’ action is the main difference with the
quantitative methods of analysis. As Demazière and Dubar (1997) state “one it is not a
masked interviewing, a subliminal questionnaire, (i.e.: a grid) researcher begins a dialogue
‘focused on the subject’ eliciting expressions of feelings, judgments, tales, argumentations
which holds for the informant a ‘subjective meaning’.” (p. 34).
However, this way of proceeding entails some risks. First of all, the risk of being unable to
have ideas and insights sparkle enough in analyzing and interpreting data. On the other
end, the risk is to have already ideas “ready to go”. In this case researcher imposes a
predefined framework to the data losing the richness and the “reality” of the field (Dumez,
2013).
The following chapter is organized in two sections. In the first we describe out data
analysis approach. In the second section we explain the method implemented for our
interpretation of results obtained in the previous analysis.
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Section 1. Analysis of data
In this section we present the data analysis method and its main criteria. The data analysis
is a different step from the interpretation (Spiggle, 1994) for this both steps are presented
in different moments. In the first part of this section we discuss about the several
techniques normally used in qualitative research to analyze data and their main
implications in terms of outcomes. Then we discuss in detail the main stages in the process
of data analysis according to the indications suggested by Spiggle (1994) and which are
generally recognized in consumer research (Belk et al., 2012).
5.1 Data analysis method
Research in marketing often resorts to content analysis to pursue its findings. Content
analysis is a thematic analysis or analysis of themes. In this type of analysis the text is
break up into different parts, which are then organized in codes. Codes are gathered
together in order to build up themes (Evrard, et al., 2003). According to Bardin (1977),
content analysis fulfills two main functions:

The first is an heuristic function which allows to improve the exploration of data
and their apprehension and understanding;

The second is an empirical function which allows supporting and validating the
researcher’s “hypothesis”.
As Bardin state (1977, quoted in Evrard et al., 2003) “content analysis is a set of technique
analysis of communications which aims, by systematic and objective procedures of
description of messages, to obtain indicators (quantitative and not) allowing to infer
knowledge concerning the conditions of production/reception of those messages” (p. 43).
Evrard et al. (2003) identifies three main techniques of content analysis: syntactic analysis,
lexical analysis, thematic analysis. (See Table 22)
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Table 22 – Different types of content analysis
Type of analysis
Syntactic analysis
Examples of indicator
Discourse structure
i.e.: tense and mood of verbs
Lexical analysis
Nature and richness of vocabulary
i.e.: word frequency
Thematic analysis
Selection by themes and their frequency
Source: Evrard et al. (2003)
For Bardin (1977) content analysis moves through three steps: 1) pre-analysis; 2) material
exploitation; 3) treatment and exploitation of results.
Pre-analysis: in this stage the whole analysis process is planned and organized. Researcher
has to decide for tools and modes of analyzing (Evrard et al., 2003):

Selection and choice of the text to be analyzed;

Formulation of some “hypothesis” according to the research objectives and the
preliminary themes emerging by a “floating reading” of the data;

Definition and choice of the interpretation method and its subsequent operative
rules;

Choice of the indicators top is highlighted in the corpus of data. In the case of a
thematic analysis, those are the themes and the frequency they occur in the whole
amount data.

Definition of the coding rules.
Material exploitation: this stage concerns the implementation of all the decisions taken in
the previous stage (pre-analysis stage). By them, themes are identified, selected, gathered
and coded, that can be done by manual or computer technique.
Treatment and exploitation of results: in content analysis several methods of interpretation
are possible. They are both quantitative and qualitative analysis. Those analyses are
founded on coding operation which allows obtaining the basic units for the analysis itself.
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In this research we will opt for a qualitative method of data analysis. In particular, we
choose the hermeneutic analysis as it is the most appropriate method according to our
epistemological posture and the methodological approach adopted in our data collection.
5.2 Analysis of data
Spiggle (1994), states that analysis and interpretation of data are two different steps which
are however often mixed up. Analysis engages in break into different parts the complex
whole – textual data, archival data, visual data, etc. – in order “to dissect, reduce, sort and
reconstitute data” (Spiggle, 1994, p. 492). In the interpretation researchers seek to grasp
the meaning behind phenomena. To Spiggle (1994), “In research, interpretation has two
meanings. It can refer to the higher-order, more abstract conceptual layers of meaning
constructed from or imposed on data” (p. 492).
Data analysis and interpretation are carried on thanks to the researcher who is an
“instrument” as such in qualitative research. As McCracken (1988) states “the investigator
cannot fulfill qualitative research objectives without using a broad range of his or her own
experience, imagination, and intellect in a ways that are various and unpredictable” (p. 18).
This role of the researcher as an instrument is also pointed out by Belk et al. (2012) for
who the process of analysis and interpretation go with the data collection operation. The
analysis is undertaken by coding the data little by little as they are collected. New data
collected induce researcher to recode the whole set of previous material (Belk et al., 2012).
Spiggle (1994) has identified the operations needed to conduct an effective qualitative data
analysis: 1) categorization; 2) abstraction; 3) comparison; 4) dimensionalization; 5)
integration; 6) iteration; and 7) refutation. To Spiggle these operations are not single stages
that occur once in the analysis process, they are operations in the sense that they occur
repeatedly during the analysis process. As Spiggle (1994) states “neither are they discrete
activities, nor do they occur in an ordered, sequential fashion” (p. 493).
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Categorization: categorizing is the operation of labeling units of data. The aim of
categorizing is to identify units or chunk of data “as belonging to, representing, or being an
example of some more general phenomenon” (p. 493). A code may constituted by a word,
a single sentence, or several pages of text; or many codes con be contained in the same
sentence. Categories are generally not predefined. Researchers identify them in progress
throughout the analysis. Initial categories are defined as provisional and revisited step by
step following the analysis progress (Belk et al., 2012).
Abstraction: abstraction builds higher-order conceptual constructs on the empirical
categories identified. It goes beyond the identification of patterns in the data; it groups
categories in more general abstract classes of concepts. “Abstraction includes both
incorporating more concrete categories into fewer more general ones” (Spiggle, 1994, p.
493). The way to group categories together can follow a priori themes, or rise up from the
analysis itself. The construction of abstract conceptual constructs is needed in order to
allow a comparison, a relationship and dialectic with other conceptual constructs. As
Spiggle (1994) explains “The theoretical significance of a construct springs from its
relationship to other constructs or its connection to a broader gestalt of an individual's
experiences. Other operations – comparison, dimensionalization, integration, iteration, and
refutation – provide a basis for exploring its theoretical significance.” (p. 393).
Comparison: comparisons allows exploring similarities and differences across incidents
within data already collected and data to be collected. In the first case, comparison is
unfolded in the analysis. If empirical data present general similarities, normally researchers
group them under the same label, in the same category. In the second case, comparison
helps to the collection of data. Comparison in the mechanism underlying some approaches
in data collection as the “purposive sampling” (Lincoln and Guba, 1985), and the
“theoretical sampling” (Glaser and Strauss, 1967). Comparison in data collection “allows
them to control for, or manipulate, similarities and differences in conditions, outcomes, or
informant characteristics in a way that is analogous to that in experimental and survey
designs.” (p. 494).
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Dimensionalization: dimensionalization is the operation with which properties of
categories are identified. Properties are “conceptual dimensions that vary empirically in the
data across the incidents depicting the construct” (Spiggle, 1994, p. 494). The main benefit
from dimensionalization is the aid in theory construction. This aid is obtained in two ways,
“by systematically exploring empirical variations across incidents representing a construct,
the researcher clarifies and enriches its conceptual meaning. Further, the identification of
properties and their dimensions permits the researcher to explore and define relationships
across categories and constructs” (Spiggle, 1994, p. 494).
Integration: integration is the process through which codes are structured and relationships
among them are established. The integration of these conceptual elements allows to reach
high level abstraction and to build up theoretical constructs. Relations among concepts can
take the form of casual linkages (Bergadaà, 1990), circular connections (Mick and Buhl,
1992), and gestalt connections (Thompson et al., 1990). This type of mapping conceptual
relationship among codes is needed as qualitative researchers do not aim to depict casual
relationships among concepts. Their interest is to provide a holistic outlook of the concepts
underlying a given phenomenon. For this structure and picture, often mutated from other
fields, are used to represent the way concepts and constructs articulate in a whole one.
Categorization, abstraction, comparison, and integration “are the fundamental, basic
analytical operations. They enable the construction of a coherent conceptual framework or
explanation.” (p. 495). The following two operations – iteration and refutation – are
operational tactics which guarantee the validity of the whole process of data analysis.
Iteration: iteration is the process through which researchers move between different
research stages – data collection, data analysis – in order to progress in the research
project. Iteration does not imply a predefined stage of research but any preceding stage
shapes the subsequent one. In data collection, iteration allows to add additional information
to data. Instruments used in the iteration process are the structured, semi-structured and
unstructured interviews. In the interpretive research specific instruments are employed for
iteration “Bergadaà’s (1990) 16 questions to Hirschman’s (1992) ‘grand tour’ question and
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Thompson et al. (1990) emergent dialogue” (Spiggle, 1994, p. 495). Iteration leads to the
choice of informants in data collection, especially in purposive sampling (Thompson et al.,
1990). Iteration also recurs in the analysis of data both intratextual and intertextual. In
Thompson et al. (1990) a particular sentence or whole paragraph is interpreted regarding to
the whole text. Also, the iteration process can concern the whole set of interviews, in this
case the analysis is made interpreting the single interview regarding to the whole set of
interviews. Both these two methods are underlay by an interaction structure defined by
Thompson et al. (1989) as “part-to-whole”, and the iteration process is a “back-and-forth”
process. According to Spiggle (1994) iterations provided some useful advantages as “it
permits the development of provisional categories, constructs, and conceptual connections
for subsequent exploration. Thus, it aids in induction-developing concepts and constructs
from the data. It allows a more unified interpretation of data by encouraging the
hermeneutical back and forth between part and whole, thus assisting deduction-refining
concepts and drawing out their theoretical implications.” (p. 495). Furthermore, iteration
promotes verification of the whole process of data collection and analysis as it entails a
continuing refutation of the whole process.
Refutation: refutation involves to subjecting one’s inference results – categories,
constructs, and propositions etc. to an empirical scrutiny. It can be unfolded by three
methods: negative case analysis, purposive sampling, and texting by context (Spiggle,
1994). In negative case analysis researchers attempt to seek out cases that disconfirm their
emerging analysis. In purposive sampling opposite cases are investigated in order to obtain
a comparison of similarities and differences between cases that belong to the same context
but that show a different and an opposite profile - that is the case of addict and non addict
drug consumers in Hirschman’s (1992) study. Finally, testing emergent analysis in
different context helps to refute (or not) results. Belk et al. (1989) tested their results in
succeeding contexts as soon as they emerged. Refutation of results is not a different phase
of the research process; rather it is integrated in the process of analysis itself. As Spiggle
(1994) explains “refutation so conceived becomes part of inference, not a separate
operation that one performs after inference. The investigator attempts to refute by
subjecting inference to data collected either prior to or after its formulation.” (p. 496).
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All these operations of analysis do not represent a straight model of proceeding. Rather
they are the fundamental step to be followed in order to realize an effective data analysis.
Spiggle (1994) proposes a set of guidelines to better manage these operations. In particular,
she identifies three main guidelines: 1) proceeding systematically; 2) recording analytic
procedure; 3) and explicit recording.
There are two ways of proceeding systematically in the analysis. One can read all the
amount of data before rereading records for each case, or one can read and reread records
for each case subsequently. The analysis can proceed horizontally – grouping indicators of
categories and constructs and fragmenting each case -, or it can be done vertically –
grouping data for each case and fragmenting constructs. Analyzed data can be depicted by
tabulation according to the analysis chosen. For a horizontal analysis tabulation includes
construct as they emerge across the cases. On the other hand, for a vertical analysis
tabulation includes each case with its constructs. Representation by tabulation is helpful in
conducting a back-and-forth movement in order to enrich the analysis comparing data,
highlighting incidents and identifying fruitful insights. The systematic proceed allows to
realize a complete analysis and to “minimize potential distortion from selective use of the
data” (p. 496).
Recording allows fixing all the procedures followed by researchers to come up with their
results. Spiggle (1994) identifies two types of records: 1) records to summarize and
integrate data; 2) records to preserve the construction of inference. In the first case,
researchers uses means to facilitate their analysis as tabulations, diagrams, illustrations,
theoretical, summaries etc. in the second case, researchers note ideas as they proceed with
their analysis, future directions, theoretical insights to further explore etc. As Spiggle
(1994) explains recording “permits the reconstruction of inferential processes, allowing the
researcher or other expert to judge how logical, extensive, and methodical the inferences
were.” (p. 497).
Finally, reporting implies the description of all the steps followed in the process of
analysis. As Spiggle (1994) states, researchers are used to detail procedures for collecting
data but they completely overlook to precise how the analysis has been conducted, what
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procedure, timed dedicated, and so forth. Normally, researchers attempt to provide their
work with methodological, logical and systemic rigor. For Spiggle (1994) the systematic
proceeding and the ability to describe it according to the steps followed and they way they
have been implemented contribute to guarantee such a scientific rigor. In order to provide
such a description and the methodological and logical value that go with Spiggle (1994)
propose some report guidelines. (See Table 23)
Table 23 - Report guidelines
1. The volume of text that they used to produce the analysis and how many cases,
sites, or locations they studied;
2. How many times they read the texts and in what order rereading occurred;
3. Whether and how they modified previous interpretations on the basis of
subsequent reading and interpretation;
4. Procedures used to ensure that analysis was systematic and thorough and a
general description of how they reduced, fragmented, managed, reconstructed,
stored, and retrieved data for analysis, especially in the form of tabulations;
5. Specific iterations involving what data they collected and what cases they chose
for study on the basis of prior analysis;
6. The extent of and procedures for locating negative evidence and how they
consequently modified the emerging interpretation.
Source: Spiggle (1994)
Finally, the analysis process contributes in providing validity the results themselves. In
that, the role of the researcher is fundamental as it is the analyst of the data. As Spiggle
(1994) states “the researcher-as-analyst develops by gaining familiarity with, practicing,
and experimenting with analytical procedures.” (p. 497).
In our research analysis started as soon as data collection was unfolded. However, the most
intensive activity of reading and rereading texts for the analysis has been concentrated in
the period December 2012 – May 2013. Texts have beer red many times and in several
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moments in order to deepen their comprehension. The order chosen to analyzing data has
been the horizontal one (Spiggle, 1994). This means that first we have red each case’s texts
focusing on an intratextual analysis, and then we have moved to an intertextual analysis
coming up with common patterns emerging from each case’s texts. As it is expected each
case presented their own themes, but so as the analysis was carried on for each case it was
easier to identify similarities and differences in terms of codes. Since the first step of the
“official” analysis operation we recognized some key codes. At the beginning those
emerging codes were in a large amount an generic: conflicts; we and the others; the good
and the bad; family; being saved; collecting; feeling home; marginalization; brand as part
of the family; brand as part of the body; improving social and existential conditions;
millennium and consumption; the gift of self. Then our analysis has specified more and
more and we came up with four main codes: 1) saving the life; 2) branding the family; 3)
gift of self; 4) millennium of consumption. Those codes have been redefined more and
more with the rereading procedure which has led to identify three main patterns emerging
in each case’s texts: 1) feeling frustrated; 2) being saved; 3) bettering the world. Thus our
analysis – especially the iteration procedure - involved all the cases and the data collected
on them. Emerging negative evidences from each case have been used to mark the
difference among cases themselves and to better identify common patterns present in each
case’s texts.
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Section 2. Interpretation of results
In this second section we discuss the interpretation process of results as they are produced
by the data analysis stage. In our research the interpretation is naturally linked to the
methodological technique used to collect data: phenomenological interviews (Thompson et
al., 1989). Phenomenological interviews are rooted in the hermeneutic philosophy
(Thompson et al., 1994). For this the hermeneutic approach in deciphering the meaning
behind informants’ action is – in our research – the most appropriate (Thompson, 1997).
Coding is an essential and central operation in the interpretation process, and it is generally
recognized and largely used in several types of interpretive research (Belk et al., 1989;
Kozinets, 2010). The importance of coding is linked to the role played by cultural codes
(Holt, 1997; Thompson et al., 1994) as “shared sociohistoric meanings and
conventionalized viewpoints” (Thompson, 1997, p. 442).
Finally we describe the “hermeneutic framework” as it is formulated by Thompson (1997)
in order to present and explain the reference we have used to implement the interpretation
of our results.
5.1 Interpretation of results
As we have already said in the previous paragraph, the analysis phase is different from the
interpretive phase, even if in the current research practice both are overlapped and
integrated (Spiggle, 1994; Belk et al., 2012). Moisander and Valtonen (2006) further
clarify this point “the entire research process involves analysis and interpretation.
Approaching the phenomenon, trying to understand the literature, comparing different
research traditions, reading transcripts and making field notes are all analytical and
interpretive practices. They all represent ways of trying to learn the phenomenon under
study and to make sense of it.” (p. 102). Spiggle (1994) clearly describes the difference
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between the two phases “analytical procedures manipulate data; interpretation makes sense
of data through more abstract conceptualizations.” (p. 497).
As we have seen previously, analysis is unfolded through a series of specific operations but
the same is not true for interpretations where there are no rules, operations or criteria to
lead researchers in finding out insightful results. For Spiggle (1994) interpretation “occurs
as a gestalt shift and represents a synthetic, holistic, and illuminating grasp of meaning, as
in deciphering a code.” (p. 497). To Belk et al. (2012) interpretation founds on looking for
variation among codes defined in the analytic stage. Looking for variations is “seeking
differences between one group and another in terms of codes you associate to with them”
(p. 148). The ability of researchers lies in their personal way of looking and finding these
significant variations for their research projects. Belk et al. (2012) clearly describe this
subjective perspective in the interpretation stage “where you look for variation depends on
your project. If you have collected interview data from a group of individuals, you might
think about salient sociological or demographic characteristics that differ between them.
Such as social class, age, or gender, and see whether the codes that occur in data collected
differ between those in one category versus another. If you are studying members of a
consumption community, you might study differences between newcomers and who have
long been members. If you are conducting a multi-sited inquiry, you might look at whether
the codes you associate with data collected from one local differ from those you have
associated with data collected from another. In general, what makes sense in terms of
which groups to compare and contrast will be influenced by the variability in terms of
those from whom you have collected data, as well by your research question, the prior
literature, and your research tradition.” (p. 148).
Researcher perspective in interpreting data is deeply influenced by the historical and sociocultural context in which researcher is involved and data are produced as a phenomenon of
the reality. According to Moisander and Valtonen (2006), “contextualization is an essential
phase of well-grounded cultural analysis.” (p. 102). The context is the natural setting in
which a phenomenon unfolds (Arnould and Thompson, 2005). Thus, in interpreting data
researcher has to grasp not only data as such but also the cultural dynamics underlying
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them (Moisander and Valtonen, 2006). According to Spiggle (1994, p. 498) interpretation
is a process of transferring meanings “within and across textual domains”. Interpretation
works like a metaphor (Thompson, 1997) – or in general as a trope (Thompson et al.,
1994) – as it takes meanings from a text to another allowing to grasping “the meanings of
others, identify patterns in these meanings, and represent how systems of meanings
reproduce culture, deciphering cultural codes.” (Thompson et al., 1994, p. 498). Below we
discuss these three aspects of the interpretation process.
5.2.1 Grasping the meaning of others
Researchers seek to grasp experiences, ideas, and meanings by the informant point of view.
This standpoint is defined as emic as it tries to put researcher in the informant’s life world.
Of course, researcher understands informants’ experiences by mobilizing their own
experiences and knowledge. This means that interpretation of informants’ experience is
inevitably subjective and it is influenced by the cultural and historical context in which
both researcher and informant live (Spiggle, 1994). As Spiggle (1994) explains “we grasp
others' viewpoints not by attempting to get inside their heads. Rather, we metaphorically
translate their experiences into our own, drawing upon our stock of previously grasped
meanings. We can recall our own experiences holistically and in context. This unified
retrieval allows us to retain the context and meaning of both experiences (i.e. the target
experience of the informant and our own, the source experience).” (p. 499).
The importance of the historical and socio-cultural context in interpreting informants’
meanings by researcher is further highlighted by Thompson et al. (1994, p. 433) that state
that “personal understandings are always situated within a network of culturally shared
knowledge, beliefs, ideals, and taken-for-granted assumptions about the nature of social
life. For any individual, this network functions as a preexisting background in which the
personal meanings of his/her consumer experiences and choices are formed. Thus, personal
meanings and intentions do not exist separately from the intricate network of socio-historic
meanings that have been established by the various sources of cultural knowledge and
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socialization. These sources include news media, religious traditions, economic and
political organizations, scientific and academic fields, the arts, and ethnic traditions”. For
Thompson et al. (1994) the whole process of interpretation unfolds within a common
cultural context which involves both researchers and informants. However, the
interpretation itself emerges from repeated exchanges between the interviewer and the
interviewee. Thompson et al. (1994) call this process the “hermeneutic circle” (See Figure
10).
Figure 10 – The fusion of horizons
Background of Cultural Meanings
Interpretation of
the text
Interpreting personal
meanings
Personal history
Personal history
Consumer
researcher
Consumer meanings
as expressed in
language
Understanding of
the text
Consumer
Reflexive understanding of
the self
Source: Thompson et al. (1994)
In the hermeneutic circle the belonging to the same context is defined by Thompson et al.
(1994) a fusion of horizon, “hermeneutic view also implies that the findings offered by
interpretive inquiries necessarily reflect a fusion of interpretive perspectives, or ‘horizons’,
between researchers and research informants” (p. 434). The hermeneutic perspective has
been first introduced by the philosopher Gadamer (1976). In hermeneutics the
interpretation of the texts found on the richness borne by the cultural background of the
researcher, instead of neutralizing it to obtain an a-contextual reading of the phenomenon.
Thompson et al. (1994) point out this aspect stating that “interpreters can never step
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outside of their own historical frame of reference, nor would they want to, for a historical
text is meaningful only in relation to contemporary conceptions, questions, and issues.
Rather than being a ‘closed’ perspective that only reaffirms what the interpreter already
knows or believes, the horizon is the basis for developing a new understanding. Thus, the
historian should attempt to understand the cultural practices and meanings that existed
when the text was written. However, this understanding of the historical context always
reflects the contemporary perspective of the historian” (p. 434).
Hermeneutic perspective focuses on language as the unit of interpretation of informants’
texts. It is because language is considered as the means which reflects the broader cultural
context in which informants understand their lived experiences. Thus, focusing on
language allows to grasp both the informants’ point of view on his/her own life experience
and the historical, cultural, and social dynamics that frame informants and their way of
interpreting their life. As Thompson et al. (1994) state “Hermeneutic research places
particular emphasis on identifying the ways in which specific cultural view-points are
conveyed through the language a person uses to express his/her personal meanings […].
From this perspective, language is far more than a large collection of words and
grammatical rules. Rather, it is a system of interrelated meanings (i.e., narratives) that
provide speakers with a culturally shared frame of reference. To speak a language is to
know a wide range of commonsense sayings, metaphors, and stories that can provide a
meaningful perspective on one's cultural and personal history. It is for this reason that
hermeneutic philosophers propose that language conveys traditions of meaning that have
been handed down by one's cultural heritage. A cultural heritage is not simply a record of
past events. Rather, it is a living legacy of cultural meanings and shared beliefs that are
reflected in language and that shape the way individuals understand their life situations” (p.
434).
In the hermeneutic circle, the relation between the researcher and the informant invite the
latter to reflect on his/her experience. This reflection – normally a depth interview produces a text to be analyzed and interpreted by the researcher. Any account provided by
the researcher on the informant’s self-reflection is shaped by his/her intellectual
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background and theoretical interest (Thompson et al., 1994). In this relationship a “fusion
of horizons occurs whenever the meanings expressed by a consumer are understood in
relation to the concepts and issues relevant to the community of consumer researchers”
(Thompson et al., 1994, p. 435). Hence, the interpretation unfolds at two levels, the first
involve the text as it is produced by the informant, and the second involves the contextual
background as it shapes the researcher and informant points of view.
5.2.2 Seeking patterns and meanings
In seeking meanings researchers aim to find out patterns which represent in a coherent
whole the meanings underlying informants’ experiences. This analysis is conduct first at an
emic level (Spiggle, 1994). For Thompson et al. (1994) the first level “explores the ways in
which socio-cultural meanings, beliefs, and commonsense assumptions are encoded (i.e.,
represented as a social reality) in language” (p. 435). This first level is also called the
idiographic level of analysis (Fournier, 1998; Thompson et al., 1990). According to
Thompson et al. (1989) the idiographic level is the individual level of analysis “which
involves viewing each transcript as a whole and relating separate passages of the transcript
to its overall content” (p. 141). The second level “is composed of historical and
sociological analyses that document the socio-cultural forces and meanings that have
shaped contemporary consumer culture” (Thompson et al., 1994). At this level an
intertextual – nomothetic (Thompson et al., 1990; Spiggle, 1994) – interpretation is
unfolded in order to identify relationships between “consumers' self-interpretations and
their underlying socio-cultural meanings and beliefs.” (Thompson et al., 1994, p. 435).
Researchers elaborate nomothetic constructs – generally in the format of themes - in order
to depict synthetic representations of informant’s meanings. According to Spiggle (1994),
these nomothetic constructs “while perhaps distant from the labels informants use, do not
necessarily betray their perspectives. This feat requires the investigator to stay close to the
meanings of informants, metaphorically grasping the commonalities and parallels in their
idiographic perspectives.” (p. 499). Thompson et al. (1989) share this point of view as they
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state “although global themes are identified across interviews, support for each theme must
be available in individual transcripts. A researcher must continuously refer back to
individual transcripts to ensure that global themes are not rendered in abstract terms
removed from respondent experience.” (p. 142).
5.2.3 Deciphering cultural codes
Patterns emerging from the informants’ texts can be read by researchers as cultural text. To
interpreting those researchers use literary and figurative devices (tropes) - such as
metaphor, metonymy, synecdoche, and irony – “to expand, concretize and emphasize
meanings” (Spiggle, 1994, p. 498). To Spiggle (1994) “viewing interpretation as
translation, or ‘reading text’, frames it as metaphorical or as simulating other literary and
figurative devices that are based on resemblance. These devices (literary tropes) suggest,
indicate, imply, or allude to correspondences and parallels across or within domains.” (p.
498).
Moving from the emic meanings to their interpretation by tropes, researchers realize a
theoretical and conceptual abstraction that shift the analysis form an emic to an etic
perspective. As Thompson (1996) explains “in the etically focused analysis25, consumption
experiences provide a context for drawing theoretical linkages between the emic themes
and a broader array of socio-cultural meanings” (p. 390).
The process of finding patterns leads researchers to highlight contradictions and
oppositions between meanings to better identify them. The use of literary analysis – and its
tropes – helps researchers to organize these oppositions in a coherent whole. Spiggle
(1994) clearly describes this aspect “investigators who aim to find patterns in meaning and
25
“The terms ‘emic’ and ‘etic’ are intended to capture a difference in interpretive emphasis rather than
present an absolute distinction. In an emic analysis, the goal is to articulate the system of meanings that
compose the worldviews of the participants, whereas etic interpretive categories seek to link these emic
meanings to more global theoretical terms and/or structural patterns (Geertz, 1979). The relevant hermeneutic
caveat is that all interpretive categories, whether emically or etically focused, necessarily reflect the
perspectives and interests of the researcher who formulates the interpretation” (Thompson, 1996, p. 390).
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decipher cultural codes frequently view meanings as expressed in paired opposites […].
Literary analysis helps us to sharpen and resolve these polar opposites, rather than view
them as contradictions and inconsistencies.” (p. 500).
In pour research the hermeneutic approach in interpreting data has been chosen according
to our previous choices at the methodological level with the use of phenomenological
interviews as the basic method to collect data. Further, the relation between existential
phenomenology and hermeneutics has been already highlighted in chapter 3. These
scientific approaches – existentialism and hermeneutics – have a same common point: the
phenomenological approach to reality. Phenomenology - as a philosophical approach focuses on phenomena as the units of analysis of its reflection (Reale and Antiseri, 2013).
In the existential perspective human beings can not be investigated as isolated and solitary
phenomena but they have to be understood as being-in-the-world that means in the context
of the relationships which bond them to the world. Hermeneutics identify in the
comprehension and understanding the means through which human beings manage their
relationships with the world. As Gadamer (1960/2001, p. 245) state “to comprehend is the
early form of realization of the existence as being-in-the-world: before any differentiation
of the understanding itself in the different directions of the pragmatic and theoretic
interest”. Thus hermeneutics is the way through which researcher can grasp the sense
making of the existence - in the format of the experience - as it is understood by informants
and as it is deeply mined by the researcher themselves.
In this paragraph we have seen what the main characteristics of the hermeneutic approach
are. However, a deeper discussion is needed in order to show the concrete steps to be
followed for an effective hermeneutic interpretation. Below we show the concrete
procedures of the hermeneutic analysis as it has been elaborated by Thompson (1997).
According to our methodological choices we have used the hermeneutic approach to
interpret results of our data analysis.
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5.3 The hermeneutic framework at work
The hermeneutic framework aims to interpret the stories that consumers tell about their
own experiences (Thompson, 1997). Hermeneutics emphasizes the importance of
meanings as the human understanding is organized around shared narratives and myths. As
Thompson (1997) states, “the meanings that consumers ascribe to their consumer
experiences are discussed as texts, stories, and narratives. These metaphors express a
worldview characteristic of the ‘'linguistic turn’: a multidisciplinary transformation in
social science research that focuses on the interpretive activities by which people ‘make
sense’ of their lives and the roles that language and narrative form play in shaping these
interpreted meanings” (p. 438).
Furthermore, narratives play an important role in constituting identity (Ricoeur, 1995).
Ricoeur (1995) underlines how narratives unfold in a temporal dimension that underlies the
human action. The temporal dimension allows taking into account the personal history that
individuals bear with them. In turn, personal history is important to be considered as it
plays a significant role in shaping and leading individuals’ actions. Thus, narratives are the
means with which the personal identity is projected and trough which it evolves (Ricoeur,
1995). Thompson (1997) also points out this aspect stating that narratives “ground this
particular [hermeneutic] interpretive framework in a series of issues relevant to the
phenomenological aspects of the person/culture relationship, that is, the personalized
cultural meanings that constitute a person's sense of self-identity and the biographical
significance of specific life events and experiences within this unfolding narrative of self”
(p. 440).
In Figure 11 we show the hermeneutic model as it has been produced by Thompson
(1997). In this model the person is represented through the metaphor of a text (Personal
history as a text) in which consumption meanings express the relation between the selfidentity narrative and the socio-cultural context in which individuals are comprised. Thus,
this model shows how consumption activities - and the subsequent narratives produced on
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them – are significant in revealing the identity concerns in the historical and socio-cultural
context in which consumers live (Thompson, 1997).
Figure 11 – A hermeneutic model of meaning construction
Cultural Background of Historically Established Meanings
Personal History
as a Text
(narrative structure)
Interpreted Meanings
(consumption story)
Experiential
Gestalt
Source: Thompson (1997)
According to Thompson (1997) in this model the personalized cultural frames of reference
is a key term as “the relationship between this cultural background and the personal
meanings constructed by a consumer can assume many forms. Cultural knowledge is by no
means a monolithic and internally consistent system. Rather, it is a heterogeneous network
that offers a multitude of interpretive positions and endless opportunities for contextspecific combinations, juxtapositions, and personalized transformations of established
cultural meanings. Personalized consumption meanings then express a co-constituting (or
dialectical) relationship between the social conditions and identity issues salient to a given
consumer and a broader legacy of historically available frames of reference, rather than
being purely subjective or idiosyncratic constructions.” (p. 441). Thus consumers’
meanings emerge from interplay between consumers personalized interpretation of their
life own experiences and, in general, their life-world and, on the other hand, the influence
that these lived experiences bring about consumers’ interpretive perspective.
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The hermeneutic process is structured around the fusion of horizons between the
interpreter's frame of reference and the texts being interpreted (Thompson, 1997). The
fusion of horizon is a fundamental step as it allows attuning researcher and informants’
perspective. As Thompson (1997, p. 441) explains “the implication is that the researcher's
interpretive orientation (i.e., background knowledge, underlying assumptions, and
questions of interest) enables him or her to become attuned to specific characteristics and
patterns afforded by the textual data. Conversely, the engagement with the textual data can
sensitize the researcher to new questions and precipitate revisions in his or her initial
interpretive standpoint. Thus, a hermeneutic interpretation seeks to be open to possibilities
afforded by the text rather than projecting a predetermined system of meanings onto the
textual data”.
The fusion of horizons allows to prepare an interpretive framework through which employ
previous assumptions and knowledge and to revisit them in processing the new information
emerged from the data analysis. Thompson (1997) define four operations to implement the
interpretive framework: 1) selecting a prior context of investigation; 2) interpreting the
texts of consumer interviews as consumption stories; 3) interpreting consumption stories as
self-referential projections; 4) constructing an integrative interpretation from then texts of
consumer’s consumption stories.
In our research we have interpreted our results following step by step these four operations.
Below we shortly present them.
5.3.1 Selecting a prior context of investigation
The first step in the interpretive process is to select a frame of reference for researchers’
understanding, as Thompson (1997) states “the concept of the hermeneutic circle implies
that a researcher's understanding of the research phenomenon necessarily entails an
initiating frame of reference. Hence, the first stage of a hermeneutic investigation is an
immersion in background research concerning the historical and cultural conditions
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relevant to the domain of interest.” (p. 441). Research findings are constructed on the basis
of the researchers’ background knowledge and their ability to create insightful linkages
between this background and the texts collected on the field.
5.3.2 Interpreting the texts of consumer interviews as consumption stories
Informants interviewed formulate their consumption experiences in the format of personal
stories. These stories connect the past, the present and the future of the informant
organizing their personal life story in a coherent tale. As Thompson (1997) states “the
stories consumers tell about their everyday experiences create temporal trajectories in
which a past event is relived in relation to present concerns and projected toward an
envisioned future. This temporal ordering creates relationships between a consumer's
contemporary understanding, his or her personal history, and a broader field of historically
established meanings. As well, these stories organize the multiple contexts of experiences
into a coherent narrative of self-identity.” (p. 442).
According to Thompson (1997, p. 442) the hermeneutic view of consumption stories
focuses on five key aspects:

“Narratives are structured by plot lines that organize events and characters (i.e.,
self-conceptions and perceptions of others) in terms of goals, motives, and
anticipated futures”;

Narratives “reflect symbolic parallels among the meanings of different events and
actions”;

Narratives “present intertextual relationships in which meanings invoked by
consumers' different consumption stories become integrated in their narratives of
personal history”;

Narratives “express existential themes by which conceptions about a person's selfidentity are negotiated through reflections on consumptions experiences, special
possessions, and consumer choices”;
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
Narratives “draw from the cultural code of shared sociohistoric meanings and
conventionalized viewpoints”.
Thus, the analysis of the plot is a fundamental step in the hermeneutic approach to reach
the human understanding. The analysis of the emplotment of consumers’ stories allows
grasping consumer’s point of view. As Thompson (1997) points out “consumers'
interpretations are acts of emplotment, and conversely, the interpretation of the consumers'
expressed meanings entails an analysis of the plots that structure their consumption stories”
(p. 443). The constant interrogation of plot allows accessing to the informants’ personal
significance of their salient life experiences.
“Plot is commonly defined as a narrative structure that imposes a chronological order upon
events and organizes these events into a meaningful whole” (Thompson, 1997, p. 443).
The emplotment is the narrative structure of the text/interview. It is the first level of
analysis and it allows to be sure to be really anchored to the text to be analyzed. On the
other hand, it allows also having precise reference points in both narrative movements and
narrative framing. The narrative movement relates to the textual structure of the interview,
and the sequential, chronological development of its plot. Following the narrative structure
step by step allows to more easily finding the meaningful key items of the text. These key
items are mainly identified in the triggering of the narrative episodes. That is, when in the
text the episode A is followed by the episode B, the fact that the episode A has narratively
triggered the episode B may have its own meaning throughout the whole text.
The narrative framing is the semantic dimension of the narrative movement. While the
narrative movement represents the structure of the text and its articulation, the narrative
framing refers to the set of meanings that emerge from specific parts of text identified as
relevant in the development of the interviewee’s narrative. In general, from the collection
of the portions of texts identified there are one or more salient elements that emerge and
that constitute the meaningful key of that particular frame.
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5.3.3 Interpreting consumption stories as self-referential projections
The analysis of the self-referential projections allows addressing the symbolic dimension
and the deep meanings expressed by the informants in their narratives. The self-referential
projections are investigated once researcher has attained a holistic understanding of the
text. To Thompson (1997) “this interpretation of self-referential meanings is best
undertaken at a later stage in the interpretive cycle when the researcher has analyzed
thoroughly the plot structures and symbolic meanings expressed in consumer interviews.”
(p. 447). Thus, the self-referential projections analysis follows the plot analysis of the text.
According to Thompson (1997, p. 447) the question for the researcher at this second level
of analysis is “What meanings and symbolic associations expressed in this specific
consumer event/experience is the consumer using to construct his or her sense of identity?”
Self-referential projections level of analysis aims to correlate the set of meanings and
symbols emerged from the text with the informants’ identity projects. The identity is
narratively constructed by consumers borrowing elements from the countless identity
possibilities socially available. Individual identity is divided into two levels. A first level is
that of the historical evolution of identity itself, or rather the perception that the individual
has of his/her own identity in relation to its evolution. The second level is that of identity
as it is told by the individual who incorporates new elements in it, especially those of
consumption (McCracken, 1986). The goal of this analysis is to describe the ongoing
process of identity as well as narrated by consumers themselves highlighting the processes
of negotiation and re-articulation of the self.
As Thompson argues (1997) “the interpretation of consumers' self-referential projections
focuses on the meanings that serve to define their current sense of self-identity and the type
of envisioned identities that they seek to realize through consumption activities. In these
terms, the much discussed ‘deep meanings’ of consumption are grounded in this existential
quest to construct self-identity.” (p. 447). Hence, the hermeneutic approach interprets the
consumers’ self-identity as the result of multiple narratives as they are produced by the
informants.
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5.3.4 Constructing an integrative interpretation from the texts of consumer's
consumption stories
The last level of the hermeneutic analysis “is deriving a broader understanding of cultural,
societal, and/or historical process from the iterative analysis of the specific (i.e.
ideographic) cases” (Thompson, 1997, p. 448). The rational of interpretation is that culture
is a living heritage of meanings historically stratified from which individuals derive
meanings for their own lives. Hence the idea that the narrative identities of consumers are
placed in a broader system of meanings broadcasted by the mass media system, the
education system, the advertising and all those collective meanings used to create a sense
of shared identity. The sociohistoric perspective is particularly relevant even in a
consumption context because of the role of marketing communications (i.e.: mass media,
advertising, public relations). As Thompson (1997) writes “I propose that the specific life
issues and consumption meanings expressed by these participants are personalized
manifestations of a well-documented cultural legacy” (p. 449).
At this level of analysis any theoretical insight is not sought as hidden in the data, nor does
researcher’s try to impose his theoretical perspective on the data. As Thompson (1997)
explains “the process is a dialectical one in which a researcher's developing knowledge of
the cultural and historical background provides an orienting frame of reference from which
to interpret the narratives, and conversely, the engagement with the textual data enables
these initial conceptions to be modified and extended.” (p. 449).
This dialectical movement from informants’ narratives on their identity and the broader
system of sociohistoric meanings can be conduct by employing two main sources. In the
first case, historical texts as archival records, diaries, and oral histories are concerned. In
the second case, the focus is more on the historical and sociological analysis. In the
hermeneutic approach as employed by Thompson (1997) the latter source of historical
knowledge is more emphasized as well as in our research.
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As described by Thompson (1997), “by analyzing an interview text’s salient metaphors,
common expressions, and categorical distinctions in light of these historical considerations,
insights can be gained into the ‘cultural myths’ that are manifest in consumers’
interpretations of their consumption experiences. In this usage, cultural myths refer to
narratives that have become ostensibly detached from their originating social conditions
but reflect a collective memory of the historical past. The implication is that many
consumer meanings are grounded in a collective cultural memory of by gone patterns of
social organization and ways of life. Understanding why these cultural meanings have
transcended their precipitating societal conditions and how these myths are appropriated by
contemporary consumers can offer important insights in to the psychosocial dynamics that
underlie consumption meanings. As a case in point, marketing practitioners and academics
have argued that appeals to mythic themes (i.e., narratives that hold a special significance
to members of a culture or subculture) are highly effective for positioning products and
creating resonant promotional messages” (p. 449).
5.4 Analysis and interpretation in our research: a short account
In our research, interviews were repeated many times in a long period of time 19 months
(Giesler, 2008; Thompson; 1997) in order to obtain an in depth understanding of
informants’ life world. However - although the long period spent with informants and the
amount of data collected (total of 25 hours of audio and video recording) - only the parts of
the interviews were transcribed and analyzed. The rest of the material - small talks and
conversations on topics not related to the topic of research, films of use and practice with
the brand - was used in order to obtain a broader knowledge of the context and to support
and help the analysis and the interpretation of results (Belk et al., 2012; Luedicke et al.,
2010).
Interpretation took 20 months to be completed. It was started along with the data collection
and carried on during the whole period of research on field and then on desk (02/201209/2013).
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Part 2 conclusions
The whole Part 2 has been dedicated to describe our research by an ontological,
epistemological, and methodological point of view.
In the first chapter we have seen the main differences between the positivist and the
interpretivist approach as they currently are the most known approach in consumer
research. Although, the interpretivist approach is a young and new approach in consumer
research, less solid and “reliable” than the traditional positivist one, it is actually accepted
and hugely employed in research on consumption.
Furthermore, we have seen the main implications that the adoption of this approach entails
at a methodological level. Interpretive research does not move from hypothesis but
questioning the field and explaining it. Thus, our research is conducted in a naturalistic
setting (Lincoln and Guba, 1985) through a participant observation standing. Data have
been collected observing the informants and spending time with them. The collection of
life stories has been considered the most appropriate approach to understand the life
experiences of consumers (Atkinson, 1998). In our work, life stories are collected in the
form of phenomenological interviews (Thompson et al., 1989). Phenomenological
interviews led informants through their experiences with a specific brand throughout their
lifetime since their first contact with the brand. Connecting those experiences enable the
emergence of a set of thematic patterns providing the overall context of the consumer’s
life-world. “The goal of phenomenological investigation is to describe experience in lived
rather than conceptually abstract terms” (Thompson et al., 1989, p. 140). Existentialphenomenology allows the exploration of consumer experience in non-dualistic terms
(subject-world) but from a “being-in-the-world” perspective, therefore by a first-person
description of lived experience. In addition, we held an outside view interviewing
significant others in order to collect data our informants. Photo-elicitation (Schroeder,
2006) has been an additional technique through which we try to enrich our data collection.
It has been conducted with informants, sometimes together with their significant others
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using personal book pictures in which the brand plays an important role. The data
collection has been conducted during 19 months.
The final amount of data has been analyzed and interpreted following the criteria provided
by the interpretive research (Spiggle, 1994; Thompson, 1997)
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PART 3 Analysis of data and interpretation of results
Chapter 6
Idiographic level of analysis
Chapter 7
Nomothetic level of analysis and interpretation of results
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Chapter 6. Idiographic level of analysis
Ideographic analysis is a first level of analysis and it is deeply rooted in informants’ life
experience (Thompson, et al., 1990). Idiographic analysis is largely employed in consumer
research (Holt, 1997; Mick and Bull, 1992; Thompson et al., 1989). According to Fournier
(1998) the idiographic analysis starts “with an impressionistic reading of transcripts and
identification of recurrent behavioral and psychological tendencies manifest therein.
Identity issues [are] summarized within the framework of life themes, projects, and
concerns.” (p. 347).
In Thompson et al., (1990) the idiographic analysis concerns the phenomenological level
of the individual experience. As Thompson et al., (1990) state “At the idiographic level,
the phenomenological issue concerns how these experiential situations and issues are
meaningfully organized within [informants] life -world.” (p. 352).
The idiographic analysis is undertaken on each interview that means that each transcript is
considered as a text in itself. Thus, the analysis focuses on relating each significant part of
the text to the whole content of the text. So, the whole text assumes the role of the context
of the analysis (Thompson et al., 1989; Holt, 1997).
Thi kind of analysis aims to reveal the underlying historical and social meanings ascribed
in the individual experience of each informant. This objective is given by the idea that the
individual life experience is shaped as such by the cultural context within consumers live
(Thompson, 1997).
In the following pages we conduct an idiographic analysis of each of our 5 informants
according to the analytical suggestions proposed by Thompson (1997).
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Case 1 - Dominique
Dominique was interviewed during a period of 18 months. At the time of the interviews
Dominique is a university lecturer twice married with a son - 30 years old - from his first
marriage and two daughters - 5 and 7 years old - from his second marriage. Dominique
was a sales engineer at Apple France from 1984 to 1985 and director of a store Alpha
System, mono-brand Apple distributor from 1985 to 1993. Since 1993 he is director of the
ESC program and lecturer of marketing at BEM (Bordeaux Ecole de Management). In his
courses he often uses Apple case studies and he likes to have the image of someone always
updated with the latest hi-tech Apple gadgets. He is currently doing a PhD with a thesis on
Apple.
“The first flash that I had with Apple, I was attending the business school in Pau so I
was out of school a year before and teachers were hired. And there's a guy who
comes into my office to share it. A nice guy, he would be four-five years older than
me and he comes with his Apple 2. And I was disappointed a little bit because they
do not give me any task to do and he comes up with this stuff ... fascinated! I said,
wait, a spreadsheet you insert numbers in, you change here, you change here. The
simulation etc… Wow this is awesome and then the word processor. Word
processing, I was writing my thesis at the time, and I started anyway. I had already
done a lot of reports for the school, a lot of bullshit with a typewriter. I said, but it's
great that stuff. This great flash and as I was always a bit fan of all that technology
when I was a kid and all that, I said I have to buy it. It cost, with the printer, 14,000
francs at the time, so it was like almost months of my salary. So, I was married my
wife did not earn more than me. So I have to buy this stuff, I want it, I want it, I want
it, it is like this and not otherwise.”
[“Le premier flash que j’ai eu avec Apple, j’étais assistant à l’école de commerce de
Pau donc j’étais sorti de l’école un an avant et on embauchait des profs. Et il y a un
type qui arrive dans mon bureau pour le partager. Un type sympa, il devait avoir
quatre-cinq ans plus que moi et il arrive avec un Apple 2. Et moi je m’emmerdais un
peu parce que ils me donnaient pas de bouleau et il arrive avec ce truc… fasciné !
J’ai dis, attend, un tableur tu rentre un chiffre, tu change ici, tu change là. Le coté
simulation etc., Wow ça c’est génial et puis le traitement de texte. Le traitement de
texte, moi j’écrivais mon mémoire de thèse à l’époque, ou je commençais en tout cas.
J’avais déjà fait plein de rapport à l’école, plein de conneries avec une machine à
écrire. J’ai dit, mais c’est génial ce truc. Cet énorme flash et comme j’ai été toujours
un peu fan de tout ce qui est technologie quand j’étais gamin et tout ça, j’ai dis il faut
que je l’achète. Ça coutait avec l’imprimante 14.000 francs de l’époque, donc ça
devait faire un peu prêt deux mois de salaire. Donc, j’étais marié, ma femme elle ne
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gagnait pas plus que moi. Donc, il faut que je me l’achetais ce truc, je veux, je veux,
je veux, c’est aussi et pas autrement.”]
The first meeting between Dominique and Apple came in 1983, when Apple is booming
and the brand began to be known abroad of the U.S. Dominique recalls his first encounter
with Apple as a “flash”, a revelation came at a time when dissatisfaction with his work is
deeply felt “The first flash that I had with Apple, I was attending the business school in
Pau so I was out of school a year before and teachers were hired. And there's a guy who
comes into my office to share it. A nice guy, he would be four-five years older than me and
he comes with his Apple 2. And I was disappointed a little bit because they do not give me
any task to do and he comes up with this stuff ... fascinated!”. This first experience with
the brand revives a pre-existing passion and is experienced as a new stimulus in a moment
of stasis. This moment of stasis concerns not only the routine of work but also the
particular phase of his existence. Dominique lives in this period the end of juvenile studies
and he has in front of him a new phase of his life.
“I see a press announcement that says ‘Do not tell my mother that I am at Apple, she
believes I am an engineer at IBM’ which is a parody of Jacques Séguéla’ book at that
period and the announcement was written by a lyricist, a French singer Julien Clerc
well known at the time, but no matters. But you know I remember this was the
announcement that I loved at first sight and the text that had me more and it was
written by a friend. So I take my Apple 2, I make my CV, my little letter, I put down
‘typed on Apple 2’, I have a look at 2-3 American magazines to properly write my
letter, I do something good. And then I’ll remember it as if it was yesterday, at the
time there was not internet. In 48 hours, a telegram ‘Please contacts Ms. … who is
the assistant of J. L. Gasset who was the big boss of Apple France. So I get in my car
with my wife in the car, my father lent me his car because he was afraid that with
mine I fall down. And arrived there at 9:00 am, they make me go in a meeting room.
There J. L. Gasset comes; he should be between 35 and 40 years old but very young.
The guy presents cool, casual dressed, no tie, open shirt, spaced out, earring here and
we start talking. I say but wait, I just left school, I have a first interview with the
CEO, and after 15 min he said wait there is my boss, Steve Jobs, who is calling me
there is the jet lag, after ten minutes sorry is my boss. After that, I don’t know I meet
the sales manager, and then someone from HR, they took me to eat in the canteen, I
was very shy and moreover there was my wife in the car waiting since three hours. I
go, I found my wife she was a little upset. We leave by car to Pau, time to get there a
telegram waiting for us ‘Call Ms. ... to see the commercial director’. So I called
‘Listen it’s urgent, take a flight’ before no one had paid me airplane. So I take the
flight, I see the guy, he made me an half interview in French and then he starts in
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English, I had some classes in English at my high school and he ‘Listen, if you get
the job within two months you go in England. Then I got home and 24 hours later I
had a contract proposal. And I went in Paris, and there actually I signed my contract
on April 1 and in Julie they sent me during 15 days in a school to improve my
English, especially to return to your question, in September sales meeting Hawaii. So
you have all the Apple world malls together in the Hilton Hawaii for a week and then
so many conferences, meetings, and there, there, wait, wait, I had never been in a
Hilton in my life. With events U.S.-like, everyone goes to a town in western
reconstituted in a field the big stage with a little country western music and
everything. And then Steve Jobs like here, in front of. And then it struck me, the guy
[Steve Jobs] he came on stage, the rock star, you had everyone standing, amazing.
And if you look at the videos of that time, he was 4-5 years older than me, and then
the guy who meets all malls in a Hilton for a week, wow! So, a jab, and then the
awards ceremony U.S.-like during the gala. The guys who goes on stage and gets a
Rolex. But what is this?! We were the French division, 15 guys, so the top two were
onstage and then Steve Jobs with a Rolex and a check if I remember correctly. A
unique experience. Well that's the nice side.”
[“Je vois un annonce de presse qui dis ‘Ne dite pas à ma mère que je suis chez Apple,
elle me croit engeigner chez IBM’ ce qui est une parodie d’un boucain de Jacques
Séguéla de cette période là et l’annonce en suite avait été rédigé par un parolier, un
chanteur français Julien Calier très connu à l’époque, mais bon peu importe. Mais si
tu veux je m’en souviens c’étais l’annonce dont j’avais bien accroché et le texte de
l’annonce qui m’avait plus et qui était rédigé par un pote. Donc je prends mon Apple
2, je fais mon CV, ma petite lettre de motivation, je mets en bas ‘tapé sur Apple 2’, je
file dans 2-3 revues américaines pour bien rédiger ma lettre de motivation, je fais un
truc bien. Et là je m’en souviendrais comme si c’étais hier, il n’y avait pas forcement
internet à l’époque. Dans le 48 heures, un télégramme ‘Veuillez prendre contact avec
Mme … qui est assistante de J. L. Gasset qui était le big boss de Apple France. Donc
je monte avec ma voiture, avec ma femme dans la voiture, mon père qui me prete sa
voiture parce que il avait peur que avec la mien je tombe en panne. Et on arrive làbas à 9:00 heure du matin, ils me font rentrer dans une salle de réunion. Là J. L.
Gasset arrive, il devait avoir entre 35 et 40 ans mais très jeune. Le mec il arrive cool,
habillé décontracté, pas de cravate, chemise ouverte, la tronche défoncé, boucle
d’oreille ici, et on commence à discuter. Je me dis mais attendait, je viens de sortie
de l’école, j’ai un premier entretien avec le PDG, après 15 min. il me dit attendez il y
a mon patron, Steve Jobs, qui m’appelle, il y a le décalage horaire, après dix minutes
désolé c’est mon patron. Après, j’enchaine je sais plus le responsable commerciale,
et puis quelqu’un de RH, ils m’ont emmené bouffer à la cantine du truc, moi j’étais
tout timide et en plus il y avait ma femme dans la voiture qui attendait depuis trois
heures. Je pars, je retrouve ma femme qui faisait un peu la gueule. On repart en
bagnole à Pau, le temps d’arriver, un télégramme qui nous attendait
‘Rappelez Mme… pour voir le directeur commerciale’. Donc j’appelle, ‘Non mais on
est pressé prenez l’avion’ et donc jamais personne m’avait payé l’avion bon. Donc, je
prends l’avion, je vois le mec, il me fait la moitié de l’entretien en français et puis il
attaque en anglais, j’avais fais de l’anglais au lycée et lui ‘Ecoutez, si jamais on vous
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embauche dans les deux mois vous partez en Angleterre’. Puis je suis rentré et 24
heures après j’avais une proposition de contrat. Et donc on est parti hyper vite sur
Paris, et là effectivement j’ai signé mon contrat le premier avril et en Julliet il m’on
envoyé 15 jours dans une école pour améliorer mon anglais, et surtout pour revenir à
ta question de toute à l’heure, septembre sales meeting Hawaii. Donc, tu as tous les
centres commerciaux d’Apple monde réunies dans le Hilton d’Hawaii pendant une
semaine et là plein de conférence, de meeting, et là, là, attend, attend, je sui jamais
rentré dans un Hilton de ma vie. Avec de évents à l’américaine, tout le monde part
dans une ville de western reconstitué dans un champ la grande scène un peu country
western avec la musique et tout. Et là Steve Jobs comme içi quoi. Et là ce qui m’avait
frappé, le mec il rentrait sur scène, la rock star, tu avais tout le monde debout,
hallucinant. Et puis si tu regarde les vidéos de cette époque là, il avait 4-5 ans plus
que moi, et là le mec qui réunisse tous les centres commerciaux à Hilton pendant une
semaine, wow. Et donc, piqueur, et puis à l’américaine remise des awards pendant la
soirée de gala. Les mecs qui montent sur scène et partent avec des Rolex. Mais qu’est
que c’est ce truc ??!! Nous on avait la division française, on était 15, donc les deux
meilleurs sont montés sur scène et là Steve Jobs avec un Rolex et un chèque si je me
souviens bien. Expérience unique. Bon ça c’est le coté sympa.”]
Dominique provides a very detailed account of the early stages of the encounter with
Apple. These early experiences with Apple are lived as revelations; or rather the active
drives that have the power to evolve the existence of Dominique. The first meeting with
the Apple2 is represented as a stimulus at a time of stagnation. The second meeting, this
time with the company, holds the meaning of an opportunity to build a future, to go ahead
and move to the next stage of life. This pattern, impatience with the inaction vs. need to
move forward in life, often returns in Dominique’s narrative.
“Then the reality of the job, I was a commercial engineer, I had a quarter of France to
cover visiting dealers so I spent my time in my car, in hotels and on airplanes. I was
just a day per the week in the office and then the rest I was on the road. So if I look at
the domestic side, Saturday and Sunday when I came home I was exhausted and slept
half the time, and the second half I was so anxious to keep my job, because we were
12 to get the employed and then we were only 2, so on Saturday and Sunday when I
had one eye open I worked. Family life was not great, it is destructive. I divorced but
maybe I would divorced without it, but when I look back it's mad. Another anecdote
that is part of my first fascination. Imagine I come from Brest, so it is 300-400 km
from Paris, it is more or less 1:00 am, I pass in front of the headquarter which was
some miles apart and I see light and I see some guys. There was no internet, so what
I do, I stopped I had a look at my statistics sales and after I left home. Nobody asked
me to do it, but you're in a kind of system and you do it because of the anxiety,
finally, at beginning even because of the anxiety, and then only for the anxiety
because you have people around you.”
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[“Après la réalité du boulot, j’étais un engeigner commercial de base, j’avais un quart
de la France à aller visiter des revendeurs donc je passais mon temps dans ma
bagnole, dans des hôtels et dans des avions. J’étais une journée à peine dans la
semaine dans le bureau et puis le reste j’étais sur la route. Donc si tu regarde le coté
familiale, samedi et dimanche quand je rentrais j’étais épuisé et je dormais la moitié
du temps, et la deuxième moitié j’étais tellement anxieux de garder mon job, parce
que on était rentrés à 12 et on était restés à 2 que le samedi dimanche quand j’avais
un œil ouvert je bossais. Familialement ce n’est pas le top, c’est destructif. J’ai
divorcé, mais peut être j’aurais divorcé sans ça, mais quand tu regard avec le recul
c’est du taré quoi. Une autre anecdote, ça fais partie de la piquer du départ. Imagine
je rentre de Brest, donc ça fais 300-400 km de Paris, il n’est pas loin de 1h du matin,
je passe devant le siège social qui était à quelque km de mon apart et je vois la
lumière et je vois des mecs. On avait pas internet, donc qu’est que je fais, je me suis
arrêté j’allais regarder mes statistique de vente et après je suis partis chez moi.
Personne m’a demandé de le faire, mais tu es dans une espèce de système qui fais
que tu le fais par anxiété, enfin, en gros partie par anxiété, et puis pas que pour
anxiété parce que tu à des gens autour.”]
The work at Apple reveals two faces. It has a stimulating and creative side but also a
destructive side. In the descriptions of Dominique on the revelations of Apple, the central
subject of the narrative is Dominique and his personal existence. In the experiences of the
destructive side of Apple it is the family to fill a central role. Dominique does experience
an internal conflict that opposes an individualistic approach to life, to move forward in life
for him; to a family perspective, move forward in life with his family.
“Anyway, after two years on the road you spend most of your time on the road, alone
ad it’s very boring, and then your enrichment is relatively low during this period
there will [ ... ] If you want when you're in your car or you listen to the radio, or you
listen to your CD, but you learn anything, when you negotiate with a dealer, this was
the name of resellers in the company, you learn, you negotiate, you do, you do not,
you learn something. But when you have 4 appointments in a day and you spent 6
hours on the road, your brain looks at the road [ ... ] That is [that made me cut with
Apple], the geographical mobility, I wanted to return to Bordeaux, this is the place
where I have my roots and this is the place that in my mind suits me, that is to say,
there is the sea, I like the fun board, I feel like the sea, to grew up my children is a
place that I like, I wanted to return to Bordeaux. I started my studies there, I like it.
So when they opened an office in Toulouse, I said ok, go in Toulouse and then you
will be relocated to Bordeaux. I'm come, it was great, and then after six months,
eight months, as often in the company things change, they decided all sellers back to
agencies, so you Dominique back to Toulouse. So I made go and back for six
months, and then one day I made my letter of resignation, and I said now I 'm going.”
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[“Mais bon, au bout de deux ans sur la route tu passe la majorité de ton temps sur la
route, seul à te faire chier quoi, et puis ton enrichissement est relativement faible
pendant cette période là quoi […]. Si tu veux quand tu es dans ta bagnole ou tu
écoute la radio, ou tu écoute tes CD mais tu apprend rien quoi, quand tu négocie avec
un diler, c’étais le nom des revendeurs en interne, tu apprend, tu négocie, tu arrive, tu
arrive pas, tu apprend tes trucs. Mais quand tu as que 4 rdv dans la journée tu passe
six heures sur la route, ton cerveau regarde la route […]. C’est ça [qui m’a fait
couper avec Apple], ça et sur tout la mobilité géographique, moi je voulais revenir à
Bordeaux, c’est là que j’ai mes racines et c’est l’endroit qui dans ma tète me
correspond bien, c'est-à-dire il y a la mer, j’aime faire du funboard, j’aime bien c’est
ambiance de mère, pour élever les enfants c’est un cadre qui me plait bien, j’ai voulu
revenir à Bordeaux. J’ai commencé mes études là, j’aime bien. Et donc quand ils ont
ouvert un agence à Toulouse, j’ai dis ok, vas à l’agence de Toulouse et puis tu seras
délocalisé à Bordeaux. Je sui venu, super et tout, et puis au bout de six mois, huit
mois, comme souvent dans les boites les options changent, c’était tous les
commerciaux reviennent aux agences, donc tu Dominique reviens à Toulouse. Donc
j’ai trainé pendant six mois, et puis un beau jour j’ai fais ma lettre de démissions, et
j’ai dis voilà je m’en vais.”]
The meaning associated by Dominique to his experience at Apple is that of uprooting. The
individualistic and careerist way of life imposed by the company, and dictated by the
cultural model of the 1980s, in addition to the loss of the family do not reduce the conflict
to move forward in life for himself vs. move forward in life with his family, but instead
they exacerbate it, taking it to extremes. In addition to this there is also a return of the
feeling of stagnation. Dominique does not describe yet the Apple experience as a
challenging experience for him. The destructive effects for the family are added to those of
slowdown and stagnation concerning himself. The identity project of Dominique is greatly
compromised. On the one hand there are not the conditions to satisfy the need for going
ahead and it reemerges the impatience for the feeling of immobility, and on the other hand
they are lacking the ties with the family and with the territory of belonging (to work at
Apple Dominique moved to Paris). These ties provided a meaning to the life of Dominique
before the work experience at Apple.
Dominique responds to the breakage of his identity stability by undertaking a re-rooting in
order to retrieve a new equilibrium starting from his certainties: the home territory (southwest France, especially Bordeaux), recovering and keeping family ties (in 1983 Dominique
and his wife have a son, Mathieu). In this way the Apple brand with its products play a key
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role by being a metaphorai, a means that establishes a link between the experience just
ended and the next future projects of Dominique.
“I knew the second largest dealer boss left, so there was an empty function, and then
he was just happy because it was the first dealer who hired and that came from
Apple. So I stayed, I ran Apple’s distribution agency [in Bordeaux], we sold
hardware, software, training and things like that for 8 years, I had a team of 10-12
people, Apple mono brand of course. And the nice thing, if you want, whenever there
was a new product I had it at home because I had the 50% less, so I kept them six
months, then I resold them and so . So always bringing...
I: There is a kind of fusion ...
Yes, work, consumption and leisure. That is to say, until very recently, I have not
taken leave, for me there was no difference. As you make your work a little bit
intellectual, I mean between the school and the team it is a little an intellectual work.
Until very recently, until the day they put us a scorecard actually there working,
consumption, leisure which mingled pleasantly [ ...] is a kind of comfort with small
objects you always have with you ...”
[“Je savais que le deuxième plus gros revendeur le patron partait, donc il y avait une
place libre et puis il était tout content parce que c’était le premier revendeur qui
embauchait et qui sortait de chez Apple. Et donc moi je suis resté, je dirigeais une
agence di distribution d’Apple [à Bordeaux], on vendait du matériel, des logiciels, de
la formation et des choses comme ça pendant 8 ans, j’avais une équipe de 10-12
personnes, Apple mono marque en plus. Et le coté sympa, si tu veux, à chaque fois
qu’il y avait un nouveau produit je l’avais à la maison, parce que je les touchais à
50%, donc je les gardais 6 mois, puis je les revendais et voilà. Donc, toujours
remmener…
I : Il y a une espèce de fusion…
Toute à fait, travail, consommation et loisir. C'est-à-dire que jusqu’à une date très
récente, à la limite je posais pas de jours de congé, je faisais pas de différence.
Comme on fait un travail un tout petit peu intellectuel, je veux dire entre l’école et le
travail d’équipe, il est un travail un peu intellectuel. Jusqu’à une date très récente,
jusqu’au jour où ils nous ont mis une carte de pointage effectivement il y a travail,
consommation, loisir qui se mélangeait agréablement […] c’est une espèce de
confort avec des petits objets que tu as toujours avec toi…”]
The Apple brand emerges as the key factor in the process of re-rooting. First, Dominique
thanks to the brand reassembles the dichotomy impatience with the inaction vs. need to
move forward in life. Previous experience in Apple Company gives him the opportunity
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to have a good job at Alpha System (Apple mono-brand distributor). This work is
experienced by Dominique as an “intellectual” job. This means that Dominique attributes
to this new job the idea of a personal improvement in his life conditions. This meaning is
reinforced by the key word in this section of the text, “comfort”. The comfort in this period
of Dominique’s life is a salient element as opposed to the discomfort experienced in the
immediately previous period. The consumer experience of the brand Apple is described as
leisure, a space of comfort that accompanies Dominique in his everyday life.
“I remember it was [with Mathieu] at the Apple dealer, we bought the first, second or
third in Bordeaux, I remember that this thing was super heavy and to be carried out
of the store, but objectively, at least not objectively, but looking back it's true
because I bought it because it was a bit of family culture, but probably the first two
years of you [Mathieu] did not use it so much, you did not really use it. Probably it is
been more useful once you were at the business school.
Yes because eventually once at the business school with the computer if you have no
internet finally it was not really helpful except for writing a book or making a
drawing, it's pretty limited. [Mathieu]
Yes the game, it was not a gaming machine!
And it was not a gaming machine either, I was not necessarily player but now, I even
remember to SUPG, I started business school at 18, I got into my class, I was already
trying to convince others to buy a Mac, always being really convinced since
childhood, and then it's little small I saw more and more people, students who bought
Macs, but this is me since my young age, but then and there is a really mark on me, I
have been programmed with Apple and that’s all. [Mathieu]
Guilty your honor...
I: Do you have any memories of your childhood playing with your father ?
I remember we were in St. Alban, a small village 15 km from Bordeaux, and I
remember him explaining to me how it worked, there was not necessarily the logic I
open a window, I enlarged, the whole logic of the computer. And I remember he
explained to me that's how it was done, I knew how to do in a certain way and it was
not necessarily the good one, and he really told me how to work with the computer,
and I was really young I don’t know, How old were I? [Mathieu]
That was in '92- '93 so what you were ten years
So ten years. I remember you had also bought me a game, guignolets de l’info, so
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there was an interactive CD room and I remember that with Dad on this game it
was... I was... we'll say that the Apple tie between me and my dad it will not
necessarily be in the game or in front of the computer sharing but ultimately the
discussions we have about Apple, when you see, ‘Oh look as they released the new
product, ah want these features here, so it's great’, but we spent more time talking
without being finally at a computer instead of sharing together in front of the
computer. [Mathieu]
I: Is it still the case today?
Yes, this is still the case today, a huge fascination when I was working at Apple
because I was thoroughly on the actuality and recurring topics... [Matthew]
Yes... he called me in the night Daddy, Daddy, I sold 12 IPod and 3 Mac, there was a
guy that was a big idiot but finally they were patient enough.”
[“Je m’en souviens on était [avec Mathieu] chez le concessionnaire Apple, on avait
acheté le premier, le deuxième ou le troisième de Bordeaux, je me rappelle ce truc
qui faisait hyper lourd pour le sortir du magasin mais objectivement, enfin pas
objectivement mais avec le recul c’est vrai parce que j’ai acheté ça parce que c’était
un peu la culture familial, mais probablement le premier deux années tu as du pas
t’en servir beaucoup, tu avais pas d’utilisation vraiment en face quoi. L’utilisation
elle est peut être venu quand tu es rentré à l’école de commerce.
Oui parce que finalement en rentrant à l’école de commerce, sur l’ordinateur si on a
pas internet finalement on a pas grande chose à faire a part écrire un livre ou faire un
dessin, c’est assez limité. [Matthieu]
Oui et le jeu, ce n’était pas une machine de jeu !
Et ce n’était pas une machine de jeu non plus, moi je n’étais pas forcement joueur
mais, voilà, je m’en souviens même à Supg, je suis rentré en école de commerce à 18
ans, je suis rentré dans ma class, moi j’essayais déjà de convaincre les autres
d’acheter un Mac, toujours en étant vraiment convaincu, depuis tout petit, et puis
c’est petite à petite que j’ai vu de plus en plus de monde, d’étudiants qui achetaient
des Macs quoi, mais moi c’est depuis mon jeune age, mais et puis il y a vraiment
l’emprunte où je me suis programmé Apple et que par ça. [Matthieu] (06:10, 16/06)
Coupable votre honneur…
I : Tu as des souvenirs de ton enfance en train de jouer avec ton père ?
Je me rappelle on était à Saint Aubain, un petit village à 15 km de Bordeaux, et je me
souviens qu’il m’expliquait comment ça fonctionnait, il y avait pas forcement la
logique de j’ouvre une fenêtre, je l’agrandie, je la rétrécie, toute la logique de
l’ordinateur. Et je m’en souviens qu’il m’expliquait voilà comment il fallait faire,
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moi je savais faire d’une certaine façon et ce n’était pas forcement le bonne, et il m’a
vraiment expliqué comment fonctionnait l’ordinateur, et c’était assez tôt je sais pas
j’avais quelle âge ? [Mathieu]
C’était en ’92-’93 donc tu avais dix ans quoi
Dix ans donc. Je m’en souviens tu m’avais acheté aussi un jeu, les guignolets de
l’info, donc il y avait un CD rom interactif et je m’en souviens que avec papa sur ce
jeu c’était…, j’était…, on vas dire que le lien Apple entre moi et mon père ça va pas
forcement être dans le jeu ou dans le partage devant l’ordinateur finalement mais
plus les discussions qu’on a autour de Apple, quand on se vois, ‘Ah tiens ils ont sorti
le tel nouveau produit, ah tiens voilà ces fonctionnalités, c’est génial etc.’, mais on
passait plus de temps à parler finalement sans être devant un ordinateur que tous les
deux à partager devant un ordinateur. [Matthieu]
I : Est que c’est encore le cas aujourd’hui ?
Oui, c’est encore le cas aujourd’hui, un énorme pique quand je travaillais chez Apple
parce que j’étais à fond sur l’actualité et le sujet récurent… [Matthieu]
…Oui, il m’appelait le soir Papa, papa, j’ai vendu 12 IPod et 3 Mac, il y avait un
Mec, c’était un gros con mais bon finalement ils étaient patient.”]
The idea of comfort also affects the family. Apple helps Dominique to solve the second
conflict to go on for himself vs. to go ahead with his family. The brand, once again,
becomes a metaphorai, a means which constructs, keeps and feeds the father-son
relationship. Starting from this point, the family dimension takes a greater significance in
the identity project of Dominique.
“I do not say that [Apple] is a family value, I would say it is a kind of actor that is
present in all stages of family life. Yesterday, because when you told me I'd like to
look at the pictures etc… so I went on the computer trying to find a good twenty
pictures and some I do not remember, others I remembered because it marked the
family life, and it's true that if you take of your birth [Mathieu’ birth] in most family
events the brand one way or another it is present. It is present as a gift, I offer a
computer to Mathieu at a given time, and we offer an IPad to my mother who is 80
years old last year. So it can be a gift. It can also be a cloth; here you have these two,
three T- shirts that I have been dressing for 10 or 15 years because I feel good with.
So somewhere the brand is present. It is also present in doing, the last year in June
we took a vacation etc… but my daughter she breaks her arm, what do we do now?
And now I subscribe to the Apple store to the workshop and so she built this little
film, she received the photos, she made the slides. So the brand is also associated in
our daily occupations. So the smallest stalk me for two months saying, ‘Daddy I
want to make a trailer of as my sister’. So 15 days ago we went both in a large forest
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that is behind my place and she said ‘I'd like you movie myself as an explorer’. So I
had my iPad for it to be good for the film and once back she took her IPad and she
made her trailer without any help from me, and then she sent it on You Tube, to her
family etc. So if you look there are at least three ways, and maybe others but I do not
remember in which the brand is actually associated with family life. I also found
some pictures I had forgotten you [Mathieu], you live in Paris, we live in Bordeaux,
where there [the two girls] who are annoying for eating and we said we'll call
Mathieu, the computer is there and in video chat there is Mathieu who makes them
movements with the mouth or grimaces to make them laugh, this is fun. These are
the three ways that come to mind in which the brand is a bit associated with it. And
when we go to my parents, you know that to the elderly is a bit frozen in time, that is
to say the posters Macintosh are dated 1984, they have on the walls in the basement
and they have not removed anything. You know there is always the trick, you can
remove it, no, no, no. Okay. You know, it's a bit like the pictures, I remember my
grandmother with pictures of the family, they usually put them on the wall when they
have X years and years later you have exactly same photos. And when I go to my
parents there 's quite family photos that are not moved, black and white or yellow
color is good, but you also have a poster in a corner of the original Macintosh!”
[“Je dirais pas que [Apple] c’est une valeur familiale, je dirais que il est une espèce
d’acteur, entre guillemets qui est présent dans toutes les étapes de la vie familiale.
Hier, parce que quand tu m’as dit j’aimerais bien regarder les photos etc. donc je suis
allé sur l’ordinateur essayé de trouver une vingtaine de photos et bon certaines je
m’en souvenais pas, d’autres je m’en souvenais parce qu’elles marquaient la vie
familiale, et c’est vrai que si tu prends de ta naissance [la naissance de Mathieu] dans
la plupart des événements familiaux la marque d’une manière ou d’une autre elle est
présente. Elle est présente sous forme de cadeau, j’offre un ordinateur à Mathieu à un
moment donné, on offre un IPad à ma mère qui a 80 ans l’année dernier. Donc ça
peut être un cadeau. Ça peut être aussi des habilles, j’en est sorti, tu as c’est deux,
trois T-shirt que j’ai mis ou je mets pendant 10 ou 15 ans parce que je suis bien
dedans. Donc, quelque part la marque est présente. Elle est aussi présente dans le
faire, l’an dernière le mois de juin on a pris des vacances etc. mas ma fille elle se
cassé le bras, don qu’est qu’on fait?! Et voilà, je l’ai inscris à l’Apple store à l’atelier
et du coup après, elle a construit ce petit film, elle a touché ces photos, elle a fait ces
diaporamas. Donc, la marque elle est aussi associée dans nos occupations de tous les
jours. Et donc la plus petite me tanne depuis deux mois en disant: ‘papa je veux faire
une bande d’annonce comme ma sœur!’. Donc il y a 15 jours on est parti tous les
deux dans une grande forêt qui est la derrière et elle me dit ‘je voudrais que tu me
film comme une exploratrice’. Donc j’avais mon IPad pour que ce soit bien, pour la
filmer et au retour elle a pris son IPad et elle a fait sa bande d’annonce, sans
pratiquement que j’interviens, et puis elle l’a envoyé sur You Tube, à sa famille etc.
Donc, si on regarde il y a au moins trois manières, et peut être d’autres, mais je m’en
souviens pas, dans laquelle la marque est effectivement associé à la vie familiale. J’ai
retrouvé aussi des photos que j’avais oubliées, toi tu habite Paris, nous on habite
Bordeaux, où il y a [les deux petites filles] qui sont chiantes à manger et on a dit
‘tiens on va appeler Mathieu, on a l’ordinateur qui est la et en chat vidéo tu as
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Mathieu qui leur fait des mouvements avec la bouche ou de grimasses pour les faire
rire, c’est rigolo quoi. Voilà les trois manières qui me viennent à l’esprit dans
lesquelles la marque elle est un petit peu associé à ça. Et quand on va chez mes
parents, tu sais que chez les personnes âgées c’est un peu figé dans le temps, c’est-àdire que les posters du Macintosh sont datés 1984, ils les ont en sur les murs dans le
sous sol et ils se sont pas enlevés quoi. Tu sais il y a toujours le truc, tu peux
l’enlever, no, non, non. D’accord. Tu sais, c’est un peu comme les photos, je me
rappelle chez ma grand’mère tu as des photos de la famille, elles les mettent en
général sur le mur quand elles ont X années et des ans plus tard tu as exactement les
mêmes photos. Et la, quand je vais chez mes parents il y a les photos bien sure
familiales qui on pas bougées, en noir et blanc ou en couleur qui on bien jaunit, mais
tu as aussi dans un coin un poster de Macintosh originel!”]
The process of re-rooting finds its highest expression at this point. The excesses of the
uprooting - induced by the identity model promoted by late-modern culture - sees the
dissolution of each institutional form, including the family, and leaves to the individual the
burden of building new discourses to make sense for his existence. Dominique stands
opposite to this process recovering the family dimension and strengthening the ties. The
pattern that emerges at this stage is comfort in the family vs. discomfort in society.
Dominique lives consumption of Apple brand as a reducer of existential malaise and a
creator of comfort at a micro-social level, at the home level.
“With your most intimate object you can share what you did as photo or video form
[pause] with immediate sharing with the grandfather, the grandmother, who you
want, whereas if you do with a regular camera so you ... a flash, the sdk you put it in
your stuff you put it on your computer, you have five minutes to butter. That the
limit you do on the beach before returning home. What fascinates me with this kind
of tools, but even with this, is that they are completely submerged with you and they
are fully part of your personal, social, family, etc…”
[“Avec ton objet le plus intime tu peux partager tout ce que tu as fait sous forme de
photo ou sous forme de vidéo [pause] avec le partage immédiate avec le grand-père,
la grand-mère, qui tu veux, alors que si tu le fais avec un appareil ordinaire tu sorte
un… de flash, la sdk tu la met dans ton truc tu la met sur ton ordinateur, il a cinq
minutes à butter. Ça a la limite tu le fais sur le bord de la plage avant de rentrer chez
toi. Ce qui me fascine avec ce genre d’outils, mais plus encore avec cela, c’est qu’ils
sont complètement immergés avec toi et qu’ils font complètement partie de ta vie
personnelle, sociale, familiale etc.”]
To this section Dominique further adds:
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“[My godfather] is in Paris, he is impeded in his room, he’s pretty sick, he calls me,
he did not know where I was. This is hallucinating, you’re watching the turquoise
sea, you're reading Le Monde to see what happens in your country and then you have
the face of your godfather 90 years old who is calling you, probably in the last
months of his life, and then the discussion takes 2-3 minutes, no more, everybody
was happy. You see, this is the kind of intimacy you have with this object
somewhere that is part of you, your family, your loved ones. This facilitates the link.
Because by phone he would never call me and then there was the visual side which is
nice in terms of communication.”
“[Mon parrain] il est à Paris, il bouge plus de sa chambre, il est assez malade, il
m’appelle, il savait pas où j’étais. C’est hallucinent, tu es en train de regarder l’eau
turquoise, tu es en train de lire Le Monde pour voir ce qui se passe chez toi et puis, tu
as la tronche de ton parrain ’90 ans, qui t’appelle, probablement dans les derniers
mois de sa vie, et puis la discussion dure 2-3 minutes pas plus, tout le monde était
content. Tu vois, c’est cette espèce d’intimité que tu as avec cet objet qui quelque
part fait partie de toi, de ta famille, de tes proches. Qui facilite le lien. Parce que par
téléphone il m’aura jamais appelle et puis il y a le coté visuel qui est sympas aussi en
termes de communication.”]
Comfort assumes a family significance as well as a personal significance. In the family
dimension the brand has first a cultural meaning, and then it assumes a value in relation to
the personal sphere. As the same Dominique explains the relationship with the brand goes
beyond the mere materiality.
“I like all is tech, hi-tech, I love the photos, I like to choose beautiful objects which
look nice, pleasant to touch and also just to show the difference when the new
IPhone 4s is lunched, I necessarily had it quickly, and then I 'm always super careful
because when I bought it I kept the package and I think that in a year I sold it so it is
like as it is new, so I always pay hyper attention and then I did not pay attention, I get
in the car, I took off my jacket and the stuff on the floor! Exploded, working etc. but
the display exploded. And if you want I was wrong, it was not so much the financial
loss but the object with which I interact constantly, which is also a beautiful object, it
is not it anymore, it is no more beautiful. And I have not had time to go on the same
day but the next day I was at the Apple Store, saying ‘how much it costs, give me a
new one’. And it's not the phone function that I missed, it is true I was wrong, I must
erase this bad episode, and when I got out of the Apple Store with something brand
new it was ‘Ah, here it is, the world is as it should be’. Whereas if the photo machine
breaks I do not care, I feel an idiot, but I'm not rush into a store to buy a new one the
next day. Or if I have a clash with my car, to repair it will cost me a lot of money but
I will say ‘you were wrong in driving, and anyway think that this is only a financial
loss’. But I do not have that feeling, it missed something in my personal bubble’.
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There, I see something on the ground, I take it in hand, it involved something more
intimate, I do not know how to explain it.”
[“J’aime un peu tout ce qui est tech, hi-tech, j’aime les photos, j’aime choisir des
beaux objets aussi agréable au regarde, agréable à toucher aussi et juste pour montrer
la différence quand le nouveaux IPhone 4s est sorti, je l’ai eu forcement rapidement,
et puis je fais toujours hyper attention parce que quand je les achète il faut que je
garde l’emballage et je me dis que dans un ans je le revend donc il faut qu’il soit
comme nouveau, donc je fais toujours hyper attention et puis là j’ai pas fait attention,
j’arrive sur le parking de, je prend ma veste et le truc, par terre! Explosé, marchant
mais vitre explosé etc. Et si tu veux j’étais mal, c’était pas tellement la perte
financière mais cet objet avec lequel j’interagis en permanence, qui est aussi un bel
objet, là c’est plus lui, il est plus beau. Et j’ai pas eu le temps d’y aller le jour même
mais le lendemain j’étais à l’Apple Store, en disant ‘combien ça coute, vous m’en
donnez un neuf’. Et c’est pas la fonction téléphone qui me manquait, c’est vrai j’étais
mal, il faut que j’efface ce mauvaise épisode, et quand je suis sorti de l’Apple Store
avec le truc tout neuf c’était “Ah, ça y est, le monde il est comme il doit être. Alors
que si l’appareille photo je le fais tomber, je me sens le roi des cons mais je me
précipiterais pas dans un magasin pour en acheter un le lendemain. A la limite
j’abime ma voiture, en réparation ça va me couter plus cher que ça mais je me dirai
‘tu as fait une fausse manœuvre, tu n’avais que à réfléchir, ce n’est que une perte
financière’. Mais je n’aurais pas ce sentiment, ‘il me manqué quelque chose dans la
bulle intime’. Là, je vois le truc par terre, je le prends à la main, ça touchait quelque
chose de plus intime, je sais pas comment l’expliquer.”]
In this part of the text, the term “Ah, here it is, the world is as it should be” expresses the
sense that the brand has taken. Dominique associates to the brand the idea of the world. So,
the brand becomes a symbol of a universe of meaning that Dominique has rebuilt. This
meaning of the brand is opposed to the models proposed by the company. In the world of
Dominique family ties are the first priority.
“But I have a different perception maybe because of my age, the first thing is
actually freezing the nice time is important, because I want to say with your mom
[Mathieu 's mother] we separated when you were a kid, so if you know the good
moments were the weekend was the end , it was the holidays when those moments
were rare or they were rare because I found that it was not every day. So it was the
moments whenever I wanted them to be good times and if there was the possibility of
a way or another to freeze this moment, it was magic. So it was important. And then,
after I say if you take the reverse example, for example if you see my parents, my
parents are 80 years old, I mean as you consider that they are not eternal, and
therefore to freeze the good moments you can have with them, keeping one hand and
freeze them for immediately sharing with them because they have 80 years, I mean I
do not share great thing with them, you essentially share memories, you share no
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physical activity, you will not make skydiving with them. And what makes them
happy is really to see and meet their children and grandchildren child you’re your
memories, well I was in Lille this week for a PhD workshop and Lille is the city
where my mother spent her childhood, so I 'm going to the restaurant and I say but
wait and if I took pictures? I 'm in the old heart of Lille, so every ten minutes every
evening she received the pictures, and it is true that she was really happy because it
reminded her [pause] I sent her an hyper emotional, back to the hotel I get to the
Lille train station, like I said I will send many pictures to my mother because it's her
city. My father was crazy for trains; he had built an electric train in the largest room
of the house. I thought I'll give him a photo, so I sent him, and all he replies is ‘It's
not the most beautiful station of France’ and I say hey it is still the negative side of
my father, ‘but it was the one that allowed me to go to meet your mom”. Ah, there
you are dad. Yes it is true that sharing and I agree with Matthew on it, it does not
demand much time, not much effort, but I mean it creates happiness around you and
for you too. And suddenly, this is what the object that allows it is, it is the iPhone
that you always have with you, but something on Android that would be the same,
but it is in the family saga it is actually [Apple].”
[“Moi j’ai une perception différente ne ce reste que avec l’âge, la première chose
c’est effectivement figer le bon moment c’est important, parce que je veux dire avec
ta maman [la maman de Mathieu] on s’est séparés tu étais gamin, donc si tu veux les
bons moments c’étais le weekend end, c’était les vacances, où ces moments là étaient
rares, ou je les trouvais rares parce que c’était pas tous les jours. Donc, c’était des
moments que à chaque fois je voulais qu’ils soient des bons moments et s’il y avait la
possibilité d’une manière ou une autre de figer ce moment là, c’est magique quoi.
Donc, ça a probablement jouait. Et puis, après je dirais si tu prend le spectre envers,
si tu vois par exemple mes parents, mes parents on 80 ans, je veux dire tu te rende
compte aussi que a un moment donné ils ne sont pas eternels, et donc les bons
moments que tu peux avoir avec eux les figer, les garder d’une part et les figer pour
leur faire partager tout de suite parce que ils ont 80 ans, je veux dire je ne partage
plus grande chose avec eux, tu partage essentiellement des souvenirs, tu partage pas
de l’activité physique, tu vas pas les faire sauter en parachute. Et ce qu’il leur fait
plaisir c’est vraiment de voir leurs enfants et leurs petits enfant en vrai et puis le
souvenir de toi, bon j’étais à Lille cette semaine pour un atelier doctoral et Lille c’est
la ville où ma mère a vécu toute son enfance, du coup je vais vers le resto et je dis
mais attend et si je faisais des photos, je suis en plein cœur du vieille Lille, donc
toutes les dix minutes, toutes la soirée elle recevait des photos, et c’est vrai qu’elle
était hyper contente parce ça lui rappelait [pause], je lui ai envoyé un hyper
émouvant, en rentrant à l’hôtel j’arrive à la gare de Lille, je me suis dit tiens je vais
envoyer plein de photos à ma mère parce que c’est sa ville. Mon père il était un fou
de train, il avait un train dans la pièce la plus grande de la maison, il avait construit
un train électrique. Je me suis dit je vais lui faire une photo, donc je lui envoie, et
tout ce qu’il me répond ‘C’est pas la gare la plus belle de France’ et je dis bon ça
c’est encore le coté négatif de mon père, ‘mais c’était celle qui permettais d’aller voir
ta maman’. Ah, la tu t’es racheté papa. Oui c’est vrai ce partage, et je rejoins
Matthieu là-dessus, ça demande pas beaucoup de temps, pas beaucoup d’efforts,
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mais je veux dire ça crée du bonheur, autour de toi et pour toi aussi quoi. Et du coup,
c’est quel est l’objet qui permet ça, c’est l’IPhone que tu as toujours avec toi, mais un
truc sur Android ça serait pareil, mais il se trouve que dans la saga familial c’est
effectivement [Apple].”]
Dominique describes his world as a “nice time”. In this part, Dominique relates the “nice
time” to the limited time. The lack of time to spend together is related to the need to
remember the time they had together like a good time. Dominique expresses the need to
make sense of kairos, the time spent together so that every moment is a good time (to
meet). Thanks to the technological and communication characteristics of Apple, the brand
is once again a vehicle able to reunite places, actions and people securing them in memory.
This bindings operation creates, according to Dominique, the family saga whose history is
marked by many “nice times” etched in the memory. The time dimension is a constant
very present at this stage of Dominique’s life. Later, in another section of the text that
binds to the previous, Dominique expands his discourse on time extending it to the
dimension of kronos.
“When I worked at Apple whenever I went ‘oh na na ni’ and therefore any
conversation on it. So, it’s enough. If you're with your flame, it exasperates. So it's
painful when I was an Apple dealer here, I had customers who were fans, guys they
arrived at four o'clock in the afternoon because they had nothing to do, they had
finished their day and wanted to chat with you till the closure of the shop and
possibly after . So if you want, I did it for a long time because it was like a part of my
job but now I am almost tempted to flee because I do not necessarily want it. Perhaps
I shall give a little because it is my thesis but I do not want when I take a drink with
friends... ok you have a new iPhone, the application ok, great! But please do not
spend all the evening on it. A conversation for 3-5 minutes then it’s okay, but pleases
not with spent all the evening on it. There are some people that I avoid because I
know they can talk to you about it [...]. We have scarce resources and the resource
the more scarce is the time. So if you want I have two young children, 6 and 5 years
old, I want to spend a lot of time with them and the fan discourse who tells you that
the site MyGeneration he saw a rumor after which it will lunch the IPhone, 4 IPhone
5 and he is sure of his information, yes but hey, I do not want to discuss it because
the hours in a day are 24 hours [ ... ] When I was young at Apple I was like that, I
was in something they could talk to me and talk for three hours and no problem. But
after you realize that you cut off a part of family life, I 'm older too, so if you want
when you're aged you have a relationship to time that is a little different, time is
limited, maybe you're slower and less productive in your business, I do not know, I
say that my number one my priority, I have two little girls 5 and 6 years old, I want
to spend as much time with them. So ok to discuss the new IPhone, IPad or the new
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Galaxy is the best of the iPad but hey, not too much [ ... ] [This change happened
after I left my job] later, I think it is concomitant with the birth of my daughters,
there were some choices to make, I had to change in priorities, I think it is linked to
this, that's the second step, I was probably the first two years at Apple, eight years as
Apple distributor, after ten years it was enough. You always have customers who talk
about their stuff, what they have seen and there truly it’s enough, I want just one
thing, my new employer uses PCs and in my contact I say I want a Mac and you do
not bore me, that is all, but instead the fact of spending time discussing new
products, this and that, no, stop it.”
[“Quand je bossais chez Apple à chaque fois que je sortais ‘ah na na ni’ et donc toute
la conversation là dessus. Donc, ça te soule. Si tu es avec ta flamme, ça l’exaspère.
Donc c’est pénible, quand j’étais revendeur Apple ici, j’avais des clients qui étaient
fans, les mecs ils arrivaient à quatre heure l’après midi parce qu’ils n’avaient plus
rien à foutre, ils avaient finis leur journée et voulaient cacher avec toi jusqu’à la
fermeture de la boutique et si possible après. Donc, si tu veux je l’ai fait pendant
longtemps parce que c’étais comme une partie de mon job mais maintenant à la
limite je serais presque tenté de fuir parce que j’ai pas forcement envie. Peut être que
je me remet un peu parce que c’est mon sujet de thèse mais j’ai pas envie quand je
vais prendre un apéro avec des copains…, ok tu as un nouvel IPhone, ok l’appli,
génial! Mais on passé de grâce on passe pas la soirée dessus. Une conversation
pendant 3-5 minutes la dessus ça va, mais s’il te plait de grâce pas toute la soirée la
dessus quoi. Il y a quelque personne que j’évite parce que je sais qu’il peuvent te
parler de ça […]. On a des ressources qui sont rares et un des ressources qui sont
rares c’est le temps. Donc si tu veux j’ai deux jeunes enfants, 6 et 5 ans, j’ai envie de
passer plein de temps avec eux et à un moment donné le discours du fan qui te
raconte que dans le site mygeneration il a vu un rumeur comme quoi après l’IPhone 4
il vont sortie l’IPhone 5 et qu’il est sure de son info, oui mais bon, j’ai pas envie de
discuter des heures la dessus parce que dans une journée il y a 24 heures […]”.
Quand j’étais jeune chez Apple j’étais comme ça, j’étais dans le truc, ils pouvaient
m’entretenir et me faire parler pendant trois heures et pas de problème. Mais après tu
te rend compte que d’abord tu découpe une partie de la vie familiale, je suis plus âgé
aussi, donc si tu veux quand tu es agé tu as un rapport au temps qui est un peu
différent, le temps est plus compté, peut etre que tu es moins rapide et que moins
productif dans tes activités, je n’en sais rien, moi je dis que ma priorité numéro un,
j’ai deux petites filles de 5 et 6 ans, je vaux passer le plus de temps avec eux. Donc,
ok pour discuter du nouvel IPhone, du nouvel IPad ou est que le Galaxy est meilleur
de l’IPad mais bon, pas plus quoi […]. [Ce changement il est arrivé après que j’ai
quitté mon travail] plus tard, je pense que c’est concomitant avec la naissance de mes
filles, il y a eux des arbitrages à faire, des changements de priorités, je pense que
c’est lié pas mal à ça, ça c’est la deuxième étape, la première probablement j’étais
deux ans chez Apple, huit ans comme distributeur Apple, au bout de dix ans moi j’en
pouvais plus quoi. Tu as toujours des clients qui parlent de leur truc, de leur mâchant,
de ce qu’ils ont vu et là sincèrement c’était un râle le bol, j’en veux qu’une chose,
mon nouvel employeur il a que des PC et dans mes conditions d’embauche j’ai un
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Mac et vous faites pas chier, ça c’est acquis, mais en revanche le fait de passer du
temps à discuter des nouveaux produits, des trucs et des mâchant, no, on arrête.”]
The chronological time becomes a significant element in Dominique’s life. In this part, the
limited time refers to the time of the individual existence. Dominique lives the kronos as
anxiety from which it emerges the pattern time for himself and his family vs. time for
others. The concern about the limited time also changes the relationship of Dominique
with the brand.
“Before I was, and everyone told me family, friends, and my kinships, they have a
term at Apple evangelist. Knowing that I wanted to evangelize knowing that in the
Apple discourse the seller tried to sell it for earning, the evangelist seeks to convince
you to take this product because he is convinced that it will be good for you. And if
you to make a connection, if you see my career choices, we all make a kind of
intellectual construction which we do not necessarily believe one hundred percent,
but that helps you to live. I said that in the job I want to do, I want to help people
smarter. So by moving into the education, somewhere you’re trying to help people to
grow intellectually, I do not know if they are smarter but anyway you try to help
them to improve and typically when I was selling computers in years '90, I did not
sell computers, I gave them tools to stimulate their creativity, their brain etc., and
then somewhere you give a picture of yourself that is more rewarding but at that time
I was staying at the evangelism thing, the guy who was in front of me even when I
sold, so yes the monthly goal I want to get it, but rather it is necessary that you have
it, if you do not have this tool somewhere I miss my day’. So if you want I had this
side evangelization from ’84 to ’95-2000. After it was almost more perverse because
this evangelism side it’s still more than that with the lunch of the iPod, it will not sell
the iPod initially, it was not obvious, so it has lasted until the 2003-2005 anyway.
The iPod when it came out I had my friend was at FNAC and after my son did, and
told me my friend if they are mad at Apple, they ask me to sell, I do not know three
Mac in the afternoon, during the day and four IPod, IPod but nobody wants it, it is
too expensive. So, IPod lunch it's fucking fucked, so then I bought it and I was
completely towards the others, but it's great, it’s great, it’s great. So evangelism that
had to go up in the years 2003-2004, at that time not on computers but on the IPod. I
remember I went to Paris, I came home, I told my son, ‘I was on the subway I saw
four white headphones’, I went to check in the metro, it was easy to find, you had a
girl in front of you and you said ‘Is it black, is it white?’. [With the IPad] brand
became mainstream, it was more... trying to live and exist, therefore the need to
evangelize became less felt, it did it by itself. Until 2003, when I was in the store,
when machines were not lit, I turned them on, when the demo was not launched, I
started it. I did that in France, FNAC or stuff like that, and at the United States with
my son we did the same. And at FNAC I also remember there was a customer with
the seller ‘yes but I hesitate...’ and after 30 seconds I acted ‘Look, excuse me for
interrupting, but...’. I had to do it in 2003-2004. After it became more perverse
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because I used my position as lecturer to do evangelism without having the role. That
is I could always with the latest Mac model, the latest version of the software, I
started a case study on ITunes. So if you want the mode of dissemination has become
different, that is to be not concerned, and integrated into my work so also less time
consuming.”
[“Avant j’étais, et tout le monde me le disais, famille, amies, et cercle, ils ont un
terme chez Apple, évangéliste. Je voulais évangéliser sachant que dans le discours
Apple, le vendeur il cherchait de vendre pour gagner sa vie, l’évangéliste cherche à
te convaincre à prendre ce produit parce qu’il est convaincu que ça va te faire du
bien. Et si on veux boucler, si on vois mes choix professionnels, on se crée tout une
espèce de construction intellectuelle auquel on croit pas forcement à cent pour cent
mais qui t’aide à vivre. Je me suis dit que dans le job que je veux faire, je veux aider
les gens entre guillemets plus intelligents. Donc en allant vers la formation, quelque
part tu essaie d’aider les gens pour progresser intellectuellement, je sais pas si elles
sont plus intelligents après mais tu essaie en tous cas de les aider à progresser et
typiquement quand je vendais des ordinateurs dans les années ’90, je vendais pas des
ordinateurs, je leur donnais des outils pour stimuler leur créativité, leurs nuerons etc.
et donc, quelque part tu te donne une image de toi même qui est plus valorisante mais
à cette époque là j’étais bien dans le truc évangélisation, le mec qui était en face
même quand je les vendais, oui l’objectif de fin du mois je veux le faire, mais c’est
plutôt ‘il faut que tu accède à ça, si tu accède pas à ce genre d’outilles quelque part
j’ai rate ma journée’. Donc, si tu veux ce coté évangélisation je l’ai eu de ’84 à ’952000. Après c’était presque plus pervers parce que ce coté évangélisation ça a
continue plus que ça avec la sortie de l’IPod, ça se vendait pas l’IPod au départ,
c’était pas évident, donc ça a du duré jusqu’a 2003 – 2005 quand même. L’IPod
quand c’est sorti j’avais mon pot qui était à la FNAC et en suite mon fils qui l’a fait,
et mon pot me disait ‘ils sont fou chez Apple, ils me demandent de vendre, je sais
pas, trois Mac dans l’après midi, dans la journée et quatre IPod, mais les IPod
personne en veut, ça coute chère, c’est la sortie’. Et donc, l’IPod au depart ça a
vachement déconné, et donc là j’avais acheté et j’étais complètement vers les autres
mais, c’est génial, c’est génial, c’est génial. Donc l’évangélisation ça a du aller
jusqu’à dans les années 2003-2004, à ce moment là non plus sur les ordinateurs mais
sur l’IPod. Je m’en souviens j’allais à Paris, je rentrais, je disais à mon fils, ‘j’étais
dans le métro j’ai vu quatre écouteurs blancs’. J’allais chercher dans le metro, en plus
tu arrivais à repérer, tu avais une fille en face de toi et tu disais ‘Est que c’est noir, est
que c’est blanc?’. [Avec l’IPad] la marque était devenue mainstream, elle était plus
… qui essaie de vivre et d’exister, donc le besoin d’évangéliser se faisait moins
sentir, se faisait tout seul. Jusqu’à 2003, quand j’allais dans le magasin, quand les
machines n’étaient pas allumées, je les allumais, quand la démo n’était pas lance, je
le lançais. Je faisais ça en France, à la FNAC ou à des trucs comme ça, et aux Etats
Unis avec mon fils c’étais pareille. Et puis à la FNAC je m’en souviens aussi, il y
avait le client avec le vendeur ‘oui mais moi j’hésite…’ et au bout de 30 seconds
j’intervenais ‘Ecoutez, excusez moi de vous interrompre mais…’. Ça j’ai du le faire
jusqu’à 2003-2004. Après c’est devenu plus pervers parce que je me suis servi de
mon poste de prof pour faire de l’évangélisation sans en avoir l’aire. C’est à dire,
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j’arrivais toujours avec les dernières modèles de Mac, la dernière version du logiciel,
j’ai monté une étude de cas sur l’ITunes. Donc si tu veux le mode de dissémination
est devenu différent, c’est à dire, l’aire de rien, l’aire de pas y toucher et intégré au
boulot donc moins consommateur de temps.”]
Dominique associates to the limited time the idea of the extinction. The relationship
between Dominique and Apple is reversed when the brand no longer runs the risk of
extinction. But indeed it is Dominique who lives limited time as a limit to his existence.
The change in his evangelization behavior is the sign of such a reversal. Dominique does
not devote more time to the brand as it is able to survive on its own, but he uses the brand
to qualify and make denser the time lived with his family. It shows an intensive use of the
brand for the family, rather than extensive, i.e.: towards the others. Apple assumes the
meaning of an entity capable of enhancing the individual, dilating the time, building
experience and memory, reducing and dismissing the sense of anxiety linked to the limited
time.
“There is an image that totally fits to me and I kept since ’84 “Wheels for the mind”.
It was an anecdote told by Steve Jobs at the time that says you take a human being to
move from one point to another is the less effective, less efficient. The most efficient,
the most effective is the jaguar. It goes fast with the less effort. However, if a man
takes a bike on all living species he is the most effective. So the idea that’s it, you
have your computer, now you have your tablet somewhere that allows you to explore
new areas, to be more productive, more creative. So if you want, this is the dream
that I bought very long time ago.”
[“Il y a une image qui me représente totalement et que j’ai gardé depuis ’84 “Wheels
for the mind”. C’était une anecdote que racontait Steve Jobs à l’époque qui dit, tu
prends l’être humain pour se déplacer d’un point à l’autre c’est le moins efficace, le
moins efficient. Le plus efficient, le plus efficace c’est le Jaguar. Il va vite avec un
minimum d’effort. En revanche, si l’homme prend un vélo sur toutes les espèces
vivantes ça devient le plus efficace. Donc, l’idée c’est ça, tu as ton ordinateur,
maintenant tu as ta tablette, quelque part ça te permet d’explorer nouvelles espaces,
d’être plus productif, plus créatif. Donc si tu veux, c’est ce rêve que j’ai acheté il y a
très long temps.”]
Dominique ascribes to the brand almost supernatural powers. Powers related both to the
technological characteristics of Apple products, and to the same philosophy of the brand.
As Dominique explains about the slogan “Think different”:
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“So there it is in the same day, and you have the legendary T -shirt that I always put
the one with the logo, and this is the one used many occasions, I mean it’s a black Tshirt so I love it, I love the slogan [Think different], so it’s a T-shirt you'll see in
many family occasions .
I: What does it mean this slogan for you?
This is the way I work or I’m trying to work and I would like to work. It is in relation
to any problem or condition etc., it is that you can think outside of the rules, etc.
laterally. So, it will not mean you get to do it but it’s [ ... ] I had one that was a bit in
the same register that gave me a brand that had nothing to do with the computer. This
is a commission for Human Rights of the EU, it said ‘All different all equal’.
Somewhere there is the right to be different, the right to think differently and this
brand somewhere since it was born, there I have a lot of old materials it would be fun
to watch it, and these are creation tools, communication tools in order to express
yourself in the width of whatever you have. After that, it’s part of the scam it is not
necessarily because you bought the brand that you get the virtues of the brand, so I
mean you can be an asshole and have a brand. But even the asshole when he buys a
Mac maybe he thinks he is more intelligent...”
[“Donc là, c’est dans la même journée, et tu as le T-shirt mythique que je met
toujours, celui avec le logo, et celui-là sur plein d’occasion, je veux dire c’est un Tshirt noir donc je l’adore, j’adore le slogan [Think different], donc c’est un T-shirt tu
vas le voir dans pleine d’occasions familiales.
I : qu’est qu’il signifie le slogan pour toi ?
C’est la manière où je fonctionne ou j’essaie de fonctionner et dont j’aimerais
fonctionner. C’est par rapport à n’importe quel problème ou situation etc. est que tu
peux penser en dehors de la loi, latéralement etc. Donc, ça va pas dire que tu arrive à
le faire mais c’’est […] j’en avais un autre qui était un peu dans le même registre qui
m’avait donné une marque qui n’avait rien à faire avec l’informatique. C’est une
commission pour les droits de l’homme de l’UE, il marqué ‘Tous égaux tous
différents’. Quelque part il y a le droit à la différence, c’est le droit à penser
différemment et quelque part cette marque depuis qu’elle est née, là j’ai plein de
matériaux même très ancien ça serait rigolo à regarder, ou ces sont des outils de
création, des outils de communication pour pouvoir t’exprimer dans la largeur de tout
ce que tu as. Après, ça fait partie de l’escroquerie, c’est pas forcement parce que tu
achète la marque que tu as les vertus de la marque, donc je veux dire tu peux être un
gros con et avoir un marque. Mais même le gros con quand il achète un Mac il peut
être se dit qu’il est plus intelligent…”]
Dominique sees in Apple a manifesto of lateral thinking. He establishes a relationship
between the idea of thinking differently and the ability to resist and/or overcome the
constraints imposed by society and the existential condition in general. Throughout the text
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of the interviews this scheme as a whole is confirmed. The integration of the Apple brand
in Dominique’s biography is strongly determined by external factors that have produced at
specific times some destabilizations in his identity project. The relationship with the brand
is such that Dominique states that his life would not be the same if the Apple brand is it
puts aside.
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Case 2 - Olivier
Olivier was interviewed during a period of 18 months. At the time of the interviews
Olivier, along with his partners Laurent and Johann, is the founder of the company
Klikobil; a company specialized in the purchase, restoration and sale of old and used
Playmobils. The name Klikobil come from the words kliki and Playmobil, where kliki
(puppets) is the old name of Playmobil toys, a name that over the years the German
company has abandoned. Olivier was born in 1976 (at the time of the interviews he is 36
years old) he is an only child and he is homosexual. From an early age he met the
loneliness and exclusion. The children of his age did not accept him and subjected him to
physical and psychological harassment. It is during these years that Olivier began his
relationship with Playmobil and this will continue into adulthood with a break when he
was between 14 and 25 years old. Although, as the same Olivier says, the interest in what
happens in the world Playmobil remained. Olivier had a negative school career and the
very poor results. When he was 18 years old he obtains a hotel diploma and begins to work
as a waiter. At 25 he rediscovers the Playmobil and thanks to his partner turns passion into
work, without leaving the job of waiter. In early 2000, together with his partners engage in
online trading of used and restored Playmobils by relying on the platform of EBay. In 2010
the turning point, they leave their jobs to embark on the Playmobil adventure. In January
2010 they opened the first Playmobil store in Drémil an area near Toulouse “La maison du
Playmobil”. In January 2011, are summoned by the Playmobil Company in Paris that
would require them to remove the name Playmobil by the sign of the store. In June 2011,
they reopened the store by the name of Klikobil. In October of the same year they opened a
second Klikobil store in the center of Toulouse. In 2012 they launched their own ecommerce site disengaged from EBay. While Johann and Laurent work in accounting and
logistics, Olivier works on Playmobils as a craftsman. He takes them apart, cleans them,
and reassembles them; he sets up the store by creating sketches in total autonomy from the
Playmobil catalog of the company. In addition, he likes to create new characters by
combining the various pieces in an original way.
“I: But I also want you to tell me a little about you, Playmobil, not necessarily the
business side but the personal side...
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I love it is something I love. When there is new Playmobils, I’ll see on the Internet
because there are things that are on the United States market, and I’ve never seen in
France. So I look, I'm interested, I’ve seen I do not know, but I look at why there is a
fire truck that is for U.S. or products that are released in Germany but are not yet
arrived on the French market, so I also want to have it because it’s [pause] in my
personal but my mother [pause ] because my mother I got the phone and she told me
about it when the I was a kid at Christmas my parents bought me Playmobil, the first
Playmobil, and my mother told me, ‘You were the younger’ and I had cousins at
home. And I opened my Christmas gifts and I see Playmobil. That is a funny story, I
have no brothers, I have no sisters, I was all alone and so I opened the package and
when I saw the Playmobil I says it's all mine! And all that did not interest me, I said
that's not mine. I had already chosen when I was a child I chose what I wanted I said
this is for you, that’s for me, so it was not [pause], I would have to share. That’s the
little adventure. Then I don’t know why [pause] because I do my little stories.”
[“I: Mais j’aimerais aussi que tu me dis un peu plus sur toi, les Playmobils, pas
forcement le coté business, mais le coté personnel…
Moi j’aime, c’est quelque chose que j’aime. Quand il y a des nouveaux Playmobils,
je vais voir sur internet parce qu’il y a des choses qui sont sorties aux Etats Unis, et
j’ai jamais vu en France. Alors je regarde, ça m’intéresse, moi j’ai jamais vu je
connais pas, mais je regarde, pourquoi il y a un camion pompier qui est pour les
américains ou il y a des produits qui sont sortis en Allemagne mais qui sont pas
encore arrivés sur le marché français, donc moi aussi je veux les avoir parce que
c’est [pause] après moi personnel mais ma mère [pause] parce que ma mère je l’ai eu
au téléphone et elle me parle de ça de quand j’étais petit à noël mes parents
m’avaient acheté des Playmobils, les premiers Playmobils, et ma mère me dit ‘Tu
étais le plus petit’ et j’avais de cousins et des cousines à la maison. Et j’ouvrais les
cadeaux de noël et je vois les Playmobils. Ça c’est une historie qui est marrant, moi
j’ai pas de frères, j’ai pas de sœur, j’étais tout seul et donc, j’ai ouvert les paquets et
quand j’ai vu les Playmobils j’ai dit tout ça c’est à moi! Et tout ce qui ne
m’intéressait pas, j’ai dit ça c’est pas à moi. J’avais choisi, déjà petit j’avais choisi,
ce que je voulais j’ai dit ça c’est pour vous, ça c’est pour moi, alors que c’etait pas
[pause], il fallait partager. Ça c’est la petite aventure. Après je me sais dire pas
pourquoi [pause] parce que je faisais mes histoires.”]
Olivier tells of his first meeting with Playmobil. He does not remember the event, he was
too young, but it is clear from the text that the meeting itself is a familiar story. From the
point of view of the narrative, the story itself is a significant element as he creates a sort of
“myth of origin” that gives meaning to the whole story that Olivier wrote with Playmobil
merging it with his personal biography, “I do not think of my life without Playmobil, I can
not think of it. To me it is inconceivable!
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“I: It's interesting you started your story by saying ‘I had no brothers, no sisters’...
Perhaps, it became my brothers and my sisters, maybe, yes [pause] yes with these
products. Because me the unique child, because my parents had a child and my
mother she was unable to have more children, so I was all alone, and my parents
worked. So in the evening I came home from school, I went after school, I went
home and played with my Playmobils and I did my stories. So I was not alone, I was
not alone because I had my Playmobils.”
[“I: C’est intéressant tu a débuté ton histoire en disant ‘Je n’avais pas de frères, pas
de sœurs’…
Peut être, c’est devenu mes frères, mes sœurs, peut être, oui [pause] oui avec ces
produits. Parce que moi enfant unique, parce que mes parents ont eu un enfant et ma
mère elle a pas pu avoir d’autres enfants et donc j’étais tout seul, et mes parents
travaillaient. Donc, le soir je rentrais de l’école, je sors après l’école, je rentre à la
maison et je jouais avec mes Playmobils et je me faisais mes histoires. Donc, j’étais
pas seul, j’étais pas tout seul parce que j’avais mes Playmobils.”]
This description of the origin of the relationship with Playmobil brings out the identity
project that Olivier conceives at this stage. The relationship with Playmobil is designed to
overcome the feeling of loneliness that Olivier experiences already in the family with the
absence of parents - they work - and with the lack of brothers and sisters with whom to
share time together. The path underlying this section is loneliness vs. company.
“I: And did it happen to you to not to be understood with your passion?
Yes .
I: by your family?
Yes, my parents they were not really concerned about [pause], it's not true my
parents took me to see psychologists.
I: because of Playmobil?
Yes, child. My parents took me to see psychologists because already I was a lonely
child myself, I spent hours and hours in my room playing with Playmobil alone, and
then I spoke, I was talking about. Yes, my parents took me to psychologists, more to
see if I had or not a problem. And all psychologists I saw have told my parents that I
had no problem, for the construction of my mind [...] and I had no problem in
society, to school and now. There was no problem.
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I: and how did you live it?
In fact I was playing around with because I said, my parents told me you go to a
doctor, but I was not mad, I knew it very well. So, I played with it, I knew where I
was going and I was playing with it by telling me they want to test me but I’ll show
them I’m perfectly normal, I have a good structure, that is I 'm fine. So, I’ll show
them I’m fine, they asked me to do drawings and I was drawing, I was asked to look
through the eye of a lock I do not know why I was watching and I was told but you
see what's the other side? I see a window. She looks at me and says, ‘But you are not
living in a dream world?’ I remember, and I say, not as I see the other side there is a
window, the window is the other side of the door. So I really have a structure that is,
normal, simple. I was not, what do you see to the other side? A fabulous world, I see
the knights, not at all.”
[I: et ça t’est arrivé de ne pas être compris dans ta passion?
Oui.
I: par ta famille?
Oui, mes parents ils se posaient pas trop de questions [pause], c’est faux mes parents
m’ont emmené voir des psychologues.
I: à cause des Playmobils?
Oui, enfant. Mes parents m’ont emmené voir des psychologues parce que par rapport
à ça déjà j’étais enfant tout seul, je passais des heures et des heures dans ma chambre
à jouer avec les Playmobils tout seul, et puis je parlais, je parlais. Oui, mes parents
m’ont emmené voir des psychologues, plusieurs, pour voir si j’avais pas un
problème. Et tous les psychologues que j’ai vu ont dit à mes parents que je n’avais
pas de problème, que au niveau de la construction de mon esprit […] et que je
n’avais pas de problème dans la société, à l’école et voilà. Il y avait pas de souci.
I: et comment tu as vécu ça?
En fait moi je jouais en peu avec parce que je me disais, mes parents me disaient on
va chez un médecin, mais je n’étais pas fou, je savais très bien. Donc, je jouais avec
ça, je savais où j’allais et je jouais avec ça en me disant eux ils veulent me tester mais
je vais leur montrer que je suis parfaitement normal, que j’ai une bonne structure,
que moi je vais bien. Donc, je vais leur montrer que je vais bien, ils me demandaient
de faire de dessins et je faisais des dessins, on me demandait de regarder par le trou
d’une serrure je sais pas pourquoi, je regardais et on me disait mais tu vois quoi de
l’autre coté? Je vois une fenêtre. Elle me regarde et me dit ‘Mais tu ne vie pas dans
un monde de rêve?’, je m’en souviens, et je dis, non je vois que de l’autre coté il y a
une fenêtre, la fenêtre qui est de l’autre coté de la porte. Donc, j’avais vraiment une
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structure, voilà, normal, simple. J’étais pas, à l’autre coté qu’est que tu vois? Un
monde meraveilleux, je vois des chevaliers, non voilà.”]
The sense of loneliness is further developed by Olivier in the relationship with their
parents. The fact that he was subjected to various psychological visits from his parents has
an important meaning. First, because the story is revealed as a truth which Olivier also
denies to himself, “my parents they were not really concerned about [pause], it's not true
my parents took me to see psychologists”. Then because he produces various narrative
efforts in demonstrating his indifference to this episode, “I played with it, I knew where I
was going and I was playing with it by telling me they want to test me but I’ll show them
I’m perfectly normal, I have a good structure that is I’m fine”.
Behind the solitude in the family milieu, it hides the non-approval which for a child is the
first sign of recognition and acceptance of their identity. Be subjected to psychological
visits to Olivier is the test, he speaks of test, and he was disapproved by his parents for his
behavior which is concerned with the relationship with Playmobil. The lack of approval
also sounds like a lack of acceptance when Olivier refers to be “normal”, that is the need to
demonstrate the being in the norm of his identity. The theme of acceptance is recurrent in
the Olivier’s narratives.
“In addition it is true that I was a special child
I: In what sense?
I was a little child in the school socially rejected, a child apart. For personal reasons
I’ll explain, I was a child aside. I was a child rejected.
I: In the sense...
Not accepted, different, that is I found the word, a different child. Why different, I’ll
tell you, because I was with girls, I was not too much with boys, I did not like too
much to play football, I was afraid of boys, they hit me, yes, the boys beat me, they
were not nice with me, so I went to the girls, children laughed at me. At the time I
had a voice, now I have a deep voice, but at the time I had an acute voice, I had a
voice like a girl and I was like a girl. Little, and it marked me, people they disliked
me, they reject me, in addition to school I was not too good at school, I was
dreaming all the time, teachers wrote ‘Olivier dream all day, he looks out the
window, he dreams’ , I dreamed, what I remember, I dreamed , I was not listening.
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I: and your passion for Playmobil was born at that time or...
Yes, or even before. Playmobil it allowed me to make me, myself ... people do not
want me, I...
I: And Playmobils...
Well, they like me, I have no brothers, no sisters I buy them they love me and I do
my world, they smile more, they are beautiful, they smile all the time. I make my
world and I do what I want. There is no evil, there is only good, there was never any
violence there. I remember when I was playing with Playmobils ever there was
violence, it was almost a perfect world. A world without evil, without violence where
killing anyone.”
[“En plus c’est vrai que j’étais un enfant particulier”
I: dans quel sense?
J’étais un enfant un peu rejeté dans le milieu scolaire quoi, social, un enfant à part.
Pour des raisons personnelles, je t’expliquerais, j’étais un enfant à part. J’étais un
enfant rejeté.
I: Dans le sens…
Pas accepté, différent, voilà j’ai trouvé le mot, un enfant différent. Pourquoi
différent, je vais te le dire, parce que j’étais avec les filles, j’étais pas trop avec les
garçons, j’aimais pas trop jouer au football, j’avais peur des garçons, on me frappait,
oui, les garçons me frappaient, ils étaient pas gentils avec moi, alors j’allais vers les
filles, les enfants se moquaient de moi. À l’époque j’avais une voix, maintenant j’ai
une voix grave, mais à l’époque j’avais une voix aigue, une voix de fille et j’étais
comme une fille, voilà. Petit, et ça ça m’a marqué, les gens ils m’aimaient pas, ils me
rejetaient, en plus à l’école j’allais pas trop bien à l’école, je rêvais tout le temps, les
maitresses elles marquaient ‘Olivier rêve toute la journée, il regard par la fenêtre, il
rêve’, je rêvais, à quoi je m’en souviens plus, je rêvais, j’écoutais pas.
I: et ta passion pour Playmobil est née à cette époque là ou…
Oui, ou même avant. Playmobil ça m’a permit de me faire moi de… les gens me
veulent pas, je…
I: Et les Playmobils…
Voilà, eux ils m’aiment, j’ai pas de frères, j’ai pas de sœurs mais eux ils m’aiment et
je fais mon monde, un plus ils sourient, ils sont beaux, ils sourient tout le temps. Je
fais mon univers et je fais ce que je veux. Il y a pas de méchants, il y a que de gentils,
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il y avait jamais de violence, voilà. Je m’en souviens quand je jouais avec Playmobil
il y avais jamais de violence, c’étais presque un monde parfait. Un monde sans
méchants, sans violence où on tue personne.”]
In this section, Olivier shifts the theme of acceptance from family to society. He is a boy
aside; references to his homosexuality should be understood between the lines “Why
different, I’ll tell you, because I was with girls, I was not too much with boys”. The pattern
that emerges here is marginalization vs. acceptance. Olivier lives his marginalization as a
state of lack of affection from the others “people they disliked me, they reject me […]
people do not want me”. These special living conditions, lack of brothers and sisters, the
absence of parents (and even more the use of psychologists to understand the behavior of
their child) and, above all, social exclusion (for the “girlish” timbre of his voice) they are
all factors that have undermined the identity of Olivier. It is at this time that Playmobil fits
into Olivier by going to fill the affective emptiness and the social recognition lack that his
identity needs to succeed. As Olivier says “Playmobil it allowed me to make me, myself”.
In fact, Olivier builds with Playmobil another world, different from the real world, a world
where he is loved (by Playmobils) where everyone smiles, and where there is no violence,
a perfect world. To this world, Olivier associates the meaning of a dream, “reve”. The
word dream is a term salient in the previous text as it indicates the sense that Olivier
attaches to the real world (a bad world) and from which he seeks to escape. Significant is
the passage about the school described by Olivier “I was dreaming all the time; teachers
wrote ‘Olivier dream all day, he looks out the window, he dreams’, I dreamed, what I
remember, I dreamed”.
“My parents had a house in the country, I took Playmobils there and it was a dream.
A house in the country is not a dream but to play Playmobils outside. Because we are
living in an apartment and I played with Playmobils in my room, there was no garden
and when they bought the house in the country I could play with Playmobils outside,
really because there was more a small field, there was grass, ground so I felt real life.
So it was even more so because they were in the field ... rich, rich toys they had their
home in the grass, the poorest had their home in the mud, this is the relation [pause]
I: the reality
Well, that was just [pause] in fact I saved the money, the pennies, and I thought it
was Playmobils’ money. So I had this idea about money, the rich are full of money,
the poor they have not money. But the rich gave money to the poor because here, and
there was also... that was when I was a preteen, not little, that was when I was 11, 12,
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13, 14 where then there was this idea of who that had money and who that did not
have money. We must work for... if you want not only the rich, if you want others to
give you money you have to work with Playmobils. So the Playmobils work, they
sold they got money and her we are, money had to flow. So that was really, I
remember it was about flowing money, we do not keep the money, I have not had
this idea to keep the money. If there was little box where I put the money in and after
it was buried, it was a treasure to seek... but now there is this idea with a life, a
construction that is in actually, somewhere I construct myself with Playmobils.”
[“Mes parents avaient une maison à la campagne, j’avais emmené Playmobils là-bas
et c’était le rêve. Une maison à la campagne c’est pas un rêve mais de jouer
Palymobils de hors. Parce que nous on habitait dans un appartement et je jouais
Playmobil dans ma chambre, on avait pas de jardin et quand ils ont acheté la maison
à la campagne je pouvais jouer aux Playmobils de hors, donc plus vrai, parce que en
plus il y avait un petit rousseau, il y avait de l’herbe, de la terre donc je sentais de la
vrai vie. Donc, c’étais encore plus vrai parce que ils allaient dans le rousseau… les
riches, les jouets riches ils avaient leur maison dans l’herbe, les pauvres ils avaient
leur maison dans la boue, c’est le rapport [pause]
I: avec la réalité
“Voilà, c’étais exactement [pause] en fait je récupérais les sous, les centimes, et je
disais que c’étais l’argent des Playmobils. Alors j’avais ce rapport d’argent, les
riches ils sont plein d’argent, les pauvres ils ont pas d’argent. Mais les riches
donnaient de l’argent aux pauvres parce que voilà, et il y avait aussi… ça c’était
quand j’étais préadolescent, pas petit, ça c’était quand j’avais 11, 12, 13, 14 ans où là
il y avait ce rapport ce qui avaient de l’argent et ce qui n’ont pas d’argent. Il faut
travailler pour… si tu veux que pas que les riche, si tu veux que d’autres te donne de
l’argent il faut travailler avec les Playmobils. Donc, les Playmobils travaillent, ils
vendaient on leur donnait de l’argent et voilà, il fallait que l’argent circule. Voilà,
c’était vraiment, je m’en souviens il fallait circuler l’argent, on garde pas l’argent,
moi j’ai pas eu cette notion de garder l’argent. S’il y avait le petit coffre où je mettais
les sous dedans et après il fallait l’enterrer dans la terre, c’était le trésor à chercher…,
mais voilà il y a ce rapport avec une vie, une construction voilà, en fait, quelque part
je me suis construit avec Playmobil.”]
In this section it is evident the division produced by Olivier between the real world and
dream world created with Playmobil. The consumption experience that Olivier associates
to Playmobil is the escape from reality, even if in fact it is only an illusory escape. It is
evident from the text as Olivier is continually tense in bringing the Playmobil experience to
the real world in order to render the same experience as real as possible. While Olivier
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builds a world that he describes as a “dream”, on the other hand his words seem to
indicate a willingness to make this dream as real as possible. In the world of Playmobil
built by Olivier the rich takes care of the poor. It is a fair world where the weak are
protected and not threatened by the strongest. In the construction of this world Olivier goes
deeper than the issue of marginalization, bringing out another pattern the need for justice
vs. a world full of injustice. The world that Olivier chose as the real world is a world in
which there is no injustice. It is in this world that he chooses to build “there is this idea
with a life, a construction that is in actually, somewhere I construct myself with
Playmobils”.
“Rich they gave money to the poor, they gave them to eat, it was like that. Yes, here
we go into psychology [pause]
I: not necessarily, you said when I was a child they were like brothers and sisters, but
as an adult you said, they are like my children...
That’s it, and somehow it’s as if I was the president of the republic, and I decide how
it goes in the world of Playmobil. Because I once made a medieval city with knights,
at the time, and I decided who was doing what and how, I organized the system
[pause]
I: life…
Yes
I: for the better…
Yes
I: For all…
Yes [pause] and that's not the Playmobil they did not sleep outside, that was it. It was
the ‘80-‘90, so it was like that. Everyone has to eat, everyone sleeps somewhere,
that’s the dream.”
[“Les riches ils donnaient des sous au pauvres, ils leur donnaient à manger, c’étaient
comme ça. Oui, là on rentre dans la psychologie [pause]
I: pas forcement, tu disais enfant ils étaient comme mes frères et sœurs, mais une fois
adulte tu as dit, ils sont comme mes enfants…
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C’est ça, et quelque part c’est comme si j’étais le président de la république, et je
décide comment ça se passe dans le monde des Playmobils. Parce que j’avais fait une
fois une ville médiéval avec des chevaliers, à l’époque, et j’ai décidé qui faisais quoi,
comment, j’organisais le système [pause]
I: de vie…
Oui
I: pour le mieux…
Oui
I: Pour tous…
Oui [pause] et voilà les Playmobils ils dormaient pas de hors, c’était ça. C’était les
années ’80-’90, donc c’était comme ça. Tout le monde a à manger, tout le monde
dors quelque part, voilà, le rêve.”]
The change in the relationship with Playmobil indicates a change in the identity project of
Olivier just in the moment it leaves the age of childhood and adolescence approaches. If at
first time, Playmobil plays a key role in substituting for the lack of affection and social
recognition (Olivier defines them as brothers and sisters); at this stage Playmobil have the
role of “children”, subjects he is responsible for.
“I: And you said this is like my brothers and sisters
My brothers and sisters, the school friends I had not, a parallel world, a fantasy
world.
I: A world that worked well…
Yes that worked well, yes because in addition it was me who did the world work,
that’s not the world I would use the word of God because it is too big to let’s say, but
I ruled the world of Playmobil by my way. So, as I said the last time there were poor,
rich, it was my society somewhere...
I: a society with justice
Yes there was no prison with me, I remember, in my Playmobil city there were no
bad guys. In fact, there were no bad guys I remember, there were more rich people,
more poor because there were houses, there was no cars, I had carriages, as there was
only one carriage son nobody had it. Well, there are times when me in my room I had
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not all Playmobils, so you must make a choice, even in building your games, you
must make a choice. I had Playmobils which were pretty and others who were not so
pretty so the less attractive were poor, the most beautiful they were rich, that’s how
it’s childhood but it is true that it was not bad, there were no bandits there was no
prison, it was a little idealistic world.
I: Is that rich were bad and poor were good?
No, rich were rich because I had a medieval house, because my parents gave me a
castle, the knight of the time, so naturally in the castle there was the king and queen.
Therefore, necessarily in a city we will say the king and queen is rich they live in the
castle, they have a home and it is they who [ ... ] it makes sense. But they shared,
they helped the poor, the poor had to sleep in the castle, they did not sleep out. It was
a just world. After I had got for Christmas I had not chosen them to be the king and
queen. After I think I remember when I was little that I could do some kind of
election, something like that because the king and queen changed, they were not
always the same. They changed a little, I asked all Playmobils which would be well
for the government. I tried others, with my child mind because when you're a kid you
do not think in the same way, when you are 10 years old you do not think the same
as when you are 30 years old, so we look a little how it goes around, how people live
and then try to recreate an ideal little world.”
[“I: Et tu me disais c’est comme mes frères et mes sœurs
Mes frères et mes sœurs voilà, les copains d’école que j’avais pas, un monde
parallèle, un monde imaginaire.
I: Un monde qui marchait bien
Oui qui marchait bien, oui parce en plus c’est moi qui faisais tourner le monde, voilà
le monde j’emploierais pas le mot de Dieu parce que c’est trop on va dire imposant
pour moi, mais je dirigeais le monde des Playmobils à ma façon. Donc, comme je te
le disais la dernière fois il y avait des pauvres, des riches, voilà c’était ma société
quelque part…
I: une société de justice
Oui il y avait pas de prison chez moi, je me souviens, dans ma ville Playmobil il y
avait pas de méchants. Enfaite, il y avait pas de méchants je me souviens, il y avait
des gens plus riches, des gens plus pauvres parce que il y avait des maisons, il y avait
pas de voiture, j’avais des calèches, comme j’avais que une calèche tout le monde
n’avait pas de calèche. Voilà, il y a des moments où moi dans ma chambre j’avais
pas tout les Playmobils, donc il faut faire un choix, même au niveau de ta
construction de jeux, il faut faire un choix. J’avais des Playmobils qui étaient jolies et
d’autres qui n’étaient pas jolies donc les moins jolies ils étaient pauvres, les plus
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jolies ils étaient riches, c’est comme ça c’est l’enfance mais c’est vrai qu’il y avait
pas de méchants, il y avait pas de bandits il y avait pas de prison, c’était un peu un
monde idéaliste quoi.
I: Est que les riches étaient méchants et les pauvres biens?
Non, en plus les riches ils étaient riches parce que j’avais une maison médiévale,
parce que mes parents m’avaient offert un château, le chevalier de l’époque, donc
forcement dans le château il y avait le roy et la reine. Donc, obligatoirement dans une
ville on va dire le roi et la reine c’est les riches ils vivent dans le château, ils ont la
maison et c’est eux qui […] c’est logique. Mais, ils distribuaient, ils aidaient les
pauvres, les pauvres venaient dormir dans le château, ils dormaient pas dehors.
C’était un monde juste. Après je les avais eu pour noël je les avais pas choisis pour
être le roi et la reine. Après je crois me souvenir quand j’étais petit que j’avais du
faire une sorte d’élection, quelque chose comme ça parce que le roi et la reine
changeaient, c’etait pas toujours les meme voilà. Ils changeaient un peu, je
demandais à tous les Playmobils qui seraient bien pour le gouvernement. J’essayais
d’autres, avec mon âme d’enfant parce que quand on est enfant on a pas la même
réflexion, à 10 ans on a pas la même réflexion qu’à 30 ans, donc on regarde un peu
comment ça se passe, comment les gens vivent et puis on essaie de recréer un monde
un peu idéal.”]
In this part of his life Olivier lives the consumption of the brand as a means through which
proactively builds his own world. This world has its values (those of justice) where welfare
is guaranteed to all its inhabitants. If Olivier has no control on the real world of his
childhood and he is excluded, in the new world built thanks to Playmobil he is “the
president of the Republic” or the guarantor of a just social system, without exclusion. In
this section, the pattern that emerges is marginalization vs. acceptance. With the
construction of a world that he calls “idealistic” Olivier leave his condition of marginalized
and ensures the acceptance that in the real world was denied to him. Moreover, the
episodes that have led him to the exclusion are experienced by Olivier with much
suffering, so the process with which he made his acceptance is of equal intensity and
strength compared to that of his exclusion. This led Olivier to be a primus inter pares, “the
president of the Republic”, that is to hold a role which is the acceptance (and self
recognition) by definition.
“Well, I’ve played with Playmobil up to 14 years old. I have continued to play
Playmobil until 13-14 years old I was still playing with Playmobil. Then adolescence
came. With adolescence you move on, I was still fascinated by Playmobil but what
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happens we’ll say when I was 13-14 years old, Playmobil has realized this Victorian
series, the 1900 series, which today is one of the largest collections I have, and also
great collectors and enthusiasts like me this is a series that is important to the fans.
This is a series that was made in the ‘90s then it was stopped and now it has become
collectible. Especially when I was 13-14 years old Playmobil made this famous
series and especially this large Victorian house at the time Playmobil sold it at
15,000 francs. It's expensive, it must be 200 € today, so it 's a lot. So at the age of 13
how to tell mom and dad I want that big Playmobil house which costs € 200, and
more it is a series that Playmobil had made for girls. This big house is a bit like a
dollhouse. This is the golden age, let’s say the 1900s so with the elegant women with
hats, feathers, men with bowler hats, canes. I was a fan of this series but it's
something [pause] me when I saw it in the store I wanted the entire big house,
everything that goes along with the whole series. And how to tell your parents at age
of 13, when you enter adolescence, you want a house, above all it was a house for
little girls, I was a boy. So I said nothing. In fact, I never said anything to my parents,
I have not talked, I kept it for me. During my teens I try to pass the difficult cape teen
on everything in my case. And then later when I returned to the Playmobil it was my
first collection, it was the famous series that I wanted when I was 13 years old.
I: How old are you when…?
I was about 20 years old, 25 years, I was 25 years old. But I kept my interest in
Playmobil, to go to toy stores to see what they were doing. And what he said
Laurent, my colleague, which was pretty amazing that one day I walk into a
supermarket and I went in the toy department and I am left an hour at the Playmobil
shelves as a 10 years old kid, watching boxes. And it is where Laurent has asked me,
but why, and it is where exactly I told that I was interested that this is something that
goes back to childhood, that followed me, a passion, I'm interested in. I want to find
my childhood toys, I want to recreate my world as I had known when I was child. It
was here my world, recreating a universe around Playmobil. This is where I am
now.”
[“Voilà, moi j’ai joué aux Playmobils jusqu’à 14 ans. Moi j’ai continué à jouer aux
Playmobils jusqu’à 13-14 ans je jouais encore aux Playmobils. Après viens on va
dire l’adolescence. Avec l’adolescence tu passe à autre chose, j’étais encore
passionné par les Playmobils mais ce qui se passe on va dire quand j’avais 13-14 ans,
Playmobil a sorti cette série victorienne, la série 1900, qui aujourd’hui fait partie des
grandes collections de moi même, et aussi des collectionneurs et des grands
passionnés comme moi c’est une série qui est importante pour les passionnés. C’est
une série qui a été faite dans les année ’90 qui s’est arrêté en suite et qui aujourd’hui
c’est devenue des objets de collection. Et notamment j’avais 13-14 ans quand
Playmobil a fait cette fameuse serie et notamment cette grande maison victorienne
que Playmobil à l’époque vendait 15000 francs. C’est cher, ça doit faire 200€, donc
c’est beaucoup. Donc, à 13 ans comment aller dire à papa et maman je veux cette
grosse maison Playmobil qui coute 200€ et en plus c’est une série que Playmobil
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avait fait pour les filles. Cette grosse maison ressemble un peu à une maison de
poupées. C’est la belle époque, on va dire l’époque 1900 donc avec les femmes les
élégante avec des chapeaux, des plumes, les messieurs aux chapeaux melon, des
cannes. Moi j’étais fan de cette série mais c’est quelque chose [pause] moi quand j’ai
vu ça dans le magasin j’aurais voulu toute la grosse maison, tout ce qui va avec, toute
la série. Et comment le dire à tes parents que à 13 ans, lors que tu rentre dans
l’adolescence, que tu veux une maison, en plus c’était une maison pour petits filles,
moi j’étais un garçon. Donc, j’ai rien dit. Enfaite, j’ai jamais rien dit à mes parents,
j’en ai pas parlé, j’ai gardé sa pour moi. Pendant mon adolescence j’ai essayer de
passer le cape difficile de l’adolescence sur tout dans mon cas. Et après plus tard
quand je suis revenu vers les Playmobils ça a été ma première collection si tu veux,
ça a été cette fameuse série que je voulais avoir quand j’avais 13 ans.
I: On est un peu prêt à quel âge?
Je devais avoir une vingtaine d’année, 25 ans, je devais avoir 25 ans. Mais j’ai
continué à m’intéresser à Playmobil, à aller dans les magasins de jouets à regarder ce
qu’ils faisaient. Et ce qu’il disait Laurent, mon collègue, ce qui était assez incroyable
c’est qu’un jour je rentre dans un supermarché et je vais moi dans le rayon des jouets
et je suis resté moi une heure dans le rayon Playmobil, comme un enfant de 10 ans, à
regarder les boites. Et c’est là où Laurent il m’a posé des questions, mais pourquoi, et
c’est là que justement j’ai raconté que je m’intéressais que c’est quelque chose qui
remonte à l’enfance, qui m’a suivi, une passion, ça m’intéresse. J’ai envie de
retrouver mes jouets d’enfance, j’ai envie de recrée mon univers comme je l’avais
connu quand j’étais petit. C’était voilà mon monde, recréer un univers autour de
Playmobil. C’est là où j’en suis on vas dire.”]
During the adolescence Olivier abandons Playmobil. As it can be seen from the text, the
breakdown of the relationship is dictated by the same stage of life, adolescence, which is
seen as inconsistent with the consumption of toys. Olivier lives the abandon of Playmobil
as a constraint “at the age of 13 how to tell mom and dad I want that big Playmobil house
which costs € 200, and more it is a series that Playmobil had made for girls”. A constraint
imposed by both the stage of life but also by gender. Olivier teenager, in fact, lives the
embarrassment of having to ask his parents for a toy that is thought to be for girls.
Therefore the separation is strongly influenced by external factors.
“In fact, I played up to when I was 14 years old with Playmobil, but you do not tell
friends that you play with Playmobil. You're not saying you're not gonna say... but
sometimes the guys he came home and we played together and I had three neighbors,
three girls, and we played together with Playmobil because it was good and we
played together. But when you become a teenager after, when you’re 15-16 years old
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you do not play anymore to Playmobil. So you are left a little aside, you keep them
but you leave them a little side because you have other interests, I thought about
other things, I was playing and later after one day, the story itself is a day I go to a
department store and I see Playmobil, Playmobil and I see that I had ever known
what was the Playmobil new collections. I say ‘woooooooow it's magic, it's
wonderful’ and I told myself I want it , I want it , definitely. And I returned there
several years back, I came back, I said I grew in fact now I have 20-25 years, I work,
I have a little money, and well I 'm going to buy Playmobils I want , not to play but it
was because I did not know it all and I have not had when I was little. So I 'm going
to buy it .”
[“Enfaite, j’ai joué jusqu’à 14 ans aux Playmobils, mais tu le dit pas aux copains que
tu joue aux Playmobils. Tu le dis pas, tu vas pas dire… mais des fois les copains il
venaient à la maison et on jouaient ensemble ou j’avais trois voisines, trois filles, et
on jouaient ensemble avec les Playmobils parce que c’était bien et on jouaient tous
ensemble. Mais après quand tu deviens adolescent, quand tu as 15-16 ans tu joue
plus aux Playmobils. Donc, tu les laisse un peu de coté, tu les garde mais tu les laisse
un peu de coté parce que tu as d’autres centres d’intérêt, je pensais à d’autres choses,
j’étais plus en train de jouer et après plus tard, un jour, l’histoire elle est là, un jour je
vais dans un grand magasin et je vois les Playmobils, et je vois des Playmobils que
j’avais jamais connu, c’était des Playmobils des nouvelles collections. J’ai dis
‘Woooooooow c’est magique, c’est merveilleux’ et j’ai dit moi je veux ça, je veux
ça, enfin voilà. Et j’étais revenu il y a plusieurs années en arrière, je suis revenu en
arrière, j’ai dit enfait maintenant j’ai grandi j’ai 20-25 ans, je travaille, j’ai un peu
d’argent, et ben je vais m’acheter des Playmobil que j’ai envie, pas pour jouer mais
c’était parce que tout ça je connaissais pas et je l’ai pas eu quand j’étais petit. Donc,
je vais m’acheter ça.”]
Olivier comes back to Playmobil when he is 25 years old. Olivier describes the reencounter with Playmobil as a revelation “woooooooow it's magic, it's wonderful”. The
meeting has the effect of Proust’s madeleines “I returned there several years back, I came
back”. Olivier twenty-five years old who rediscovers Playmobil is no longer the Olivier
child. Childhood in his life is marked by loneliness and marginalization in adulthood,
however, once adult Olivier seems to have found his place in the world “I have 20-25
years, I work, I have a little money, and well I 'm going to buy Playmobils I want”.
“I: Now you have no longer these problems, you have friends and all, but you still
need to dream, this is interesting ...
I still need to dream, it can escape from the real world to escape.
I: Don’t you like the world as it is?
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I disagree. It does not suit me, it’s not the world we dream here. The world as it is
now for me it’s not the world I wanted. It's like that.
I : What is there that you do not like ?
There are people who are too rich, there are people who are too poor, there are
people sleeping outside, there are people who have nothing to eat, there are people
who kill themselves for religion, in the name of [pause] regardless of religion. To kill
people for a religion, no! It’s an injustice, I do not own any religion, but I mean the
religion is to love one another, to love others. This is not to kill; they never said that
nobody was told to kill, ever. It is sharing, it is love, and I’ve been grown up that
way. So this is where I disagree. To kill people, to hurt people, the evil, to be bad,
I'm sick of evil, wicked, all that. Too much money no money, it's all [...] like in a
jungle. But I think the human being has not changed, he has not changed he is the
same as in prehistory, it's a jungle.”
[“I: Aujourd’hui tu n’a plus de ses problèmes, tu a des amis et tout mais tu a toujours
besoin de rêver, c’est intéressant…
J’ai toujours besoin de rêver, ça permet de m’échapper du monde réel, de
m’échapper.
I: Le monde il te plait pas tel qu’il est?
Je suis pas d’accord. Il me convient pas, c’est pas le monde dont on rêve, voilà. Le
monde tel qu’il est aujourd’hui pour moi ce n’est pas le monde que j’aurais voulu.
C’est comme ça.
I: qu’est qu’il y a qui ne te plaît pas?
Il y a des gens qui sont trop riches, il y a des gens qui sont trop pauvres, il y a des
gens qui dorment dehors, il y a des gens qui n’ont rien à manger, il y a des gens qui
se tuent pour une religion, au nom de [pause] quel que soit la religion. Qu’on tue des
gens pour une religion, non! Quel droit, j’ai pas de religion propre, mais je veux dire
la religion c’est aimer les uns, aimer les autres. C’est pas d’aller tuer, ils ont jamais
dit ça, personne a dit d’aller tuer, jamais. C’est le partage, c’est l’amour, moi j’ai été
élevé comme ça. Donc, c’est là où je suis pas d’accord. Tuer des gens, faire du mal
aux gens, voilà, le mal, être méchant, j’en ai marre du mal, du méchant, de tout ça.
Trop d’argent pas d’argent, tout ça c’est […] comme dans une jungle voilà. Je me dis
mais l’homme n’a pas évolué, on a pas évolué, c’est pareil que dans la préhistoire,
c’est une jungle.”]
In this part of his life Olivier lives the consumption of the brand as an alternative to the real
world and no longer a refuge from it. The meaning associated with Playmobil is that of a
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world “magic and wonderful” in opposition to the brutality of the real world. The split
between the real world vs. ideal world persists even at this stage of the life of Olivier, it
becomes a central theme. It is precisely at this time that the adventure Klikobil is born.
“Yes, after of course I worked and as I worked I had a little money, that’s how I
started with Laurent . This means that working we had a little money and with this
money we said let’s look on the internet because the Playmobil store are expensive
so we will look on the internet and will buy from Playmobil opportunities because
we will buy cheaper. So that’s how I started to buy, then you have things in
duplicate, which will not or do not want to keep you interested, so I started selling
then I buy, I sell, and we started like that on the internet.
I: You told me that you started doing small trades to be able to buy new Playmobils
That's it, exactly. Laurent and I had each one his work, and next I had this passion.
So Laurent has a passion for trading and me for Playmobil so we crossed the two, we
bought and then sold, we bought. And we started like that it is 12 years now, so we
opened the first store in 2010, 2 years ago. We opened here on May 1, 2010 , so 2
years ago and we opened the store in Toulouse in October 2011, so this is new. And
in 2012 we opened our website. In fact I feel that every year there is something, there
is an event and unintentionally, that is to say that it's really not programmed anything
is planned because when we opened here in 2010 we expected nothing. That way we
will not ruin our dreams in expecting anything, and we will see. And people came
and people have joined our concept and then people liked it and we began to sell in
the store, we were already selling on the Internet for several years, and we began to
sell in the store and was in fact it started talking to people. To discuss with parents,
with grandparents with children, this is not the same. When you sell on the Internet is
impersonal, and when you sell in a store you’re with people, you talk to people and
even after that I got here, even Johanne, Laurent and it happened to us, even
Claudine, to talk with people we do not know and not to talk to them for an hour, but
you do not talk only about Playmobil, you talk to people and it is true that [pause],
there was even there are people I have the impression that they come to us for their
child, but there is also this dialogue, this contact is discussed there is time, we are
talking about it is not the cost, I looking to make money yes, if not I can not live, in
the world today you can not live without money so we are also there to make money.
There are even people who reproach me to make money with Playmobil, with my
passion but we have to live, one must eat.”
[“Oui, après forcement j’ai travaillé comme j’ai travaillé j’avais un peu d’argent,
c’est comme ça que j’ai commencé avec Laurent. C’est à dire que en travaillant on
avait un peu d’argent donc avec cette argent on s’est dit on va regarder sur internet
parce que en magasin les Playmobils sont chers donc on va regarder sur internet et on
va acheter des Playmobils d’occasion parce que on va les acheter moins chers. Et
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donc c’est comme ça que j’ai commencé à acheter, après tu a des choses en double,
qui t’intéresse pas ou que tu veux pas garder, donc j’ai commencé à vendre puis
j’achète, je vends, et on a commencé comme ça sur internet.
I: Tu me disais que vous avez commencé à faire de petit commerce à coté pour
pouvoir acheter des nouveaux Playmobils
C’est ça, exactement. Laurent et moi on avait chaque un son travail et à coté moi
j’avais cette passion. Donc, Laurent lui a la passion du commerce, moi pour les
Playmobils donc on a croisé les deux, on a acheté, et puis on vendait, on achetait. Et
on a commencé comme ça il y a 12 ans maintenant et donc on a ouvert ce premier
magasin en 2010, ça fait 2 ans. On a ouvert ici le premier Mai 2010, donc ça fait 2
ans et on a ouvert le magasin à Toulouse en Octobre 2011, donc c’est récent. Et en
2012 on ouvre notre site internet. Enfaite j’ai l’impression que à chaque année il y a
quelque chose, il y a un événement et sans le vouloir, c’est à dire que c’est vraiment
pas programmé rien est planifié parce quand on a ouvert içi en 2010 on s’attendait à
rien, voilà. Comme ça on va pas gâcher nos rêves on s’attend à rien, et on verra. Et
les gens sont venues, et les gens ont adhéré à notre concept et puis ça a plu aux gens
et on a commencé à vendre en magasin, on vendait déjà sur internet depuis plusieurs
années, et on a commencé à vendre en magasin et on a commencé enfaite à discuter
avec les gens. À discuter avec les parents, avec les grands parents, avec les enfants,
c’est pas pareil. Quand tu vend sur internet c’est impersonnel, et quand tu vend dans
un magasin tu es avec des gens, tu parle avec des gens et même des fois ça m’es
arrivé, même à Johanne et à Laurent ça nous est arrivé, même à Claudine, de parler
avec des gens qu’on connait pas et de parler avec eux pendant une heure déjà, mais
tu parle pas que des Playmobils, tu parle avec de gens et c’est vrai que [pause], il y a
même, il y a des gens j’ai l’impression qu’ils viennent nous voir pour les enfant mais,
il y a aussi ce dialogue, ce contact on discute on prend le temps, on parle, c’est pas la
rentabilité, je suis là pour faire de l’argent oui, si non je pourrai pas vivre, le monde
aujourd’hui on ne peut pas vivre sans argent mais on est aussi là pour faire de
l’argent. Il y a même des gens qui me reproche de faire de l’argent avec les
Playmobils, avec ma passion, mais il faut vivre, il faut manger.”]
Olivier describes in great detail the various stages of the initiative Klikobil. The element
that takes on greater salience in this step is the search for contact with people. As the same
Olivier says “When you sell on the Internet is impersonal, and when you sell in a store
you’re with people, you talk to people […]to talk with people we do not know and not to
talk to them for an hour, but you do not talk only about Playmobil, you talk to people and it
is true that [pause], there was even there are people I have the impression that they come
to us for their child, but there is also this dialogue, this contact is discussed there is time,
we are talking about it is not the cost”. Thanks to Playmobil/Klikobil, Olivier establishes
relationships with people, a dialogue that goes beyond Playmobil itself. Olivier lives
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consumption of the brand as social recognition. Playmobil becomes the means by which to
be recognized by others, to establish contact and relationships with others. At this stage,
the identity project of Olivier is fully drawn in obtaining social recognition.
“And to talk to people and you take the time, all who are in the adventure Klikobil ,
let’s say we take all the time to give us pleasure too. There are people with whom we
do not want to discuss but there are people with whom it is natural, people with
whom you discussed or with children, once I remember I spent an hour in the store to
play with a child who was deaf and dumb. The mother had not come, the
grandmother came for him to show it. It happened something with this child, I do not
know. And once I went to the supermarket, the child I see him he recognized me, that
is something [...] something you can not explain. It is a sharing, here, here is a share,
we share the joy of the good mood, crying children also because sometimes children
do not necessarily have the idea of how well it costs and the place that it can take in
the room. So kids want the bigger ones, the nicest, the more expensive. And
sometimes this is not possible. So we also need this educational side in our store
where you have to talk to the child and explain to the child that comes that today it is
not Christmas, it’s not your birthday, mom and dad or grandpa and grandma did not
have a lot of money. They came to show them Playmobils, so maybe if he is quite he
will have a Playmobil but that it is not the big castle of knight, this is not the big
castle of princess, or that it is not a big house, but he will leave with a Playmobil can
be, but if the child is crying we must explain what is this educational side he must
also be quite child. So that too is true, we all children can play, play with this side
you have to be quite, you must work well at school and you’re nice at home, that’s it
is true that the criteria [pause] and parents they look at us and it makes them smile
and parents tell us you see, you hear what this person tells you, you have to go to
school and you’re quite at home and I say to the child if you are not nice, mom and
dad will give me back my Playmobil and I will take it back for me. So here there is
also this side to explain to children that if it is a wonderful world for children and for
everyone, but children can not have everything all the time, everything and right now
there is also this side if you leave with a Playmobil is good but you have to be nice,
it's like a reward, I do not know how to explain it [pause]
I: and was it also your experience when you were a child?
Yes, that is my experience when I was a child, that it is a reward. Little I was
frustrated, frustration and more frustrated because I was an only child, no brother, no
sister, so I wanted everything. Well, as a child I had this side like all children we
want everything, we dream, we would like to have... the kids when they come here,
when they come into the store there are children believing that it is my home, and
there has even children who say ‘Wow, your house is great, there are plenty of
Playmobil, this is home, is this your room?’. Children they say ‘This is your room
you living here? Your room is great!’ Because it is a dream to all children to have as
much as possible Playmobils in one place. So it is a dream everyone, but in my
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opinion it is true that like all children there was this side of being frustrated because
we would like to have everything, today I would say these are my Playmobils. Yes, I
can say somewhere they are to me, but in my case for me. Well, there is also the
frustration so that I had when I was little because I wanted the pirate ship, I wanted a
house, I wanted a house, I wanted to [pause] in life you can not have everything all
the time. So sometimes we have is Christmas, it's your birthday, you were quite you
worked well at school, it was not my case because at school I worked bad and home I
was not always so quite [pause] it's also why I tell the children they must be quite at
home, you have to work at school, because I look back in my childhood and I say to
children that they have to go to school, they must learn, they must be quiet. Not like
me, that I do not want them to be like me because at school I was a dunce, I made
laughing the whole class, I did not listen, I was not good at school and I was not
always very quite at home I was whimsical. Even if I look back I would have like to
have had another life, another childhood, I wanted to be different but it is not
possible. Therefore, it is to explain to children, sometimes not all the time, that we
must work at school, he must be nice to mom and dad or grandparents because it is
also part of the education it’s something positive, I do not know how to explain it.
I: Looking back would you like to have another childhood?
I wanted to be quite, learn at school, to study, because I have no high education I got
my degree in hotel and restaurant, I was a waiter and then that’s all. So I do not have
education, I have not studied for my bachelor; I do not know what it is a PhD either.
So, yes I would have wanted to be quite at home because I was picky.
I: Ok so if you think your childhood would have been different, the Playmobil would
have played a different role in your life?
Good question, maybe if I had a different childhood, I would not play with
Playmobils and I would not have had this passion for Playmobil. As I had explained
the last time Playmobils have allowed me personally to open up to the world, it is an
outlet, the Playmobil for me is an outlet.”
[“Et on discute avec les gens et on prend le temps, tous ces qui sont dans l’aventure
de Klikobil, on va dire on prend tous le temps de nous faire plaisir à nous aussi. Il y a
des gens avec qui on a pas envie de discuter mais il y a des gens avec qui ça viens
tout seul, des gens avec qui tu discuter ou avec des enfants une fois je m’en souviens
j’ai passé une heure à quatre pates dans le magasin à jouer avec un enfant qui était
sourd et muet, voilà. La mère n’était pas venue, la grande mère était venue pour ça
pour lui montrer. Il s’est passé quelque chose avec cet enfant voilà, je sais pas. Et une
fois je vais faire mes course au supermarché, le petit enfant je le revois il m’a
reconnu, voilà c’est quelque chose de […] quelque chose que tu peut pas expliquer.
C’est un partage, voilà, içi c’est un partage, on partage de la joie de la bonne humeur,
des pleurs d’enfants aussi parce que des fois les enfants n’ont pas forcement la notion
de comme bien ça coute et de la place que ça peut prendre dans la chambre. Donc, tu
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les enfants veulent ce qu’y a le plus gros, ce qu’y a plus jolie, ce qu’y a plus cher. Et
des fois c’est pas possible. Donc, il faut aussi ce coté pédagogique en magasin où il
faut parler à l’enfant et expliquer à l’enfant qui vient aujourd’hui que c’est pas noël,
que c’est pas son anniversaire, que papa et maman ou que papi et mamie n’ont pas
fortement beaucoup d’argent. Ils sont venus pour lui montrer des Playmobils, donc
peut être que s’il est sage il va avoir un Playmobil mais que ce soit pas le gros
château de chevalier, que ce soit pas le gros château de la princesse, ou que ce soit
pas une grosse maison mais il repartira peut être avec un Playmobil, mais si l’enfant
pleur il faut lui expliquer c’est aussi ce coté pédagogique il faut aussi que l’enfant
soit sage. Alors ça aussi c’est vrai, nous tous on joue les enfants, on joue avec ce coté
il faut que tu soit sage, il faut que tu travaille bien à l’école et que tu sois gentil à la
maison, ça c’est vrais que c’est des critères [pause] et les parents ils nous regardent et
ça les fait sourire et les parents nous disent tu vois, tu entend ce que te dis le
messieurs, il faut aller à l’école et que tu sois sage à la maison et moi je dis à l’enfant
si tu n’es pas gentil, papa et maman vont me remmener les Playmobils et je vais les
répondre pour moi. Donc, voilà il y a aussi ce coté d’expliquer aux enfants que si
c’est un monde merveilleux pour les enfants et pour tout le monde, mais les enfants
ne peuvent pas tout avoir tout le temps, tout toute de suite et il y a aussi ce coté si tu
repart avec un Playmobil c’est bien mais il faut que tu sois gentil, c’est comme une
récompense, je sais pas comment l’expliquer [pause]
I: et c’était aussi ton expérience quand tu étais enfant?
Oui, c’est aussi mon expérience de quand j’étais enfant, voilà c’est une récompense.
Moi petit j’étais frustré, la frustration et frustré parce que en plus moi j’étais enfant
unique, pas de frère, pas de sœur, donc je voulais tout. Voilà, en étant enfant j’avais
ce coté comme tous les enfants on veut tout, on rêve, on aimerait avoir…, les enfants
quand ils viennent ici, quand ils rentrent dans le magasin il y a des enfants qui
croyant que c’est chez moi, et il y a des enfants même qui me disent “Wow, chez toi
c’est super, il y a plein de Playmobils, c’est chez toi, c’est ta chambre?”. “Les enfants
ils disent “C’est ta chambre tu vie ici?, Ta chambre elle est géniale!” parce que ça
fait rêver tous les enfants d’avoir autant de Playmobils dans un seul endroit. Donc, ça
fait rêver tout le monde, mais après moi c’est vrai que comme tout les enfants on a ce
coté d’être frustrés parce que on aimerait avoir tout, aujourd’hui je dirais tous ces
Playmobils sont à moi. Oui, je pourrai le dire, quelque part ils sont à moi, mais c’est
mon cas à moi. Voilà, il y a aussi cette frustration oui que j’ai eu quand j’étais petit
parce que je voulais le bateau pirate, je voulais une maison, je voulais un château, je
voulais [pause] dans la vie on peut pas tout avoir tout le temps. Donc, des fois on
peut avoir c’est noël, c’est ton anniversaire, tu a été bien sage tu a bien travaillé à
l’école, c’etait pas mon cas parce que à l’école je travaillais mal et à la maison j’étais
pas toujours très sage donc [pause], c’est pour ça aussi que je dis aux enfants il faut
être sage à la maison, il faut travailler à l’école, parce que je me revoie moi petit et je
me dis c’est bien que les enfants aillent à l’école, il faut qu’ils apprennent, il faut
qu’ils soient tranquilles. Pas comme moi, voilà j’ai pas envie qu’ils fassent comme
moi parce que à l’école j’étais un cancre, je faisais rire toute la classe, voilà,
j’écoutais pas, voilà à l’école j’étais pas bon et à la maison j’étais pas toujours très
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sage je faisais des caprices. Même avec le recul j’aurais envie d’avoir eu une autre
vie, une autre enfance, j’aurais voulu être différent voilà mais c’est pas possible.
Donc, c’est expliquer aux enfants, des fois pas tout le temps, voilà qu’il faut
travailler à l’école, qu’il faut être gentil avec papa et maman ou avec les grands
parents parce que ça fait partie aussi de l’éducation de quelque chose de positif voilà,
je sais pas comment l’expliquer.
I: Avec le recul tu aurais voulu avoir une autre enfance?
J’aurais voulu être sage, apprendre à l’école, faire des études, parce moi j’ai pas fait
d’études moi j’ai passé mon diplôme en hôtellerie et restauration, j’étais serveur et
puis voilà, c’est tout. Donc, j’ai pas le bac, j’ai pas fait d’études, pour moi une
licence je sais pas ce que c’est, un doctorat non plus. Donc, j’aurais oui voulu être
sage à la maison parce j’étais capricieux.
I: Ok donc tu pense que si ton enfance aurait été différente, les Playmobils auraient
joué un rôle différent dans ta vie?
Bon question, peut être que si j’avais eu une enfance différente, je n’aurais pas joué
avec les Playmobils et j’aurais pas eu cette passion pour les Playmobils. Comme je
t’avais expliqué la dernière fois les Playmobils m’on permit à moi personnellement
de m’ouvrir au monde, c’est un exutoire, les Playmobils pour moi c’est un
exutoire.”]
This long section is connected to the previous and helps to contextualize it semantically.
First, it highlights the role of the brand in the search for recognition by Olivier. Narratively
Olivier brings to mind the story of the child “deaf and dumb” with whom he played in his
store and then he recognized him on the street. This episode is symbolically powerful
because it means that Playmobil gives the power to Olivier to communicate and to be
recognized by a child with physical handicaps despite the limits of relationship. So, it is
interesting to note the movement of the plot that Olivier unfolds. At first, Olivier talks
about the frustration of the children when they can not have all the Playmobils wished “it
is not Christmas, it’s not your birthday”. This first narrative triggers a second one in which
Olivier talks about his frustration by child “there is also the frustration so that I had when
I was little because I wanted the pirate ship, I wanted a house, I wanted a house, I wanted
to [pause] in life you can not have everything all the time”. A feeling of frustration in the
beginning associated with the desire for Playmobil that he could not have, but then he
extends to all his life experience as a child “I do not want them to be like me because at
school I was a dunce, I made laughing the whole class, I did not listen, I was not good at
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school and I was not always very quite at home I was whimsical. Even if I look back I
would have like to have had another life, another childhood, I wanted to be different but it
is not possible”.
Olivier builds a bridge between his personal story and that of the children who visit his
store. It is in this crossed relationship that corresponds the meaning that Olivier gives to the
brand at this stage of his life.
“I: When you say to give a dream what do you mean?
Yes I them [the children] a gift. Then it is shared but already the children when they
return they smile and then sometimes even children who shout for joy, because for
them here is something that they have never seen that do not know and who does not
exist. For them it is back in a wonderful country, another galaxy here. Klikobil is a
bit another galaxy. And after their parents buy them a Playmobil, I give them... I do
not know... this is joy, yes children leave here with joy, good mood, smile, they are
happy. After are they happy for several days, I do not know.”
[“I: Quand tu dis donner un rêve qu’est tu entend?
Moi oui je leur [aux enfants] un don. Puis c’est un partage mais déjà quand ils
rentrent les enfants ils ont le sourire et puis des fois il y a même des enfants qui
crient de joie, parce que ici pour eux c’est quelque chose qui n’ont jamais vu, qui ne
connaissent pas et qui n’existe pas. Pour eux c’est rentrer dans un pays merveilleux,
une autre galaxie voilà. Klikobil c’est un peu une autre galaxie. Et après leur parents
leur achètent un Playmobil, moi je leur fait don de... je sais pas… c’est la joie, oui les
enfants repartent d’ici avec la joie, la bonne humeur, le sourire, ils sont heureux.
Après ils sont heureux pour plusieurs jours, je sais pas.”]
It returns the meaning of dream (“reve”) but with a different meaning. In childhood, the
dream is associated with the idea of a refuge, an escape from reality, but now the dream is
represented as a real and concrete alternative to the real world. Olivier “sells” the dream,
making it accessible to children as well as adults. Olivier created the world Playmobil as
opposed to the real one in a proactive manner. No longer have a refuge then, but an
alternative in which to build his identity and his social recognition. Not as a marginal but
as a protagonist.
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“What I say and what I have said many times, this is that somewhere I have nothing
to lose, to prove I have nothing to prove either, I have nothing to prove, I have
nothing to lose, I have my identity as each one, and Playmobil today and I am very
proud, as Laurent and Johann as we all three, it is very important that we are really
all three, if you want it is a circle, it is very important for us that we are all three. And
what is important is that today, you know, for me too, all three we have two stores,
with internet that makes for us three sites, so we have three stores and it is a revenge
on life. You see, there are people who care about me, that I do, there were
newspapers, there was television, people are interested about it, they come we talk, to
me it’s a, you know what I mean, this is a payback of what I experienced before and
Johanne is the same because he had a difficult time too, and with Laurent also very
difficult. time So somewhere for three of us this is... yes, revenge, yes!”
[“Moi ce que je dis et ce que j’ai dit plusieurs fois, c’est qu’enfaite quelque part j’ai
rien à perdre, à prouver je n’ai rien à prouver non plus, j’ai rien à prouver, j’ai rien à
perdre, j’ai mon identité comme chaque un, et les Playmobils aujourd’hui et j’en suis
très fier, comme Laurent et comme Johann on est tout les trois, c’est très important
qu’on soit vraiment tous les trois, si tu veux c’est un cercle, c’est très important pour
nous qu’on soit tous les trois. Et ce qui est important c’est que aujourd’hui, si tu
veux, pour moi aussi, tous les trois on a deux magasins, avec internet ça nous fait
trois sites, donc on a trois points de vente et c’est une revanche sur la vie. Tu vois,
c’est en plus il y a des gens qui s’intéressent à moi, à ce que je fais, il y a eu des
journaux, il y a eu la télévision, les gens il se posent des questions, ils viennent on
discute pour moi c’est un, tu vois ce que je veux dire, c’est un revanche sur ce que
j’ai vécu avant et pour Johann c’est pareil parce que il a vécu des moments difficiles,
et Laurent avec des moments très difficiles aussi. Donc, quelque part pour nous trois
c’est aussi… oui, une revanche, oui!”]
Thanks to the brand, the world Playmobil built with the successful Klikobil experience,
Olivier manages to have his revenge on the world and on the society that rejected him
from the early age (for his sexuality). As Olivier said during the interviews “Playmobil
saved my life”. The brand is represented as an anchor, a landmark to which Olivier
clings to ensure the survival of his identity, to assert his existence to the world. Even
more, the brand allows Olivier to win his challenge with the world making him the
protagonist of something out of the ordinary, Klikobil. The media success of Klikobil
and the recognition from people and customers in his stores are for Olivier clear
evidence of his personal victory against marginalization and loneliness. In short thanks
to Playmobil, Olivier gets justice. The emerging theme in this section of the text “save
the life” is organized on the pair life vs. death that Olivier deepens next.
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“It is this principle, we recycle, we do not throw away, it also avoids that the
Playmobils remain in the dust in the garage, in the attic, in boxes at the back of the
house, lost, people do not remember even they are there. Here, the forgotten
Playmobils. So, people bring me their forgotten Playmobils and it is in fact to give
them a life, and then also to these forgotten Playmobils which I have personally
restored life will be distributed in the children’s rooms. So the kids will play with,
the kids will be happy, and then the children will give them a life, a child’s life,
because they will play with, you’ll be the princess, you’re the knight, you will be the
pirate, and the more children they mix all the princesses, pirates, they mix everything
and they make a world like this, this is fantastic. The doctor who arrives in the
middle with his ambulance because the pirate ship fell, in fact it is a bit like the
Playmobil universe. There is a pirate, there is the knight who will attack the pirate
ship while they are different worlds and in the middle you have a fireman that will
save everyone, it is a bit like that. So here, the principle itself is to recover
Playmobils to give them life and then leave these Playmobils in children’s rooms for
a second life, a fourth life, a fifth life, then it is endless. Playmobils do not die. Well,
Playmobils do not die and Playmobils never die. With us, with us and with the
children Playmobils do not die.”
[“C’est aussi ce principe, on recycle, déjà on jette pas ça evite aussi que les
Playmobils restent dans le poussier, dans le garage, dans le grenier, dans les cartons,
au fond de la maison, perdus, les gens ne se souviennent même plus qu’ils sont là.
Voilà, les Playmobils oubliés. Donc, les gens m’apportent leur Playmobils oubliés et
enfaite c’est leur redonner une vie, et puis aussi à ces Playmobils oubliés auxquels
moi j’ai personnellement redonné une vie vont repartie dans les chambres des
enfants. Donc, les enfants vont jouer avec, les enfants vont être heureux, et puis les
enfants vont leur redonner une vie, une vie d’enfant, parce que ils vont jouer avec, toi
tu seras la princesses, tu seras le chevalier, tu seras le pirate, et en plus les enfants ils
mélangent tout, les princesses, les pirates, ils mélangent tout et ils se font un univers
comme ça c’est fantastique. Le médecin qui arrive au milieu avec son ambulance
parce le pirate est tombé du bateau, enfaite c’est un peu ça l’univers Playmobil. C’est
qu’il y a le pirate, il y a le chevalier qui va attaquer son bateau de pirate alors c’est
des mondes différents et au a milieu tu a des pompiers qui vont sauver tout le monde
c’est un peu ça. Et donc voilà, le principe en lui même c’est de récupérer des
Playmobils, de leur redonner vie et puis que ces Playmobils partent dans les
chambres d’enfants pour une seconde vie, une quatrième vie, une cinquième vie,
enfin c’est un peu ça, c’est interminables quoi. Les Playmobils ne meurent pas.
Voilà, les Playmobils ne meurent pas et les Playmobils ne meurent jamais. Avec
nous, avec nous et avec les enfants les Playmobils ne meurent pas.”]
The existence of both the Playmobil brand and Olivier are closely intertwined. If the brand
guarantees the survival of Olivier, Olivier produces the same an effort to ensure the
survival of Playmobil avoiding its death. In this case, the concept of death refers to the
social death and not to the biological death. In fact, like Olivier risks the social death
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because rejected by society, so Playmobil risks the social death if placed in some boxes
because they are no longer available for children to play. Ensure the viability of
Playmobils and their being in the world (especially among children) means for Olivier
ensures the survival of his world and his identity.
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Case 3 - Robert
Robert was interviewed during a period of 18 months. At the time of the interviews Robert
is on sick leave from his job, is an ex-employee of La Poste. His relationship with the
Vespa begins in childhood, when his uncle bequeaths a Vespa with which he played when
he was “5-6 years old”. Later he left the Vespa to spend on other things. Starting from
1990, the year when he rediscovers the Vespa, Robert suffers from physical problems. As a
result, Robert sees his life totally changing, he can no longer work or no longer do all the
daily activities he was used to - drive the car, playing soccer, running etc. In 1995, after a
domestic incident he underwent two surgeries to the spine as a result of which his
relationship with the Vespa has intensified. He is an active member of the Vespa Club of
Marseille; he is the vice president since 1999. Robert currently has 6 Vespa models of
different eras that he cares regularly. He rides with in turn during the week taking an
account of the kilometers traveled by each. In addition, he has two garages, the first one
full of tools and spare parts with which he makes maintenance of Vespas. Then he has
rented the second one on purpose to accommodate the 6 Vespas. Each Vespa is covered
with more blankets to protect them from shocks and dust.
“So I have a big paradox in my life is that I was born, I bathed in the Vespa water.
My uncle, my mother’s brother had a Vespa. I also have a picture where I am sitting
on the Vespa, behind my sister, near my aunt. My uncle died at the age of 33, I
would be 5-6 years old and when he died I was the only boy in the family, and in his
will he bequeathed me. I did not drive but I played with, I rode over, all that. This
Vespa was in a basement, in Draguignane and I saw it when we went to see my aunt.
I have a big hole, my teens, the army, I got married, I was 14 years old I got the
Solex after it was the scooter and this Vespa was out of my head. And at the age of
35-36 years old it was stored in the basement of my aunt, and my aunt she needed
space in the basement and she told me ‘Well, or you take the Vespa or I’ll drop it
elsewhere’. So I was 35-36 years old, there has been a big hole, twenty years.”
[“Alors moi, j’ai un gros paradoxe dans ma vie, c’est que je suis né, j’ai baigné dans
la Vespa. Mon oncle, le frère de ma mère avait un Vespa. J’ai une photo d’ailleurs où
je suis assis sur la Vespa, ma sœur derrière, ma tante à coté. Mon oncle il est mort à
l’âge de 33 ans, mois je devais avoir l’âge de 5 – 6 ans et lors de son décès j’étais le
seul garçon de la famille, et dans son testament il me l’a léguée. Je la conduisais pas
mais je m’amusais avec, je montais dessus, tout ça. Cette Vespa elle était dans un
cave, à Draguignane et je la voyais que quand on montait chez ma tante. J’ai un gros
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trou, mon adolescence, l’armée, je me suis marié, j’ai eu à 14 ans c’était le Solex,
après c’était la mobylette et cette Vespa elle m’était sortie de la tète. Et à l’age de 3536 ans elle était entreposé dans la cave de ma tante, et ma tante elle a eu besoin de
place dans la cave et elle m’a dit ‘Voilà, ou tu prends la Vespa ou on la mes ailleurs’.
Donc, j’avais 35-36 ans, il y a eu un gros trou, une vingtaine d’années.]
The link between Robert and Vespa was born in his infancy thanks to his uncle who
bequeaths his Vespa to him. This episode is by Robert lived as a myth of the origin of his
story with the brand. A myth in which the life of Robert held at the font by Vespa “I was
born, I bathed in the Vespa water”. In this excerpt the significant element is the term
“paradox”. Robert describes its particular way of representing his life with the Vespa as a
paradox. The term paradox (from the Greek parà doxa) means, literally, that goes against
the conventional wisdom. Using the term paradox Robert indicates his awareness of the
feel he holds for a commercial possession, the brand Vespa, which is not necessarily
common especially for the generation to which he belongs to, Robert was born in 1954.
“When I rediscovered it was [pause] it coincided with the fact that I could no longer
drive a car, I suffered a double slipped disc with rupture of the sciatic nerve, the
clutch to left leg whenever I activate it, it hurt and I could no longer drive. So , I need
two wheels and it was beautifully kept. So I restored it I rode like that and then I
redid gradually what had to be redone, and it was my first Vespa. My true passion is
begun there. it saved me because as I could no longer get around by car and all that,
it was a way to roll with. And it was a medical controversy because all the surgeons I
saw said ‘You must not ride a Vespa, you're going wrong’, I proved they were
wrong! Because of the Vespa as you sit on a chair with the legs resting on a plank
legs that are suspensions, in addition to the seat and more suspensions. While you are
in a car like that with legs that force and [pause] So I managed to convince them but
even if I had failed I would have continued anyway. For example the Sunday I took
the car to pick up my mother, and being stuck in traffic, it hurt me. I make 1400 km
and I have nothing, I went to Turin and nothing. And this is where I go.”
[“Quand je l’ai redécouverte ça était [pause] ça coïncidait avec le fait que je pouvais
plus conduire de voiture, je souffrais d’une double hernie discale avec rupture d’une
sciatique, l’embarillage de la jambe gauche à chaque fois que j’ambrais ça me faisait
mal et je pouvais plus conduire. Donc, j’avais besoin d’un deux roues et elle était
magnifiquement conservée. Donc, je l’ai restaurée j’ai roulé comme ça et après j’ai
refait petit à petit ce qu’il y avait à refaire, et ça était ma première Vespa. Ma
véritable passion elle est partie là. Elle a été salvatrice pour moi parce que comme je
pouvais plus me déplacer en voiture et tout ça, ça été une manière de rouler avec. Et
ça a été une polémique médicale parce que tous les chirurgiens que j’ai vu me
disaient ‘Il faut pas rouler en Vespa, vous allez avoir mal’, j’ai prouvé le contraire !
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Parce que sur la Vespa on est assis comme sur un fauteuil avec les jambes qui
reposent sur un planchéie, sont les jambes qui font suspensions, plus la saille qui fait
de suspension, plus les suspensions. Alors que dans un voiture on est comme ça avec
les jambes qui forcent et [pause]. Donc, j’ai réussi à les convaincre mais même si
j’aurais pas réussi j’aurais continué quand même. La par exemple dimanche j’ai pris
la voiture pour aller chercher ma mère, et le fait d’être coincé dans un embouteillage,
j’ai eu mal. Je fais 1400 km et j’ai rien, je suis allé à Turin avec, rien. Et c’est là que
c’est parti.”]
The idea of going against the common opinion is the thread that ties the movement of the
plot in these two sections of text. If in the previous Robert describes the first phase of his
relationship with the Vespa, in this he reflects on the second phase of the relationship.
After childhood, Robert discovers the Vespa when he is 36 years old, in 1990. He lives the
Vespa as a paradox when he must challenge the advice of doctors who suggested to him to
stop using it because it is dangerous to his physical condition. In this first part emerges the
pattern subjective knowledge vs. objective knowledge. In the Robert’s perspective,
despite being a commercial possession, Vespa has saved his life, “it saved me”. Later in
the interview Robert comes back several times on this point.
“At the time every time I went to a doctor, to a surgeon, the first thing that came into
my head was to convince them that the Vespa was good for me. Because I was afraid
of something that they told me ‘Well, stop the Vespa!’. Then I might do something
stupid. It became important to me. From '90 to '95 I had already mounted five years
after the discovery and I could not do without. I swear, I went to my doctor, I
explained, I even took a piece of paper, a pencil, I was drawing to him, you know,
the person sitting on the Vespa and everything. And there is been one who told me
‘You’re right!’. At the time I saw 4 or 5 doctors, the professor who operated me and
the other neurosurgeons, because for them it was impossible, I could not run all the
time on two wheels.”
[“A l’époque chaque fois que j’allais pour un docteur, pour un chirurgien, la
première des choses qui me venaient en tète c’était le convaincre que la Vespa était
bonne pour moi. Parce que j’avais peur d’une chose, qu’il me dise ‘Bon, arrêtez la
Vespa !’. La j’aurais pu faire une connerie. C’était devenu importante pour moi. De
’90 à ‘95 j’avais monté déjà, cinq ans pour la découvrir et après j’en pouvais plus
m’en passer. Je te jure que j’allais chez mon docteur, je lui expliquais, je prenais
même un morceau de papier, un crayon, je lui faisais le dessin, tu sais, le personnage
assis sur la Vespa et tout. Et il y en a qui m’a dis ‘Vous avez raison !’. A l’époque
j’en ai vus 4 ou 5, le professeur qui m’a opéré, d’autre neurochirurgiens, parce que
pour eux c’étais impossible, je ne pouvais pas rouler tout le temps sur un deux
roues.”]
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In 1995 after a worsening of his condition, Robert undergoes two interventions within 6
months. What emerges is an obvious discrepancy between the medical opinion and
Robert’s opinion. As the same Robert says “It became important to me [...] and I could not
do without”. This tension reveals a contrast between a vision of the “scientific” objective
reality and a subjective, humanistic perspective in which the experience with the brand
takes on a specific meaning. It is in this tension that the brand assumed for Robert the
meaning of an entity that is close to the idea of salvation and sacredness, going well
beyond just a commercial nature as in general it is recognized to be.
“I: still injuries ...
Yeah, spectacular, the first was with the first one I showed you that I’m sitting on it.
I went up the Boulevard Michelet and a person who did not look right, wraang! Cut
me. The Vespa remained in the car I went over, I hit the pavement with my head
fortunately I had the headset. And going to the beach, I was in shorts and I rose my
head, they were out of the car ‘What happens to you sir?’ I started to cry. Why am I
crying? Because I saw the Vespa in what state it was. That was my first reaction.
Then they came, ‘We bring you sir’, and what we do with the Vespa? Leave it alone!
Leave it! I take before the Vespa and then I go to the hospital. The public official
was taken back the Vespa and after I went to the hospital. The last was at the rue St.
Pièrre, I saw a car that had a turn signal on the left side and I saw it 300 meters
before. And I felt something was going to happen. I have slowed, slowed, slowed
and at one point I said that I must be going, and when I passed wraang! It turned and
I went down. And there like it was with the little 50 you saw, to the firemen the same
I said I come two hours later. After that it went wrong at work because I had a
dispute with my management as they wanted to replace me on the job I had, which
were a privileged position on what I had been placed at the following of my back.
Their goal was to turn me out to put someone else in the box direction while it was a
position where I could not do anything I was doing, they wanted me to do something
else. They took advantage I was on leave, two days after they took my stuff, they put
in a box as in American films and they kicked me out and replaced me. I left, it
freaked me out, I wanted to fight against the windmills but I took on leave and since
I’m still on leave. Here, I take pleasure from my retirement.
I: When you saw your Vespa on the floor were you crying?
Oh I swear, after I remade it as new. I was with my wife, I stopped at a red light, he
doubles me, he sees the red light was red and he fell back and he pressed my Vespa. I
was white, like that, I was tense. My wife came down, the guy came down he begins
to talk like that, ‘Do not worry’. My wife she saw the face I had, ‘Stop sir he will kill
you’. And luckily he stopped. For me it was part of my body that was [pause] a
sacrilege. Yes, it was [pause]
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I: As if he had profaned something?
Oh, I swear, I swear yes.”
[“I: quand même des accidents…
Beh, spectaculaires, le premier c’était avec la première celle que je t’ai montré que je
suis assis dessus. Je remontais le boulevard Michelet et une personne âgée qui n’a
pas regardé à droit, wraang ! M’a coupé. La vespa elle est resté sous la voiture moi je
suis parti par dessus, j’ai tapé al tète conte le trottoir heureusement j’avais le casque.
Et j’allais à la plage, j’étais en short et j’ai levé al tète, ils sont sortis de la voiture
‘Qu’est qu’il vous arrive monsieur ?’ je me suis mis à pleurer. Pourquoi j’ai pleuré ?
Parce que j’ai vu la Vespa dans quel état elle était. Ça c’était ma première réaction.
Puis ils sont venus, ‘On vous emmène’, et la Vespa qu’est qu’on fait ? Laissez-la !
Laissez-la ?! Je remmène la Vespa et après je vais à l’hôpital. L’officiel de charge a
remmené la Vespa et après je suis allé à l’hôpital. Le dernier c’était devant la rue St.
Pierre, j’avais vu une voiture qui avait un clignotant arriver sur le coté gauche et je
l’ai vu 300 mètres avant. Et plus je rapprochais plus je sentais qu’allait s’arriver
quelque chose. Moi j’ai ralenti, ralenti, ralenti et à un moment j’ai dit il faut bien que
je passe, et au moment que je passe wraang ! Elle a tourné et je suis parti à l’air. Et là
pareille c’était avec le petit 50 que tu a vu et le pompiers pareille je leur ai dit je
viens deux heures après. Après ça c’est mal passé au niveau du travail parce que
j’étais un litige avec ma direction quoi, ils voulaient me remplacer sur le poste que
j’avais, qui étaient un poste privilégié sur le quel j’avais été placé à la suite de mon
dos. Leur but c’était de me virer de là pour placer quelqu’un d’autre de la boite de la
direction alors que c’était une positionne où je ne pouvais faire autre chose que je
faisais, eux ils voulaient me faire faire autre chose. Ils ont profité que je sois un
accident de travail, deux jours après ils ont pris mes affaires, ils les ont mis dans un
carton comme dans les films américains et il m’ont foutu dehors et il m’ont
remplacé. Je suis parti, ça m’a fait flipper, je voulais me battre contre les moulins en
contre partie je suis partie en maladie et depuis je suis toujours en maladie. Voilà, je
profite un peu.
I : Quand tu a vu ta Vespa par terre tu t’es mis à pleurer ?
Ah oui je te jure après je l’ai refaite de nouveau. J’étais avec ma femme je m’arrête
au feu rouge, il me double comme ça il voit que le feu rouge était rouge et il recule et
il m’embouti la Vespa. J’étais blanc, blanc comme ça, j’étais crispé. Ma femme est
descendue, le mec est descendu il commence à discuter comme ça ‘N’inquiétez pas’.
Ma femme elle a vu la tète que j’avais, ‘Arrêtez monsieur il va vous tuer’. Et
heureusement qu’il a arrêté. Pour moi c’était la partie de mon corps qui a été [pause],
un sacrilège. Oui, c’était [pause]
I : Comme s’il avait profané quelque chose ?
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Ah je te jure, je te jure oui.”]
In this description it is evident the way Robert lives the brand. As he says, “For me it was
part of my body that was [pause] a sacrilege. Yes, it was”. So, when the brand is damaged
by others it is for Robert a sacrilege, a kind of desecration. What this section of text notes
with clarity is the difference of views on the Vespa and the reason why people fail to
understand the value it represents for Robert. This is the case of the first incident, “We
bring you sir’, and what we do with the Vespa? Leave it alone! Leave it! I take before the
Vespa and then I go to the hospital. The public official was taken back the Vespa and after
I went to the hospital”. In the second case, “he begins to talk like that, ‘Do not worry’. My
wife she saw the face I had, ‘Stop sir he will kill you. And luckily he stopped”. Just this
second episode is emphasized as over-reactions that may result in violent acts “Stop sir he
will kill you. And luckily he stopped”. This rises from the discrepancy of views on the
value of the same object. For Robert (his) Vespa belongs to the sacred, while for the others
to that to the profane.
“When I get in the Vespa I was in a period that was not very good for me, mentally,
physically. It allowed me to regain confidence, joy in what I did; it gave me a lot of
satisfaction. It was a trigger because it was a very bad time in my life. For me it was
[pause] when I am not fine I take the Vespa, when I ride when I feel bad I swear that
to ride [pause ] I do not know but it has to massage my arteries and stuff like that you
see. It must release my attachment point to the clutch [pause] I do not hurt! It is
therapeutic. It is therapeutic for the body and for the head.
I: Do you ever get stressed?
Oh yeah, I know when I am not fine I’m leaving and I will forget everything. You do
not have to be concentrated to ride [pause] and you feel good. That’s why I tell you
when you're in the way [pause] because it has a lot of contact with people, people
they come to us, ‘Oh, I have the same, mine is like this, like that’, you know, it
opened the discussion with people, you remind them the good times. This is what is
wrong is to be between passionate people, passionate or not. Sometimes we stop in
bars, restaurants and we discover new people, and then there is a friendship. It opens
the conversation, the discussion; it is a passport to well-being.
I: So either alone and with others
But I can swear you of the time I’m in town I’m alone I stop at a red light and I see
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someone makes me like this [thumb raised]. So you say [pause] that brings you
satisfaction.”
[“Quand je me suis mis dans la Vespa j’étais dans une période qui était pas très très
bonne pour moi, mentalement, physiquement. Ça m’a permit de reprendre confiance,
joie dans ce que je faisais, ça m’a apporté pas mal de satisfaction. Ça a été un
déclencheur parce que c’était un très mauvais moment de ma vie. Pour moi ça était
[pause] quand ça va pas je prend la vespa, je roule quand je’ai mal je te jure que le
fait de rouler [pause] moi je sais pas mais ça doit me masser les artères et des trucs
comme ça tu vois. Ça doit me libérer le point d’accroche tu vois de la friction [pause]
j’ai pas mal! C’est thérapeutique. C’est thérapeutique soit pour le corps que pour la
tète.
I: Ça t’arrive d’être stressé?
Ah oui, quand ça va pas je sais que je pars et j’oublie tout quoi. Tu n’es pas obligé
d’être concentré pour rouler [pause] et tu es bien. C’est pour ça que je te disais quand
on est dans la route [pause] parce que on a beaucoup de contacts avec les gens, les
gens ils viennent nous voir ‘Oh, j’ai la même la mienne est comme si, elle est comme
ça’, tu vois, ça ouvre la discussion avec les gens, tu leur rappelle des bons moments.
C’est ça qui est pas mal, c’est d’être entre gens passionnés ou pas passionnés. Des
fois on s’arrête dans des bars, des restaurants et on découvre des gens et puis il y a
une amitié. Ça ouvre à la conversation, à la discussion, c’est un passeport pour le
bien être.
I : Donc soit en solo soit avec les autres
Moi je t’assure des fois je suis en ville, je suis tout seul je m’arrete à un feu rouge et
je vois quelqu’un qui me fais comme ça [le pouce soulevé]. Alors tu te dis [pause] ça
t’apporte de la satisfaction.”]
In opposition to the medical opinion, in Robert’s idea, Vespa produces beneficial effects
up to take on a therapeutic value. For Robert Vespa is a remedy against the malaise of life.
It appears in this section of the text the pattern existential malaise vs. existential wellbeing which deeply marks Robert’s experience with the brand, both for the product than
for the passionate of Vespa community which he is a member. As already seen in the
previous text, Robert feeds an individual relationship with the brand. He ascribes to the
brand healthy meanings especially in relation to his physical problems. He also feeds a
collective relationship with the brand, as the community which he belongs allows him to
get in touch with people and enjoy emotional and psychological benefits. In this sense, the
term “satisfaction” further helps to build the sense of this part of the text. In fact, the term
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is used by Robert twice, at the beginning of the text “It allowed me to regain confidence,
joy in what I did, it gave me a lot of satisfaction”, when he talks about the therapeutic wellbeing and “So you say [pause] that brings you satisfaction” in relation to the recognition
by others. This shows that Robert lives the brand as a means by which to cope with the
difficulties of life and the feeling of loneliness that comes with it.
“When I said I see the pictures, all the rides we have made and all that, I have images
that come to mind. How I can say I have the thrills you know [pause] I do not have
the adjective [pause] I'm really touched, I feel [pause] I feel too much, there is
[pause] what I mean is that with the Vespa club, it's not the machine, they showed
me a lot of affection, something like that. It is important to warmth [pause] It's not
partners, people with whom I go out on Sunday. It is a family. And when I say that
there is a family atmosphere that's really it.”
[Quand je raconte je vois les images, tous les sorties qu’on a fait et tout ça, j’ai les
images qui viennent à l’esprit. Comment je peux dire, j’ai les frissons si tu veux
[pause], j’ai pas le qualificatif [pause] je suis beaucoup touché, je ressent [pause], je
me sens pas trop, là c’est [pause], ce que je veux dire c’est que grâce au Vespa club,
c’est pas que la machine, ils m’ont montré beaucoup d’affection, de truc comme ça.
C’est important de la chaleur humaine [pause] C’est pas que des partenaires des gens
avec qui je sort le dimanche. C’est une famille. Et quand je dis qu’il y a un esprit
familial c’est vraiment ça quoi.]
It is in this light that can be also read the involvement of Robert in the Vespa fan club in
Marseille. For Robert the club members become as members of his family on which to rely
in times of trouble. In addition, to Robert Vespa has a strong evocative power that brings
him back to the childhood memories. This age is ideally happy and so far from the feeling
of suffering and the thinking of family losses.
“The advantage with the Vespa if you like is that it is not extinct, it is set a little aside
for after returns. Me and that's what I like, because I know it's my uncle's and my
hands over it [pause] and the more I am full of nostalgia. So I do not know if this is
an ability or something, I can revisit images from my past... when I can not
remember what I ate for lunch. These are just little episodes.
[...]
I: Yesterday the others told me Robert has a somewhat strange passion what did they
mean?
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I have a room is covered with photographs of Vespa. I recreated some of my room
when I was a kid but at the time it was the pictures of a singer. Every one lives his
own passion in his own way.”
[“L’avantage avec la Vespa si tu veux c’est qu’elle ne c’est pas éteinte, elle s’est mis
un peu à coté pour après revenir. Et moi c’est ça qui me plait, parce que je sais que
c’est celle de mon oncle et j’ai les mains dessus c’est [pause] et en plus je suis plein
de nostalgie. Donc, je sais pas si c’est une capacité ou quoi, j’arrive à revoir des
images de mon passé…, alors que je peux pas me rappeler de ce que j’ai mangé à
midi. C’est des petits épisodes quoi.
[…]
I : Hier les autres ils me disaient Robert a une passion un peu étrange, dans quel sens
d’après toi?
J’ai une chambre elle est recouverte de photographies de Vespa. J’ai retrouvé un peu
ma chambre de quand j’étais gamin mais à l’époque c’était les photos d’une
chanteuse. Après chaqu’un vie sa propre passion.”]
The pair existential malaise vs. existential well-being characterizes particularly the
experience of Robert’s life, which seems to live with a particular sensitivity and difficulties
in family losses which are part of life. During the period of the interviewing Robert has a
sick mother, his approach to the world of the Vespa takes place in a period of depression
and his engagement in initiatives of the Vespa club is particularly intense, such as in the
event of 2011 of the “Nain Portout” when he lost his sister.
“This stuff also fell at a bad time in my life, I had lost my sister and when they asked
me I said yes, I joined one hundred per cent, more than a hundred percent, I have
given it more than others because it is not nothing, it's nice to take pictures but we
must take the thing, it was in a box you must put it back to your Vespa, and then
come to the Pharos, take pictures, take it again, to go somewhere else, you know. I
did it for three weeks.
[ ... ]
It was the dwarf everywhere; I do not know if you saw the movie Amilie Poulin, they
were inspired by it.
I: So you did you bring this dwarf in some places?
It made all France.
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I: he went through all the clubs in France?
All Vespa clubs acma. And we went on to take it, we made the most of miles because
that's why I told you that we were committed. We picked it up at Perpignan because
there are clubs that did not feel concerned, they didn’t want. So we went to
Perpignan, it was taken back to Marseille and after it was brought to Avignon, it was
taken back in Marseille, it was taken to Mont Ventoux, Mont Ventoux he made
Toulon to Antibes.
I: it is you from the club Marseille or there are others who doing it?
Yes, yes.
I: And it's always the same?
Yes, it is always the same. And he survived all around.”
[“Ce truc est tombé aussi à un mauvais moment de ma vie, je venais de perdre ma
soeur et quand on me l’a proposé j’ai dit oui, j’ai adhéré à cent pour cent, plus que à
cent pour cent, j’en ai donné plus que les autres quoi parce que c’est pas rien, c’est
beau de faire des photos mais il faut prendre le truc, il était dans une boite il le faut
mettre dérrier la vespa, et puis arriver devant le Pharos le sortir, prendre la photo,
remonter, aller ailleurs, tu vois. Je l’ai fait pendant trois semaines.
[…]
Ça faisait le nain partout, je sais pas si tu as vu le film de Amilie Poulin, ils se sont
inspirés de ça.
I: Donc vous avez porté ce nain un peu par tout?
Il a fait toute la France.
I: il a traversé tous les clubs de France?
Tous les clubs Vespa acma. Et nous on est allé le prendre, c’est nous qu’on a fait le
plus de km parce que, c’est pour ça que je t’as dit qu’on s’est investis. On est allé le
chercher à Perpignan parce que il y a des clubs qui se sont pas sentis concernés, qui
on ont pas voulu quoi. Donc, on est allé à Perpignan, on l’a remmené à Marseille et
en suite on l’a porté à Avignon, on l’a remmené sur Marseille, on l’a emmené au
Mont Ventoux, le Mont Ventoux il a fait Toulon jusqu’à Antibes.
I: ça c’est que vous le club de Marseille, après il y a d’autres qui l’on fait?
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Oui, oui.
I: Et c’est toujours le même?
Oui, c’est toujours le même. Et il a survécu à tout le tour.”]
The Vespa Club and the Vespa tout court assume the meaning of well-being, comfort;
warmth and relaxation from his owe concerns.
“When I was young at the age of ten, just before the Solex I had the bike, I went on a
bike and I made many km, we discovered small corners like that. There are places
where I am now back with the Vespa, I make them discover to colleagues. When you
ride on two wheels you discover landscapes, you have that entire [pause] it's really a
pleasure. It is true that if there were a little more comfort [pause] but it's become
increasingly hard to ride on two wheels in the city mainly because people do not
respect the two wheels. There are times you start to be afraid, you must refuse your
priority even if you have it, because if you did not you risk an accident. And then
there is the jealousy towards the two wheels, you're in the city in traffic, there is the
guy who looks in the mirror, you can say that he is a biker, and there those who not
only they won’t let you go but they close the door, it's really dangerous. And on the
road we must be careful as, for example, if there is someone who will double if there
is something that happens in front, it flips up on you. So we try to have a riding code,
signals, and safety rules. We are a little bit in the domain of the bike because the
rider [pause], there is a spirit which he stops aside, he overcomes three motorcycles,
he sees you, and he makes you sign ok to know if you need a hand. We are also
reciprocating, it's that there is a state of mind and in gatherings happens that you find
yourself vespiste, lambrettiste, motoriste [pause] there is a state of mind. After there
is a rider that I do not like, he goes from point A to point B as fast as possible and
starts again. He risks own life and the lives of others, it does not like me too. There is
an enjoyable side of the road because you stop wherever you want; you're with
Vespa [pause]. Vespa marked four generations of people, even people who did not
have one, anyone says that they had mounted on a Vespa [pause] even to tell you
when we drive with the moderns people say ‘Wow, but it is a Vespa!’ and you see
the old models. People they welcomed us well, where you tell them we are from
Marseille, they ‘It's not possible’. When we did Turin and Alba, people in Turin were
shocked to know that we came by road and then we had gone through as Madeleine
and they were really [pause]. Because Italian I mean, you do not see Vespa in the
week but Sunday rooom. I’ll tell you a story, we had stayed in Alba, Turin just
before to pass through the Madeleine. Friday, It happens, we were received by the
Chairman of Alba and I started a little chat with him and ask him how many we were
on Saturday, and he told me not too many, and on Sunday? And he said to me, 5000.
Ah! I said who is from Marseille, it's me? I did not believe it, oh on Sunday 5000
Vespas! All the models were there. All the Vespa Clubs of Italy, I think the ne of
Rome is after Turin. After Alba is a small town, but after all there are plenty of small
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villages around small Vespa clubs meet and bam! 400, 500 members. But this is
normal; it is the country of the Vespa. At the time in 1990 , I went two or three times
in Italy to look for components, near to Milan Linate . Here there is one of the largest
exchanges market in Italy, components but then [pause] it was but it was more of a
priority for the Italian, it's their passion.
I: In what sense?
They go to the small details is so it must be there and they'll put it there and not here,
the calipers must fit the calipers, you see the washer. I spoke with Sergio Notare he
has a store of components and he is the director of the Piaggio Museum in Pontedera.
But I talked with him like you and me. I knew him by reputation, you see, I shook his
hand and then we started talking. Vespa opens the door to all, even if you do not
speak the language of the person who is in front of you and you manage to make
yourself understood by everyone, this is really [pause] and by all you can find you
[pause]”
[“Quand j’étais plus jeune à l’âge de dix ans, juste avant le solex j’ai eu le vélo, je
suis parti en vélo à faire des km, on découvrait des petits coins comme ça quoi. Il y a
des endroits où je retourne maintenant avec la Vespa, je le fait découvrir à des
collègues. Quand tu roule en deux roues tu découvre des paysage, tu as tout qui
[pause], c’est vraiment un plaisir. C’est vrai que s’il y avait un peu plus de confort
[pause] mais ça deviens de plus en plus dure de rouler en deux roues surtout en ville
parce que les gens ne respectent pas les deux roues. Là des fois on commence à avoir
peur, il faut même refuser ta priorité si tu l’as, la céder, parce que si tu l’as tu risque
l’accident. Et après il y a la jalousie envers les deux roues, tu es en plein ville dans
un embouteillage, il y a le gars qui regarde dans le rétroviseur, là tu peux dire qu’il es
un motard, et il y en a qui non seulement ils te laissent pas passer mais il te ferme la
porte, c’est vraiment dangereux. Et sur la route il faut faire attention aussi, par
exemple, s’il y a quelqu’un qui te double, s’il y a quelque chose qui arrive en face, il
se rabatte sur toi. Et donc on essaie d’avoir un code signale de roulage, de règles de
sécurité. On retrouve un peu le domaine de la moto parce que le motard [pause], il y
a un esprit quoi, il s’arrête de cote, il passe de trois motos, il te voit, il te fait le signe
de ok pour savoir si tu as besoin d’un coup de main. Nous aussi on rend l’appareille,
ça fait qu’il y a un état d’esprit et dans les rassemblements ça arrive que tu te
retrouve vespiste, lambrettiste, motoriste [pause], il y a un état d’esprit. Après il y a
le motard que je n’aime pas, lui il part du point A au point B le plus vite possible et
on repart. Il risque la propre vie et la vie des autres, ça me plait pas trop. Il y a un
coté jouissif sur la route parce que tu t’arrête où tu veux, tu es en vespa [pause]. La
Vespa a marqué quatre générations de personnes, s’il y a même des personnes qui
ont pas eu disons quelqu’un qui avait une vespa ils ont monté sur une vespa voilà il y
a [pause] même pour te dire quand on roule avec les modernes, les gens ils disent
‘Wow, mais c’est une Vespa !’ et les vieux modèles tu vois. Les gens ils nous ont
bien reçus, là où on va tu leur dit qu’on est de Marseille, ils ‘C’est pas possible !’.
Quand on a fait Turin et Alba, les turinois étaient estomaqués de savoir qu’on étaient
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venus par la route et en plus on étaient passé par la Madeleine aussi et ils étaient
vraiment [pause]. Parce que l’italien je veux dire, de Vespa tu en vois pas dans la
semaine par contre le dimanche rooom. Je vais te raconter une anecdote, on était
allés à Alba, juste avant Turin, aux pieds de la colle de la Madeleine. On arrive le
vendredi, on est reçus par le président de Albe et je commence un peu à discuter avec
lui et je lui demande comme bien on est pour samedi, et il me dit pas beaucoup, et le
dimanche ? Et il me dit, 5000. Ah ?! J’ai dit qui c’est Marseillais, c’est moi ? Je
croyais pas, oh le dimanche 5000 Vespa ! Tous les modèles représentés. De tous les
Vespa club d’Italie, je crois c’est celui de Rome et après Turin. Après Alba c’est une
petite ville, mais après il y a tous les petits villages autour plein de petits vespa club
qui se réunissent et bam ! 400, 500 membres. Mais c’est normal, c’est le pays de la
Vespa. A l’époque en 1990, je suis allé deux, trois fois en Italie à chercher des
pièces, à Linate à coté de Milan. Là il y a une des plus grandes bourses d’Italie, on
trouvait des pièces mais alors [pause] mais c’était plus une priorité pour l’italien, eux
c’est des passionnés.
I : Dans quel sens ?
Ils vont jusqu’au petit détaille donc la vise il faut qu’elle soit là et ils vont la mettre là
et pas là, la calibre il faut respecter la calibre, la rondelle tu vois. J’ai discuté avec
Sergio Notare il a un magasin de pièces détachées et c’est le directeur du musée
Piaggio à Pontedera. Mais moi j’ai discuté comme toi et moi. Moi je le connaissais
de notoriété tu vois, je lui ai serré la main et après on a commencé à discuter. La
Vespa ça ouvre la porte à tous, même si tu parle pas la langue de la personne qui est
en face de toi et toi tu arrive à te faire comprendre par tout le monde, c’est vraiment
[pause] et de par tout tu te retrouve tu peux [pause]”]
In this section of the text, Robert goes deeper into the idea of well-being and existential
malaise. There are various movements of the plot that alternate the “joyful” extent of the
Vespa world but also the threats that can destabilize it. For Robert the brand has the power
to break the isolation of the individual, to offer the possibility of greater social experiences.
This is true both for the members of the other Vespa communities and, ideally, for the
various generations. As Robert says “Vespa marked four generations of people”. This
opportunity to be recognized is a power provided by the brand Vespa. It allows to establish
social relations and - in the case of Robert - the opportunity to be recognized by others
though not belonging to the same social class, as in the case of the director of the museum
in Pontedera. The research of human contact and the healing power of Vespa underlies the
Robert’s identity projects as he says very powerfully “Vespa opens the door to all, even if
you do not speak the language of the person who is in front of you and you manage to
make yourself understood by everyone, this is really [pause] and by all you can find you
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[pause]”. The meaning that Robert gives to the brand here is to be able to break the wall of
the inability - the reference to linguistic differences is meaningful in this sense - it is
possible to establish human contact with people far away both for their social status, and
from the cultural point of view .
However, besides the healthy dimension Robert’s narrative express also a destructive
meaning linked to the brand. The Vespa world itself is a set of positive meanings. This
world – according to the experience of Robert – is under threat. Robert identifies the threat
mainly in the driving behavior of drivers for whom “there is the jealousy towards the two
wheels”. The theme of road safety is a constant in Robert’s narrative.
“In addition there is a jealousy that is between the four wheels and two wheels. Since
we the two wheels are not blocked by traffic jams, you can sneak here and there, and
you see you back when you see the guy who pulls on the right side so he is or a biker
or a smart guy. But that he will close the door for you as it does not support you
double him because he is blocked then it is this mentality that is murder”
[“En plus il y a une jalousie qui se fait entre le quatre roues et le deux roues. Etant
donné que nous les deux roues on est pas bloqués par les embouteillages, on peut se
faufiler ici et là, et tu le vois quand tu remonte tu le file le mec qui se gare coté droite
comme ça c’est ou un motard ou un mec intelligeant. Mais celui qu’il va te fermer la
porte comme ça il ne supporte pas que tu le double parce que lui il est bloqué alors
c’est cette mentalité que c’est assassine.”]
This section of text is linked to the previous one. The significant element is the term
“murderer”. Robert sees the difference between the world of four wheels and two wheels a
very strong threat to the security of Vespa world. This part of the text is connected to the
next one.
“I: So you're saying that your contribution to the club is especially compared to your
passion?
I'm not a vice president; I am a member who invested. I try to make gatherings, I am
responsible for the security because this is something that matters to me what I try to
do many rides as possible, this year it will be a little different because I have to take
care of my mother, I do not know what I'll do what I do. And now and then to listen
to others, sometimes they tell me things about Fred, I try to moderate, you see stuff
like that, and then I say if you are not happy you do it by yourselves, and we discuss,
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criticism is easy, to critic is sure is easy. Fred sometimes did things without
informing us, but this is because it is the action he did not have time to tell us what
he did and it is always in the interest of the club.
I: I feel your passion for Vespa is different than your experience in the club
Yes it is a bit like that. I wish it was the same, I'd like to transfer my passion to the
others, but we are not all the same. There are those who want to ride one per month,
they are bounded by family life, we have not the same ideas and that is good,
diversity is good, but sometimes I would like they do more I like it.
I: That's to say?
For example I discuss security for me is something I say something should not be
[...] it’s like that and that’s all. Then we go on the road and I find one that makes the
funny or the other who talks when I told them five minutes before, one behind the
other, the distance, you see things like that. They are not strict they do not think of
the danger that it can be.
I: And when you say to communicate my passion you remain on the security aspect.
In your box you told me ‘Vespa is part of my life’, so it is something that enriches
life, which not wastes it...
Because there are those who do not have any consideration about riding with Vespa.
For them they do not see the danger thy see nothing. While on the contrary it is more
dangerous to ride on two wheels unfortunately nowadays. So you need to level it.
Avoid the accident maybe we will not succeed all the time but if we succeed it is so
much better. And then there are who are [...] they are there, they look at the beautiful
landscape. That's it [pause] I my role is to avoid it, to avoid the accident.
I: Is this a role that you gave by yourself or the others gave it to you?
No, I think it came [pause]. Because I noticed that when you are driving alone
already you are less exposed to the cars but when you have a group then not only you
can have an accident but you'll annoy the driver, you're gonna get him distracted and
there is the clash. I saw things, a guy who broke on me to go when I had told him
politely that it would last 2-3 minutes, it was a rally, he could stop. But even now,
drive especially stuff with priority on the left; recently I saw to drive because it's
been a month since I take the car back a little. I prefer to withhold my priority
because I see the guy coming, I guess, and Vespa two wheels is sure. The guy knows
that you're going to stop because [pause] It is this mentality that has become [pause].
We will return to Western, we'll all be armed like that, it looks wrong and bam!”
[“I: Donc tu dis que ta contribution au club c’est surtout par rapport à ta passion ?
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Je suis pas un vice-président, je suis un membre qui s’investi. J’essaie de faire les
sortie, je suis responsable de la sécurité parce que ça c’est un truc qui m’importe
quoi, j’essaie de faire le maximum de sorties, bon là cette année ça va être un peu
différent parce que je dois m’occuper de ma mère, je sais pas ce que je vais faire, ce
que je vais pas faire. Et voilà et puis d’être à l’écoute des autres, des fois on me dis
des choses sur Fred, j’essaie de faire le tampon de modérer tu vois des trucs comme
ça, et puis je leurs dis si vous êtes pas contents vous le faite, on discute et voilà, la
critique est facile, critique c’est facile ça c’est sure. Fred des fois il fait des trucs sans
nous informer mais c’est parce que c’est sur l’action il n’a pas le temps de t’informer
et quoi qu’il fasse c’est toujours dans l’intérêt du club.
I: J’ai l’impression que ta passion pour la vespa c’est différent par rapport à ton vécu
dans le club
Oui c’est un peu ça. J’aimerais que ce soit la même, j’aimerais pouvoir transmettre
ma passion aux autres mais on est pas tous les mêmes. Il y en a qui veulent faire une
sortie par mois, il y en a qui sont tenus par la vie de famille, on a pas les mêmes idées
non plus et c’est bien, la diversité c’est bien, mais des fois que j’aimerais qu’il fasse
un peu plus comme moi quoi.
I: C'est-à-dire?
Par exemple que je discute de sécurité pour moi c’est un truc, je dis quelque chose il
faut pas y […] c’est comme ça on ne me coupe pas. Après on va prendre la route et
j’en trouve un qui va faire le guignol ou l’autre qui va discuter avec alors que j’avais
leur dit cinq minutes avant, un derrière l’autre, les distances, tu vois des trucs comme
ça. Ils sont pas rigoureux ils pensent pas au danger que ça peut être.
I: Et quand tu dis communiquer ma passion tu reste toujours sur le coté sécurité.
Dans le garage tu m’a di ‘La vespa ça fait partie de ma vie’, donc elle est quelque
chose qui enrichie la vie, qui la gâche pas…
Parce que il y en a qui n’ont pas la mémé considération de rouler en vespa. Pour eux
il voit pas le danger il voit pas plein de trucs. Alors que c’est le contraire, c’est plus
dangereux de rouler en deux roues malheureusement de nos jours. Donc il faut palier
à ça. Il faut éviter l’accident on y arrivera pas peut être tout le temps mais si on y
arrivera c’est tant mieux quoi, c’est tout voilà. Et puis il y en a qui sont tète en […],
ils sont là ils regardent le beau paysage. Voilà, c’est [pause] moi mon rôle c’est
d’éviter ça, d’éviter l’accident, voilà.
I: C’est un rôle que tu t’es donné par toi-même ou c’est les autres qui te l’ont
attribué ?
Non, je crois que c’est venu [pause]. Parce que j’ai remarqué que en conduisant tout
seul déjà tu es moins exposé aux voitures mais dès que tu as un group alors là non
seulement tu peux avoir un accident mais tu vas embêter l’automobiliste, tu vas le
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rendre fou furieux et là c’est le clash. Moi j’ai vu des trucs, un mec qui m’a fauché
dessus pour passer alors que je lui avais expliqué gentiment que ça allait durer 2-3
minutes, que c’était un rally, s’il pouvait s’arrêter. Mais mémé maintenant, mémé en
voiture surtout les trucs qui ont priorité à gauche récemment je l’ai vu en voiture
parce que ça fait un mois que je reconduis un petit peu. Je préfère refuser ma priorité
parce que je vois le mec arriver, je le devine, et en vespa en deux roues c’est sure. Le
mec il sait que tu vas t’arrêter parce que [pause] c’est cette mentalité qui est devenue
[pause]. On va retourner au western, on sera tous armés comme ça, on se regarde de
travers et bam!”]
Robert lives his commitment to the Vespa attributing to himself the role of guarantor of
security for others. He produces a split between the world - now seen as a source of
dangers and threats to the Vespa - and the Vespa world to which he associates the meaning
of salvation. This split also involves the same Vespa world to the extent that organizations
do not help but threaten the survival of the club of Marseille.
“I don’t want to be a member in a club with 100, 150 members because after you see
[pause] meetings they must agree. I maybe I'm extreme, but since Piaggio brings us
nothing, as the French federation Vespa brings nothing so we make a group of
friends. There is a club that is not a club is a group of friends, they are called Vespa
king, there is no association, there is no president, they are a tens they phone call one
each other, they come when they are invited. Because after when you're in a club
necessarily there are oppositions and then after that it can turn into a clash. In 2003,
Fred is not put at the door but he was replaced by another. And who had been elected
he even knew he would be president. And I understood nothing at the time. It was a
coup d’état, a group within the group decided they wanted to see Fred out and I was
leaving the club. No, we must be a bunch of friends and that’s all. You can have little
disagreements but it stops there, it should not turn into bad stuff.
I: at the time did the club have more members?
This is where the club has counted more members but it is also where we had more
problems. So this is where we almost [pause] luckily Fred was back because if he
was not we were dead. They had seen bigger, they had seen most of what we were.
They were dedicated to rent a room, a Dum for rent it is the most expensive, 800 €
per month. So they went to find solutions, there are ten who had advanced to pay 80
€ for me for the club. But I did not pay and I felt not comfortable because I did not
want to take advantage for me, and then there are those who have not begun to pay.
Well, there was a clash, there are parties, after the president and vice president have
gone, and we had literally implored Fred for having him back because he didn’t want
to come back, this is normal there was a little pride. That's why I [pause ]. Say what
keeps me going on because it's the Vespa club Marseille it is an entity. It dates from
1951, it has always existed here even if it was for few years sleepy you know. That's
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what keeps me on. But I'm do not want to recruit anyone. For example, to have the
right to look, when you're in an organization for example, a guy who just registers,
and you do not like him, he is a pest, he is disrespectful, you can not refuse him, it is
an association that takes everyone. He will make mischief, destroy you be the inside,
and you'll have the discord. After when you met for a ride, three are there, four on
the other, the picnic is tarnished, they eat there [pause]. Or we eat all together or it's
not even worth.
I: What makes you continue it is the entity ...
But I want to keep this spirit, the family spirit. I prefer to be fifteen rather than fifty
disagree with some who will never come.
I: So for you even leaving the federation...
They are nothing, what they represent is that we pay them each year the levy. I prefer
to be part of the Marseille Vespa club rather than the Vespa Club of France.”
[“Moi je suis pas partant d’un club à 100, 150 adhérents tu vois parce que après
[pause] aux réunions il faut qu’ils soient d’accord. Moi peut être que je suis extrême,
mais vu que Piaggio nous apporte rien, vu que la fédération française Vespa nous
apporte rien autan de faire un groupe d’amis. Il y a un club c’est pas un club c’est un
group d’amis, ils s’appellent les Vespa king, il n’y a pas d’association, il n’y a pas de
président, ils sont une dizaine ils se téléphone, ils viennent quand on les invite. Parce
que après quand tu es dans un club forcement il y a des oppositions et puis après ça
peut tourner au clash. En 2003, Fred c’est retrouvé pas à la porte mais il a été
remplacé par un autre. Et celui qui avait été élu il savait même pas qu’il allait être
président. Et moi j’ai rien compris sur le coup. Ça été un putsch, un groupe parmi le
groupe qui a décidé qu’il voulait plus voir Fred et j’étais à deux doigts de quitter le
club. No, il faut qu’on soit une bande d’amis et qu’on l’on reste. On peut avoir des
petits désaccords mais ça s’arrête là, il faut pas que ça tourne en vinaigre et puis
voilà
I: à l’époque le club il comptait plus de membres?
C’est là que le club a compté plus de membres mais c’est là aussi qu’on a eu plus de
boudins. Donc c’est là qu’on a faillit [pause] heureusement que Fred a vulu reprendre
parce que si non on était morts. Ils avaient vu plus grand, ils avaient vu plus gros de
ce qu’on était. Ils avaient dédié de louer un local, un Dum, pour un Dum le loyer il
est le plus cher, 800€ par mois. Donc ils sont partis trouver des solutions, il y en a dix
qui s’étaient avancé à payer 80€ par moi pour le club. Mais moi qui n’avait pas payer
je me sentais pas alaise parce que je voulais pas profiter tu vois, et après il y en a qui
ont commencé pas à payer. Voilà, il y a eu le clash, il y en a qui sont partis, après il y
a eu la président et le vice-président ils sont partis, et on a carrément supplié Fred
pour que il reviens parce que il voulait pas revenir, c’est normal il y avait un peu
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d’orgueil. C’est pour ça que moi je [pause]. Disons que ce qui me fait avancer parce
que c’est le Vespa club de Marseille, c’est une entité. Ça date depuis 1951, çà a
toujours existé même si a été quelques années en sommeil tu vois. C’est ça qui me
tient. Mais je sui pas pour faire n’importe quoi, pour recruter n’importe qui. Par
exemple avoir le droit de regard, quand tu es dans une association par exemple, un
gars qui vient s’inscrire, il te plait pas, c’est un gueulard, c’est un irrespectueux, tu
peux pas refuser, c’est une association qui prend tout le monde. Lui il va te grigner la
pomme, tout te bouffer de l’intérieur et tu vas te retrouver avec une zizanie. Après
quand tu te réunie, tu fais des sorties, il y en a trois d’un coté, quatre de l’autre, ça
rate le pic nic, eux il mange là [pause]. Ou on mange tous ensemble ou si non c’est
même pas la peine, voilà.
I : ce qui te fait continuer c’est l’entité…
Moi je veux garder cet esprit là, cet esprit famille. Je préfère qu’on soit quinze plutôt
que cinquante et ne pas s’entendre et qui ne viendrons jamais quoi.
I : donc pour toi même de quitter la fédération…
Ils ne représentent rien, ce qu’ils représentent c’est qu’ils nous pendent des sous
chaque année pour la cotisation. Moi je préfère etre du Vespa club de Marseille que
du Vespa club de France.”]
The emerging pattern from the previous sections of text is salvation of the Vespa world vs.
danger from the outside world. Here Robert creates a bond of interdependence between
himself and the Vespa world as it is lived in his experience. If the brand has helped to save
Robert’s life, so Robert is deep in an effort to protect “his” Vespa world from external
threats. Both those coming from the road that are likely to affect the individual members of
the group and to leave bad memories into an experience with the brand that Robert wants
beneficial, and those from the organization itself with its apparatus divides rather than
unite members. The importance that Robert assigned to the protection of the Vespa world
allows redefining the theme of salvation. The whole narrative of Robert, in fact, is
structured on the thematic pair of need for salvation vs. pain of living. The evil in
Robert’s life is determined by his high sensitivity that led him to really suffer for his
physical condition, family losses, for the removal from work and hobbies with the
subsequent loss of social relations connected to this. The passion for the Vespa has filled
the void left by these losses by taking on each time the value of friendship, family and fulltime commitment.
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Case 4 Amy
Amy was interviewed during a period of 18 months. Amy is American, she was born and
grew up in Georgia, and when she was a child she used to go with the whole family at
Disney Park in Orlando, Florida. At the age of 18 years old, she left Georgia to go to study
in the state of Washington. As she remembers every return to Georgia to see her family
was marked by a family trip to Disney where they had “happy times”. In 1995, at the age
of 26 she leaves the U.S. to live in France, the country of origin of her husband. In France
she went to live with her husband in Paris, in Marne-la-Vallée, the town where is located
Disneyland Paris. In this park she spends her honeymoon “we spent the night there in the
hotel even if we didn’t live that far”. Before she had her daughter “in the six years before
having my daughter” – at the beginning of 2000s - Amy attended the Park 20 - 30 times a
year, after the birth of her daughter she was there 12 - 15 times a year, “with annual pass”.
These visits concern only the area with the attractions and not the Disney Village which is
free. The number of visits to the Disney Village is incalculable. Amy spends there a lot of
free and work time, she works as a writer and she is writing her second crime novel. The
Disney Village as she says, it is a place where people meet, where time goes, where to
walk, look and see people.
“I: Tell me everything you want about Walt Disney and your passion about it.
My name is Amy Davis Cayron, I’m American and the first time I went to Disney I
have no memory; I was only three and half years old. I have no memory of that time
but the second time, because I lived in South Georgia, so the drive to Orlando was
about five hours. So the second time I went to Disney was when I was fourteen years
old and that’s when I felt in love. That’s when I saw it as a little world all to itself. I
guess the most amazing thing to me was not only the attention to details but the other
people as well who were happy while hearing the songs, when you are walking down
the streets you know, everybody is so happy. So I associated it with happiness. When
I’m living here in France and I go to the Disney here, it automatically picks up my
spirits and I love to hear the music. And other thing that I enjoyed when I was
fourteen, when I saw Disney for the first time, you know I’m from the south Georgia,
I didn’t know the world very much but I saw people from all over the world and I
enjoyed seeing, hearing all the languages and just the commonality thing that we
were all going in it and we were all enjoying and we were all happy and [pause]. You
know to me there was something magic there.”
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At the beginning of the interview Amy summarizes the meanings associated with the brand
as they have rolled by during her whole life, from adolescence until she moved to France at
the age of 26 years old. The central meaning that underlies the relationship between Amy
and the Disney brand is the happiness. In adolescence the theme of happiness refers to the
playful dimension of Disney that Amy defined as “a little world all to itself” which
combines the fun and the charm of the hyperreal “the most amazing thing to me was not
only the attention to details but the other people as well who were happy while hearing the
songs, when you are walking down the streets” and she has also the possibility to meet
different cultures “I’m from the south Georgia, I didn’t know the world very much but I
saw people from all over the world and I enjoyed seeing, hearing all the languages”. This
second aspect is of some importance, in fact narratively Amy correlates it with the
aesthetic sharing “just the commonality thing that we were all going in it and we were all
enjoying and we were all happy”. Amy lives the ability of the brand to offer playfulness
and to bring together culturally different people around the same feelings as “something
magic”. Since the first meeting with Amy the brand Disney takes a power that exceeds the
reality, and it is true especially according to the reference that Amy does on the
coexistence of different cultures in Disney parks. In other words, people from different
cultures feel the same emotions. It is in this first narrative contrast that it sees a first idea of
the magic that Amy associate to the brand.
Returning on the theme of happiness, if in the period between the teenage and the 26 years,
happiness takes on the meaning that we have seen before, in the French period this
meaning changes. Amy says that “When I’m living here in France and I go to the Disney
here, it automatically picks up my spirits and I love to hear the music”. In this case the
happiness is no longer linked to the playful dimension. In France, Amy lives the brand as
an entity able to cheer her up; this suggests that the brand plays a different role than the
American period. It is no longer just an attraction, a playful event but a presence that
intervenes and becomes significant in the difficult moments of life.
I: You told me that the first time you were in Disney you were 3 years old but you
have no memories, and the second time you were a teenager, 14 years old. Can you
tell me about this second first time?
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“The second first time was with my uncle and my cosines. I was fourteen so my little
cosine was four and my sister also. So, it was a time that we were used to bound
because they lived so far away, it was there in a whole week together, we stayed in a
hotel together, we were all in the park together and [pause] of course when you are at
Disney you are having fun so you think back, you know when you’re thinking back
this cosines it’s always the fun, it’s always the [pause] you know nothing that really
helped boundaries in such short time, for years we haven’t seen each other, that’s
Disney [pause]”
The American period is characterized by two specific and positive meanings that Amy
associates to the brand: family “to bind […] together” and entertainment “when you’re
thinking back these cosines it’s always the fun”.
“I: How old were you when you left USA to come in France?
25, almost 26.
I: Last time you told me that you grew up in Georgia, do you?
Born and rise in Georgia when I was 22 I went to the graduate school all the way, to
the other side of the country to the west to the north west, Washington state.
I: Wow, it’s a little far
Yeah, it’s far, culturally it’s different but it was with the family that when I came
down we got to Disney.
I: During these 22 years old were you used to go often to Disney?
Only when I got older you know because there is so space to go, we go every time
with my family when I came down, every two years. From fourteen it would be
every two years after that.
I: So every time with the family?
Yeah, yeah they want it to be a family. That’s why when you look at the parks now
because now they have the animal kingdom, the magic kingdom, and there is an
equivalent to the Disney village [pause] because in the Disney golf, like here there is
the Disney golf, each of the hotels is an experience, is not just staying in the hotel,
there is an experience to staying in the hotel and there is the horses races and on the
lack [pause] yeah they wanted everybody to enjoy and I think they found more and
more family especially bigger families are always blew up, they go to other thing, to
the other thing and everybody meets back you know.
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I: Do you have memories of all these times you went to the park with your family?
Ah yeah, every experience because every time was unique. You know, in two years
they had another attraction, they had another thing so yeah, every time was unique.
We stayed in another place each time which made it also different, you know.
I: What did these experiences give to you?
You know, I think that the biggest thing was the fact that they gave a place to [pause]
a place where family can be together and it was happy and it was [pause] it provided
[pause] you know it was like we were crowding somebody’s home and what we are
going to do today and stuff like that. It provided the environment for us to have fun,
to think positive, to see only the good, you see what I mean it provided the
atmosphere of fun, of adventure, because even in the car ride to go there driving for
hours is an adventure when you’re kid.
I: So if I see you had the experience of positive feelings and values, a kind of better
world.
Right and the music kept everybody in the good mood, it kept everybody [pause]
that’s what I like about it, it kept everything light and fun.
I: An ideal and perfect world?
It provided a great escape you could not stay there forever.”
The relationship with Disney is marked by Amy’s life experiences. As these two sections
of text describe, the value of family recurs repeatedly and assumes significance in the text
itself. This should be correlated with the special family events that Amy lives in this phase
of her life. In the first section of text Amy says that her second “first” visit to Disney - it is
the first visit to Disney which she remembers (the first time Amy is three and a half years
old) – it’s made with her uncles and cousins with which she has not close links. It is
significant the narrative contrast between her visit to the park and the reference to the links
with her cousins “when you are at Disney you are having fun so you think back, you know
when you’re thinking back this cosines it’s always the fun, it’s always the [pause] you
know nothing that really helped boundaries in such short time, for years we haven’t seen
each other”.
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In the second section of text the reflection on the family is made to her own family. Amy
tells about her departure from Georgia to go to study in Washington, the two states are at
the opposite end of the United States. This geographical distance is transposed in the
narrative in the need to strengthen family ties. Disney at this stage of Amy’s life is lived as
a means able to reunite the family. This is true both because of the Amy’s personal
experience and because of Disney itself offers experiences to live with family “they want it
to be a family. That’s why when you look at the parks now because now they have the
animal kingdom, the magic kingdom, and there is an equivalent to the Disney village
[pause] because in the Disney golf, like here there is the Disney golf, each of the hotels is
an experience, is not just staying in the hotel, there is an experience to staying in the hotel
and there is the horses races and on the lack [pause] yeah they wanted everybody to enjoy
and I think they found more and more family”.
“I: What is the first image you have in your mind?
Oh, the Castel of course! When you [pause] the way it [pause] is exactly the one here
it’s not like it is or how used to be in Florida because you know Florida have several
more parks around it. But there was the road with six lines for the traffic to come in
and like four or five for the traffic to go out. I remember so well, so many cars
because it was June ok and that’s when anybody was in vacation, everyone out of
school and all these vans all these cars with all the packages on the top you know,
it’s like when you see the movie Christmas vacation, when you see the family
vacation you know, everybody is in the cars and the thing that you see past the great
big parking line, because the parking line is enormous, is that castle, and is never
anything that you’ve seen before, you know is only the castle that you’ve seen in
your childhood fairytale books and there it is bigger than life, right there, and then
you see the top of it and everything and so then you are just like ‘Wow’, you know
you’re going somewhere magic, that’s why we call it the magic kingdom, you know
you are going somewhere magic because you’re seeing that castle that you’ve seen
only in picture books, you know the whole time, so that’s the first…
I: What do you mean with magic, what is magic for you?
Magic for me like I said they are bringing things that are in book and making it real,
they are putting it there for you. Mickey Mouse was always on TV, always two
dimensional you know in the book, and here now he’s walking around, you get see
him, you get shape his hand and all the characters and everything so you’re walking
into the story book and that’s what they do. That’s why I love all the details in the
decoration, they’re taking you there, you live in the world behind and you’re going
into their special world and that’s [pause] and then cue the music and you know.
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I: So, if I see what you mean is that before it was an invention, a book with stories
and what Disney did they created it in real life, is it?
Yeah, the sleeping beauty castle and [pause] they made it real, they made it exist,
you know.”
In this section of text emerges the first narrative pattern of Amy ideal world vs. real
world. For Amy Disney has a “magic” value, the brand is able to make a real and tangible
world that is fantastic, a world that exists only in the stories of books and television. This
split between the ideal world and the real world is also reflected in the meaning that Amy
associates with Disney in childhood and adulthood.
“I: Which kind of feelings or meanings do you associate to Disney or to the Disney
books when you were a child?
Well as a child I saw it as happy, as fun, as escape from reality, I am just talking
about as a child as I saw it and then escape from reality, a special place, magic where
everything was possible, people were smiling, people were nice, and everybody was
there for the same exact thing. You know, that was the other thing, everybody was
there for the same feeling, you know. As I got older and I learned more about Disney
as the corporation and learned what they do, then I really began to realize the real
motivation behind, it’s not just about [pause] because what they do in
communication because now with Disney channels and everything like that, you
know, yes it’s clean, it’s moral, it’s [pause], you know they’re trying to provide
something good and educate, that’s the other thing that a lot of people don’t
understand, they’re trying to teach kids about been open, been respectful about
others, to accept differences. If you look all the Disney movies it’s all they’re about.
They’re about morals and TV programs are exactly the same [pause] you know…”
In Amy’s childhood Disney is seen as an escape from reality. It is a magical world
where everyone is happy and in which people all together share the same feeling. In her
adulthood Amy associates with Disney a civic value. Educational values are attributed
to the brand as it makes the world better. In this case, Disney is no longer just a better
world in which to seek refuge but the brand has the merit of making this world a model
by which to improve the real world.
“I: They have positive purposes
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“Exactly, and it’s only good. They are not trying to sell you at every moment
something Disney, they’re not.
I: They’re not pushing to merchandise
No, no and even here what they’re doing in Disneyland Paris, they built a community
around Disney and they want it to be a part of your life. They’re not forcing Disney
down your face and there’s Disney and you know, there’s a Mickey hears on every
son, no! They want it to be integrated into the society, be a part of. You think about
of ‘Oh, there is a cinema at Disney I can come here. And if you’re American and
black American you want the ‘50s diner then that’s diner, think about [pause] you
know. But they really do not do much advertising of the restaurants and stuff like
that. There are just little signs, turn here, turn there, that’s all, you know [pause] just
what you know. I think they do it very subtly and very…
I: And you are free to do what you want!?
Exactly, exactly. And they do promotional things for people who live in the area so
you can come here cheaper and stuff like that. So they think of that but it’s not
[pause] and in fact some people even complain they don’t advertise enough because
we found in off a lost tourist, he was stopped, he asked directions because in their
opinion there are not enough signs you know that indicate. To me that shows they
didn’t make the castle so big, you know, it’s a beautiful castle here and I love that it
is different, they gave it more the north African look to it and a kind of Ali Baba
going to those stories which I appreciate. I mean I think it fits better they should go
copy and do the same thing in everyone, they should make each Disney so an
experience. But so for me Disney now is [pause], I just see much more of a global
corporation that’s [pause] you know really trying to make a difference and there’s
positive aspects too, it’s not just about filling the hotel, filling the park. There are so
many aspects with Disney that I have gone to appreciate.
I: What impressed me last time is that you walk in Disney like if you are at your
home. It was like you received me at your home.
Right, because like I said when they first built it and the community was being built,
parking was free to come to the village, it was completely free. Ok, it was dirty and
there were holes because there were a lots of constructions but it was free and they
wanted to come and there were very few restaurants. So of course when it’s free you
can come to walk, you can [pause] you know because all is on this side of Paris, all is
[pause] I just integrated it in the things you can go and that’s why [pause] it’s part of,
you know, what we come and do it’s a part of, you know, the life all the time.
I: It’s a kind of an extension of…
Right, it’s not just a vacation. It’s is part of living here in this area and that’s the
same for so many people that I know.”
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The identity project of Amy is characterized by a progressive integration of the brand in
her life. Amy minimizes the commercial aspects of the brand instead of putting out the
most ethical value of its actions. The transformative power that Disney has on the reality
is, in this case, further deepened. For Amy Disney actions – i.e.: in the case of Parks, but
also its cultural products such as Disney channel - are not primarily characterized by the
commercial dimension but the brand is mostly seen as a carrier of sociality. Disney helps
to build community, to bring people together even in small gestures of everyday life.
“I: You told me that you cannot think of your own life without Disney.
I have a lot of memories when I was younger in Disney in Orlando, I have a lot of
memories, special memories because I had a family who lived far and that’s where
we had gone as a family so of course special times because I was with cosines you
know so there you are like transported, you know what I’m saying. There is
associated with that time, here it’s more in the daily, I mean not every single daily
life but like I said because we have some meetings at Disney we have at least several
times in a year easy, you know. Then of course with the daughter asking to go to
Disney.
This section - that highlights the shift of Amy’s lived experience of Disney from when she
lived United States to the experiences lived in France – is connected to the following.
“Yeah, yeah, yeah. I mean so [pause] I mean [pause] that makes that special. And
then the other thing is you want to give it that to them because you don’t live far, it’s
easy to come and to strive and go for a couple of hours all the time. You don’t have
to exhaust yourself for an entire day and staying in line and staying in [pause]. You
just go and ‘Oh, we got a couple of hours!’ You know just go and [pause]. In the
evening, when people are tired that’s the thing, tourists are tired in the end of the day,
they are ready to go back to the hotels, they are ready just to relax. That’s when you
come in the evening because everybody else is leaving there are less lines, you know.
I: Before you said that when you were a child Disney was a sort of escapism but
now, even with the park…
No, now is integrated into…
I: And so they created a kind of social context part of ordinary life?
Right. It is not uncommon to say to a friend we are going to meet at Starbuck in the
Disney village.
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I: That’s a good point, What do you mean with common?
You see they are putting it [pause] and you see more and more cloudy on the jackets.
Very small Mickey mouse hears with Disneyland Paris and people walk around with
it because it’s not like you’re walking around with Mickey mouse hears on your
head, it’s just a salon and it’s nice and people buy it because it’s nice, it’s good
quality so.”
These two sections of text point out a change in Amy’s identity project. The brand Disney
has no longer the meaning of escapism from reality but rather it is integrated into reality.
The emerging pattern is integration vs. escapism. Disney for Amy becomes an integral
part of the real world. Thus, no more a place to seek refuge, a fantasy that - even if
materialized in the Parks - remains a refuge from the real. Amy ascribes to the brand
values as the daily and the familiar by spending time in the park and having experiences
alone or with her family, especially with her daughter.
“I: Do you come often with your daughter here. Is it a way to make her feel the same
beautiful experience you had?
Right, exactly. She is going to see [pause] you know I had such a big gap. I mean she
will have gone too many times to say on that particular trip, she can’t but she’s going
to have a lot of memories of [pause] we did this, we did that, that’s the way I learned
to not be afraid of Roller coasters, you know…
I: Do you think memories are important?
Oh yeah!
I: In what sense?
“I mean in every sense because I grew up in US so now I am here trying to explain to
my daughter she starts ask questions ‘What did you do when you were ten years
old?’ and so to explain her the difference of living in different cultures, in different
languages and so. But it’s hard to explain because she doesn’t know the context
completely, she’s been in the US but only for vacation you know what I mean, it
looks differently when you go everyday versus when you visit.
I: Do you want she knows about US culture?
Yeah, she knows but not completely, not completely.
I: Do you think it’s good for her to know?
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That’s why I like Disney, see. Because in the beginning when she watched the
Disney channel programs because they are dubbed in French right, she was thinking
they are all French and she felt like Hanna Montana, and I was like you know Hanna
Montana is American daughter. ‘She is speaking French on TV, how can be she
American?’ and I had to show her the lips because the kids don’t pay attention to
that, the lips are not moving when they are saying the words you know. So she is
American, I went on internet and prove to her Hanna Montana is American and
going to other Americans, not to say the Disney channel, yes Disney channel does
have quite a few French shows luckily, that’s good but I do it to show her, see that
that’s the American mentality, that’s the American high school. When you see the
high school and the lockers and the kids put the books in, that doesn’t exist in France
but every French kid knows that’s what they are doing in US, they all have lockers
they put their books in and they all go in, you know, and even Disney here has
lockers to put your stuff you know. I mean so that’s another reason I like to come
here, not only is the fun but is the culture I mean this is what we do, this is what
concentrate on, this is what we value.”
Amy’s narrative returns the theme of family. Amy lets the brand to go into her
daughter’s life the same as when she was child in U.S and her life was marked by
Disney. The relationship takes on an additional significance to her own experience as a
child “not only is the fun but is the culture”. Amy adds to the brand a value that goes
beyond the merely playful. For Amy, Disney takes on a cultural value.
“I: So you’re saying that there’s a special relation between Disney and American
culture?
Of course. Maybe I’m attracted more to it because I’m in France. I’m saying living
without it [pause] you know, it’s an American company I’m proud of, I would come
[pause] you know it’s a world and they provide a world to escape, it’s a magic world
and you get to come here, and I’m lucky to not be far from here and stay into it and
escape into it and [pause]. Yeah it is very American of course I mean, I was
depressed once for the fourth of July several, several years ago, back in that time at
the Hotel Santa Fe hotel they had a big open area where they do rodeo shows, the 4 th
of July I was the 4th of July day they had the guys coming up with the American flags
and they did the whole [pause]. When I left that night I was ‘Yeah!’ you know I got
my 4th of July and it wasn’t even expected, I didn’t expect it I just walked
somewhere American for the 4th of July and I got a rodeo show with the American
flags and everything, how great was that! And those cowboys had no idea of what
they did for one person in the audience; you know I got my 4th of July.
I: I understand what you mean, it’s the same for me sometimes I need to eat some
good pasta, the real one because that makes me feel at home.
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The real one and that’s Annett’s diner, that’s what I’m talking about. The French,
that’s not their fault, they do not know how to make a milkshake, a McDonalds
milkshake is not in the category of milkshake ok?! That’s not a milkshake. You have
to go to Annette’s Diner and drink a milkshake, which is an American milkshake.
You know I’ve got it it’s been years ago I was just like I got have a milkshake, I got
have a milkshake. I got in the car and I draw and seven stupid Euros for a milkshake
but I paid 7€ for a milkshake because I just wanted it. So you know what I mean, so
that’s what I’m saying it’s I don’t know if my attraction to Disney is because of my
link in the US because I do have happy memories with Disney, I’m able to continue
on with [pause], it’s the music, it’s the magic, it’s totally different when you’re here.
I’m saying it’s gray skies but you don’t feel it do you know when Christmas time
they promise you snow on the main street and they put bubble machines they don’t
do the big bubbles but the tiny little bubbles and they just blow everywhere and it’s
just ‘Wow’. Come on, you know what I’m saying every hour you get snow walking
on main street and it’s just like ‘Wow’ it’s just like somebody somewhere thought of
this idea.”
This section of text indicates the transition from her life in the United States and the arrival
in France. Amy finds this stage not easy – “I was depressed” - as can be seen by the search
for authenticity that emerges from the text (in the case of the 4th of July and the search for
a “real” milkshake). To understand the change occurred in the identity project of Amy is
necessary to dwell on the meaning assumed by the term “escape” – “they provide a world
to escape” – both key terms in this section. In this case, the term “escape” makes sense
not as refuge from the real world as previously, but as escape from the French culture to
return to the American culture. In other words, the Disney brand is experienced by Amy as
a chance to feel at home in opposition to a surrounding context in which she feels like a
stranger.
“I understand when a lot of people come to Paris and a lot of Americans who I know
come to Paris even those who have been to Disneyland they come to this Disneyland
like me they want to see what’s the difference but at the same time it’s home you
know, it’s home. It’s that [pause] you know in the beginning they were used to have
one popcorn, I don’t know in Italy but in US popcorn is salty food with the salt, the
French with the sugar, it’s sweet food. So there was one cart in the whole Disney
they were salty and you never knew were the cart was going to be and you had to ask
and the cart people would call and find out who has the salty cart and they will tell
you what part of the park there is someone with salty cart. Now is gone there is no
salty cart anymore. I was so devastated but when you go to the movie theaters all the
big movie theaters have sugar and salty popcorn. Again, that’s another thing I’d like
to research, Germans how do you like popcorns? I want to ask them all because
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that’s another thing the employees also talk about it’s when it’s the period of the
tourists, the Spanish tourists, the period of German tourists and a lot of employees
don’t appreciate Spanish tourists because they travel in the big family, with the
whole family they come and the Spanish they are not quite and when they get to the
restaurant the whole group wants to seat at one table but you know it’s not always
easy to accommodate such a big groups all the time and especially when you don’t
make a reservation and everything about that. So they all shout after all other tourists
to move and they can all seats and a lot of other cultures they would never do that to
ask you to move so the all family can seat together. Other cultures would say ok a
small group is seated here, another is seated here and they try to hand the situation.
That’s the beauty of Disney and I think of Europe it’s because you’re dealing with
other cultures constantly and I love to go to the park and hear any language but
French. I love it, even I can’t understand stuff like that, you can understand the
context you know when a mother is screaming after her child I can understand. I
mean, I like that experience probably you can talk about how fun it was but I like to
have fun on the ride you know and I love to be on the ride of Pirates of Caribbean
even before the film came out it has always been my favorite attraction because of
animatronics, it’s the details, look at the costumes I mean they are not [pause] they
are really paying attention to the details, all the costumes, the wigs, all the design,
they have cats, they have dogs, they have the pigs, they have the chickens, the hears
look like real hears, you know what I am saying its’ real [pause] it’s all about the
details. So you really…
I: Before you said I like to hear all languages people speak in Disney but French?
Its’ true they don’t get happy feelings; they don’t get happy feelings that you get too.
I’m not critical to Disney, I’m not saying that French cannot be happy here I’m just
saying that statistics show that it’s not French people, it’s not [pause] of course there
are French people working in the staff.”
The discomfort of Amy for her condition as a foreigner in a foreign country is built on the
theme of family “home” that is the search for a family atmosphere where one feels
accepted. It is in this context that the importance Amy attaches to the “details” rises. For
Amy the attention to details means the ability of the brand to reconstruct the comfortable
cocoon the family needs. This association Disney = family is indicated by the feelings that
Amy lives when the brand is no longer able to satisfy this equivalence, “Now is gone there
is no salty cart anymore. I was so devastated but when you go to the movie theaters all the
big movie theaters have sugar and salty popcorn”. And that happens when the brand
adapts itself to local tastes - sweet popcorn instead of salty - this is experienced by Amy as
a detachment of the brand from the American culture and then a detachment of Disney
from the idea of “home” which she needs. The theme of “home” is organized then on the
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couple own culture vs. other culture, whereas Amy’s own culture - that is the American
culture - is in close correlation with the Disney brand.
“I: What does American culture represent for you?
What it does represent for me, which is a good question. Well I’m not going to say
the best because you feel blessed and god instinct when you’re talking about your
culture, we are the best of course because you become an ambassador of your culture
when you go elsewhere. I think American culture has very, very, very and I can’t say
it enough because it’s very bright but it doesn’t take much for people who only see
the bad and focus on that. Like the guns for example, the first thing that a lot of
French would say a bad thing about the American culture is the guns. You know I
can say there is in the French culture something I can jump on too but it is unfair for
me to judge the whole culture on that one little aspect. Not everybody cars a gun, not
everybody is happy about it, you know. So to me it’s unfair to jump on particular
thing and to judge the whole…
I: So what do you think about American culture?
To me there is a culture and a lot of people don’t realize, there is culture and at the
same time I think that it’s diverse because it is a young country in comparison
especially to European stuff, but it is so diverse because a good mix of some many
other cultures and that’s what makes unique, you know is that what gives a life is that
there’s a little bit of this, there’s a little bit of you know, all the polish immigrants are
there, all the Irish immigrates are there, all the Italian immigrates are there,
everybody come in and mixed all up and made what it is. And it is what it is because
everybody’s from everywhere and that’s what I like about it it’s not a monolithic, it
was not dug up three thousand years ago, planted and it can’t change. That’s what I
like about it.
I: So do you think that your daughter can understand American culture thanks to
Disney?
Yes
I: Do you see in Disney the same values as in your culture?
Yes. I love, I love, in the US they are one of the first major corporations to be open
and support gay employees. They were one of the first corporations to give to the gay
employees the insurance and everything like that they can treat them as married
almost, to let them have rights you know. They could write on their employment if
something happen to them their insurance could go to the partner. That was like
revolutionary and everybody was shocked it was Disney but that’s what I’m saying
they are open minded and that’s what Disney, you know that’s what it is about, that’s
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the US we are open minded. A lot of people say we are framed, no, no, no we are
open, yeah we are [pause] yeah you make this generalization, no!
I: Last time you talked about the shock you had once you came in France, let talk
about that.
First, I’m really very shocked that Disney built here but as the story goes they got the
land for very cheap because this is Marne-la-Vallée, not land that was been used, not
far from Paris at all but not being used for much than just agriculture. Because long
time ago, this is something I learned, long time ago they did a drainage for
champagne vineyard but then when the champagne, people in the board or whatever
divided up the part of France that would be the official champagne area, this part was
not included, so literally they burned their vineyards. So nobody knew what else do
with it so they got the land very very cheap. Of course the French were, twenty years
ago [pause] Disney is still celebrating, I don’t know if you know but they are in the
second year of celebrating the twentieth anniversary, they have extended the
celebration so technically they are in the second year of their twentieth anniversary, I
love that, I love that. That’s why American commercialism come in they have always
to grow something up. So you know everybody was terrified of what it was going to
be because everybody was just thinking McDonald’s, McDonald’s, it’s hamburger,
it’s fast food, it’s not going to care, they are just coming in, they are going to do this
and that’s all. So I think everyone was prized when Disney didn’t just come and built
the parks, but Disney came and [pause] like I said they helped to build communities
around the park, they invested money in the big mall that’s out of here because
people are not going to live where there’s no shop. So they put the money into doing
it, they put the money into getting people to [pause] to put a lot, a lot, a lot of money
and they are still recuperating from that because it took a lot. So I think the French
were surprised they went to do that, and look they even have linked the because RER
stopped at Orly and now there are three more stops and I’ve seen a stop in the
seventeen years I’ve seen a stop added in there and so I think slowly the French
realized they are not so evil. Ok, yes the Americans came in, they came in with the
American work ethic, and you know this is the way is going to be and this is the way
is going to be and French were like… we only work thirty-five hours per week and
the minimum wages is this and we have five weeks of vacation and we have and we
have and we have and we have and we have… the Americans were like ‘OK…!’. So
yeah it wasn’t easy in the beginning because it was a clash of cultures but they’ve
done a great job adapting and for now the Americans aren’t here, it’s a completely
European run operation. I think the French have learned to some degree that all not
American corporations are bad when you had the idiot who made the comments in
the press about French being lazy and depressed. I think too much people should
have listen to [pause] that’s the problem, you take one person who, ok he was ahead
of the company, but just because he was the ahead of the company that doesn’t mean
you know your voice should be heard all over the entire world. He says an idiotic
thing in an idiotic moment and he got out of the proportion in the press, and I think
he was an idiot to say it but all Americans don’t think that and there are plenty of
American corporations here, plenty who do not think as he thinks. I was just kind of
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shocked that he got as much attention as he did because really he shouldn’t even
made the first page, he shouldn’t even made the back page because he was one idiot
and he’s been upset and he made the comment. So you can just jump on the French,
you can just jump on the French culture for saying there they go again taking the tiny
little thing like this, and making it to Himalayan mountains.
I: I had the same feeling the first time I came in France, to be quickly judged.
To me the French are really bad, ok they find where you’re from because a lot of
time they think I’m English which is understandable but as soon as you say you are
American you go in the American box and you know sometimes I’m offended
because yeah I’m American but don’t put me in the box, don’t put me in the box. For
seventeen years I’ve lived here I don’t need to be in the box. I like living here but
just don’t put me in the box. That’s what I want to say and that’s why they are really
bad about it, they are really really bad about it. That’s what I’m saying they judge the
entire culture because I see them as taking people is like little dolls, you are there,
you are here, ok you belong over here, you know.
I: Can you recall an experience when you felt like you were “put in a box”?
Well there was one time, we were looking for an apartment when they found I was
American it was over.
I: No, why?
Because at that time they weren’t happy with what we were doing in Iraq, because
France you know, they were all thing going over there and stuff like that, even when
US refused to call French fries, French fries, we called them Freedom fries because
they didn’t want to say the word French, because we were not friendly with the
French. So it’s a story at that time and we did not have the apartment because I was
an American and he told me, you’re American that’s it. I was like ‘Ah…Ok!’ but
then [pause] it’s hard to be [pause] I didn’t make the decision to go war, right?! I
didn’t do it!”
Amy ascribes to the Disney brand a strong identity value. In her experience the brand
represents a garrison of Americanism in the land of France. Not only that, the brand as a
symbol and carrier of the American culture is a friendly and welcoming place where being
accepted and not stigmatized. Amy lives the meeting with French culture as a “cultural
clash”. From her point of view, French culture nourishes many prejudices towards
America, emphasizing only the negative aspects and not recognizing all the positive
aspects. In addition, there is also a transfer effect that Amy lives in first person, an effect
that sees the negative judgment on American culture shifting from the culture itself to her
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person. Amy defines this experience as follows: “To me the French are really bad, ok they
find where you’re from because a lot of time they think I’m English which is
understandable but as soon as you say you are American you go in the American box and
you know sometimes I’m offended because yeah I’m American but don’t put me in the box,
don’t put me in the box. For seventeen years I’ve lived here I don’t need to be in the box. I
like living here but just don’t put me in the box.” The pattern on which this narrative is
built is acceptance vs. stigmatization. In this pattern, Amy ascribes to the Disney brand
and to the American culture positive values, those that are hidden to the stereotypical
generalizations, “I’m saying they are open minded and that’s what Disney, you know that’s
what it is about, that’s the US we are open minded. A lot of people say we are framed, no,
no, no we are open, yeah we are [pause] yeah you make this generalization, no!”. The
brand also has the merit of showing in deeds the positive values of American culture, even
the business model that characterizes it is re-evaluated in Amy’s opinion “That’s why
American commercialism come in they have always to grow something up. So you know
everybody was terrified of what it was going to be because everybody was just thinking
McDonald’s, McDonald’s, it’s hamburger, it’s fast food, it’s not going to care, they are
just coming in, they are going to do this and that’s all. So I think everyone was prized when
Disney didn’t just come and built the parks, but Disney came and [pause] like I said they
helped to build communities around the park, they invested money in the big mall that’s
out of here because people are not going to live where there’s no shop. So they put the
money into doing it, they put the money into getting people to [pause] to put a lot, a lot, a
lot of money and they are still recuperating from that because it took a lot. So I think the
French were surprised they went to do that, and look they even have linked the because
RER stopped at Orly and now there are three more stops and I’ve seen a stop in the
seventeen years I’ve seen a stop added in there and so I think slowly the French realized
they are not so evil.”. The identity project that emerges sees Amy reevaluating the
American culture in a different foreign country and culture, and that means re-evaluating
her identity regarding to that same culture, the French culture. Disney and the Disney Park
Paris have a key role, especially with their physical and material presence; they are
witnesses of the virtues - and not only of the blemishes - of American culture.
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Case 5 - Raffaele
Raffaele was interviewed for a period of 19 months. At the time of the interviews Raffaele
is the founder and administrator of nirvanaitalia.it, the Italian reference site for all fans of
the band from Seattle. Raffaele was born in 1974 and since he has lived in Agerola a small
town on Lattari Mountains in the center of the Sorrento coast. Married with three children,
he works as Field Service Engineer for a multinational company. In 1991, the year in
which the grunge phenomenon explodes thanks to Smells like teen spirit, the first single
from the album Nevermind by Nirvana, Raffaele is 17 years old. The passion for Nirvana
accompanies him since. At the time, Raffaele is already a fan of rock music, especially
heavy metal. In 2001 he plays drums for Erehwon, in 2003 he founded his own group the
SnP. He defines himself as a collector and he loves to collect rare pieces and hard to find
(in the jargon: sources) of his favorite musicians but particularly the Nirvana’s ones. It
hedges in all the newspaper clippings on the death of Kurt Cobain in 1994. In 1999, thanks
to the diffusion of Internet, he undertakes with a friend nirvanaitalia.it the website. Over
time, the website has become the reference for fans of the group and for the insiders.
Raffaele produces, publishes and shares on the website material on the group. In 2008, a
biography of Nirvana is picked up and broadcasted by Radio Punto. In the same year he
was contacted to write, along with two other members of the forum, three chapters for the
Italian edition of the book Nirvana’s In Utero by Gilian Gaar (the leading expert of
Nirvana). In 2009 he was interviewed by the Rolling Stone (February n.64) as part of an
investigation entitled Un amore di fan. The investigation concerned the true fans - even
because they are post-adolescent - of music singers and bands. His nickname he uses for
various online accounts, i.e.: forum nirvanaitalia.it, Facebook, e-mail address, is Kurt74.
“I: When did this passion begin?
Sure teenager. I started listening to different music from what was on the radio to the
'89-‘88, but Nirvana did not exist they were unknown and in any case I realized that I
liked the genre harder. At the time there was not even the courage to say I am a
rocker or even metal head, it meant that you were the bad guy or a bad thing anyway
but I realized that the skin crawled with those sounds and that's okay. So I started
listening to Iron Maiden mainly, Metallica or groups that were most historic as the
Scorpions, and then came Smells. In Italy, Nirvana arrived with Smells directly in '91
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and listened everywhere and the first time I heard it was something completely
different. It was not just me, because then all these years and all the music critics
suggest music as a pre- and post- Nevermind and so it was really something
different. There I started to follow them then there was little to follow precisely
because Nevermind and I realized that they had made another album that was also
difficult to find in Italy, Bleach who was made in ‘89. And so I began to listen to
these things here, the radio also made a beautiful concert on Radio 2, now
retransmitted, and we're still talking about the beginning of the ‘90s. I listened 4-5
times a day since then, teenager 18 years old in your life this is definitely an
important point. That time there, the '91- '92 Internet does not even exist in Italy, I
started working in '95, I saw for the first time in company internet where, however, it
meant getting a membership just to have the password to log on VON (online video)
Telecom, you paid for email so it was a really small reality. In Italian there was
nothing more then a few years later that he began the boom of the internet for free
then pop when we connected at 56k thus closer to home then linking up
Castellammare could spend less and started what we know for the internet. And yet
there was nothing of Nirvana, Nirvana written in Italian that is really meant to go
after twenty pages to find something so the idea went from there, because then
despite Nirvana were the first in the ranking of the program on the music charts in
the small village were always the bad metal head is not that, there were differences
between Nirvana or Metallica. Instead I noticed a difference, they were no longer
metal heads was a new movement at least what we read in magazines. And yes that
has begun to affect my life even outside of music because if I’m proud of not having
ever bought Nike shoes not because my father did not want to buy me but because I
did not want them definitely went from there, because the image of Kurt Cobain was
torn blouse and simple pants.
I: And what did this mean for you?
Surely unconventionality that is something that takes when you are young and it was
a good thing then gradually going forward you see that he was still torn but still had
Converse shoes, I do not even know the Converse. But the image that is passed up to
now was that of the anticonformistic with the poor if you want to put him
somewhere, while Guns’n’Roses that they too were hard music that probably if a riff
of Kurt Cobain made my skin crawl even a solo of Slash made me the creeps but
they were two different worlds, and it is true that they were. It was not my
impression of adolescence, that was the world of old-school rock star that was to get
drunk and make a good life here, and there we had the angel, we do not in '94 we did
not know that he was drugged and then he would be killed etc., because then it is true
that there is a pre- and post- Nevermind , it is true that there is the pre- and post- Kurt
Cobain, the second boom, however, because the site Nirvanaitalia.it was born in '99,
so already thoroughly after the death and the myth created because then to die at the
age of 27, the 27 clubs already one becomes a myth naturally, then after we see if he
was good if he was not good.”
[“I: Quando è iniziata questa passione?
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Sicuramente adolescente. Ho iniziato ad ascoltare musica diversa da quella che c’era
in radio verso l’88-’89, però i Nirvana non esistevano erano sconosciuti e comunque
mi ero accorto che mi piaceva il genere più duro. All’epoca non c’era nemmeno il
coraggio di dire io sono rockettaro o addirittura metallaro, significava che tu eri il
cattivo o comunque una cosa negativa però mi resi conto che la pelle si accapponava
con quelle sonorità e va bene così. Iniziai quindi ad ascoltare gli Iron Maiden
principalmente, i Metallica che c’erano o gruppi più storici come gli Scorpions, e poi
arrivò Smells. In Italia i Nirvana sono arrivati direttamente con Smells nel ’91 e si
sentiva dappertutto e la prima volta che l’ho sentito era qualcosa di completamente
diverso. Non era solo una mia impressione perché poi tutti questi anni e tutti i critici
musicali indicano la musica come pre e post Nevermind e quindi era veramente
qualcosa di diverso. Lì ho iniziato a seguirli poi c’era poco da seguire perché appunto
Nevermind e mi accorsi che avevano fatto anche un altro album che era anche
difficile da trovare in Italia, Bleach che era dell’89. E quindi iniziai ad ascoltare
queste cose qui, per radio anche fecero un bel concerto Radio2, adesso ultimamente
lo hanno ritrasmesso, e stiamo parlando comunque di inizio anni ’90. Io l’ascoltavo
4-5 volte al giorno poi essendo adolescente a 18 anni puoi nella tua vita questo è
sicuramente un punto importante. Quel periodo lì, il ’91-’92 internet nemmeno
esisteva in Italia, io ho iniziato a lavorare nel ’95 ho visto per la prima volta internet
nell’azienda dove comunque significava farsi un abbonamento solo per avere la
password per entrare su VON (video online) di Telecom, l’email la pagavi quindi era
una realtà piccola. In italiano non esisteva più niente quindi qualche anno più tardi
che iniziò il boom di internet gratis quindi i pop quando ci collegavamo a 56k quindi
più vicino casa quindi collegandomi a Castellammare riuscivo a spendere di meno ed
è partito quello che conosciamo noi per internet. E lì ancora non c’era nulla dei
Nirvana in Italia cioè veramente scrivere Nirvana significava andare dopo venti
pagine a trovare qualcosa quindi l’idea partì da lì, perché poi nonostante i Nirvana
erano i primi in classifica sul programma delle classifiche musicali, nel piccolo
paesello eri sempre il cattivo metallaro non è che c’erano differenze fra i Nirvana o i
Metallica. Invece io la notavo la differenza, non erano più i metallari era un
movimento nuovo almeno quello che leggevamo sulle riviste specializzate. E quello
sì ha iniziato a influire sulla mia vita anche al di fuori della musica perché se io sono
fiero di non avere comprato mai le scarpe Nike non perché mio padre non me le
voleva comprare ma perché io non le volevo sicuramente è passato da lì, perché
l’immagine di Kurt Cobain era la camicetta sdrucita e il primo pantalone che trovo.
I: E che significava questo per te?
Sicuramente anticonformismo che è un qualcosa che prende quando si è giovani ed
era una cosa positiva poi man mano andando avanti vedi che lui comunque era
sdrucito ma comunque aveva le scarpe Converse, io nemmeno le sapevo le Converse.
Però l’immagine che si è fatta passare fino adesso era quella dell’anticonformista
dalla parte dei poveri se lo vogliamo mettere da qualche parte, mentre i
Guns’n’Roses che anche loro facevano musica dura che probabilmente se un riff di
Kurt Cobain ti faceva accapponare la pelle anche un assolo di Slash ti faceva
accapponare la pelle ma erano due mondi diversi, ed è vero che lo erano. Non era
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una mia impressione adolescenziale, quello era il mondo della rock star vecchio
stampo che doveva ubriacarsi e fare la bella vita e di qua ci avevamo l’angelo, noi
non è che nel ’94 sapevamo che quello era drogato e che poi si sarebbe ammazzato
etc. etc., perché poi è vero che c’è il pre e post Nevermind ma è vero che c’è il pre e
il post Kurt Cobain, il secondo boom, perché comunque il sito Nirvanaitalia è nato
nel ’99, quindi già abbondantemente dopo la morte e il mito creato perché poi morire
a 27 anni, il club 27 diventi un mito già per contratto, poi dopo vediamo se eri bravo
se non eri bravo.”]
Since his adolescence Raffaele - for his musical tastes - lives a condition of diversity
compared with the dominant culture “I started listening to different music from what was
on the radio on the '89-‘88, but Nirvana did not exist they were unknown and in any case I
realized that I liked the genre harder. At the time there was not even the courage to say I
am a rocker or even metal head, it meant that you were the bad guy or a bad thing
anyway”. This condition of diversity is even greater enhanced in the cultural context of the
province in which Raphael was born and grew up “despite Nirvana were the first in the
ranking of the program on the music charts in the small village were always the bad metal
head is not that, there were differences between Nirvana or Metallica”. In fact, as the same
Raffaele says despite the grunge was a cultural movement completely different, if not
opposite to the heavy metal as later it is understood, this musical difference in the smalltown mentality was not grasped. Beyond then the purely musical, Nirvana assume for
Raffaele - as well as for the whole Generation X to which he belongs to - a further
meaning. As Raffaele explains, “Instead I noticed a difference, they were no longer metal
heads was a new movement at least what we read in magazines. And yes that has begun to
affect my life even outside of music because if I’m proud of not having ever bought Nike
shoes not because my father did not want to buy me but because I did not want them
definitely went from there, because the image of Kurt Cobain was torn blouse and simple
pants”. In addition to the generational concerns, Nirvana for Raffaele also assumes a
specific meaning: the nonconformity. The theme of the nonconformity is still an integral
part of the image of the grunge movement and Nirvana - Raffaele in fact continually
speaks in the first plural person “we” - and this is evident in the contrast between
Guns’n’Roses and Nirvana “they were two different worlds, and it is true that they were. It
was not my impression of adolescence, that was the world of old-school rock star that was
to get drunk and make a good life here, and there we had the angel”. However, the
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nonconformity mentioned by Raffaele has to be correlated with the narrative movement
that occurs in the transition from Nirvana to internet. In this passage, internet as a
metaphor for openness, ability to reach people and cultures physically distant contrasts
with the closing of the small-town culture. The narrative that characterizes this first section
of the interview to Raffaele is organized on the pattern openness to the world vs.
narrowness of the province.
“When these concepts are expressed in Nirvana also locked up for loneliness to the
world I think I understand that I felt close because he talks about these things, born in
the town abandoned by the world where you are only working the wood. In many
pieces you are close to this reality even if he exaggerates to these sexual problems
that are not experienced here.
I: Had you some friends with whom to share the affinities?
Yes for example from high school [pause] even in high school you have to go out so
we actually do not have a class of teens, you have one, maybe two teens who have
gone to your own school, so the isolation begins really soon. In fact up to the
elementary and middle schools one is just not allowed to go out with friends when
then he should start to go out with there are no more people, it is difficult in the sense
that it was difficult to even organize a ball game. The schools were in Gragnano or
Amalfi, the majority, 99 per cent went to Amalfi. The school of technical and
electronic that I liked was not there in Amalfi and I went at Gragnano school and we
were four or five of us, however, not [pause] I know I can only say that I had a friend
with whom in adolescence meet together, listen to music together why, because he
was in the school there and there you create friendships.
I: So if I tell you that your teenage years were a bit painful do I say something
wrong?
Definitely of course it is difficult to say these things [pause]. But I do not have this
concept of my life anyway because even though there were three friends, however,
they gave me what I needed anyway because we were from morning till night and
what we wanted, for example, used to play at billiard, foosball tournaments and we
had the cups of the tournament football table, so they are beautiful things. No I do
not remember negatively I would do everything the same way it is because then I'm
well within my character this way. That is, even when in the square there were ten of
acquaintances, however, then they did so, that is, before you say that a person is my
friend it takes time to me. It is not that the environment, there is no poor man. No I
was fine. The downside if we want to pull out what made me feel bad that I felt was
the province, I felt or maybe American films told me that in the city there was
something else. Then looking back I think that if I choose again I would choose
could to stay here because I do not know if I really missed something in my twenty
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years in Piazza Garibaldi. So then I went there when I wanted something, it cost me
because I had to leave in the morning to see the concert and everything you want, but
there was this feeling that I feel I'm missing something because then just when the
holiday maker was here and told me that he had watched the film at the cinema I did
not even know those movies that came out, then I had to pretend to have seen me too.
What I suffered.”
[“Quando nei Nirvana vengono espresso questi concetti anche di alienazione per
solitudine verso il mondo io penso di capirli cioè mi ci sentivo vicino perché lui parla
di queste cose, nato nella cittadina abbandonata dal mondo dove si lavora solo la
legna. In molti pezzi si è vicini a questa realtà anche se lui esagera verso questi
problemi sessuali che qui non se ne vivono.
I: Avevi amici con cui condividere delle affinità?
Già per esempio dalle scuole superiori [pausa] anche alle superiori devi andare fuori
quindi in realtà non hai una classe di persone quindicenni, hai uno, due quindicenni
che magari sono andati alla tua stessa scuola, quindi l’isolamento parte veramente
presto. In realtà fino alle scuole elementari e medie non è che uno esce con gli amici
quando poi dovrebbe iniziare a uscirci non ci stanno, è difficile nel senso che era
difficile pure organizzare una partita di pallone. Le scuole superiori erano a
Gragnano o ad Amalfi, la maggior parte, il 99 per cento andavano ad Amalfi. La
scuola di tecnico-elettronico che mi piaceva non c’era ad Amalfi e mi sono trovato a
Gragnano ed eravamo quattro o cinque di noi però non [pausa] che ne so posso dire
che ho avuto un solo amico nell’adolescenza col quale uscire insieme, ascoltare la
musica insieme appunto perché, perché veniva anche lui nella scuola lì e lì si creano
le amicizie.
I: Quindi se ti dico che la tua adolescenza è stata un po’ sofferta dico qualcosa di
sbagliato?
Sicuramente entra in gioco il fatto che è difficile dirle queste cose [pausa]. Però io
non ho questo concetto della mia vita perché anche se comunque erano tre gli amici
però mi hanno dato quello che mi serviva perché comunque stavamo dalla mattina
alla sera e facevamo quello che volevamo, per esempio giocavamo sempre a
bigliardino, facevamo i tornei di bigliardino e avevamo le coppe del torneo di
bigliardino, quindi sono delle cose belle. No non me la ricordo negativamente rifarei
tutto uguale così com’è perché poi ci sto bene all’interno di questo carattere mio così.
Cioè anche quando in piazza ce ne erano dieci di conoscenti comunque poi sono fatto
io così, cioè prima di dire che una persona è mio amico buonanotte. Non è che
l’ambiente, non c’è nessuno poveretto. No sono stato benissimo. Il lato negativo se
vogliamo tirare fuori cosa mi faceva stare male era che sentivo la provincia, sentivo o
magari i film americani mi dicevano che in città c’era qualche altra cosa. Poi col
senno di poi penso che se io oggi potessi premere un pulsante premerei quello di
rimanere qua perché non so se veramente mi sono perso qualcosa nei miei venti anni
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a piazza Garibaldi. Tanto poi quando volevo qualcosa ci andavo, mi costava perché
dovevo partire la mattina per vedere il concerto e tutto quello che vuoi, però c’era
questo sentimento che mi sembra che mi sto perdendo qualcosa perché poi appunto
quando il villeggiante veniva qua e ti diceva che aveva visto il film al cinema io
nemmeno sapevo che erano usciti quei film, allora dovevo far finta di averlo visto
pure io. Quello ci soffrivo.”]
Raffaele experiences a process of identification between his reality and that lived by Kurt
Cobain (Raffaele makes no distinction between Kurt Cobain and Nirvana). This is the first
factor that led to the relationship between Raffaele and the brand.
“I: So in '99 you've decided to create the site ? Alone?
Yes , no, me and my friend
I: But when you were teenagers only you were here in the town to follow this passion
or there were also others with whom we share this passion ?
I did, we were really just me and my favorite friend, we were not ten people in the
town to follow the Nirvana, definitely not. So listen to him, listen to him meant
jointly with one or two people, read a magazine meant to understand what was going
on around. There was not another type of comparison neither the television nor the
radio spoke of Nirvana , Smells it is true that it was broadcasted in '91 but in '99 it
was certainly not so diffused. So the myth was created but he was already dying .
I: What do you mean with dying?
Because in '99 there was no more, it had been 5-6 years after the death then Kurt
Cobain became like a stone there and what was missing for me was just the contact,
as I said, I can now talk to someone else because of the internet, I can talk to
thousands of people maybe they want to talk with me. So the main point of the
website was never I make a website and put three photos, but I have to see how to
contact someone else.
I: That is looking for people to share?
In fact, at the time in '99 Web 2.0 did not exist, I have already started with web 2.0,
that I would never have published Nirvanaitalia until I could technically make a
forum because the email was not a point of debate, I am writing to you, you rarely
write to me and that's it. In fact, the layout, the pictures were made by my friend, just
physically being there 10 nights to lay out and I looked instead to the more technical
things because I was sure that the forum was the point of reference. It is so because if
we are now 10, 20, 100 people to follow that forum is because from the beginning
there was the idea of the 2.0.”
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[“I: Quindi nel ’99 hai deciso di creare il sito? Da solo?
Sì, no io e un mio amico
I: Ma quando eravate adolescenti qui nel paese eri soltanto tu a seguire questa
passione o c’erano anche altri con cui condividere questa passione?
“Io sì, eravamo proprio veramente io e il mio amico preferito, non eravamo dieci
persone nel paese a seguire i Nirvana, sicuramente no. Quindi ascoltarlo, significava
ascoltarlo insieme a una o due persone, leggersi una rivista significava capire cosa
stava succedendo intorno. Non c’era un altro tipo di confronto né la televisione
parlava dei Nirvana oppure la radio, è vero che Smells si sentiva nel ’91 ma di certo
nel ’99 non è che si sentiva più Smells. Quindi si era creato il mito ma stava già
morendo.
I: In che senso morendo?
Perché nel ’99 non si sentiva più, erano passati 5-6 anni dalla morte quindi Kurt
Cobain era diventato quella pietra lì e quello che mancava a me era proprio il
contatto, io dicevo com’è io posso parlare con qualcun altro adesso c’è internet,
posso parlare con migliaia di persone magari anche loro vogliono parlare con me.
Quindi il punto principale del sito internet non è mai stato, faccio un sito e metto tre
foto, io devo vedere come contattare qualcun altro.
I: Cioè cercavi persone con cui condividere?
Infatti, all’epoca nel ’99 il web 2.0 non esisteva, io sono partito già con il web 2.0,
cioè non avrei mai pubblicato Nirvanaitalia finché non sarei riuscito tecnicamente a
fare un forum perché la mail non era punto di confronto, io scrivo a te tu raramente
mi scrivi a me e finisce lì. Infatti, l’impaginazione, le foto le ha fatte questo mio
amico, proprio fisicamente stare lì 10 notti a impaginare e io invece guardavo più alle
cose tecniche perché ero sicuro che il forum era il punto di riferimento. È così perché
se adesso siamo 10, 20, 100 persone a seguire quel forum è perché dall’inizio c’è
stata l’idea del 2.0.”]
The pattern openness to the world vs. narrowness of the province defines the identity
project of Raffaele throughout the adolescent period and the young age. It is the need to
overflow the isolation of the small town that pushes Raffaele to found nirvanaitalia.it. The
site aims to create bonds with people who share the same passion, but such a sharing is not
an end in itself but it aims to stem the death of the myth, as Raffaele says “There was not
another type of comparison neither the television nor the radio spoke of Nirvana, Smells it
is true that it was broadcasted in '91 but in '99 it was certainly not so diffused. So the myth
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was created but he was already dying [...] Because in '99 there was no more, it had been
5-6 years after the death then Kurt Cobain became like a stone there”. In Raffaele’s
narrative the need to share combines with the need to disseminate Nirvana brand and what
they represent in his life. This section of text is connected to the following narrative.
“I've always been a kind [pause], I always liked to stay here then I'm a mama's boy if
I have to go to the city [pause]. But we saw, I realize that we saw here in the summer
there is a movement of tourists so the family came from Naples and the son of the
Neapolitan and we were inferior, not I, but we really all over the country because he
was from Naples and we [pause] and this thing has always existed.
I: It was later transposing the news long before?
He had all the more because he had seen the last film the first vision, we had the first
vision after six months, that I could not speak. Or the dumbest thing, here there were
no TV channels, that is, Nirvana on Channel 5 I had to see them eclipsed, maybe he
saw them well. So it was all much harder, perhaps helped, perhaps in the city if I had
a music club to attend I would not have done Nirvanaitalia attending, it was a
necessity to be able to gather people around something that felt good to do, I do not
really gain money, I did not even banner ads. It's just like to say that Nirvana is a
good thing in my opinion and someone should bring them forward.
I: Nirvana is a good thing, in what sense?
What got to me on the skin was that [Nirvana] were the good guys, because I tell you
Guns’n’Roses I liked the same, I have all the albums the same but they were not the
good guys. They were the good guys, the lyrics certainly because of the protection to
the marginalized, to the weak, maybe we can tie to the discussion I said before
because if I felt weak towards the Neapolitan, he [Kurt Cobain] was on my side
when he wrote a song, was not on the side of the mainstream, the citizen, the star,
was from here.”
[“Sono sempre stato un tipo [pausa], mi è sempre piaciuto stare qua poi sono un
mammone se devo andare in città [pausa]. Però vedevamo, mi accorgo che
vedevamo d’estate qui c’è un movimento di villeggianti quindi arrivava la famiglia
da Napoli e il figlio del napoletano e noi eravamo inferiori, non io ma noi veramente
tutto il paese perché lui era di Napoli e noi [pausa] e questa cosa è sempre esistita.
I: Era più avanti, recepiva le novità molto prima?
Aveva tutto di più perché aveva visto l’ultimo film la prima visione, noi la prima
visione era dopo se mesi, cioè non ci potevo parlare. Oppure la cosa più stupida, qua
non c’erano i canali TV, cioè io i Nirvana su Canale 5 me li dovevo vedere offuscati,
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lui magari se li vedeva bene. Quindi è stato tutto molto più duro, forse ha contribuito,
magari in città se avessi avuto un club musicale a cui partecipavo non avrei fatto
Nirvanaitalia, era una necessità riuscire a raggruppare gente intorno a un qualcosa
che ritenevo buono fare, mica ci guadagno, non ho nemmeno banner pubblicitari. È
proprio come dire che i Nirvana sono cosa buona secondo me e qualcuno li deve
portare avanti.
I: I Nirvana sono una cosa buona, in che senso?
Quello che è arrivato a me sulla pelle era che erano i buoni, perché ti ripeto i
Guns’n’Roses mi piacevano lo stesso, ho tutti i dischi lo stesso ma non erano i buoni.
Loro erano i buoni, i testi sicuramente perché la protezione verso l’emarginato, verso
il debole, forse ci possiamo legare alla discussione che dicevo prima perché se io mi
sentivo debole verso il napoletano, lui stava dalla mia parte quando scriveva una
canzone, non stava dalla parte del mainstream, del cittadino, della stella, stava di
qua.”]
Raffaele defines the brand as a “good thing”. He ascribes to the brand the meaning of a
symbol against injustice, “They were the good guys, the lyrics certainly because of the
protection to the marginalized, to the weak”. In this section, Raffaele makes a transfer
between his condition of different in the small-town culture, and his marginalized status in
the mainstream culture. Thus, Raffaele lives twice the outsider condition.
“I: This is your personal feeling or is shared by other people your age?
Surely, it is a feeling in the country and probably in all countries of the world. I do
not know you live in Nola, is a city there will be this feeling towards those who live
in Italy, I know.
I: But yes, I felt that same feeling that you were feeling but I felt compared to the rest
of the world.
There is always a New York over [...] but if I want to go further back and so perhaps
I have always felt marginalized [...] I was a child when I was the age of my son,
when I was 6-7 years old, and here I take up what I said, I pretended to have seen the
cartoon because I had not the antenna, we did not have the Italy 1 signal, but I did
have not the courage at school with my friends who had seen Grendizer to say that I
did not see it, then before I tried to figure out what the heck happened in the episode
because they spoke to each other and then I would say I also saw it. Then it is since
childhood, one would say it does not matter, but a cartoon for one of 6 years old it
matters yes it does, that's the most important thing in his life. So always been
struggling with this country, I can not see Grendizer ok, then when I was older I
could not see the Naples because who would take us to Naples when there was
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Maradona, then I could not see the greatest movie of Italy 1 which was nice and then
I could not go to the concert, did not even know that in Naples were Iron Maiden
because I did not know. And then I've always been [pause], the country is behind a
generation until then to the internet. Nirvana were on that side there, the Nirvana in
the texts is the poor marginalized he is killed, he is tortured, is poor. Maybe we can
read some texts, it might be useful, and I have all the texts of Nirvanaitalia.
I: What is your favorite song by Nirvana if there is?
Smells can not be named because it is the one that changed everything and then there
are Milk it has a text that is impressive, Serve the servants it is also hard, servants of
the servants is just a title that declares humility near Catholic positions, or Rape me,
when you hear a song like Rape me?! Rape me will never be broadcasted in Italian
because they will never have the courage, but what radio would ever diffuse it, MTV
threatened them in fact I do not know if you know this story, after they won the
MTV award, MTV said, they wanted to sing it, we will give the break, you have to
sing because it was the single Lithium and they have just started doing Rape me and
when they [MTV] were about launching the break they started playing Lithium. So
anyway so I do not wear until the end of the protest but I had the courage to do it
even if it would have been nice to bring it to the end. We need to see more, it is
difficult we are on the razor's edge , okay MTV cut you out it does not send your
videos on television then Kurt Cobain will not come over to Raffaele Piacente, is this
the right way? Or I stop at the right point and then he will continue to send my video
so that I reach Raffaele Piacente? I think it was okay. He fought until he could and
then he pulled back at the right time.
I: Do you remember the first time you've heard Smells?
Yes I was going to school. On the bus and I was impressed still now I told it
sometimes on the forum because at eight in the morning you go to take the bus there
are the news, there are always the news and for some reasons or maybe technical
reasons because at that normally there is not the music, however, before the news
this piece started, it diffused from the coffers of the bus and it was awesome that I
had to immediately know who sings this piece to discover everything. That [pause]
just [pause] is the one that has hit everyone because this is the effect it has done,
everyone listened to Smells like, stop for a moment let’s see that it is. And then
buying the album it was confirmed because many times it is the single piece that is
one thing and the album is filler, again, maybe it was better before it was only single.
But no, Nevermind is a flow, all masterpieces even in the B-side that are out that we
discovered this after so many years then yes. And from there you are after 7-8 years,
that is [pause] But that step is there because then I could not buy Nevermind when I
finally managed to figure out who sang that piece. I had to go seek it somewhere in
Castellammare; there were no record stores here. So then I listened to it 5-6 times per
day I remember returning from school, I put it and listened to. That is, now I do not
listen to a disc since ten years, or certainly not in full, there it ended immediately and
you said an hour has passed already? And I restarted again. At first it was only music
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I knew nothing about how it was not even his face, and so for me it was together with
Metallica, Iron Maiden and Nirvana they were, it did not influence a few changes in
my life that discovery in the first moment, I already followed that kind of music.
Then yes gradually began to influence me, when you go on the person, of course
there is also the simple booklet, internet does not exist, there is not a kiosk that
brings me the pack shot and I do not even know if it exists, the only thing I knew was
the Nirvana cover and the cover it was already impressive, where you see a cover
like that, after twenty years they have not already done so memorable a thing like
that. There are documentaries only on the cover.
I: What did your friends say about your passion for Nirvana?
The only one in my town who hangs up is me, except for one, two friends who
instead listened to the same kind of music, then for the rest of the group I was a poor
man who liked heavy metal and therefore he will heal. But this genre marks you
more than others because they listened to Snaps to the disco that was a disease that
did not give them anything, however I do not know definitely make you a list of what
it left me but I swear that it left something and continues to let me because who
obliges me to continue to buy material, work on the site. And this cataloguing as
good will surely come after his death because then he is dead and he has begun to be
treated like the angel that under the pressure of the media could no longer bear the
truth then we do not even know exactly. Shortly before it was released that famous
article on Vanity Fair on his daughter because there is also the fact that he was
waiting for a daughter, then the little daughter, you kill yourself is impressing. Then
he is in the box of the good, something good to carry on. So no more carry only the
music but also this angel who went down against the world, so that he defended in
the lyrics in his songs the weak from the oppression the person who belongs to my
category not as poor but of course he was on the other side than the other, and he had
lost against the world. Then there are rumors but he was killed, to feed the common
myths.
I: Today, do you still feel in your town this condition of being marginalized, except
for the Internet etc.?
No, but only thanks to internet I do not feel it anymore. However, I am forced to use
it in the sense that if I take it off I’m again at the same point, that is here today it still
does not get me the signal that makes me watch Telecapri or shows me [pause] that
is if I have now 13 channels on television and my son can see the Smurfs his friend
can see the Smurfs, this and that more because he has more channels. If I want to buy
a record I am still obliged to go to Castellammare, then if we buy it on ITunes we are
equal, if I have to buy the record I have to continue to go there, or if I want to see a
movie I have to keep going in Castellammare, if I want to see a concert that will
always be the same, but at least you get the information. Hence, the principle reason
of the marginalization linked to the town this anyone won’t take it away.”
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[“I: Questo sentimento è tuo personale oppure è condiviso anche da altri tuoi
coetanei?
Sicuramente, è un sentimento del paese e probabilmente di tutti i paesi del mondo.
Non so tu vivi a Nola, è una città non ci sarà questo sentimento verso chi vive a
Caserta, che ne so.
I: E invece sì, io sentivo questo stesso sentimento che sentivi tu ma lo sentivo
rispetto al resto del mondo.
C’è sempre una New York al di sopra. Forse però, mò non so qual è la realtà tua dei
18 anni, ma io se vogliamo andare ancora più dietro e perciò forse mi sono sentito
sempre emarginato, non lo so mi ci stai facendo pensare tu. Io da piccolo quando
avevo l’età di mio figlio, quando avevo 6-7 anni, e qui mi ricollego a quello che
dicevamo, io facevo finta di aver visto il cartone animato perché io non l’avevo
l’antenna, non ci arrivava il segnale di Italia 1, ma non avevo il coraggio a scuola al
mio compagno che aveva visto Goldrake di dire di no, allora prima cercavo di capire
che caspita era successo nella puntata perché ne parlavano tra di loro e poi dicevo di
averlo visto pure io. Allora è da piccoli, perché poi sono piccolezze, però un cartone
animato per uno di 6 anni ma quale piccolezza, quello è la cosa più importante della
vita. Allora da sempre a lottare con questo paese, io non posso vedere Goldrake ok,
poi quando ero più grande non potevo vedere il Napoli perché chi mi ci portava a
Napoli quando c’era Maradona, allora da più grande non potevo vedermi il film di
Italia 1 che era bello e poi non potevo andare al concerto, nemmeno lo sapevo che a
Napoli venivano gli Iron Maiden perché io non lo sapevo. E quindi sono sempre stato
[pausa], il paese sta dietro di una generazione fino poi a internet. I Nirvana stavano
da quel lato lì, i Nirvana nei testi c’è il povero emarginato lui viene ammazzato,
viene torturato, è povero forse possiamo leggere qualche testo, forse è utile, io ho
tutti i testi su Nirvanaitalia.
I: Qual è la tua canzone preferita dei Nirvana se c’è?
“Smells non può essere non nominata perché è quella che ha cambiato tutto e poi ci
stanno Milk it che ha un testo impressionante, è durissima pure Serve the servants,
servi i servitori è proprio un titolo che dichiara l’umiltà vicino a posizioni cattoliche,
o Rape me, quando sentirai una canzone come Rape me. Rape me non si sentirà mai
in italiano perché non ci sarà mai il coraggio, ma quale radio mai la trasmetterebbe,
MTV infatti li minacciò non so se sai questa storia, dopo che vinsero gli MTV award,
loro volevano cantarla MTV disse noi stacchiamo proprio la trasmissione. Tu devi
cantare Lithium perché era il singolo e basta e loro hanno iniziato a fare Rape me e
quando stavano per staccare hanno agganciato Lithium. Quindi comunque sì non
porto fino alla fine la protesta ma ho avuto il coraggio di farla anche se sarebbe stato
più bello portarla fino alla fine. Dobbiamo vedere sempre, è difficile stiamo sulla
lama del rasoio, ok MTV taglia non ti manda più i tuoi video in televisione quindi
Kurt Cobain non arriverà più a Raffaele Piacente, è giusta questa strada? O mi fermo
al punto giusto e quindi lui continuerà a mandare i miei video così che io arrivo a
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Raffaele Piacente? Penso che è stato bene così. Ha lottato fin quando poteva e poi si
tirava indietro al momento giusto.
I: Ti ricordi la prima volta che hai ascoltato Smells?
Sì stavo andando a scuola. Nel pullman e questo mi è rimasto sempre impresso l’ho
raccontato qualche volta sul forum perché la mattina alle otto che vai a prendere il
pullman c’è il telegiornale, c’è sempre il telegiornale e per qualche motivo o forse
tecnico perché non è che a quell’ora si mette la musica però prima del telegiornale
partì questo pezzo, dalle casse del pullman si sentiva ed era impressionante cioè
dovevo assolutamente, immediatamente sapere di chi è questo pezzo per scoprire
tutto. Quello [pausa] proprio [pausa] è quello che ha colpito tutti perché questo è
l’effetto che ha fatto, chiunque sentiva Smells like, fermi un attimo vediamo che è. E
poi comprando l’album si confermava perché tante volte invece c’è il singolo che è
una cosa e l’album che è un riempitivo, sempre, magari era più giusto prima si
facevano solo i singoli. Invece no, Nevermind tutto una tirata, tutti capolavori anche
nel B-side che stanno fuori che abbiamo scoperto dopo tanti anni quindi questo sì. E
da lì li trovai dopo 7-8 anni cioè [pausa] però quello step là si perché poi vedi mica
mi potevo comprare Nevermind quando finalmente sono riuscito a capire di chi era
quel pezzo. Sono dovuto andare a Castellammare a cercarlo da qualche parte, non
c’erano negozi di dischi qua. Quindi poi lo ascoltavo 5-6 volte al giorno mi ricordo
tornavo da scuola, lo mettevi e lo ascoltavi. Cioè adesso non sento un disco da dieci
anni, o di certo non tutto per intero, lì finiva immediatamente e dicevi già è passata
un’ora? E incominciavi da capo. All’inizio era solo musica non sapevo niente
nemmeno come era la sua faccia e quindi per me stava insieme, c’era i Metallica, gli
Iron Maiden e c’erano i Nirvana, non è che mi stava influenzando una qualche
modifica della mia vita quella scoperta lì nel primo momento, io già seguivo quel
genere lì. Poi sì pian paino ha iniziato a influenzarmi, quando vai sulla persona, di
certo anche il semplice libretto non esiste internet, non c’è un edicola che mi porta le
packshot e nemmeno so che esiste, io l’unica cosa dei Nirvana conoscevo la
copertina e già la copertina era impressionante, dove la vedi una copertina così, dopo
vent’anni ancora non l’hanno fatta una cosa talmente memorabile così. Ci stanno
documentari solo sulla copertina.
I: Che dicevano i tuoi amici della tua passione per i Nirvana?
L’unico nel paese che ha il chiodo sono io quindi, tranne uno, due amici che invece
ascoltavamo lo stesso tipo di musica poi per il resto del gruppo ero un poveretto a cui
piaceva l’heavy metal e quindi passerà poi la malattia. E invece questo genere qua ti
segna più degli altri perché all’epoca loro che sentivano gli Snap in discoteca quella
era una malattia che non gli ha lasciato nulla, invece sicuramente non so farti un
elenco di cosa che mi ha lasciato ma giuro che mi ha lasciato qualcosa e continua a
lasciarmela perché chi me lo farebbe fare a continuare a comprare materiale, lavorare
al sito. E questa catalogazione dei buoni sarà venuta dopo la morte sicuramente
quindi perché poi è morto e ha iniziato a essere trattato come l’angelo che sotto la
pressione dei media non ce la faceva più a sopportare poi la verità nemmeno la
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sappiamo di preciso. Poco prima era uscito quel famoso articolo su Vanity Fair della
figlia che c’è pure il fatto che lui aspettava una figlia, poi la figlia piccolissima, tu ti
ammazzi e rimane impresso. Quindi fisso nei buoni, qualcosa di buono da portare
avanti. Quindi non più portare avanti solo la musica ma anche quest’angelo che è
andato sotto contro il mondo, quindi lui che difendeva nei testi e nelle sue canzoni il
debole dal sopruso colui che faceva parte della mia categoria non in quanto povero,
per carità, però di certo lui era più dall’altra parte che dall’altra, e lui aveva perso
contro il mondo. Poi iniziano i discorsi ma è stato ucciso e si alimentano i soliti miti.
I: Oggi la senti ancora questa condizione di emarginato, al di là di internet, del paese
etc.?
No, no però solo grazie a internet non la sento più. Sono costretto comunque ad
usarlo nel senso che se me lo togli io sto comunque di nuovo nello stesso punto, cioè
qui oggi continua a non arrivarmi il segnale che mi fa vedere Telecapri o mi fa
vedere [pausa], cioè se io sono passato a 13 canali in televisione e mio figlio può
vedere i Puffi, il suo compagno può vedere i Puffi quello, quello e quell’altro perché
ha più canali. Se io voglio comprare un disco continuo ad andare a Castellammare,
allora se lo compriamo su ITunes siamo alla pari, se devo comprare il disco devo
continuare ad andare lì, oppure se voglio vedere un film devo continuare ad andare a
Castellammare, se voglio vedere un concerto quello sarà sempre così, però almeno ti
arrivano le informazioni. Quindi, il motivo principe dell’emarginazione in quanto
abitante di un villaggio quella non te la toglierà mai nessuno.”]
The theme of marginalization marks the entire Raffaele’s life, and the brand is seen as a
hope for the marginalized people. In fact, unlike adolescence, in adulthood the narrative
structure on which he builds his identity project is feeling marginalized vs. feeling equal.
At this stage, the music no longer holds a central role, Nirvana becomes a symbol of the
struggle of David against Goliath, “Then he is in the box of the good, something good to
carry on. So no more carry only the music but also this angel who went down against the
world, so that he defended in the lyrics in his songs the weak from the oppression the
person who belongs to my category not as poor but of course he was on the other side than
the other, and he had lost against the world.”.
“I: The thing that you associate to Nirvana, however, is the fact that they stand by the
marginalized people.
“This thing about good and bad, I have it since a long time, I always try to hand over
it to my children as well. I had always made a personal issue for the protection of the
weakest, it is a good thing. Makes me remember that when I was a child I was used
to be struck out at because I was angry and argued with the bigger ones because
someone had to have the courage to tell them something. So there is a need for
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justice at bottom. I still now I am angry every day because the government does not
work for the protection of the weakest, with democracy, I'm on this side here. It
seems strange that someone is on the other side. Nirvana, when you read Frances will
have her revenge on Seattle [...], then the inner feelings you express what you want
also leads to a certain type of music that you may like, because then [Kurt Cobain]
his anger and his strength was yelling at these things, not screaming because I want
to be famous I want the power of money. Or the protection of homosexuality and
homosexual what is it but a weakness in our society to be protected then surely, and
he professed to be homosexual even if he was not because he had to prompt. Or
Concerts stopped because some girl ... in front of the stage, there is a famous video
where he says ‘stop it with that that girl' in the first row there was someone who was
kissing another that seemed to him that she did not appreciate. I don’t know any
other artist that stops a concert for doing such a thing. So I got really fully identified
even though I came from heavy metal, from super technicality so it was easier for me
to make me the creeps with a solo by Dave Murray not a simple turn of the low
Novoselic who does not know how to play as all the others, and yet he could express
something powerful, then death did the rest.
I: So in '91 Nirvana come and as you have said before they are the subculture and
won on the dominant culture.
Yes, you have the same a chance! Look I think it's a good interpretation because
analyzing the years for example, I finished school I graduated in '93 and for example
I had the strength to go to university and I do not know if [Nirvana] affected, we are
talking of adolescence. I went into town to see what the university was, for who lives
in the city he knows it is there, I did not even know how it was made the class, if
there was a professor etc. So yes I had a spur, of course at that age everyone was
listening to Nirvana, thinking to have grasped a message maybe what I understand it
is also wrong, but yes I definitely was marked. The fact is that Guns’n’Roses Slash
were at first place and I love the way he makes the solos, they came with the
helicopter on stage, they [Nirvana] went with the bus, the sign is there and it is clear,
this is a type of person and that is another type of person, so yes you can do it!”
[“I: La cosa che tu associ ai Nirvana è il fatto che comunque prendono le difese degli
emarginati.
Sì di certo avevo da sempre un aspetto personale di [pausa] la tutela del più debole è
cosa buona. Quindi forse mi fai venire in mente che io da piccolo in genere le
buscavo sempre perché mi arrabbiavo e litigavo con quelli più grossi, cioè qualcuno
doveva avere il coraggio di dirgli qualcosa. Quindi sì, c’è un bisogno di correttezza,
di giustizia ancora adesso io mi incazzo tutti i giorni con lo stato che non funziona,
con la tutela dei più deboli, con la mancanza di democrazia, sto da questo lato qua.
Mi sembra strano come qualcuno non ci sia e stia dall’altro lato. I Nirvana quando tu
leggi Francis ha avuto la sua rivincita su Seattle cioè questo ti va a identificare.
Questa è la biografia di questa Francis che veramente è vissuta quindi maltrattata, è
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stata uccisa se non sbaglio, violentata comunque emarginata al massimo livello o in
tutti i suoi testi che poi li ho scoperti pure dopo perché arriva la musica e mi piaceva
la musica. Poi dopo ho visto che c’era anche quest’altro elemento, allora i sentimenti
interni, ciò che tu vuoi esprimere ti porta pure a un certo tipo di musica che può
piacere perché poi nella sua rabbia, nella sua forza urlava contro queste cose, non
urlava perché voglio diventare famoso o voglio il potere dei soldi. Oppure la tutela
dell’omosessualità e l’omosessuale che cos’è se non un debole nella nostra società
sicuramente da tutelare altroché, e lui si professava omosessuale anche non
essendolo proprio per spingere. Oppure concerti bloccati perché davanti al palco
qualche ragazza stava avendo [pausa], ci sta non lo so se lo hai visto un pezzo
famoso di una ripresa che lui si ferma a suonare e dice ‘Lascia stare quella ragazza’
perché magari in prima fila ci stava qualcuno che stava baciando una ragazza che
magari a lui sembrava che a lei non facesse piacere. Non so dirti nessun altro artista
che ferma un concerto per fare una cosa del genere. Quindi mi ci sono identificato
veramente completamente anche se io venivo dall’heavy metal, dal super tecnicismo
quindi era più facile per me farmi accapponare la pelle con un assolo di Dave Murray
che non un giro semplicissimo di basso di Novoselic che non sa suonare come tutti
gli altri, eppure riusciva a esprimere qualcosa di potentissimo, poi la morte ha fatto il
resto.
I: Quindi nel ’91 arrivano i Nirvana che come tu hai già detto rappresentano la
sottocultura e hanno vinto sulla cultura dominante.
Si hai lo stesso una chance. Guarda credo sia una buona lettura perché analizzando
gli anni io per esempio ho finito la scuola nel ’93 mi sono diplomato e per esempio
ho avuto la forza di iscrivermi all’università e non so se ha influito, stiamo parlando
sempre dell’adolescenza. Sono andato in città a vedere che cos’è l’università ché chi
vive in città lo sa sta là, io non sapevo nemmeno come era fatta la classe, se c’era un
professore etc. Quindi sì ho avuto uno sprone, certo in quell’età lì è tutta ad ascoltare
i Nirvana, a pensare di aver capito un messaggio magari quello che ho capito io è
pure sbagliato, però sì mi ha segnato sicuramente. Il fatto è che i Guns’n’Roses
stavano al primo posto e Slash mi piace come fa gli assoli ma si presentavano con
l’elicottero sul palco, questi andavano col pulmino, cioè il segno c’è ed è netto,
questo è un tipo di persona e quella è un altro tipo di persona, e quindi sì ce la puoi
fare!”]
This section shows how the brand is to Raffaele “a spur”, the example he needs to
challenge the conditions of inferiority to which he is compelled by the context he belongs
to. The comparison with the Guns’n’Roses as a model to which Nirvana is opposed
repeatedly returns in Raffaele’s narrative. This is a metaphor of the world as experienced
by Raffaele. On one side the mainstream proposes a model rich, powerful and which have
the means (the Guns’n’Roses arrive on stage with the helicopter). On the other hand the
weak, the marginalized, the minority who do not have the means to be heard (the bus of
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Nirvana). It is this second model that Raffaele belongs to. The significant element that
gives sense to this section of text is the conclusive exclamation “yes you can do it!”. The
meaning Raffaele associates with the brand is a living example of how the weak can
challenge and win the powerful, how the injustices can be defeated. However, in this
struggle to Raffaele what matters is not to win but to able to fight on equal terms.
“I: But however even staying here you have been able to find a job in a multinational
company while in Naples or Milan graduated people are unemployed.
Anyway, I 'm having workshops in Holland and I compare myself with the whole
world not only with the Neapolitans.
I: Do you feel there too that feeling of not starting with the same conditions?
A little bit for the English that yes because I do not know the language, but when you
go there and you see you're the best then you see it was only a matter of starting from
the same basis. I would not have been better than any American, English and
German if I did not have this medium that has really changed my life, Steve Jobs has
not changed it, he knows when to start selling a phone when there is already a phone
or he knows when to start selling a tablet even if they exist since twenty years. That
is, the Internet has revolutionized the world, I go there to have my class ok, they
provide me breakdowns and I do I repair them before the American and the English,
it does not matter if you do not understand a word of English when he speaks,
however, I am me, I can maximize my skills if I have them. At least I have a test at
the international level of what is good and what is not good because you can also be
a half-rotten apple in the middle of the bad apples and you will always be the best,
instead of comparing yourself with the world perhaps you are not half-rotten you are
good. Fortunately I do not mind anything to be here because I'm lucky with the job,
if I was hired at the post office in Via Roma I continued to be marginalized because I
lived in the little town, I went there to Via Roma at my expense using the time of my
life. But I’m here and I'm working on that then I have to go with the car and I have to
go in Campobasso but I'm already working when I put the foot on the ground from
the bed, the fact that I get to Campobasso is part of the job. So this leads me to
believe that I am lucky but my colleague who works in Piazza Garibaldi because at
home I get there before him while he is in Piazza Garibaldi two hours in traffic. So I
appreciated the quality of my little town because then it's nice if you come here it's
nice it’s not as bad as in Piazza Garibaldi.
I: Well we are bound by this love-hate relationship with our country because the
country is the land where we were born, the family, etc. However, living in the South
we are in general are the colony of the rich world...
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It is the union of Italy, which led us in these conditions because we were good, we
were not the bad guys, they have made us bad.
I: You made some good examples of good guys - mainly including Nirvana -, but
who are the bad guys?
The bad guys are Steve Jobs, but this is also a personal matter...
I: Okay, but beyond the names in what sense are they bad?
For the vision [...] why open source is good because I'm not going to bring bread to
African but I teach them to do the oven so open source is good. Steve Jobs is the king
of the bad guys, Steve Jobs is the one that led to the extreme the old conception of
the business. I do not just sell you a product, but I decide what makes that product.
The Apple reserves the right to turn off your phone, Apple does not release any
source, neither the operating system nor of all the software that we go over. So the
pure point to make money completely closed, I do not teach to any designer as a
function IOS4 because that's my source of income it must be closed. The old concept
that instead the others with all the open source philosophy by Linux to the open
Hardware by Massimo Banzi are saying, look at that maybe you can get rich even in
this way, that is not that we should give up, feel good and leave Africans without
bread, we can be comfortable teaching them something, and then growing the whole
world. This is what I intend to divide the world into good and bad. Who does really
grow and shares all things and what the forum Nirvanaitalia is if not the desire to
share. If I have been to a concert of Nirvana I like to say what happened to that
concert I did not keep it for me, I share it. This source I found I 'm torn because then
we all have the double-sided, on the one hand I am glad that I have it just me is a
form of self-centeredness, I’m torn towards the others it is good they have it the
others too and in fact I made the most important piece that’s on this tape because it is
one of the few times it was made Sappy live and so it is the piece more palatable. So
when I gave that piece I gave a lot and probably if there will be a real interest I will
provide the whole version and then I’ll became definitely good, now I'm half and
half because there is this fight. If I'm from one month to do this thing because then
what is my fear is that if this thing is taken by a Steve Jobs to make an example of
the bad guy and he makes billions and not me because I made the good, because then
the world is unfortunately also that. I know a lot of engineers who have invented
something and they are unknown because that something has been taken by the
company that sold it, and so this is what I definitely mean with good and bad.”
[I: Però comunque pure stando qui tu sei riuscito a trovare un lavoro in una
multinazionale mentre a Napoli o a Milano gente laureata è disoccupata.
“Comunque io vado a fare corsi in Olanda e mi confronto con tutto il mondo non
solo con il napoletano.
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I: Anche lì senti quel sentimento di non partire a parità di condizione?
Un po’ per l’inglese quello sì perché noi non conosciamo la lingua, però quando tu
vai là e sei il migliore allora dici vedi era soltanto un fatto di partire dalle stesse basi.
Io non sarei potuto essere migliore dell’americano, dell’inglese e del tedesco se non
avevo questo mezzo che veramente ha cambiato la vita, non l’ha cambiata Steve Jobs
che sa quando iniziare a vendere un telefono nel momento in cui esiste già un
telefono o sa quando iniziare a vendere un tablet anche se esistono da vent’anni. Cioè
internet ha rivoluzionato il mondo, io vado lì facciamo il corso ok, mi fanno i guasti
io li riparo prima dell’americano e dell’inglese non fa niente che non capisco una
parola di quando parla l’inglese però io sono io, posso portare al massimo le mie
qualità se ce le ho. Almeno ho una prova a livello internazionale di cosa è bene e di
cosa non è bene perché puoi essere pure una mela mezza marcia in mezzo alle mele
marce sarai sempre il migliore, invece confrontandoti con il mondo forse non sono
mezzo marcio sono buono. Fortunatamente non mi pesa nulla di stare qua perché
sono fortunato con il lavoro, se io fossi assunto alle poste di via Roma io continuavo
a essere emarginato perché vivevo sul paese, perché io a via Roma ci andavo a spese
mie usando il tempo della mia vita. Invece io sto qua e sto lavorando che poi devo
partire con la macchina e devo andare a Campobasso ma io sto lavorando già quando
metto il piede a terra dal letto, il fatto che devo arrivare a Campobasso fa parte del
lavoro. Quindi questo mi porta a ritenere che io sono il fortunato non il mio collega
che lavora a piazza Garibaldi perché a casa ci arrivo prima io che lui a piazza
Garibaldi perché sta due ore nel traffico. Quindi ho apprezzato la qualità del paese
perché poi è bello, se tu vieni qua è bello mica è brutto come piazza Garibaldi.
I: Siamo legati da questo rapporto di amore-odio con il nostro paese perché il paese
rappresenta la terra dove siamo nati, la famiglia, etc. però stando al sud in generale
siamo la colonia del mondo ricco…
È dall’unione dell’Italia che ci hanno portato in queste condizioni perché noi
eravamo i buoni, non eravamo i cattivi ci hanno fatto diventare cattivi.
I: Tu hai fatto alcuni esempi di buoni (tra cui principalmente i Nirvana) ma i cattivi
chi sono?
I cattivi sono Steve Jobs, ma questo è anche per un fatto personale…
I: Ok ma al di là dei nomi in che senso sono cattivi?
Per la visione […] perché l’open source è buono perché non vado a portare il pane
all’africano ma gli insegno a fare il forno perciò l’open source è buono. Steve Jobs è
il re dei cattivi, Steve Jobs è quello che ha portato all’estremo la vecchia concezione
del business. Io non solo ti vendo un prodotto ma decido io cosa fa quel prodotto. La
Apple si riserva il diritto di spegnertelo il telefono, la Apple non rilascia nessun
sorgente, né del sistema operativo, né di tutti i software che ci vanno sopra. Quindi il
puro puntare a fare soldi completamente chiuso, io non insegnerò a nessun
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progettista come funzione IOS4 perché quella è la mia fonte di guadagno devo essere
chiuso. Il vecchio concetto che invece gli altri da tutta la filosofia open source di
Linux all’open hardware di Massimo Banzi stanno dicendo guarda che forse si può
diventare ricchi anche così, cioè non è che dobbiamo rinunciare a stare bene
chiudendoci e lasciando gli africani senza pane, noi possiamo stare bene anche
insegnandogli qualcosa, quindi facendo crescere il mondo intero. Questo è ciò che io
intendo nel dividere il mondo nei buoni e nei cattivi. Chi fa crescere veramente tutti e
condivide le cose e che cos’è il forum Nirvanaitalia se non anche la voglia di
condividere. Se io sono stato a un concerto dei Nirvana mi piace dire cosa è successo
a quel concerto non me lo tengo per me, lo condivido lo dico. Questa sorgente che ho
trovato io sono combattuto perché poi tutti abbiamo la doppia faccia, da un lato mi fa
piacere che ce l’ho solo io è una forma di egocentrismo, dall’altro io sono combattuto
è buono che ce l’abbiano gli altri e infatti ho rilasciato il pezzo più importante che
c’è su questa cassetta perché è una delle poche volte che fu fatta dal vivo Sappy e
quindi è il pezzo più appetibile. Quindi nel momento in cui io ho dato quel pezzo ho
dato veramente tanto e probabilmente se ci sarà interesse fornirò tutta la versione e lì
divento definitivamente buono, adesso sto metà e metà perché c’è questo
combattimento. Se io sto da un mese a fare sta cosa perché poi qual è la paura mia, è
che questa cosa se la prende Steve Jobs per fare un nome dei cattivi di turno e lui ci
fa i miliardi e io no perché ho fatto il buono, perché poi il mondo purtroppo è anche
questo. Io conosco un sacco di ingegneri che hanno inventato qualcosa e che non
sono nessuno perché quel qualcosa se l’è preso la società che l’ha venduto e quindi
questo intendo per buoni e cattivi sicuramente.”]
If during adolescence brand represents a world in which to seek refuge to escape the
cultural poverty of the province, in adulthood the brand becomes the means through which
to make the world a better place deleting injustices. Raffaele divides the world into two
sharp categories, the good and bad “This is what I intend to divide the world into good and
bad. Who does really grow and shares all things and what the forum Nirvanaitalia is if not
the desire to share. If I have been to a concert of Nirvana I like to say what happened to
that concert I did not keep it for me, I share it.”. For Raffaele both the symbolic power of
the brand and the technological power of internet have the ability to improve the world
thanks to the actions of “goods”. The dichotomy of good vs. bad is another pattern that
defines the identity project of Raffaele at this stage of his life, as Raffaele tells “This
source I found I 'm torn because then we all have the double-sided, on the one hand I am
glad that I have it just me is a form of self-centeredness, I’m torn towards the others it is
good they have it the others too and in fact I made the most important piece […] Sappy
[…] So when I gave that piece I gave a lot and probably if there will be a real interest I
will provide the whole version and then I’ll became definitely good, now I'm half and half
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because there is this fight. If I'm from one month to do this thing because then what is my
fear is that if this thing is taken by a Steve Jobs to make an example of the bad guy and he
makes billions and not me because I made the good, because then the world is
unfortunately also that.”.
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PART 3 Analysis of data and interpretation of results
Chapter 6
Idiographic level of analysis
Chapter 7
Nomothetic level of analysis and interpretation of results
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Chapter 7. Nomothetic level of analysis and
interpretation of results
In the previous chapter we have realized the first part of our emic analysis of informants’
narratives. In this chapter we go on in that directions moving from the idiographic level –
the intratextual analysis – to the nomothetic level which provides for an intertextual
analysis. At this level of analysis the aim is to identify common themes emerging from the
whole set of the informants’ narratives (Thompson, 1997). The shift from the emic to the
etic level founds of the findings of textual categories which are coded and gathered
together in order to build up structured themes (Spiggle, 1994).
At a later stage, those themes and their relations have to comprehend (Spiggle, 1994) in
order to grasp the meanings which underlie the informants’ actions. The interpretation is
not an easy task and there are not certain criteria to be sure of its validity. According to
Thompson (1997) two main landmarks can be followed to lead the researcher in the
interpretation. The first is the whole stream of research which study how meanings,
common sense, and beliefs are encoded in language. The second is the stream of
sociological and historical studies which explore how the sociocultural forces and
meanings shape consumer culture. Both these streams of research allow reaching a whole
understanding of consumer culture as they grasp both the individual and the sociocultural
perspective. In doing so, the interpretation findings provide an account of the consumers’
life world as it is shaped by consumers themselves and the sociocultural context – which is
historically given – whose they are part of.
The following chapter is structured in two sections. In the first section we will develop the
intertextual analysis in order to come up with the major common theme as they are
identified through the whole informants’ narratives. In the second section we will interpret
those themes and their connections mobilizing the set of historical and sociological
researches and their conceptual tools.
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Section 1. Intertextual analysis and emerging themes
In this section we have identified three major themes emerging from the idiographic
analysis. These themes are strictly related one each other and define a trajectory in which
each of them is a specific step. This trajectory tells about an existential life path in which
informants struggle to move from an existential condition of suffering to the challenge of
bettering the world in which they live.
Themes are developed as follows:
1. Feeling frustrated;
2. Being saved;
3. Bettering the world.
In the first step, the feeling of frustration is experienced in the form of a status loss. It
occurs as a consequence of a social stigma which entails a loss of social desirability.
People are distanced as they are bearers of a blemish which is highly contagious to the
other social actors.
As a consequence of the frustration experienced and its identity hurt, a need for salvation is
felt. Salvation is experienced as the opportunity to ride over the suffering and the pain and
to go on in one’s own life. Brands as well as products are lived as essential items in the
saving process.
Finally, once the saving process achieved people manifest the will to better the world
around them. That is lived as the intent to remove all the factors that have caused of their
suffering. The dichotomy ideology vs. utopia emerges all long the interview. Informants
present their vision of the world in opposition to the world as it is. All these three themes
share a common element which underlies all the informants’ experiences. It is the dialectic
relationship that is narratively established between the world – and the society – and the
personal informant’s life world. This dialectic relationship comes up as a permanent
conflict between the fanatics’ world and the real one.
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Theme 1 - Feeling frustrated
The theme of frustration is shared by all informants. Freud (1914) identifies in frustration
one of the causes of identity disorders (narcissistic) of the individual in relationship with
the world of people and things. For Bronner (2009) frustration creates a “blessure
identitaire” (injured identity) which is the source of fanaticism, that is the radical and
unconditional adhesion to an idea. The sentiment of feeling frustrated includes a series of
experiences that involve the loss of status, discrimination and, in extreme cases, stigma
(Link and Phelan, 2001). Bronner (2009, p. 228) defines frustration as “the gap between
what we believe is possible and desirable, on the one hand, and what the future life
effectively offers us” and he adds “this feeling of humiliation can be especially personal”
(p. 231).
D: Then the reality of the job, I was a commercial engineer; I had a quarter of France
to cover visiting dealers so I spent my time in my car, in hotels and on airplanes. I
was just a day per the week in the office and then the rest I was on the road. So if
I look at the domestic side, Saturday and Sunday when I came home I was
exhausted and slept half the time, and the second half I was so anxious to keep
my job, because we were 12 to get the employed and then we were only 2, so on
Saturday and Sunday when I had one eye open I worked. Family life was not
great, it is destructive. I divorced but maybe I would divorce without it, but when
I look back it's mad.
The frustration in Dominique rises into the negative difference as it is lived in his personal
experience between the world of the Apple Company (not the brand) which is a model of
personal and social success; and the reality of the destructive effects that this world has
produced in his life. Dominique lives his employment with the Apple as a unique moment.
D: No one had paid me airplane. […] And I went in Paris, and there actually I signed
my contract on April 1 and in Julie they sent me during 15 days in a school to
improve my English, especially to return to your question, in September sales
meeting Hawaii. […] all the Apple world malls together in the Hilton Hawaii for
a week and then so many conferences, meetings, and there, there, wait, wait, I
had never been in a Hilton in my life […].And then it struck me, the guy he came
on stage, the rock star, you had everyone standing, amazing. […].We were the
French division, 15 guys, so the top two were onstage and then Steve Jobs with a
Rolex and a check […]. A unique experience.
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In Dominique’s experience Apple assumes of the meaning of high social status. This can
be deduced also from the description of the Apple experience as linked to a set of
commercial brands and experiences of consumption (Hilton, Rolex, Hawaii) that have a
strong symbolic value in terms of taste and social distinction. The taste, in this case, must
be contextualized in to the years - 1980s - when Dominique has lived the experience he
describes.
Based on this experience, the identity expectations of Dominique were completely
disillusioned in the clash with the reality of the daily work, “it is destructive. I divorced
[…] when I look back it's mad”. It is in this contradiction that the identity of Dominique is
“injured”. The feeling of frustration that ensues leads Dominique to completely put into
question the model of success of Apple, or rather the hypermodern social model
(Lipovetsky, 2004) that celebrates the individual and dissolves every form of social
institution even the family (Bauman, 2000). The family is something really important to
Dominique. As Dominique says: “I wanted to return to Bordeaux, this is the place where I
have my roots and this is the place that in my mind suits me […] to grow up my children is
a place that I like, I wanted to return to Bordeaux. I started my studies there, I like it...”.
The term “roots” is indicative of the search for re-rooting (Maffesoli, 1988) that
Dominique pursues especially after the loss of family ties (with the divorce). It is a rerooting process even more significant thanks to the return to places (and links) of youth.
Dominique sees the return to the past as a starting point to build (rebuild) his future, and
his family (“my children”).
I: There is a kind of fusion...
D: Yes, work, consumption and leisure. That is to say, until very recently, I have not
taken leave, for me there was no difference. As you make your work a little bit
intellectual, I mean between the school and the team it is a little an intellectual
work. Until very recently, until the day they put us a scorecard actually there
working, consumption, leisure which mingled pleasantly [...] is a kind of comfort
with small objects you always have with you...
The thread that allows Dominique to close the experience of working at Apple and rebuild
his lives by connecting the past to the future is the Apple brand. The brand, in fact,
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determines Dominique’s work (and life) choices for the future and at the same time
characterizes his consumption.
Ro: Yes, I needed something to get around, because I was deprived of everything, I
was deprived of my car, I could not drive it hurt me, I used to played sports, I
was an amateur I was goalkeeper, so impossible to play football, I went
jogging, I could no longer, I lost everything!
Robert lives a very strong identity frustration as a result of an accident that has reduced his
physical abilities. The frustration of Robert for his new condition is summarized in the
exclamation “I lost everything!”. Goffman (1963) in Stigma: notes on the management of
spoiled identity, distinguishes between two types of identity, personal identity and social
identity. The social identity consists of uniqueness and character attributes that are typical
of personal identity and the status, i.e.: the set of structural attributes that place the
individual within defined social categories. For Robert his lived experience takes on the
meaning of a loss “I was deprived” which first affects his personal identity being tied to
physical disability “I needed something to get around, because I was deprived of
everything, I was deprived of my car, I could not drive it hurt me”; and then it also extends
to his social identity “I used to played sports, I was an amateur I was goalkeeper, so
impossible to play football, I went jogging, I could no longer”.
Ro: After that it went wrong at work because I had a dispute with my management as
they wanted to replace me on the job I had, which were a privileged position on
what I had been placed at the following of my back. Their goal was to turn me
out to put someone else in the box direction while it was a position where I could
not do anything I was doing, they wanted me to do something else. They took
advantage I was on leave, two days after they took my stuff, they put in a box as
in American films and they kicked me out and replaced me. I left, it freaked me
out, I wanted to fight against the windmills.
The social identity of Robert undergoes a further frustration after he loses his job. Even in
this case the status loss is linked to the Robert’s job. Although the work has lost its
exclusivity in the definition of the individual identity (Baudrillard, 1970), job loss is still a
loss of social status with its disqualifying effects for the identity of the person (Sennett,
1998). The feeling of frustration of Robert is significantly summed up in the expression “I
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wanted to fight against the windmills”. In this sentence there is the awareness of Robert to
have in front of him a reality that undergoes and against which he is completely powerless.
Ro: When I rediscovered it was [pause] it coincided with the fact that I could no
longer drive a car, I suffered a double slipped disc with rupture of the sciatic
nerve, the clutch to left leg whenever I activate it, it hurt and I could no longer
drive. So, I need two wheels and it was beautifully kept. So I restored it I rode
like that and then I redid gradually what had to be redone, and it was my first
Vespa. My true passion is begun there.
Robert’s passion for Vespa coincides with the first experience of the injury of his personal
identity. The same kind of experience is lived by Amy.
A: To me the French are really bad, ok they find where you’re from because a lot of
time they think I’m English which is understandable but as soon as you say you
are American you go in the American box and you know sometimes I’m
offended because yeah I’m American but don’t put me in the box, don’t put me
in the box. For seventeen years I’ve lived here I don’t need to be in the box. I
like living here but just don’t put me in the box. That’s what I want to say and
that’s why they are really bad about it, they are really really bad about it. That’s
what I’m saying they judge the entire culture because I see them as taking people
is like little dolls, you are there, you are here, ok you belong over here, you
know.
I: Can you recall an experience when you felt like you were “put in a box”?
A: Well there was one time; we were looking for an apartment when they found I
was American it was over.
I: No, why?
A: Because at that time they weren’t happy with what we were doing in Iraq, because
France you know, they were all thing going over there and stuff like that, even
when US refused to call French fries, French fries, we called them Freedom fries
because they didn’t want to say the word French, because we were not friendly
with the French. So it’s a story at that time and we did not have the apartment
because I was an American and he told me, you’re American that’s it. I was like
‘Ah…Ok!’ but then [pause] it’s hard to be [pause] I didn’t make the decision to
go war, right?! I didn’t do it!
Amy describes a civilization clash, i.e.: a clash between cultural identities (Huntington,
1993). These cultural identities are defined at the same time as common elements such as
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“language, history, religion, customs, institutions, and by the subjective self-identification
of people.” (Huntington, 1993, p. 24). Thus, in civilization clash personal identity is
strongly put into play. The discrimination that Amy undergoes is inherited from the culture
to which she belongs to, the American culture. This is a kind of tribal stigma (Goffman,
1963), it implies that Amy undergoes a delegitimization of her identity not because of an
attribute directly related to her person or character, but rather by a transmission effect
which sees the mark of disqualification attributed to American culture to hit the identity of
Amy because she is American.
A: So you know everybody was terrified of what it was going to be [Disney Paris]
because everybody was just thinking McDonald’s, McDonald’s, it’s hamburger,
it’s fast food, it’s not going to care, they are just coming in, they are going to do
this and that’s all.
In addition, in the experience of Amy the delegitimization of American culture also affects
the consumerism. The consumption significantly characterizes American culture and
distinguishes it clearly from other cultures in which the consumer has a less central role
(Carù and Cova, 2006). Moreover, just this attribute of American culture contributes to the
establishment of the stigma that is assigned to the encounter/clash with other cultures. In
this sense, the metaphorical reference to McDonald’s is significant because it represents
the symbol of the processes of overconsumption and the commodification of society
pushed to the extreme (Ritzer, 1983). Amy is frustrated because in her French experience
she suffered the stigma of being American, “as soon as you say you are American you go
in the American box and you know sometimes I’m offended because yeah I’m American but
don’t put me in the box, don’t put me in the box. For seventeen years I’ve lived here I don’t
need to be in the box. I like living here but just don’t put me in the box. That’s what I want
to say and that’s why they are really bad about it, they are really really bad about it.”. The
almost obsessive repetition of the expression “don’t put me in the box” and “really bad”
express the sense of frustration that Amy lives in feel not accepted and discredited in her
identity because of her origins.
A: The real one and that’s Annett’s diner, that’s what I’m talking about. The French,
that’s not their fault, they do not know how to make a milkshake, a McDonalds
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milkshake is not in the category of milkshake ok?! That’s not a milkshake. You
have to go to Annette’s Diner and drink a milkshake that is an American
milkshake. You know I’ve got it it’s been years ago I was just like I got have a
milkshake, I got have a milkshake. I got in the car and I draw and seven stupid
Euros for a milkshake but I paid 7€ for a milkshake because I just wanted it. So
you know what I mean, so that’s what I’m saying it’s I don’t know if my
attraction to Disney is because of my link in the US because I do have happy
memories with Disney.
Amy reacts to the denigration of her cultural identity by giving value to her culture; the
example of the true “milkshake” is significant. When Amy states: “The French, that’s not
their fault, they do not know how to make a milkshake”, she is in fact placing the American
culture (and identity) on the same level of legitimacy than the French one. Once both
cultures have the same legitimacy, her greater knowledge and experience of her own
culture gives to Amy a distinction (Bourdieu, 1979) compared to the French people. The
brand Disney (Disneyland Paris) offers Amy a real chance to prove to herself and to others
her distinction. In addition, the experience of Amy with Disney does not have the value of
a political fanaticism (Taylor, 1991). The metaphorical opposition between McDonald’s
and Disney (Bryman, 1999), both characteristic features of American culture, is a clear
sign that Amy is capable of a critical attitude toward her own culture.
Dominique, Robert and Amy experience the identity injury in their adulthood. The feeling
of frustration in this case is generated by the passage from a legitimized identity to a
discredited identity. A passage determined by unexpected events and major changes in
their personal biographies. Below, Raffaele and Olivier are two cases in which the feeling
of frustration accompanies the identity of both since their childhood.
Ra: I've always been a kind [pause], I always liked to stay here then I'm a mama's
boy if I have to go to the city [pause]. But we saw, I realize that we saw here in
the summer there is a movement of tourists so the family came from Naples and
the son of the Neapolitan and we were inferior, not I, but we really all over the
country because he was from Naples and we [pause] and this thing has always
existed.”
I: It was later transposing the news long before?
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Ra: He had all the more because he had seen the last film the first vision, we had the
first vision after six months, that I could not speak. Or the dumbest thing, here
there were no TV channels, that is, Nirvana on Channel 5 I had to see them
eclipsed, maybe he saw them well. So it was all much harder.
Raffaele tells his life experience in the province as a sense of inferiority to those who live
in the city. This sense of inferiority reflects a physical isolation, more than cultural,
because the reality to which Raffaele belongs is lacking in those infrastructures, i.e.:
television that broadcasts the news coming from the world.
Ra: There is always a New York over [...] but if I want to go further back and so
perhaps I have always felt marginalized [...]. I was a child when I was the age of
my son, when I was 6-7 years old, and here I take up what I said, I pretended to
have seen the cartoon because I had not the antenna, we did not have the Italy 1
signal, but I did have not the courage at school with my friends who had seen
Grendizer to say that I did not see it, then before I tried to figure out what the
heck happened in the episode because they spoke to each other and then I would
say I also saw it. Then it is since childhood, one would say it does not matter, but
a cartoon for one of 6 years old it matters yes it does, that's the most important
thing in his life. So always been struggling with this country, I can not see
Grendizer ok, then when I was older I could not see the Naples because who
would take us to Naples when there was Maradona , then I could not see the
greatest movie of Italy 1 which was nice and then I could not go to the concert,
did not even know that in Naples were Iron Maiden because I did not know. And
then I've always been [pause], the country is behind a generation until then to the
internet. Nirvana were on that side there, the Nirvana in the texts is the poor
marginalized he is killed, he is tortured, is poor.
The feeling of inferiority that Raffaele lived comes from far away and accompanied him
since his childhood, “Then it is since childhood, one would say it does not matter, but a
cartoon for one of 6 years old it matters yes it does, that's the most important thing in his
life”. Since the first socializations Raffaele is exposed to the sense of frustration. His
identity is daily in a position of cultural subordination, “I pretended to have seen the
cartoon because I had not the antenna, we did not have the Italy 1 signal, but I did have
not the courage at school with my friends who had seen Grendizer to say that I did not see
it, then before I tried to figure out what the heck happened in the episode because they
spoke to each other and then I would say I also saw it”. For Baudrillard (1970) knowledge
is one of the determining factors for the legitimization of the social status of the individual.
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In the case of Raffaele, the gap of knowledge between him and the others led him, at this
stage of his life, to experience the loss of status.
Ra: “I started listening to different music from what was on the radio on the '89-‘88,
but Nirvana did not exist they were unknown and in any case I realized that I
liked the genre harder. At the time there was not even the courage to say I am a
rocker or even metal head, it meant that you were the bad guy or a bad thing
anyway but I realized that the skin crawled with those sounds and that's okay. So
I started listening to Iron Maiden mainly, Metallica or groups that were most
historic as the Scorpions.”
Nirvana comes in the life of Raffaele in his adolescence, at age of 17. It is not an exclusive
passion for this group; in fact Raffaele is strongly attracted to genres like heavy metal and
punk that, especially in his cultural context of the small-town culture, more than ever
represent a marginal and deviant subculture (Becker, 1963).
Ra: “When these concepts are expressed in Nirvana also locked up for loneliness to
the world I think I understand that I felt close because he talks about these
things, born in the town abandoned by the world where you are only working the
wood. In many pieces you are close to this reality even if he exaggerates to these
sexual problems that are not experienced here.”
The condition of marginalized of Raffaele coincides with the existential condition
denounced by Nirvana, especially by Kurt Cobain, and in general the entire Seattle scene that kind of music called grunge born in the far north-west of the United States. Raffaele’s
life in his Agerola becomes a transposition of Cobain’s life in Aberdeen. Both places of the
progressed West but both marginalized as periphery by the same West. In the grunge
music is sung geographic isolation, cultural isolation as well as generational isolation. For
Raffaele Nirvana are not only the object of a musical fanaticism (Rudin, 1969) but they
are, metaphorically, the megaphone by which to shout to the world his identity frustration.
The proof that Raffaele does not dissolve his identity in frenzy irrational for the pop icon is
provided by his ability to read not only the similarities but also the differences between his
own reality and the reality narrated by Cobain, “even if he exaggerates to these sexual
problems that are not experienced here”.
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Unlike the childhood of Raffaele, the identity of Olivier is put on probation by his family
even before the environment in which he lives.
O: My parents took me to see psychologists because already I was a lonely child
myself, I spent hours and hours in my room playing with Playmobil alone, and
then I spoke, I was talking about. Yes, my parents took me to psychologists,
more to see if I had or not a problem. And all psychologists I saw have told my
parents that I had no problem, for the construction of my mind [...] and I had no
problem in society, to school and now. There was no problem.
I: and how did you live it?
O: In fact I was playing around with because I said, my parents told me you go to a
doctor, but I was not mad, I knew it very well. So, I played with it, I knew where
I was going and I was playing with it by telling me they want to test me but I’ll
show them I’m perfectly normal, I have a good structure, that is I 'm fine. So, I’ll
show them I’m fine, they asked me to do drawings and I was drawing, I was
asked to look through the eye of a lock I do not know why I was watching and I
was told but you see what's the other side? I see a window. She looks at me and
says, ‘But you are not living in a dream world?’ I remember, and I say, not as I
see the other side there is a window, the window is the other side of the door. So
I really have a structure that is, normal, simple. I was not, what do you see to the
other side? A fabulous world, I see the knights, not at all.
Olivier lives an initial questioning of his personal identity since he is a child. The family,
as the parent-child relationship, is the first place for socializing in which a child builds his
social identity. On the contrary, Olivier is conducted to a psychologist. He lives this
experience as a “test” in which he proves to have a “good structure”. In particular, the use
of the expression “etre normal” (to be normal) indicates how Olivier is aware of the
questioning about legitimacy of his personal identity, and his social identity within the
family context.
O: In addition it is true that I was a special child
I: In what sense?
O: I was a little child in the school socially rejected, a child apart. For personal
reasons I’ll explain, I was a child aside. I was a child rejected.
I: In the sense...
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O: Not accepted, different, that is I found the word, a different child. Why different,
I’ll tell you, because I was with girls, I was not too much with boys, I did not like
too much to play football, I was afraid of boys, they hit me, yes, the boys beat
me, they were not nice with me, so I went to the girls, children laughed at me. At
the time I had a voice, now I have a deep voice, but at the time I had an acute
voice, I had a voice like a girl and I was like a girl. Little, and it marked me,
people they disliked me, they reject me, in addition to school I was not too good
at school, I was dreaming all the time, teachers wrote ‘Olivier dream all day, he
looks out the window, he dreams’, I dreamed, what I remember, I dreamed , I
was not listening.
I: and your passion for Playmobil was born at that time or...
O: Yes, or even before. Playmobil it allowed me to make me, myself ... people do not
want me, I...
I: And Playmobils...
O: Well, they like me, I have no brothers, no sisters I buy them they love me and I do
my world, they smile more, they are beautiful, they smile all the time.
Along with the familiar frustration Olivier meets also the social frustration. The attributes
related to his sexuality (Herek, 2000), since his childhood, make him an object of stigma
and violence by his peers. The range of terms which Olivier uses to tell this part of his life
is significant to understand his identity condition: “special”, “not accepted”, “different”,
“a child apart”, “rejected”, “people they disliked me”. The delegitimization of identity to
which he is subjected hits him in both the primary socialization (family and peers) and in
secondary socialization (the school). Olivier lives the objective impossibility of having a
“protective cocoon” (Giddens, 1991) where construct his self-identity. This particular
condition assumes the value of a trauma in Olivier’s life, “Little, and it marked me, people
they disliked me, they reject me, in addition to school I was not too good at school.”,
bringing him to live the experience of solitude (Barrell, 1997).
O: Perhaps, it became my brothers and my sisters, maybe, yes [pause] yes with
these products. Because me the unique child, because my parents had a child and
my mother she was unable to have more children, so I was all alone, and my
parents worked. So in the evening I came home from school, I went after school,
I went home and played with my Playmobils and I did my stories. So I was not
alone, I was not alone because I had my Playmobils.”
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[…]
I: And you said this is like my brothers and sisters
O: My brothers and sisters, the school friends I had not, a parallel world, a fantasy
world.
With Playmobil Olivier exceeds the condition of solitude thanks to the objects to which he
associates a human value “brothers and sisters” (Fournier, 1998), and with which he
interacts to construct himself as a person, “Playmobil it allowed me to make me, myself”.
Thanks to this relationship Olivier feels accepted “people they disliked me […]
[Playmobils] they like me” even if, in this stage of his life (childhood), the society which
Olivier experiences is a fiction “played with my Playmobils and I did my stories […] a
parallel world, a fantasy world”, allowing him to escape (Kozinets, 2001) the feeling of
frustration that feels being in contact with the world.
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Theme 2 – Being saved
This theme is especially evident when respondents describe an experience of
condemnation to the existential malaise in their relationship with the world. The search for
salvation is a central phenomenon in fanaticism and in the evolution of Western societies
(Colas, 1997), but it is not limited only to the West. The general concept of
salvation/liberation is common to the soteriological religions in different cultures (Hick,
1993). With the salvation human beings transform their condition, during their existence
and the whole history, winning the freedom from injustice (Gutierrez, 2000).
Ro: When I get in the Vespa I was in a period that was not very good for me,
mentally, physically. It allowed me to regain confidence, joy in what I did, it
gave me a lot of satisfaction. It was a trigger because it was a very bad time in
my life […]. So I went into a big breakdown and it’s the Vespa that bailed me
out, which helped me to go ahead [pause]. It [Vespa] saved me!”
Ra: Yes, you have the same a chance! Look I think it's a good interpretation because
analyzing the years for example, I finished school I graduated in '93 and for
example I had the strength to go to university and I do not know if [Nirvana]
affected, we are talking of adolescence. I went into town to see what the
university was, for who lives in the city he knows it is there, I did not even know
how it was made the class, if there was a professor etc. So yes I had a spur, of
course at that age everyone was listening to Nirvana, thinking to have grasped a
message maybe what I understand it is also wrong, but yes I definitely was
marked. The fact is that Guns’n’Roses Slash were at first place and I love the
way he makes the solos, they came with the helicopter on stage, they [Nirvana]
went with the bus, the sign is there and it is clear, this is a type of person and that
is another type of person, so yes you can do it !
D: So there it is in the same day, and you have the legendary T -shirt that I always
put the one with the logo, and this is the one used many occasions, I mean it’s a
black T-shirt so I love it, I love the slogan [Think different], so it’s a T-shirt
you'll see in many family occasions .
I: What does it mean this slogan for you?
D: This is the way I work or I’m trying to work and I would like to work. It is in
relation to any problem or condition etc., it is that you can think outside of the
rules, etc. laterally. So, it will not mean you get to do it but it’s [...] I had one that
was a bit in the same register that gave me a brand that had nothing to do with
the computer. This is a commission for Human Rights of the EU, it said ‘All
different all equal’. Somewhere there is the right to be different, the right to think
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differently and this brand somewhere since it was born, […] these are creation
tools, communication tools in order to express yourself in the width of whatever
you have. After that, it’s part of the scam it is not necessarily because you bought
the brand that you get the virtues of the brand, so I mean you can be an asshole
and have a brand. But even the asshole when he buys a Mac maybe he thinks he
is more intelligent...
The experiences that Robert, Raffaele and Dominique describe are an intimate relationship
with the brand (Fournier, 1998). The Vespa comes into the life of Robert at a time of great
crisis of identity – “big breakdown” - which has repercussions both physical (for the
accident) and moral “a period that was not very good for me, mentally, physically”. For
Robert, Vespa has had the power to raise him again from the condition of moral abatement
where he fell - “it’s the Vespa that bailed me out, which helped me to go ahead”.
Similarly, Raffaele assigns to Nirvana, and their message, the merit of having shown in the
facts, since his adolescence that there is a real chance to escape marginalization to which
the life of the small-town condemned him and to have the same opportunities - “Yes, you
have the same a chance!”, “so yes you can do it!”– of those who have head start. On the
other hand, the term Nirvana means “extinction”, the Buddhist equivalent of the Christian
salvation.
Dominique sees in Apple a means that allows him to amplify his abilities, “these are
creation tools, communication tools in order to express yourself in the width of whatever
you have”. Apple is the symbol of the possibility for human beings to overcome their
physical limits. This not only with the technology but also and especially thanks to a
philosophy of life – “Think different” – that the brand spreads over. For Dominique this
philosophy “This is the way I work or I’m trying to work and I would like to work. It is in
relation to any problem or condition”. The analogy with the slogan of human rights - “All
different all equal” – is significant as it allows understanding the meaning that Apple holds
for Dominique, that is the right to be different, the right to be able to build his own identity
without, however, violating the principle of equality between the people.
In these first three examples, the brand (Vespa, Nirvana and Apple) is seen as an entity that
has the power to give (or to give again) life. As the transition from one status to another
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comes at a time of crisis, the brand helps consumers to reshape their identity (Mehta and
Belk, 1991; Schouten, 1991). In fact, Robert defines Vespa as a “trigger”, for Raffaele
Nirvana is “a spur” and for Dominique Apple represents the “[pouvoir] to express
yourself in the width of whatever you have”. This idea of the brand as a saving entity is
part of the Christian myth, i.e.: the Christ the Savior. In Olivier, the messianic value of the
brand is explicitly expressed.
I: I wonder if Playmobil for you…
O: It’s my life.
I: Playmobil is something that has allowed you to escape the brutal life and to have
your revenge on life …
O: Yes, right.
I: And this is where your identity and Playmobil have crossed, it has enabled you to
overcome difficult times …
O: And I would go further, it saved me.
I: What do you mean?
O: In my evolution in my structure that I became man, and now because I have a life,
I earn money with, so it allows me to eat, to pay to live. So I say finally infact it
has saved me, that's what I think it saved me in the sense that it allowed me to
develop myself in all these years, it allows me to live today it allows me to go
on, now it allows me to eat, to live. So, infact, it is the messiah [pause] it is the
messiah
I: This is what helped you to not give in …
O: Yes, maybe the hope, the dream.
The messianic value of the brand is seen as the power to transcend the material limits of
his condition (Applbaun, 1998). Transcendence gives people hope – “the hope, the dream”
- to escape the ordinary and making their lives extraordinary (Belk, 1996). Therefore,
brands assume the value of sacred objects (Belk et al. 1989; O’Guinn and Belk, 1989).
However, the transformation (sanctification) of the status of the object also transforms the
status of those who are represented so that both “are thus similarly confirmed and
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sanctified in their new status” (Jarman, 1998/2001, p. 141). Durkheim (1912) had already
introduced the idea of a sacred dimension of the individual. Goffman (1967/2005, p. 47)
goes further in this direction, concluding that “the person in our urban secular world is
allotted a kind of sacredness that is displayed and confirmed by symbolic acts”. In
dynamics of social relations the sacredness of a person has significant implications on his
identity. According to Goffman (1967/2005) “as sacred objects, men are subject to slights
and profanation” (p. 31). This dynamic profanation-sacralization of identity is formulated
by Goffman (1959, p. 60) with the notions of sacred status and profane status. The former
prestigious and esteemed, the latter “disesteemed, non-crucial”. To Goffman (1959)
processes of sacralization and profanation of the status enroll in a social hierarchy
(“pyramid status”). Baudrillard (1970) assigns to the status the value of “social essence”
because it directs the dynamics of social mobility. “The aim of all aspirations is this ideal
status of birth; it is a status of grace and excellence” (Baudrillard, 1970/2012, p. 78). In a
logic of social classes, this propensity upward (Bourdieu, 1979) imposes the salvation of
the status via the objects (Baudrillard, 1970). Therefore, the application of salvation is the
need to sanctify the identity (Goffman, 1959), to get it out (transcend) the state of
profanation – the loss of status - which threaten it in the experience of everyday social
reality.
Ro: At the time every time I went to a doctor, to a surgeon, the first thing that came
into my head was to convince them that the Vespa was good for me. Because I
was afraid of something that they told me ‘Well, stop the Vespa!’. Then I might
do something stupid. It became important to me. From '90 to '95 I had already
mounted five years after the discovery and I could not do without. I swear, I
went to my doctor, I explained, I even took a piece of paper, a pencil, I was
drawing to him, you know, the person sitting on the Vespa and everything. And
there is been one who told me ‘You’re right!’. At the time I saw 4 or 5 doctors,
the professor who operated me and the other neurosurgeons, because for them it
was impossible, I could not run all the time on two wheels.
[…]
And it was a medical controversy because all the surgeons I saw said ‘You must
not ride a Vespa, you're going wrong’, I proved they were wrong! Because of the
Vespa as you sit on a chair with the legs resting on a plank legs that are
suspensions, in addition to the seat and more suspensions. While you are in a car
like that with legs that force and [pause]
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O: What I say and what I have said many times, this is that somewhere I have
nothing to lose, to prove I have nothing to prove either, I have nothing to prove, I
have nothing to lose, I have my identity as each one, and Playmobil today and I
am very proud, as Laurent and Johann as we all three, it is very important that
we are really all three, if you want it is a circle, it is very important for us that we
are all three. And what is important is that today, you know, for me too, all three
we have two stores, with internet that makes for us three sites, so we have three
stores and it is a revenge on life. You see, there are people who care about me,
that I do, there were newspapers, there was television, people are interested
about it, they come we talk, to me it’s a, you know what I mean, this is a
payback of what I experienced before and Johann is the same because he had a
difficult time too, and with Laurent also very difficult. Time So somewhere for
three of us this is... yes, revenge, yes!
In the experiences of Robert and Olivier brands are the means by which they (re)affirm
their status. The passion and knowledge for the Vespa allows Robert to be right on doctors
(“professors”) – “all the surgeons I saw said ‘You must not ride a Vespa, you're going
wrong’, I proved they were wrong!”. Particularly significant is the sentence “And there is
been one who told me ‘You’re right!’” whereas the doctor, who has a prestigious status
(sacred) than Robert (profane), admitting the legitimacy of his knowledge also legitimizes
his status. Olivier in the insistent repetition of the expression “I have nothing to prove, I
have nothing to lose” provides the sense that Playmobil has taken in his life at this stage
(adult) of his life. Thanks to the brand, Olivier has managed to build his identity. First,
Playmobil has allowed Olivier to create his “circle” - Johann and Laurent -, his partners in
the Klikobil adventure but even before that, people with the same sexual affinities (Kates,
2002). To this, then, it adds the importance that Olivier attaches to the Klikobil Company,
“all three we have two stores, with internet that makes for us three sites, so we have three
stores”. This has significance as it indicates the “sacralization” that Olivier experiences in
opposition to an identity that he has always lived as marginalized (profane).
O: Even if I look back I would have like to have had another life, another childhood,
I wanted to be different but it is not possible.
[…]
I wanted to be quite, learn at school, to study, because I have no high education I
got my degree in hotel and restaurant, I was a waiter and then that’s all. So I do
not have education, I have not studied for my bachelor, I do not know what it is a
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PhD either. So, yes I would have wanted to be quite at home because I was
picky.
Finally, the very success of the adventure Klikobil has given him popularity. The recurrent
expression in the text – “a revenge” - is a reaffirmation of the identity of Olivier over the
world.
The relation that respondents describe is an exclusive and long lasting relationship with the
same brand. This implies that salvation can be achieved and maintained if the brand
survives.
D: So evangelism that had to go up in the years 2003-2004, at that time not on
computers but on the IPod. I remember I went to Paris, I came home, I told my
son, ‘I was on the subway I saw four white headphones’, I went to check in the
metro, it was easy to find, you had a girl in front of you and you said ‘Is it black,
is it white?’. [With the IPad] brand became mainstream, it was more... trying to
live and exist, therefore the need to evangelize became less felt, it did it by itself.
Until 2003, when I was in the store, when machines were not lit, I turned them
on, when the demo was not launched, I started it. I did that in France, FNAC or
stuff like that, and at the United States with my son we did the same. And at
FNAC I also remember there was a customer with the seller ‘yes but I hesitate...’
and after 30 seconds I acted ‘Look, excuse me for interrupting, but...’. I had to do
it in 2003-2004. After it became more perverse because I used my position as
lecturer to do evangelism without having this role. That is I could always with
the latest Mac model, the latest version of the software, I started a case study on
ITunes. So if you want the mode of dissemination has become different, that is to
be not concerned, and integrated into my work so also less time consuming.
O: It is this principle, we recycle, we do not throw away, it also avoids that the
Playmobils remain in the dust in the garage, in the attic, in boxes at the back of
the house, lost, people do not remember even they are there. Here, the forgotten
Playmobils. So, people bring me their forgotten Playmobils and it is in fact to
give them a life, and then also to these forgotten Playmobils which I have
personally restored life will be distributed in the children’s rooms. So the kids
will play with, the kids will be happy, and then the children will give them a life,
a child’s life, because they will play with, you’ll be the princess, you’re the
knight, you will be the pirate, and the more children they mix all the princesses,
pirates, they mix everything and they make a world like this, this is fantastic […]
So here, the principle itself is to recover Playmobil, to give them life and then
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leave these Playmobils in children’s rooms for a second life, a fourth life, a fifth
life, then it is endless. Playmobils do not die. Well, Playmobils do not die and
Playmobils never die. With us, with us and with the children Playmobils do not
die.
The description of Dominique and Olivier is marked by the ideas of extinction, “brand
became mainstream, it was more... trying to live and exist” and death, “Playmobils do not
die”. For both the survival of the brand is a significant theme. Dominique describes his
relationship with Apple as a relentless effort to ensure the vitality of the brand “when I was
in the store, when machines were not lit, I turned them on, when the demo was not
launched, I started it”. However this is not to be reduced to a simple Evangelism linked to
individual products (Belk and Tumbat, 2005; Muñiz and Schau, 2005). Dominique
establishes with the brand a relationship of mutual survival in which the existence of the
brand guarantees his existence. In fact, with the affirmation of the brand, the survival
relation is reversed, “it became more perverse because I used my position as lecturer to do
evangelism without having the role. That is I could always with the latest Mac model, the
latest version of the software, I started a case study on ITunes. So if you want the mode of
dissemination has become different, that is to be not concerned, and integrated into my
work so also less time consuming”. The time in the description of Dominique indicates the
importance attached to the real life. The time devoted to the brand is “consuming” of the
time of Dominique’s life, vice versa the brand health can be consecrated – “integrated” –
to the time of Dominique’s life. In Olivier the relationship with the brand is articulated on
the pair of life/death. In the description of Olivier death assumes the meaning of oblivion
as the negation of the memory, “we recycle, we do not throw away, it also avoids that the
Playmobils remain in the dust in the garage, in the attic, in boxes at the back of the house,
lost, people do not remember even they are there. Here, the forgotten Playmobils”. The
memory is a proof of the existence of the individual over time (Ricoeur, 2000); the
oblivion is its cancellation. Olivier gives life to Playmobils – “people bring me their
forgotten Playmobils and it is in fact to give them a life, and then also to these forgotten
Playmobils which I have personally restored life will be distributed in the children’s
rooms” - in the sense that he does not let it to fall into oblivion. Moreover, the effort of
Olivier to keep alive the brand turns in an attempt to give it an eternal life, “the principle
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itself is to recover Playmobil, to give them life and then leave these Playmobils in
children’s rooms for a second life, a fourth life, a fifth life, then it is endless”. The idea of
the eternal life for the brand recalls the Christian promise of eternal salvation. From this it
follows that the salvation Olivier searches in Playmobil is an eternal salvation.
As we have seen, the sacralization of the brands has the power to save the lives of those
who have them. However, according to the description of Dominique and Robert, their
profanation can elicit the opposite effect.
D: I get in the car; I took off my jacket and the stuff on the floor! Exploded, working
etc. but the display exploded. And if you want I was wrong, it was not so much
the financial loss but the object with which I interact constantly, which is also a
beautiful object, it is not it anymore, it is no more beautiful. And I have not had
time to go on the same day but the next day I was at the Apple Store, saying
‘how much it costs, give me a new one’. And it's not the phone function that I
missed, it is true I was wrong, I must erase this bad episode, and when I got out
of the Apple Store with something brand new it was ‘Ah, here it is, the world is
as it should be’. Whereas if the photo machine breaks I do not care, I feel an
idiot, but I'm not rushing into a store to buy a new one the next day. Or if I have
a clash with my car, to repair it will cost me a lot of money but I will say ‘you
were wrong in driving, and anyway think that this is only a financial loss’. But I
do not have that feeling; it missed something in my personal bubble’. There, I
see something on the ground, I take it in hand, it involved something more
intimate, I do not know how to explain it […] I would like to say it is rather, I
broke my arm, I must repair it quickly, or I broke the wrist what to do for
repairing it as soon as possible. This is almost an attempt to the person.
Ro: I was with my wife, I stopped at a red light, he doubles me, he sees the red light
was red and he fell back and he pressed my Vespa. I was white, like that, I was
tense. My wife came down, the guy came down he begins to talk like that, ‘Do
not worry’. My wife she saw the face I had, ‘Stop sir he will kill you’. And
luckily he stopped. For me it was part of my body that was [pause] a sacrilege.
Yes, it was [pause]
I: As if they had profaned something?
Ro: Oh, I swear, I swear yes.
The central element in the description of Dominique and Robert is the offense (physical)
suffered by the brand (Apple and Vespa). Dominique defines Apple as “I would like to say
it is rather, I broke my arm, I must repair it quickly, or I broke the wrist”. Similarly,
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Robert defines Vespa as “part of my body”. The close relationship between body and
identity is widely argued by Belk (1988), “body parts are central to the conceptions of self,
the lost of body parts is tantamount to losing one’s identity and one’s very being […]. One
is literally and symbolically afraid of being less of a person following an amputation” (p.
157). Goffman (1963) identifies in body differences (along with the tare of character and
tribal affiliations) the origin of the stigma. The stigma makes the individual discredited or
discreditable. In fact, stigma is a profanation of the sanctity of human identity (Goffman,
1967). Dominique and Robert live the physical offenses that the brand suffered as a
profanation and “almost an attempt to the person”.
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Theme 3 – Bettering the world
The need to improve the world is expressed by all the informants. This is a central theme in
studies of fanaticism (Colas, 1997). To Toscano (2010) fanaticism is characterized by a
tendency towards universal emancipation that is the desire to eliminate all forms of
injustice (poverty, oppression, misery) to achieve a more just society, the millennium
(Toscano, 2010).
O: I still need to dream, it can escape from the real world to escape.
I: Don’t you like the world as it is?
O: I disagree. It does not suit me; it’s not the world we dream here. The world as it is
now for me it’s not the world I wanted. It's like that.
I: What is there that you do not like?
O: There are people who are too rich, there are people who are too poor, there are
people sleeping outside, there are people who have nothing to eat, there are
people who kill themselves for religion, in the name of [pause] regardless of
religion. To kill people for a religion, no! It’s an injustice, I do not own any
religion, but I mean the religion is to love one another, to love others. This is not
to kill; they never said that nobody was told to kill, ever. It is sharing, it is love,
and I’ve been grown up that way. So this is where I disagree. To kill people, to
hurt people, the evil, to be bad, I'm sick of evil, wicked, all that. Too much
money no money, it's all [...] like in a jungle. But I think the human being has not
changed, he has not changed he is the same as in prehistory, it's a jungle.
In Olivier’s interview a contrast emerges between the real world and the ideal world. This
contrast should be read in the light of the terms “earthly city” and “city of God” (Colas,
1997). In Colas (1997) the “earthly city” is the civil society, the political power, the state
and, in general, all synonyms of the established power. The millenarian fanaticism
(Toscano, 2010) rejects all established orders – which are seen as a metaphor for the
misery of the human condition - and aims at achieving a state of grace (Weber, 1922) in
this world – “city of God”. In Olivier, the Playmobil brand plays a central role in the
construction of the millennium (Trompf, 2000). This is common to other informants.
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Ra: [...] if I had a music club to attend I would not have done Nirvanaitalia attending,
it was a necessity to be able to gather people around something that felt good to
do, I do not really gain money, I did not even banner ads. It's just like to say that
Nirvana is a good thing in my opinion and someone should bring them forward.
I: Nirvana is a good thing, in what sense?
Ra: What got to me on the skin was that [Nirvana] were the good guys, because I tell
you Guns’n’Roses I liked the same, I have all the albums the same but they were
not the good guys. They were the good guys, the lyrics certainly because of the
protection to the marginalized, to the weak, maybe we can tie to the discussion I
said before because if I felt weak towards the Neapolitan, he [Kurt Cobain] was
on my side when he wrote a song, was not on the side of the mainstream, the
citizen, the star, was from here.
I: What is your favorite song by Nirvana if there is?
Ra : Smells can not be named because it is the one that changed everything and then
there are Milk it it has a text that is impressive, Serve the servants it is also hard,
servants of the servants is just a title that declares humility near Catholic
positions, or Rape me, when you hear a song like Rape me?! Rape me will never
be broadcasted in Italian because they will never have the courage, but what
radio would ever diffuse it, MTV threatened them in fact I do not know if you
know this story, after they won the MTV award, MTV said, they wanted to sing
it, we will give the break, you have to sing because it was the single Lithium and
they have just started doing Rape me and when they [MTV] were about
launching the break they started playing Lithium. So anyway so I do not wear
until the end of the protest but I had the courage to do it even if it would have
been nice to bring it to the end. We need to see more, it is difficult we are on the
razor's edge , okay MTV cut you out it does not send your videos on television
then Kurt Cobain will not come over to Raffaele Piacente, is this the right way?
Or I stop at the right point and then he will continue to send my video so that I
reach Raffaele Piacente? I think it was okay. He fought until he could and then
he pulled back at the right time.
In Raffaele emerges significantly the clash between institution (established order) - earthly
city - represented by Guns’n’Roses and MTV and a new way of imagining the world, a
more just world - city of God. This contrast can be expressed in terms of philosophical
ideology vs. utopia (Ricoeur, 1997). The utopia is generally regarded as a state of mind in
opposition to reality. It aims to transform all or part of the established order and its
ideology (Mannheim, 1929). Fanaticism (or millenniarism) is a utopia characterized by the
desire to apply the terms of its thinking (realizing the millennium) hic et nunc (Mannheim,
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1929). This implies a relationship break with the reality. The utopic dimension is common
to the experiences described by Olivier and Amy.
I: And you said [Playmobils] this is like my brothers and sisters
O: My brothers and sisters, the school friends I had not, a parallel world, a fantasy
world.
I: A world that worked well…
O: Yes that worked well, yes because in addition it was me who did the world work,
that’s not the world I would use the word of God because it is too big to let’s say,
but I ruled the world of Playmobil by my way. So, as I said the last time there
were poor, rich, it was my society somewhere...
I: a society with justice
O: Yes there was no prison with me, I remember, in my Playmobil city there were no
bad guys. In fact, there were no bad guys I remember, there were more rich
people, more poor because there were houses, there was no cars, I had carriages,
as there was only one carriage son nobody had it. Well, there are times when me
in my room I had not all Playmobils, so you must make a choice, even in
building your games, you must make a choice. I had Playmobils which were
pretty and others who were not so pretty so the less attractive were poor, the
most beautiful they were rich, that’s how it’s childhood but it is true that it was
not bad, there were no bandits there was no prison, it was a little idealistic world.
I: Do you have memories of all these times you went to the park with your family?
A: Ah yeah, every experience because every time was unique. You know, in two
years they had another attraction, they had another thing so yeah, every time was
unique. We stayed in another place each time which made it also different, you
know.
I: What did these experiences give to you?
A: You know, I think that the biggest thing was the fact that they gave a place to
[pause] a place where family can be together and it was happy and it was [pause]
it provided [pause] you know it was like we were crowding somebody’s home
and what we are going to do today and stuff like that. It provided the
environment for us to have fun, to think positive, to see only the good, you see
what I mean it provided the atmosphere of fun, of adventure, because even in the
car ride to go there driving for hours is an adventure when you’re kid.
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I: So if I see you had the experience of positive feelings and values, a kind of better
world.
A: Right and the music kept everybody in the good mood, it kept everybody [pause]
that’s what I like about it, it kept everything light and fun.
I: An ideal and perfect world?
A: It provided a great escape you could not stay there forever.
Right from their experiences as children Olivier and Amy live the brand (Playmobil and
Disney) as a utopia in which to escape (Kozinets, 2001). The world is represented in an
ideal way, a world in which justice and good reign: “there was no prison with me, I
remember, in my Playmobil city there were no bad guys” [Olivier]; “music kept everybody
in the good mood, it kept everybody [pause] that’s what I like about it, it kept everything
light and fun.” [Amy].
In particular, Olivier arrogates to himself the role of the maker of his own world: “it was
me who did the world work, that’s not the world I would use the word of God because it is
too big to let’s say, but I ruled the world of Playmobil by my way. So, as I said the last time
there were poor, rich, it was my society somewhere ...”. This should be read in the light of
the relationship between the construction of utopia and the contribution of the individual
(Mannheim, 1929). Although the utopia to be realized can not ignore the tensions that
occur in the social strata, “it is not uncommon that utopia is as the dominant chimera of a
single individual” (Mannheim, 1929/2001, p. 73). The utopian tension characterizes the
story of the informants even in adulthood. What does change, however, is the dimension of
escapism that in adulthood disappears, and a proactive approach to reality rises.
I: What impressed me last time is that you walk in Disney like if you are at your
home. It was like you received me at your home.
A: Right, because like I said when they first built it and the community was being
built, parking was free to come to the village, it was completely free. Ok, it was
dirty and there were holes because there were lots of constructions but it was free
and they wanted to come and there were very few restaurants. So of course when
it’s free you can come to walk, you can [pause] you know because all is on this
side of Paris, all is [pause] I just integrated it in the things you can go and that’s
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why [pause] it’s part of, you know, what we come and do it’s a part of, you
know, the life all the time.
Escapism is a negative utopia because it is the detachment from the real world (Cox, 1969;
Ricoeur, 1997). More generally, utopia is the urge to transcend reality in order to erode the
bond of the existing order (Mannheim, 1929). The utopian approach is in fact a
transformative approach of reality (Ricoeur, 1997) in order to improve the living
conditions (Toscano, 2010). In consumption the transformative approach is closely related
to well-being, including the physical well-being, of the individuals (Mick, 2006; Mick et
al., 2011). This is what is told in the words of Robert.
Ro: For me it was [pause] when I am not fine I take the Vespa, when I ride when I
feel bad I swear that to ride [pause ] I do not know but it has to massage my
arteries and stuff like that you see. It must release my attachment point to the
clutch [pause] I do not hurt! It is therapeutic. It is therapeutic for the body and
for the head.
The transformation process involves also and above all the surrounding world. In
particular, the first area to be involved by the transformative thrust is the family. This is
because the family is the form of sociality that is closer to the individual and it is the
context in which the individual seeks solace in his beliefs (Bronner, 2009). Amy and
Robert live this kind of experience.
A: I understand when a lot of people come to Paris and a lot of Americans who I
know come to Paris even those who have been to Disneyland they come to this
Disneyland [in Paris] like me they want to see what’s the difference but at the
same time it’s home you know, it’s home.
Ro: When I said I see the pictures, all the rides we have done and all that, I have
images that come to mind. How I can say I have the thrills you know [pause] I
do not have the adjective [pause] I'm really touched, I feel [pause] I feel too
much, there is [pause] what I mean is that with the Vespa club, it's not the
machine, they showed me a lot of affection, something like that. It is important
to warmth [pause] It’s not partners, people with whom I go out on Sunday. It is a
family. And when I say that there is a family atmosphere that’s really it.
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In the experience of Amy and Robert, the family is not the natural family but rather a
“fantasmatic” family (Bronner, 2009), a family redefined around a group of people who
share the same sensitivity (Cova et al., 2007) and in which the individual finds its
fulfillment (Bronner, 2009).
However, even the natural family is involved by the transformation process. The
relationship with the brand redefines the family dimension first of all occupying its
physical space.
D: I do not say that [Apple] is a family value; I would say it is a kind of actor that is
present in all stages of family life. Yesterday, because when you told me I'd like
to look at the pictures etc… so I went on the computer trying to find a good
twenty pictures and some I do not remember, others I remembered because it
marked the family life, and it's true that if you take of your birth [Mathieu’ birth]
in most family events the brand one way or another it is present. It is present as a
gift, I offer a computer to Mathieu at a given time, we offer an IPad to my
mother who is 80 years old last year. So it can be a gift. It can also be a cloth ,
here you have these two, three T- shirts that I have been dressing for 10 or 15
years because I feel good with. So somewhere the brand is present. It is also
present in doing, the last year in June we took a vacation etc… but my daughter
she breaks her arm, what do we do now? And now I subscribe to the Apple store
to the workshop and so she built this little film, she received the photos, she
made the slides. So the brand is also associated in our daily occupations. So the
smallest stalk me for two months saying, ‘Daddy I want to make a trailer of as
my sister’. So 15 days ago we went both in a large forest that is behind my place
and she said ‘I'd like you movie myself as an explorer’. So I had my iPad for it to
be good for the film and once back she took her IPad and she made her trailer
without any help from me, and then she sent it on You Tube, to her family etc.
So if you look there are at least three ways, and maybe others but I do not
remember in which the brand is actually associated with family life. I also found
some pictures I had forgotten you [Mathieu], you live in Paris, we live in
Bordeaux, where there [the two girls] who are annoying for eating and we said
we'll call Mathieu, the computer is there and in video chat there is Mathieu who
makes them movements with the mouth or grimaces to make them laugh, this is
fun. These are the three ways that come to mind in which the brand is a bit
associated with it. And when we go to my parents, you know that to the elderly
is a bit frozen in time, that is to say the posters Macintosh are dated 1984, they
have on the walls in the basement and they have not removed anything. You
know there is always the trick, you can remove it, no, no, no. Okay. You know,
it's a bit like the pictures, I remember my grandmother with pictures of the
family, they usually put them on the wall when they have X years and years later
you have exactly same photos. And when I go to my parents there 's quite family
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photos that are not moved, black and white or yellow color is good, but you also
have a poster in a corner of the original Macintosh!
The description of Dominique should be read in light of the terms “house-home”
(Holbrook (1987). The brand’s presence fills the space of family life as if it were a person
(Fournier, 1998). This helps to transform the physical space of the family (house) in a
space of family life (home) (Holbrook, 1987).
Moreover, the presence of the brand affects also the relationships between family members
and their family identity (Price and Epp, 2006; Epp and Price, 2008).
D: The importance of family is a value for me it has always been important so…, and
it has never changed over time, it is a characteristic of my personality, especially
the father-child relationship is a thing that is in my elementary psychology, so
it’s true that we have used over time and with a different intensity and modality
the Apple brand as a ‘pretext’, a support for keeping and developing family ties,
all that despite the ups and downs in the family life
Dominique describes Apple as “a ‘pretext’, a support for keeping and developing
family ties” especially referring to the parent-child relationship. This relationship is
presented as the starting point for the transformation of the world around them. In fact,
the father-child relationship is central to the experience of informants as in the case of
Amy.
A: I grew up in US so now I am here trying to explain to my daughter she starts ask
questions “What did you do when you were ten years old?” and so to explain her
difference of living in different cultures, in different languages and so. But it’s
hard to explain because she doesn’t know the context completely, she’s been in
the US but only for vacation you know what I mean, it looks differently when
you go everyday versus when you visit.
I: Do you want she knows about US culture?
A: Yeah, she knows but not completely, not completely.
I: Do you think it’s good for her to know?
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A: That’s why I like Disney, see. Because in the beginning when she watched the
Disney channel programs because they are dubbed in French right, she was
thinking they are all French and she felt like Hanna Montana, and I was like you
know Hanna Montana is American daughter. “She is speaking French on TV,
how can be she American?” and I had to show her the lips because the kids don’t
pay attention to that, the lips are not moving when they are saying the words you
know. So she is American, I went on internet and prove to her Hanna Montana is
American and going to other Americans, not to say the Disney channel, yes
Disney channel does have quite a few French shows luckily, that’s good but I do
it to show her, see that that’s the American mentality, that’s the American high
school. When you see the high school and the lockers and the kids put the books
in, that doesn’t exist in France but every French kid knows that’s what they are
doing in US, they all have lockers they put their books in and they all go in, you
know, and even Disney here has lockers to put your stuff you know. I mean so
that’s another reason I like to come here, not only is the fun but is the culture I
mean this is what we do, this is what concentrate on, this is what we value.
[…]
I: So do you think that your daughter can understand American culture thanks to
Disney?
A: Yes!
I: Do you see in Disney the same values as in your culture?
A: Yes. I love, I love, in the US they are one of the first major corporations to be
open and supports gay employees. They were one of the first corporations to
give to the gay employees the insurance and everything like that they can treat
them as married almost, to let them have rights you know. They could write on
their employment if something happen to them their insurance could go to the
partner. That was like revolutionary and everybody was shocked it was Disney
but that’s what I’m saying they are open minded and that’s what Disney, you
know that’s what it is about, that’s the US we are open minded. A lot of people
say we are framed, no, no, no we are open, yeah we are [pause] yeah you make
this generalization, no!
[…]
A: As I got older and I learned more about Disney as the corporation and learned
what they do, then I really began to realize the real motivation behind, it’s not
just about [pause] because what they do in communication because now with
Disney channels and everything like that, you know, yes it’s clean, it’s moral,
it’s [pause], you know they’re trying to provide something good and educate,
that’s the other thing that a lot of people don’t understand, they’re trying to teach
kids about been open, been respectful about others, to accept differences. If you
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look all the Disney movies it’s all they’re about. They’re about morals and TV
programs are exactly the same [pause] you know…
In Amy the consumption of the brand Disney becomes the way through which to assert
her American identity and build the relationship with her daughter (Amy lives in France
where her daughter was born and grew up). Amy identifies Disney as a powerful
vehicle of American values and culture. At the same time, Amy associates to the brand
positive values because of the engagement of Disney company in the protection of
social groups without rights, “they were one of the first corporations to give to the gay
employees the insurance and everything like that they can treat them as married almost,
to let them have rights you know”. From Amy’s narrative emerges the syllogism,
Disney = USA, Disney = open minded, USA = open minded. Based on this syllogism,
Amy justifies and legitimizes her American identity and the consumption of Disney as a
means to define the identity of her daughter and the relationship with her.
With Disney, Amy uses the progressivism and open-mindedness of the brand to
transform her world. In other cases, like that of Dominique and Olivier, brand is
hijacked (Wipperfürth, 2005) in order to accommodate the projects of change that
individuals pursue for the world around them.
D: I said that in the job I want to do, I want to help people smarter. So by moving
into the education, somewhere you’re trying to help people to grow
intellectually, I do not know if they are smarter but anyway you try to help them
to improve and typically when I was selling computers in years '90, I did not sell
computers, I gave them tools to stimulate their creativity, their brain etc., and
then somewhere you give a picture of yourself that is more rewarding but at that
time I was staying at the evangelism thing, the guy who was in front of me even
when I sold, so yes the monthly goal I want to get it, but rather it is necessary
that you have it, if you do not have this tool somewhere I miss my day.
O: I want to recreate my world as I had known when I was child. It was here my
world, recreating a universe around Playmobil. This is where I am now.
[…]
And to talk to people and you take the time, all who are in the adventure
Klikobil, let’s say we take all the time to give us pleasure too. There are people
with whom we do not want to discuss but there are people with whom it is
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natural, people with whom you discussed or with children, once I remember I
spent an hour in the store to play with a child who was deaf and dumb. The
mother had not come, the grandmother came for him to show it. It happened
something with this child, I do not know. And once I went to the supermarket,
the child I see him he recognized me, that is something [...] something you can
not explain. It is a sharing, here, here is a share, and we share the joy of the good
mood, crying children also because sometimes children do not necessarily have
the idea of how well it costs and the place that it can take in the room. So kids
want the bigger ones, the nicest, and the more expensive. And sometimes this is
not possible. So we also need this educational side in our store where you have
to talk to the child and explain to the child that comes that today it is not
Christmas, it’s not your birthday, mom and dad or grandpa and grandma did not
have a lot of money. They came to show them Playmobils, so maybe if he is
quite he will have a Playmobil but that it is not the big castle of knight, this is not
the big castle of princess, or that it is not a big house, but he will leave with a
Playmobil can be, but if the child is crying we must explain what is this
educational side he must also be quite child. So that too is true, we all children
can play, play with this side you have to be quite, you must work well at school
and you’re nice at home, that’s it is true that the criteria [pause] and parents they
look at us and it makes them smile and parents tell us you see, you hear what this
person tells you, you have to go to school and you’re quite at home and I say to
the child if you are not nice, mom and dad will give me back my Playmobil and I
will take it back for me. So here there is also this side to explain to children that
if it is a wonderful world for children and for everyone, but children can not have
everything all the time, everything and right now there is also this side if you
leave with a Playmobil is good but you have to be nice, it's like a reward, I do
not know how to explain it [pause].
In the experiences of Dominique and Olivier, Apple and Playmobil/Klikobil become the
means with which to act proactively on the world. For Dominique the brand is the means
by which to help others to “improve” and to be “smarter”. The evangelization takes in this
case its true meaning that is helping others. The construction of a better world for
themselves and for others refers to the notion of “amour-propre” (Rousseau, quoted in
Colas, 1997). The “amour propore” is distinguished in egoistical self-love and right selflove. This latter is a form of self preservation (Rousseau, quoted in Colas, 1997). Egoistical
self-love has a narcissistic character and imposes an antagonism to social relations (Freud,
1914); it is typical of established social orders (Colas, 1997, Mannheim, 1929). The self
preservation exceeds the narcissistic dimension aiming at a more cohesive society. It is
typical of utopias (Mannheim, 1929), especially the fanatical/millenarian ones (Toscano,
2010).
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The transition from a better world for themselves to improve the world for others is also
present in the experience of Olivier. In his story Olivier continually makes reference to
children. The encounter with the brand becomes an opportunity to educate them and
prepare them for life “this educational side he must also be quite child. So that too is true,
we all children can play, play with this side you have to be quite, you must work well at
school and you’re nice at home, that’s it is true that the criteria [pause] and parents they
look at us and it makes them smile and parents tell us you see, you hear what this person
tells you, you have to go to school and you’re quite at home and I say to the child if you
are not nice, mom and dad will give me back my Playmobil and I will take it back for me”.
Olivier associates an important value to the Playmobil brand in bettering the world, it is the
“reward” and the spur to be “quite”, “So here there is also this side to explain to children
that if it is a wonderful world for children and for everyone, but children can not have
everything all the time, everything and right now there is also this side if you leave with a
Playmobil is good but you have to be nice, it's like a reward, I do not know how to explain
it [pause]”.
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Section 2. Etic level of analysis and conceptual abstraction
The three themes described in the first section define an existential process which leads the
individuals to change their life conditions. These themes still lie at an emic level. They are
significantly linked to the informants’ narratives and the way they have lived their specific
experience of fanatic consumption. Now it is interesting to see how these themes and the
meanings that go with are embedded in the sociocultural context in which informants’ life
and experience is included.
Thus, we now move to the etic level of analysis which entails an abstraction of the
meanings as they have emerged from consumers’ experiences. The analysis of informants’
life world has shown, as we have already said, a process articulated on three steps: 1)
feeling frustrated; 2) being saved; 3) bettering the world. These steps are situated on an
ideal line which represents a progressive path in consumers’ life. We define it as
progressive as it marks an improvement – or an attempt to improve – consumers’ life
conditions.
For this we define this process a transcending process through which consumers try to
move from a condition of suffering and pain to a better existence. (See Figure 12)
In doing so, they release themselves from the world constraints. In fact, at the beginning
they experience frustration as being subjected to the world as it is. At the end of their
experiential path, they challenge the world proposing a new one. This challenge, of course,
unfolds at a microsocial level close to the sociality to which consumers belong to.
Thus, in the next paragraph we will see how the transcending process and its underling
emic meanings can be analyzed and interpreted according to the sociological and historical
reflection.
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Figure 10 – Levels of abstraction in the interpretation of fanatic consumer experiences
Conceptually
Abstract
Transcending consumption
the sacred self
Etic-focused
interpretation
Sociocultural
(Historical)
context
Bettering the world
Emic-focused
interpretation
Being saved
Feeling frustrated
Specific fanatic consumer experiences
Experience Near
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7.1 Transcending consumption and the sacred self
Transcendence is an underlying theme in all informants’ narratives. It marks the whole
process from the individual frustration with his identity suffering to the need of salvation through liberation -, and finally to the creation of a new world. The topic of transcendence
is recurrent in the whole history of human religion (Maffesoli, 2002). Religion is the
system of beliefs and rites that shape the individual and the collective ethic - the behavior
to be adopted in daily life – in order to guarantee the order of the world (Durkheim, 1912;
Weber, 1922). In other words, the religious ethic provides certainty to the single person as
well as to the collectivity bonding together all the members of a community (Maffesoli,
1988). In the informant’s narratives, the whole transcending process is organized on the
central theme of salvation.
The theme of salvation emerges all along the informants’ life experience as a key pattern in
fanaticism. In theological terms, the notion of salvation first and foremost implies a cure
for the sin in this life (Gutierrez, 1973). As Gutierrez (1973, p. 152) explains sin has to be
understood as a “break with God, a historical reality, it is a breach of the communion of the
men with each other, it is a turning in of man on himself which manifests itself in a
multifaceted withdrawal from others. And because sin is a personal and a social
intrahistorical reality, a part of the daily events of human life, it is also, and above all, an
obstacle to life’s reaching the fullness we call salvation”. Colas (1997) points out how
salvation is progressively shifted from the spiritual to the earthly things. It is a key word in
French revolution discourses (Haynal et al., 1983) but one also can find salvation in rock
music through the fanatics’ obsession in it (Hinerman, 1992; Grossberg, 1992). This
extension from religion to other domains redefines the meaning of salvation. It concerns
not only salvation from the sin but also from the misery and the oppression of human
condition (Rudin, 1969; Taylor, 1991; Toscano, 2010).
In theology the theme of salvation is strictly linked to and overlaps the theme of liberation.
“The liberation of Israel is a political action. It is a breaking away from the situation of a
despoliation and misery and the beginning of the construction of a just and fraternal
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society. It is the suppression of disorder and the creation of a new order.” (Gutierrez, 1973,
p. 155). As Weber (1922) argues if the Jewish and Christian God is a savior that is, above
all, because he is a liberator. He released Jewish people from the Egyptian slavery (Weber,
1922).
In Christian tradition, salvation from the world pain can be reached through the liberation
from any worldly constraints thanks to a savior. As Weber (1922/2006, p. 359) says:
“myths of liberation describe the appearance of a savior who destroys the demons’ power,
releases men from their subjugation imposed by astrological determinism of the destiny
[…] pull them out from the harshness of the world”. In addition, Weber (1922) underlines
that at the beginning the kingdom of God was announced by Jesus Christ on this earth. It
is the realization of a kingdom of beatitude by releasing the world from fear, distress and
cruelty of human beings.
This process of salvation through liberation does not concern only the Christian religion.
Weber (1922) clearly states that the promise of liberation from the oppression and
sufferance is a common theme in many religions, i.e.: Christianity, Judaism, and Islamism.
All religions in which is present the myth of a savior are defined as soteriological religions.
At the beginning, soteriological religions situate here and now the hope of a kingdom
beatitude. But, once it is long to come on this earth they reallocate it on the beyond
kingdom (Weber, 1922). However, according to Gutierrez (1973) in modern era the notion
of salvation has shifted from the idea of life in this world as a test to reach the otherworldly salvation, to the idea that salvation has to be pursued in this world and in this life
(Gutierrez, 1973).
All soteriological religions promise salvation through the contact with the divine grace
(Weber, 1922). This is a central point in all the phenomena which show the intent to
transcend the worldly life. Grace belongs to the sacred dimension of God, it has the power
to save and release human beings. The effort to transcend towards the sacred coincides
with the effort to distance from what is not sacred, in other words, from what is profane.
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Durkheim (1912/2007) distinguishes the world in two domains; the one consists of all what
is sacred and the other of all what is profane. This strict division of the reality is “the
hallmark of religious thinking” (p. 82).
What differentiate the sacred from the profane are two main criteria. The first is given by
the hierarchy that exists between the two domains. What is profane is always thought to be
subordinated to what is sacred. What is sacred is considered to be charged with a dignity
and power that the profane has not. The second criterion is the heterogeneity that these two
domains have each other. According to Durkheim (1912/2007) the heterogeneity between
these two domains “is absolute. There is not in the history of human thinking another
example of two categories of things so deeply different, so radically opposed each other.
The traditional opposition between the good and the bad is nothing compared to that one;
as the good and the bad are two opposite species of the same genus, the morality, as health
and sickness are two different extents of the same order, the life, so sacred and profane are
always and everywhere conceived by human mind as two separated genus, as two worlds
which have absolutely nothing in common.” (p. 85). This separation is concretely
implemented through the localization of both the domains in two different physical
regions: the ideal and transcendental universe for the sacred, and the material universe for
the profane.
Generally these two domains correspond to two different universes of elements. The sacred
is the universe of energies while the profane is the universe of things (Caillois, 1939). In
the history of religions, many elements have been identified as representative of such
energy. They vary from mana and soul of the totemic tribes (Durkheim, 1912) to grace in
soteriological religions (Weber, 1922).
Mana is energy, a principle both quasi-divine and immanent in certain categories of human
beings and things (Durkheim, 1912). When people make experience of this energy they are
able to transcend their individual condition, they transcend in the social order of things and
they mark their difference between the sacred and the profane, moving from the last to the
former universe. Mana is energy capable to elevate the individual over himself. As this
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force exerts a power on individuals they need to localize it outside of themselves as people
do with the objective causes of their feelings (Durkheim, 1912). But while feelings do not
raise in the individuals any transcendence, mana energy (a divine energy) does. The
continuous process of including things in the sacred universe is the result of this need to
exteriorize the inner sacred energy (mana) that people experience in their daily life. The
soul has the same nature as the mana (Mauss, 1906); both are the expression of the sacred
energy which gives power to the individuals who hold it. For Durkheim (1912) soul is an
individualization of the mana, an infusion of it in each individual. It is a part of the divine
substance and that is what makes it sacred.
The nature of sacred in its opposition to the profane entails equilibrium in the cosmogony
of human beings (Durkheim, 1912; Eliade, 1959). First of all, what is included in the realm
of sacred is provided with a source of power that establishes a hierarchical order in social
structure (Caillois, 1939; Durkheim, 1912). People who come in contact with the sacred
become consecrated. They are invested with the sanctity and that distances them from the
profane (Caillois, 1939). As Caillois (1939/2002) states, “power, as the sacred, seems to be
an exterior grace whereby the individual is the temporary seat. One receives it by
investiture, initiation, or consecration. One looses it for degradation, indignity or abuse. It
benefits of the support of the whole society whereby its agent is the bound. The king brings
the crown, the scepter, and the purple reserved for the divinities. He has guards to protect
them.” (p. 118). The hierarchy determined by the power is explained as difference in terms
of subordination which underlies the sacred-profane relationship. This difference “lies on
the effective difference related to the energetic level which immediately allows one to
prevail over the other” (Caillois, 2002, p. 119).
Goffman (1967) has further reinforced the discussion on sacred, power and social
hierarchy extending the investigation from the whole social structure (holistic perspective)
to the individual behavior in everyday life (individualistic perspective). In Goffman’s
thinking individuals and their identity are sacred as such. In this case, the transcending
aspiration of individuals is completely focused on social distinction. In modern (western)
cultures objects acquire a sacred value which is individually and socially recognized. Their
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possession gives the power to increase individuals’ social distinction (Bourdieu, 1979).
Thus in the modern societies of the system of objects (Baudrillard, 1968) as well as in the
primitive societies of the totem system (Durkheim, 1912), individuals and objects are both
concerned in an interplay of sacralization phenomena.
Both in the modern and pre-modern societies the transcendence towards the sacred entails
a deep transformation in the individual (Baudrillard, 1970; Eliade, 1959). Weber (1922)
argued that the desire of transcendence influences the individual behavior in his daily life.
Such an influence goes at the point to become an inner process that transforms the
individual and deify (sanctify) his identity. Such a tending towards the transcendence is
defined by Weber (1922) “the method of salvation”. It is a religious ethic – a daily
behavior – which allows the individual to reach and keep the state of grace by possessing
sacred goods (Weber, 1922). The constant contact between the individual and the sacred
leads to his deification and, at both, guarantees his distance from the profane (Weber,
1922).
This transition – Durkheim (1912) defines it a “metamorphosis” - from the profane to the
sacred is a constant in the history of civilizations, i.e. the rites of passage (Eliade, 1959;
Turner, 1969; Van Gennep, 1969). Durkheim (1912/2007, p. 85) defines it as a
transformation “totius substantie” of the individual. The individual’s self-identity since it is
invested and sacralized by this transformation process it is labeled by Csordas (1997) as
“the sacred self”.
In Csordas’ (1997) perspective a key process in making sacred the self is the healing
process. Healing is part of the sacred universe; it is a means to reach it (Eliade, 1959). In
religious rites healing is a practice to release the individual from sin. According to Weber
(1922) sin consists in the individuals’ violation of the religious ethic and, for this, it can be
healed by instilling the divine grace. For Eliade (1959) the liberation from the sin is, first
of all, an act of purification. Purity and impurity are two modes of the sacred (Caillois,
1939; Durkheim, 1912). The generation of the world – the cosmogony – founds on these
two modes of sacred (Caillois, 1939; Eliade, 1959). Both are made by the same sacred
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energy but they have an opposite sign (Durkheim, 1912). Purity is a positive energy; it has
the power to create the world and to guarantee its cohesion. On the opposite side, impurity
is a negative energy with the power of destroying and dissolving the world and the whole
reality (Caillois, 1939).
As Caillois (1939/2002) states “the usage of natural goods, participation to the life of
group constitutes and defines the existence of the profane: the pure distances from it in
order to go near divinities, the impure is excluded from it so that he does not infect the
others with his blemish. In fact the whole [profane] community pay an extreme attention in
keeping both away” (p. 52). The coexistence of the purity and impurity as two extreme
poles of the sacred define the two benchmarks within the profane is defined. This
organization is fundamental in establishing the cosmogony of the world, further its own
creation (Eliade, 1959). It is true that both in the holistic perspective of the whole social
systems, and in the microsocial perspective of the individual action within social structure.
The search for distinction – a sign of purity - is the attempt deployed by some people to
distance themselves from the others by their higher cultural tastes (Bourdieu, 1979). On the
contrary, the social stigma – seen as a sign of impurity – is an essential element in
determining the organization of social groups. In this case, people keep distance from the
stigmatized person in order to not share his blemish (Goffman, 1963).
Eliade (1959) clearly points out how the opposition between the two terms sacred and
profane correspond to the opposition that there is between cosmos and chaos. “Revelation
of a sacred space makes it possible to obtain a fixed point and hence to acquire orientation
in the chaos of homogeneity, to ‘found the world’ and to live in a real sense. The profane
experience, on the contrary, maintains the homogeneity and hence the relativity of space.”
(Eliade, 1959, p. 23). The transcending need rises to realize an order in the chaos. As
Eliade (1959, p. 34) states “life is not possible without an opening toward the transcendent;
in other words human beings cannot live in chaos. Once contact with the transcendent is
lost, existence in the world ceases to be possible.”.
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In soteriological religions the power of creation goes with the transcending process toward
the sacred. In Christian theology, creation is strictly linked with the salvation and the
liberation act. Creation is part of God’s plan as well as the salvation and liberation, “the
creation of the world initiates history, the human struggle, and the salvific adventure of
Yahweh” (Gutierrez, 1973, p. 154). The liberation of Israel was not only a salvation in
itself but the concrete opportunity to create a new world, a new society “the Exodus is the
long march towards the promised land in which Israel can establish a society free from
misery and alienation. […] it is in this event that the dislocation introduced by sin is
resolved and justice and injustice, oppression and liberation, are determined. Yahweh
liberates the Jewish people politically in order to make them a holy nation.” (Gutierrez,
1973, p. 157).
Furthermore, this association – power of creation and transcendence toward the sacred –
has been kept even in the new age religious movements. Csordas (1997) has highlighted
how the transcending processes underlying the definition of the sacred self contribute in
creating the external world: “This [sacred] self is inherently healthy, both for its own sake
and for its capacity to contribute to the divinely appointed collective mission of bringing
about the ‘kingdom of God’.” (Csordas, 1997, p. 26)
As we have seen the need for transcendence is felt as a basic means for building up the
world and to unfold the life. However, there are also other reasons which explain what
pushes the individuals to break the threshold between the sacred and the profane. Why do
they transcend the world as it is known to move toward something which is uncertain? As
Caillois (1939) has noted “profane is the world of security and certainty. It is limited by
two gorges. These two gorges attract the individual when the comfort and the security do
not fulfill him anymore, and when the certain and prudent rules become a burden for him.
Then he understands that the security and certitude are just a barrier, they are not sacred at
all, but what is sacred is beyond them and it will be reached only by the one who will break
such a barrier” (p. 76).
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For Csordas (1997) the search for transcendence – and salvation - through sacredness, in
particular through its modes - purity (“Resting in the Spirit”) and impurity (“demoniac
crisis”) – are significantly stressed since the twentieth century as a consequence of the deep
and wide diffusion of nihilism. The subsequent lack of strong systems of beliefs (Bauman,
2000) leads people to extremize their adhesion towards the traditional religious beliefs
(Bronner, 2009) or to fill up this lack with new rising ideologies, i.e. the ideology of
consumption (Baudrillard, 1970).
This idea is further reinforced by Maffesoli (1988) who sees in the modern society a return
to the archaism as well as to the polytheism as a reaction to the destroying power deployed
by the nihilism in dissolving any social bond. According to Maffesoli (1988) archaism and
polytheism are the signals of a search for a new religious ethic. The return of polytheism
imprints an evolution in the process of transcendence. Maffesoli (2002, p. 53) explains that
in these terms: “in opposition to the monotheistic religions where God is above and beyond
men, polytheistic religions, oriental philosophies and what I call the postmodern culture
consider that in everyone of us there is a piece of divinity which is not above the humanity,
but which is part of the human nature, as well as the evil.” This transcendence which is
deeply rooted in worldly things is defined as “immanent transcendence” (Maffesoli, 2002).
In the cosmogony outlined by Maffesoli (2002) the transcending process starts from this
world to end in this world. Thus, the sacred and the profane coexist in this world and this
latter is continuously recreated and redefined by the constant tension to transcending it.
The immanent transcendence describes a process through which the relationship between
the things and the human beings is repeatedly shaped to reach the sacred. In doing so
individuals redesign their cosmogony (Eliade, 1959), that is the place they occupy in the
world regarding to the others and the things (Durkheim, 1912). The places people occupy
contribute in constructing their identity in the world. The sacred self is the identity
individuals acquire in redefining their cosmogony – the role of place and things - by the
transcending process that they have enacted. Material objects are essential elements in the
immanent transcending process as it is thanks to them that individuals can pursue the
sacred.
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This process of transcending the world by the objects recalls the archaic societies
(Durkheim, 1912). In those societies the all natural elements - animals and plants –
represented as totems were part of the whole cosmogony of human beings. For this reason,
the relationship between men, animals and plants was particularly strong. Human beings
identify themselves with the totem they have got. The bond which ties the totem and the
men “is like the familiar bonds; men and animals are made by the same flesh” (Durkheim,
1912/2007; p. 221). As Durkheim (1912/2007) writes” for this kinship, man sees in the
animals of the totemic species a benefactor partner to count on. He asks for help and they
come to help him for hunting, to protect him from danger. In exchange, he treats them with
respect and he takes care of them.” (p. 221). The return of the totemic in current societies
has been underlined also by Maffesoli (1988) who explains how totems play a role in
creating the “social divine”, that is the renew of religiosity in the social context.
Totems are not divinities in themselves; rather they are the expression of the sacred divine
energy – what Durkheim (1912) calls mana. Durkheim (1912) explains that man has not
the attitude of being in front of a divinity when he deals with the plants or the animals
whose he bears the name because they belong to the same sacred world. They share a
relationship of equals. In certain case, however, totem can occupy a higher place in the
hierarchy of the sacred things (Durkheim, 1912).
Such a perspective on the relationship between individuals and things and the way they
contribute in redefining the whole cosmogony is delighting to explain some informants’
statements difficult to understand at first glance:
Ro: “I was born; I bathed in the Vespa water”.
O: “Playmobil was born in ’74, me in ’76. We can say we are born together”.
D: “Apple is a sort of actor that is present in all the stages of my family history”.
O: “Playmobils are like my brothers and sisters”.
As in archaic societies, informants share with their objects the belonging to the same
species, they have the same origins. This fusion between an individual and an object
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follows the same principle which underlies the totemic societies where the individual
belongs to the same species of his totem (Durkheim, 1912). This communion between
different realms of species is possible because what they really share together is the
common belonging to the sacred realm (Durkheim, 1912).
This idea of a common belonging to the same specie and the same sacred realm between
our informants and their brands is widely supported by reflections conducted on
consumption phenomena (Kopytoff, 1986; Miller, 1998). First, as already shown by Cova
(1997) in current societies consumption objects have assumed the function of totems, “in
postmodernity, the product or the service does not isolate but is like the totem for primitive
tribes; it serves as a pole of attraction for postmodern tribes.” (p. 307). Then, consumer
research studies have highlighted how consumption objects are involved in phenomena of
sacralization of the world (Belk et al., 1989; Hirschman, 1988; O’Guinn and Belk, 1989).
In particular, Belk et al. (1989) see consumption as a “primary means of transcendent
experience. Rather than experiencing the kind of extraordinary meaning previously
attained through religion, contemporary consumers define certain objects or experiences as
representing something more than the ordinary objects they appear to be. In this they
participate in what the sociology of religion calls the sacred.” (p. 13).
Thus, consumption realm leads to a self-transcending experience (Arnould and Price,
1993; Belk et al., 1989; Celsi et al., 1993; Cherrier, 2009b; O’Guinn and Belk, 1989;
Schouten et al., 2007). As Belk et al. (1989) state “such self-transcending experiences may,
but need not, be aided by a social context involving fellow believers who also revere the
object or experience.” (p. 13). Schouten and McAlexander (1995) have first related the
totemic function of the brand to the consumers’ ability to transcend - even collectively the mundane by the objects of consumption which have a sacred value for community
members. This transcending experience leads to a “self-transformation” especially for
hard-core members of the community (Schouten and McAlexander, 1995).
The idea of self-transformation developed in consumer research (Schouten, 1991;
Schouten and McAlexander, 1995) is consistent with the sociological and psychological
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reflections (Baudrillard, 1970; Durkheim, 1912; Eliade, 1959; Jung, 1957). While the
sociological perspective emphasizes the sacred dimension as a primary means to transcend
individual self, the psychological thinking focuses more on the interplay of the dimensions
of personality - consciousness vs. unconsciousness – as elements by which the
“transcendent function” unfolds (Jung, 1957). As Jung (1957/1960) states “the shuttling to
and from of arguments and affects represents the transcendent function of opposites. The
confrontation of the two positions generates a tension charged with energy and creates a
living, third thing – not a logical stillbirth in accordance with the principle tertium non
datur but a movement out of the suspension between the opposites, a living birth that leads
a new level of being, a new situation.” (p. 90). Despite differences, both positions share the
idea that the transcendent experience entails a transformation of self.
Belk (1988) has hugely defined the transformative power of the consumption objects on
the self. Schouten (1991) depicts the self-transformation as a transition process led by rites
of passage underlying the consumers’ consumption activities. In particular, Schouten
(1991) highlights how the transitional phase – or liminal phase (Turner, 1969) – is lived as
an isolated experience in the modern world. As Schouten (1991) states “people may create
personal rites of passage, shaping new identities with such symbols and activities as a
remade available by our consumer culture.” (p. 412). O’Guinn and Belk (1989) relate the
liminal phase to the sacralization processes. In this case, the transition into the sacred
entails the entering in the position of those who are “marginal, outsiders, and structurally
inferior in society” (O’Guinn and Belk, 1989, p. 233). The relation between sacredness and
positions of marginality and inferiority in the social structure is historically present in
human societies (Van Gennep, 1969). However, other works have shown the constant
relationship existing between the sacred dimension and higher positions in social structure
(Baudrillard, 1970; Goffman, 1967). Hence, this demonstrates how the word sacred is too
much generic as it indicates two opposite entities. According to the terminology adopted
by Caillois (1939) and Eliade (1959) – that we have introduced above – it seems more
pertinent to divide the word sacred in its two modes: sacred-pure and sacred-impure.
Whereas the term sacred-impure refers to those consumers affected by blemish and are
rejected by the others and the term sacred-pure refers to those consumers who are
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venerated and respected as sacred persons (Belk et al., 1989). This idea of a sacred person
coming up from sacralization processes - concerning the individuals’ identity more than
the objects of consumption – is early present in some consumer research studies
(Hirschman, 1988; Cherrier, 2009b). Further, to fanatic consumers this sacralization – as
self-transformation – is underlay by purification processes (Arnould, 2001; Belk et al.,
1989; Canniford and Shankar, 2013; Kozinets, 2002a; Thompson, 2004) which help them
to transcend (Schouten et al., 2007) their reality moving from the sacred-impure to the
sacred-pure dimension.
Fanatics – as being in the fanum (the sacred part of the temple) – are those consumers who
constantly live in the sacred dimension. Their consumption activities transform their self
moving it from the sacred-impure to the sacred-pure state regarding to the profane
dimension. This self-transformation - that we have defined as sacred self - entails a
redefinition of the individual’s being in the world. This means that what the consumer is,
his being, is determined by the cosmogonic order in which everything – people and objects
– occupies a specific place. This shifts the focus on the identity from the possession
(having) to the being (Belk, 1988; Shankar and Fitchett, 2002).
Finally, all human beings to unfold their lives need to create their own world or
cosmogony. Cosmogony is the order imprinted in the reality in order to divide the cosmos
from the chaos (Eliade, 1959). The beginning of such a creation is the search for the sacred
and the delimitation of the profane. The sacred and the profane interdependently define one
each other (Durkheim, 1912). Our informants are first relegated to a marginal condition in
which they are sacralized as impure. Then, they decide to change their social status moving
to the other mode of sacredness, purity. Fanatic consumers pursue the sacred-purity by
transcending their daily impure reality of things and they just do it by these worldly and
daily things: brands and consumption objects. The passage of the threshold from the
impurity to the purity is an experience which transforms deeply the individual identity and
the order of things around him.
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Chapter 7 conclusions
In this chapter we have conducted the analysis and the interpretation of the nomothetic
results. Moving from the emic level to the etic level we have provided an abstraction of the
data from the field. In the first section we have produced three emic themes as the result of
the intertextual analysis of the whole set of intratextual analysis. The three themes
identified describe a linear and progressive process through which consumers seek to
improve and to go on in their life.
In the second section we have provided an etic abstraction of the findings that came up
from the intertextual analysis. The mobilization of the sociological, anthropological,
psychological and historical literature has allowed identifying and describing the
transcending process of consumption and its implication on consumers’ self identity.
We have seen how the objects of consumption – especially brands – are used by consumers
to transcend the world they live in order to realize a new cosmogony. This process is
entirely founded on the sacred and profane dimensions of existence. These two terms are
essential in the creation of the world and in establishing its order. The whole effort of
fanatic consumers is in changing the world cosmogony and in overcoming the current
world by a risacralization and a riprofanization of the whole amount of objects and people
living in it. This process is enacted at a microsocial level.
However, as we have seen the transcending process is not only founded on the two
dimensions of sacred and profane. Findings have shown that inside the sacred dimension
two other dimensions – polarities or modes (Caillois, 1939; Durkheim, 1912; Eliade, 1959)
– can be identified: purity and impurity. Hence, it follows that consumers redefine the
world playing with and within these three terms: sacred-purity, sacred-impurity and
profane.
From this, we can infer that the whole path – from feeling frustrated to bettering the world
– is not a process of transcending the profane towards the sacred but it is a process leading
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fanatic consumers from the condition of sacred-impurity to the condition of sacred-purity.
The saving stage is the cornerstone of this shift as consumers need the intervention of an
external entity to help them to move from the sacred-impure to the sacred-pure. Processes
of sacralization of the profane are key mechanisms as they allow introducing new elements
in the realm of sacred and, in doing so, changing the order of things – cosmogony – around
consumers. The sacred – pure or impure – is defined as such as opposed to profane. Fanatic
consumers need to define their purity abandoning their impurity regarding the profane.
This means that fanatic consumers are in the sacred dimension of the existence, either pure
or impure. This is coherent with the common - and etymological - definition of fanatic who
is thought to be the one who is in the “fanum” - the sacred part of the temple - as opposed
to the “profanum” – what is outside of the fanum and so not sacred.
The idea of a fanatic consumer as someone living constantly in the sacred dimension of the
existence and moving between its polarities – purity vs. impurity – reinforce the idea of the
sacred-self as expression of an identity which is ceaselessly striving for transcending the
reality through the sacred.
399
Discussion
Discussion
In this last part we discuss findings of our research. We have extended our reflection to a
larger context than fanaticism. Stepping from our results on fanatic consumption we have
crossed them with consumption and marketing research knowledge in order to find out
insightful conceptual ideas.
Fanatic consumption has to be understood first at an individual level in order to grasp the
underlying meanings which lead consumers in developing a strong relationship with
consumption. Our research has contributed in clarifying the concept of fanaticism in
consumption and providing a proposal definition for fanatic consumers. This approach
represents an alternative to the few previous studies on this domain as it has allowed to
concretely focusing, even at a methodological level, on the identification of the field of
research – fanatic consumers as such. Then, our phenomenological approach has been
consisted with the idea to deeply grasp the meanings that make sense for consumers in
their fanatic actions.
This study has led us to answer to the two research questions of this research:
1. What are the meanings that fanatic consumption experiences hold for fanatic
consumers?
In a first step, this research has shown how fanatic consumption is organized on three main
etic meanings: feeling frustrated, being saved, bettering the world. Thus, fanatic
consumption results as a progressive process which leads consumers to change their
existential condition. Fanatic consumers are individuals who at beginning suffer the world
– they undergo experiences as status loss, discrimination and stigmatization. These
experiences produce in consumers a feeling of frustration that pushed them to react to their
personal, social, and in general existential condition, and to change it. In this context,
brands are seen as means by which consumers can socially improve, go ahead in their lives
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Discussion
and radically change their whole existential experience. The intervention of brands in
consumers’ life provides them with the means to be saved as individuals. Brands play an
important role in re-defining consumers’ identity both personally and socially. In this
context, brands acquire the status of sacred entities which have the power to sacralize
individuals’ identity as well. In fanatic consumers’ experience, sacralization of the world
means the organization of its cosmogony – by ordering its main dimensions: sacred-pure,
sacred-impure, and profane – in order to make sense of fanatic consumers’ lives. In resacralizing the world according to their existential needs, fanatic consumers better it.
2. How do these lived meanings interplay with fanatic consumers’ identity projects?
The exploration of fanatic consumption has allowed identifying a further conceptual
distinction until now ignored by research: the sacred-pure and sacred-impure. These two
dimensions enrich the traditional distinction between sacred and profane. Fanatic
consumers are individuals who constantly live in the sacred realm of the existence. They
look for experience to transcend their life condition in order to move from the sacredimpure to the sacred-pure realm. The transcending experience helps fanatic to sacralize
their identity changing their condition from being a scapegoat to become a sanctified
being. Our research has shown how consumption, and brands in particular, is essential
entities in this phenomenological process. Both the involvement of brands, consumption
objects and individuals in the sacralization of the worldly cosmogony is the foundation of a
common belonging of people, objects and other beings to a same realm - the sacred realm.
This common belonging establishes an existential bond among all these entities which
explains the strong, last-long, and kinship-like relationships that fanatic consumers live
with their consumption objects. This relationship is founded on the dimension of being
rather than having. Fanatic consumers are (with) their brands. Thus, with their brands
fanatic consumers exist in this world. This being perspective has significant implications
on fanatic consumers identity issues. Fanatic consumers look for defining their identity in
being (with) more than in having.
401
Discussion
Our study has brought some contributions both at theoretical, methodological and
managerial level. However, it is a first step in fanatic consumption research. Thus, some
limitations to our study have been identified as well as some directions for further research.
402
Discussion
Section 1. On the validity of our findings
In this section we discuss the validity of our results and the personal implications that the
interpretation of a specific phenomenon holds for the researcher. In the interpretive
research findings do not follow the same criteria of validity as in positivist research. Thus,
a short discussion is needed in order to explain and justify the validity of our results.
8.1 The validity of our findings
As we have seen in the Part 2, interpretivism and positivism hold two different
epistemological postures. Thus, results of researches following these two paradigms are
legitimated according different criteria of validity (Lincoln and Guba, 1985).
Hirschman (1986) proposes a set of alternative criteria for the interpretive research to
replace the traditional positivist criteria. (See Table 24)
Table 24 – Criteria of validity
Positivism
Interpretivism
Internal validity
Credibility
External validity
Transferability
Reliability
Dependability
Objectivity
Confirmability
Source: adapted from Hirschman (1986)
Credibility: the positivist criteria of internal validity are rendered inoperative by the
assumption that there is not a unique true reality with its discrete causal relations. So,
interpretive findings are just one interpretation among the many possible others. Thus, in
order to provide credibility to the interpretation proposed by researcher “one useful
approach is for the researcher to submit the interpretation to the scrutiny of those
individuals upon whom it is based, and seek their responses as to its authenticity.”
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Discussion
(Hirschman, 1986, p. 244). This way of proceeding founds on the idea that researcher does
not know more but must be educated by informants and their own world.
In our research, credibility of our results is provided by the absence of hypothesis in our
theoretical construction. Findings are lead by informants as they are solidly founded on
their narrative production – both text and images. Approaching the data without hypothesis
but with “only” a huge theoretical background on the phenomenon investigated – fanatic
consumers – has allowed us to not impose our point of view on the reality but instead to
follow the reality itself. Furthermore, in our research we have shared our interpretation
with the informants in order to have their feedback and their point of view on it. Some
interpretations have been enriched also thanks to informants’ contribution.
Transferability: transferability replaces the positivist external validity. This is because of
the ontological nature of the reality which is not a closed system. So within the humanistic
inquiry method one is concerned not with the generalizability of a particular finding
(across populations, time, or conditions), but rather with the transferability of one
manifestation of a phenomenon to a second manifestation of the phenomenon, recognizing
implicitly that no two social contexts are ever identical. “To assess the transferability of an
interpretation one must know not only the specifics of the context in which the
interpretation was generated, but also the specifics of the context to which the
interpretation is to be applied.” (Hirschman, 1986, p. 245).
In our research the transferability is provided by the different context to which the
interpretation is applied. All our five informants represent five different and specific
contexts with their specifics. These specifics are deeply and hugely analyzed and presented
before starting the analysis and the interpretation of data. Thus, interpretation has been
carried on considering the differences among cases, furthermore the two levels of analysis
– idiographic and nomothetic – aim to facilitate the identification of common features as
well as the differences. However, it focuses more on the former rather than on the latter.
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Discussion
Dependability: in positivism reliability of results is assessed by testing their internal
consistency and their temporal stability. Some instruments are developed for this aim. In
interpretive research instruments are researchers themselves. Thus the validity of findings
depends by researchers. “In humanistic inquiry it is important to realize that we would
never expect perfect correspondence among multiple interpretations of the same
phenomenon, because each interpretation results from an interaction between a unique
investigator and the phenomenon of study” (Hirschman, 1986, p. 246).
In our research the dependability is given by the time spent with our informants – average
of 18 months. This allowed us to be immerged as much as possible in their reality as well
as in their everyday life. Moreover, spending time with them naturally led us to develop
certain sensitivity to their passions, interests but also apprehensions and concerns. All this
has created a relationship of dependability in our interpretation of data.
Confirmability: the criterion of objectivity is completely in opposition to the interpretive
paradigm. As in interpretive research the researcher “is not presumed to be emotionally
neutral and personally distant from the phenomenon of interest. On the contrary, he or she
is assumed to be involved intimately with the topic of study and to be immersed personally
in interpreting its meaning.” (Hirschman, 1986, p. 246).
In our interpretation our personal background has played a significant role in finding out
our results. Informants’ experience and researcher’s personal experience overlaps in
identifying findings which are then validated by the researcher himself, as in our case,
because they fit with his point of view on the reality investigated. The reflexive dimension
of the research has an important role in the interpretation of results as we show in the
following paragraph.
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Discussion
8.2 Researcher’s reflexivity
In interpretive research findings emerge both from the field and from the researcher’s
involvement in analyzing and interpreting the results (Belk et al., 2012). This means that
the research findings are largely and significantly fed by the researcher’s personal
background, her/his experience, culture, imagination and intellect (McCracken, 1988).
Thus, in interpretive research, researcher is an instrument of the research itself (Hirschman
and Holbrook, 1992; Sherry, 1991; Thompson et al., 1989).
The reflexive dimension of researcher into the object of research is recognized in social
sciences (Bourdieu, 1990, 2004; Bourdieu and Wacquant, 1992; Burawoy, 2003; Denzin,
2001), as well as in consumer research studies (Sherry and Schouten 2002; Stern, 1998).
Denzin (1997) defines clearly the researcher as a “co-author” that actively participates in
writing the story told by the informants.
According to the role of the researcher in the interpretive research we describe our (my)
personal background to better clarify my contribution to my research findings.
Since I was a teenager I always mistrusted the idea of the appearance. I always felt it was a
destructive way of living and I saw it clearly in the way my small community had been
damaged by the individualist and consumerist mentality of the '80s, the years of my
childhood. I have always refused to adopt consumption - or more generally the having - as
a way to socially assert myself. I do not only refer to clothes, cars, or sunglasses but also to
other forms of having as – for example - knowledge. Education is the means by which we
prepare ourselves for life. However, in my experience education was a system promising
students the achievement of a socially recognized status rather than pushing them to
imagine a different world and realize it. In short, it is again a way of having rather than
being. A short excerpt from the Fromm’s book - To have or to be – is particularly
enlightening to better understand my feelings:
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Discussion
“Students in the having mode of existence will listen to a lecture, hearing the words and
understanding their logical structure and their meaning and, as best they can, will write
down every word in their loose-leaf notebooks - so that, later on, they can memorize their
notes and thus pass an examination. But the content does not become part of their own
individual system of thought, enriching and widening it. Instead, they transform the words
they hear into fixed clusters of thought, or whole theories, which they store up. The
students and the content of the lectures remain strangers to each other, except that each
student has become the owner of a collection of statements made by somebody else (who
had either created them or taken them over from another source). Students in the having
mode has but one aim: to hold onto what they “learned”, either by entrusting it firmly to
their memories or by carefully guarding their notes. They do not have to produce or create
something new. In fact, the having–type individuals feel rather disturbed by new thoughts
or ideas about a subject, because the new puts into question the fixed sum of information
they have. Indeed, to one for whom having is the main forms of relatedness to the world,
ideas that cannot easily be pinned down (or penned down) are frightening-like everything
else that grows and changes, and thus is not controllable. The process of learning has an
entirely different quality for students in the being mode of relatedness to the world. To
begin with, they do not go to the course lectures, even to the first one in a course, as
tabulae rasae. They have thought beforehand about the problems the lectures will be
dealing with and have in mind certain questions and problems of their own. They have
been occupied with the topic and it interests them. Instead of being passive receptacles of
words and ideas, they listen, they hear, and most important, they receive and they respond
in an active, productive way. What they listen to stimulates their own thinking processes.
New questions, new ideas, new perspectives arise in their minds. Their listening is an alive
process. They listen with interest, hear what the lecturer says, and spontaneously come to
life in response to what they hear. They do not simply acquire knowledge that they can take
home and memorize. Each student has been affected and has changed: each is different
after the lecture than he or she was before it. Of course, this mode of learning can prevail
only if the lecture offers stimulating material. Empty talk cannot be responded to in the
being mode, and in such circumstances, students in the being mode find it best not to listen
at all, but to concentrate on their own thought processes. At least a passing reference
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Discussion
should be made here to the word “interests”, which in current usage has become a pallid,
worn-out expression. Yet its essential meaning is contained in its root: Latin, inter-esse,
“to be in [or] among” it. This active interest was expressed in Middle English by the term
“to list” (adjective, listy; adverb, listily). In modern English, “to list” is only used in a
spatial sense: “a ship lists”; the original meaning in a psychical sense we have only in the
negative “listless”. “To list” once meant “to be actively striving for”, “to be genuinely
interested in”. The root is the same as that of “lust”, but “to list” is not a lust one is
driven by, but the free and active interest in, or striving for. “To list” is one of the key
expressions of the anonymous author (mid-fourteenth century) of The Cloud of Unknowing
(Evelyn Underhill, ed.). That the language has retained the word only in its negative sense
is characteristic of the change of spirit in society from the thirteenth to the twentieth
century.” (Fromm, 1976/2008, pp. 24-26)
In the end, the being dimension has always been an important need for my identity
especially in a society where young guys are – unfortunately - educated to have more as
the one right best way of living a worthy life.
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Discussion
Section 2. Research contributions
In this first section we discuss the contribution that our research has provided. This section
is structured on three paragraphs as contributions have been produced at a theoretical,
methodological and managerial level.
8.1 Theoretical contribution in research on fanatic consumption
The first contribution of our research is to provide a specific definition of fanatic
consumers that actually lacks in the literature on fanaticism (Chung et al., 2008; Smith et
al., 2007). Although some studies sought to introduce a definition of fanatics (Thorne and
Bruner, 2006; Thorne, 2011) finally it is too generic and unclear to really grasp the
distinctive characteristics of this kind of consumer. Thus, our definition contributes also to
enrich and specify the existing definition. The proposal of a specific definition to identify
the fanatic consumer is an important step in improving the research on this phenomenon as
it allows to overcome one of the main weakness of previous research: to explore fanatic
consumption but not to define it. This produces many incoherencies in particular at a
methodological level. In fact in these studies is not clear how the field has been selected
and according to what criteria informants are to be considered fanatics or at least how and
why they are different from other forms of consumers really close to fanatics as, for
example, fans. This is important especially if we consider that research on fans is really
rich and has been increasing during these last years. This is a further reason for research on
fanatics to significantly differentiate, in theoretical and methodological terms, fanatic
consumers from other kind of consumers.
Research on fanatic consumption generally agree in conceiving such a consumption as a
destructive phenomenon (Redden and Steiner, 2000) and fanatic consumers as affected by
antisocial and dysfunctional behavior with deadly instincts (Thorne and Bruner, 2006).
Moreover, some research even goes so far as to explore the “dark side” of fanatic
consumption (Chung et al., 2009). In opposition to the idea of fanatics as dysfunctional,
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Discussion
destructive with deadly instincts and affected by a dark side, our study shows that
consumers turn to brand to save their life. As emerged by our informants’ narratives,
brands are seen by fanatic consumers as means which helps consumers to go ahead and to
progress in their own life. The interplay between consumers and brands is a constructive
process in which the work on the brand made by consumers and its subsequent social
awareness produces a positive and a “bright” influence even on consumers’ social
recognition and their identity. Thus, the resulting interdependence between consumer and
brand seems to be more a constructive process which improve the consumer well-being
rather than a destructive process which compromises consumer’s psychological identity
and his personal and social well-being. This idea is further reinforced by the evidence that
fanatic consumption is not only a source of costs in terms of money, time and efforts
(Chung et al., 2008; Chung et al., 2009) but in our research it entails even some benefits
which are not only referred to the symbolic dimension – social recognition and identity
construction – but also to the material dimension. In this case, an extreme example is given
by Olivier who has generated a real business with a real company – Klikobil – from his
fanaticism for Playmobil.
In the context of fandom phenomena (Cova et al., 2007) – consumer tribes, etc.– our
research has clarified the underlying characteristics of a kind of consumers who have been
identified by research on fandom but that are never been deeply explored before. These
consumers are generally defined by studies on collective consumption as “hard-core”
members. In our study, “hard-core” consumers have been considered as the first
identification made by research of the fanatic consumers – as different from fans
consumers. These fanatic consumers are pinpointed in the context of communities of
consumption but it is clear that these consumers are to be considered not only in their
collective dimension but also as individual consumers (Chung et al., 2008)
Our research has contributed in finding out the main meanings that fanatic consumers
ascribe to their consumption activity. This contribution is helpful in conceptually
distinguishing fanatic consumers from the close fans consumers as they have been worked
by research on fandom consumption.
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Discussion
Generally, research on fandom pointed out that members of a tribe experience a marginal
status in relation to the consumption activity they carry on. Consumers can be part of a
marginal subculture (Schouten and McAlexander, 1995) where members are stigmatized
and discredited (Kozinets, 2001) in opposition to the mainstream culture, or they can
experience marginality even inside the community where differences of status are enacted
among members (Muñiz and O’Guinn, 2001). In other cases, as gay subcultures,
discrimination is primarily linked to the sexuality more than the consumption activity even
if the kind of consumption developed by gay consumers is strongly linked to their sexuality
(Kates, 2002). In our research we demonstrate how discrimination, marginality and
stigmatization come in informants’ life before the emergence of their consumption.
Moreover, data show how being discriminated plays an important role in pushing
consumers in developing their fanatic consumption towards some specific brands. Even in
the case whereas the sexuality factor is present – this is the case of Olivier -, we see, in
opposition to the previous studies, that it is not linked at all to the kind of consumption
developed by the consumer. In other words, the discrimination experienced by Olivier is
totally due to his sexuality – since his childhood - while there is any link with the fanatic
consumption of Playmobil brand that biographically comes after.
In research on fans discrimination and stigmatization processes as linked to consumption
behavior are a key to interpret the implications for consumers’ identity (Cusack et al.,
2003; Kozinets, 2001). Studies on fanatics have adopted as well this perspective in
analyzing fanatics’ identity concerns (Smith et al., 2007). In all these studies,
discrimination – in its various forms i.e.: status loss, marginality, stigmatization – comes
up as a direct implication of consumption activities and consumers’ preferences. In
addition, Kozinets (2001) highlights how fantasy consumption is also a refuge for people
who feel accepted in the community while they are marginalized in the “real” world. Our
contribution confirm previous contributions showing that it is the lived discrimination as it
is the lived in society to lead fanatic consumers to develop an unconditional consumption
of certain brands.
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Discussion
However, findings on fanatic consumers pave the way to a different perspective on
observing the interplay between identity and discrimination in the consumption context. As
we have said before studies on fans and fanatics are focused on analyzing the identity
implications generated by the emerging tensions between the community and the society or
among the different groups inside the community itself (Kozinets, 2001; Smith et al.,
2007). On the contrary, our research highlights how consumption represents for fanatic
consumers a solution to the social discrimination and not a source of it. Fanatic consumers
use brands not to escape from society but to be accepted and recognized by the whole
society. The media success of Olivier and Raffaele are the most significant examples. This
allows revisiting the relation among discrimination, identity and consumption giving to the
latter a new and different role in negotiating the underlying dynamics produced by
discrimination on the identity construction.
8.2 Theoretical contribution in consumer research
Our research contributes to enrich the existing categories of sacred and profane (Arnould
and Price, 1993; Cherrier, 2009b; Belk et al., 1989; Hirschman, 1988; O’Guinn and Belk,
1989). Our study extends the knowledge in this domain introducing further conceptual
categories: sacred-impure and sacred-pure. Fanatic consumers live in the sacred dimension
of reality. They are different from other consumers as they distance themselves from the
profane realm. For this, as being apart from the profane and embodied in the sacred they
live in the two modes of the sacred, the impure and the pure dimensions (Eliade, 1959).
Both modes share the same sacred nature but they express an opposite value. The sacredimpure is a blemish, a negative power which can destroy the social order, while the sacredpure is a divine, positive power that contributes in keeping the harmony in the world
(Caillois, 1939). Thus, cosmogony – the world as cosmos (order) in opposition to the chaos
(Eliade, 1959) – is organized around these three dimensions: profane, sacred-impure, and
sacred-pure. Fanatic consumers strive to keep distance from the profane as well as they
strive to move from the impure to the pure mode of a sacred existence. Studies on sacred
consumption have argued that objects of consumption are means through which the world
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Discussion
is sacralized and profanized by consumers (Belk et a., 1989; O’Guinn and Belk, 1989). Our
study highlights how fanatic consumers use consumption not only to sacralize the world –
marking the distance from the profane – but they employ consumption to improve their
status from the condition of sacred-impure to the condition of sacred-pure. This movement
occurring in the same realm of sacred can be interpreted as a purification process (Arnould,
2001; Belk et al., 1989; Canniford and Shankar, 2013; Kozinets, 2002a; Thompson, 2004)
in which consumers release from their sin – their impurity - to be sanctified. Thus, the case
of fanatic consumers demonstrate how consumption reorganizes the cosmogony – the
social order – not only by changing the objects status in terms of sacred vs. profane, but
also by using such objects in helping fanatics to move from the status of impure – i.e.:
scapegoat (Hubert, 1964; Hubert and Mauss, 1897) - to the status of pure – a sacred person
(Belk et al., 1989).
Cosmogony is realized thanks to the organization of the world around the sacred realm
(Eliade, 1959). Consumption is a part of the process of sacralization of the world. Several
worldly entities can be sacralized thanks to consumption action (Belk et al., 1989).
Previous studies have focused more on the object of sacralization than on the subject who
sacralizes. Our study shows how the sacred dimension refers more to the consumers’
identity than to the objects they consume. In other words, fanatic consumers sacralize their
objects and brands in order to keep a specific order in the cosmogony of their world. In
such an order they fill the sacred dimension. Moreover, they use consumption also to
change their status in the same sacred dimension shifting from the sacred-impure to the
sacred-pure state. Thus, the sacralization is more centered on the fanatics’ identity than on
their objects of consumption. We have defined this particular interplay between the sacred
and the fanatics’ self as sacred-self (Csordas, 1997). The sacralization of the self is the
result of a self-transformation that fanatic consumers enact in moving from the sacredimpure to the sacred-pure. This transformation is a purification process which releases
fanatics from their state of impurity (Csordas, 1997). The introduction of the notion of
sacred-self extends the existing knowledge on self-transformation phenomena (Schouten,
1991; Schouten and McAlexander, 1995). In particular, observing self-transformation in
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Discussion
the context of sacred consumption as well as employing new conceptual categories, such as
sacred-impure and sacred-pure, allows putting the phenomenon into a new light.
Further, the sacralization of self is a transcending process as it allows fanatic consumers to
rise from a condition of impurity and to reach a state of purity. In previous research the
transcending power of consumption has been pointed out both in studies on sacralization
(Arnould and Price, 1993; Belk et al., 1989; Celsi et al., 1993; Cherrier, 2009b; O’Guinn
and Belk, 1989) and on fandom phenomena (Schouten and McAlexander, 1995). In both
cases, transcendence emerges in the opposition of the sacred to the profane. In our research
we see how the transcending process unfolds inside the same realm of sacred. This puts
into a new light the notion of transcendence in the consumption context. First, in
opposition to the idea that consumption allows to experience a “temporary transcendence”
(Schouten and McAlexander, 1995), the case of fanatic consumers shows that consumption
can be a context of enduring transcendence. Second, previous research has identified in
transcending phenomena the need for experiencing something more powerful and
extraordinary then the ordinary world (Belk et al., 1989). Our study shows that fanatic
consumers, while living apart from the ordinary world – the profane dimension – still feel
the need to transcend it. Thus, in this case transcendence assumes the meaning of
reorganizing the world – the cosmogony – modifying the order of what is sacred-impure
and what is sacred-pure. This definition allows to extend the existing notion of
transcendence in consumption which is limited to the sacred and profane realms, and it is
especially referred to the objects (things, experiences, places, time etc.) more than to the
identity of the consumer (Schouten et al., 2007).
In Figure 11 we show the cosmogony in fanatic consumers’ world. It is constituted by
three main dimensions the profane, and the sacred with its two modes – the sacred-impure
and the sacred-pure. This cosmogony is realized mobilizing human beings, objects and
other beings within the three dimensions as in totemic societies (Durkheim, 1912). Thus, in
fanatic consumption objects and brands play a significant role in constituting these three
dimensions. The profane, the sacred-impure and the sacred-pure define the order of the
world as it makes sense for people and their existence (Eliade, 1959). Between the sacred
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Discussion
dimension and the profane dimension there is a hierarchical relation where the sacred is
hierarchically higher than the profane (Caillois, 1939; Belk et al., 1989). What is sacred is
different – for good or bad – from the profane. Both divinities The good and the evil
divinities are both sacred identities out of the profane – the realm of common people – and
inaccessible (Caillois, 1939). Common profane people venerate and respect good
divinities, but they are afraid and fight off evil divinities (Durkheim, 1912). Fanatic
consumers live constantly in this sacred dimension. They can be sacred people as they are
sanctified ad respected by the common profane people; or they are scapegoat when they
are marginalized and rejected by the profane. In the first case, fanatics live in the sacredpure dimension of life. In the second case they live in the sacred-impure dimension of life.
In our research we have focused on fanatic consumers who live in the sacred-impure
dimension. We show how these consumers strive for escaping their impure life condition
purifying their identity. The shift from the sacred-impure to the sacred-pure life condition
is reached through a transcending process in which consumption and its objects are
involved.
Figure 11 - Fanatic consumers’ cosmogony
Realm of
fanatic consumers
SACRED
SACRED
IMPURE
SACRED
PURE
COSMOGONY
PROFANE
Realm of
other consumers
Sacred
impure
Sacred
pure
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Discussion
The idea of a self that can be sacralized rises also from two observations: the return of
totemism in our contemporary societies (Cova, 1997; Maffesoli, 1988) and the pervasive
presence of sacralization trough consumption which invests places, times, tangible things,
intangible things, experiences, persons and other beings (Belk et al., 1989). In the
traditional totemic societies persons, objects, and other beings share a common origin,
kinship relationships and a belonging to a same species as far as they belong to the same
sacred realm (Durkheim, 1912). This common belonging that links people and objects has
clearly emerged in our research. Fanatic consumers describe their selves as having the
same origins as their brands, to share with them kinship relations or to have quasi common
biological ties. Thus, the relation between brand and consumer is defined more by their
being in the world together than by the possession. The organization of consumer’s
cosmogony on the three dimensions of profane, sacred-impure, and sacred-pure and the
supportive function of objects of consumption in helping fanatics to redefine the place of
things and beings in these domains – who and what is sacred and who and what is profane,
who and what is pure and who and what is impure – put into a new light the relationship
with objects and brands. Fanatic consumers are sacred persons per se – both impure
(scapegoat) or pure (sanctified) – but they need to escape the condition of impurity. At this
aim, they use consumption to move from the mode of sacred-impure to the mode of sacredpure. Objects and brands, as part of their sacred realm, support fanatics to reach and keep
the cosmogonic order they give to their world. In this context, fanatic consumers and
brands are bonded by an existential relation founded on being more than having (Fromm,
1976).
Hence, first of all our research provides a theoretical and an empirical demonstration of
how the “being” dimensions is significant in consumers’ identity needs (Shankar and
Fitchett, 2002). Second, it also allows separating analytically the “being” dimension from
the “having” dimension - both generally undistinguished in consumer research (Belk,
1988). The identification of the “being” dimension as a conceptual and an empirical means
in defining consumer’s identity can be a helpful tool especially for those studies interested
in the identity implications of consumption (Arnould and Thompson, 2005).
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Discussion
According to Fromm (1976) the main difference between “to have” and “to be” is that
having implies the possession as the unique way of giving security to our identity. Having
is a way of controlling things and people, it is a mode of objectifying the world to make
sure of one’s self-identity. In reverse, being is the mode of the lived experience; it is a way
of defining one’s identity by giving, sharing and sacrificing. In the having perspective, the
object and its possession are a central issue, instead in the being perspective it is the
individual who assumes a more important significance. The shift from a having perspective
to a being perspective also improves our knowledge on how a strong and last-long
relationship develops between consumers and brands. Previous research highlights the role
of socioemotive attachments, behavioral ties and supportive cognitive beliefs in defining
strong and last-long brand relationships (Fournier, 1998). The notion of sacred and its
implications on giving order to the world (cosmogony) – cosmogony as order (cosmos as
opposed to chaos) is in fact the way consumers make sense of their existence – can be a
new insight in further deepen the knowledge especially on the identity concerns underlying
the fanatic brand relationship. This relationship founds on the belonging to the same sacred
realm of both brands and consumers. Being both sacred, consumers and brands share the
same nature, the same origins, they belong to the same species (Durkheim, 1912). This
identification between the nature of consumers and brands pushes the boundary of the
subject-object relationship overcoming the anthropomorphological perspective of the brand
(Fournier, 1998).
Moreover, brand relationship is conceived as attaching the brand to consumer according
the inner factors linked to the personality (Fournier, 1998). Research on fanatic consumers
show that external, social factors play an important role in determining a strong
relationship between consumers and brands. For our informants the experience of
discrimination has been a significant step in pushing them to bond with specific brands.
Discrimination has been lived as an identity frustration, a status loss and a self blemish
from which fanatic consumers felt the need to be saved. Brands satisfied that need as they
were experienced by consumers as a means thanks to they were able to go on in their life.
It is in this context that relationship between consumers and brands raises and that explains
also why fanatic brand relationships are strong and last-long relationships.
417
Discussion
Some studies have pointed out how a strong brand relationship can generate conflicts
between consumers and companies which hold the brands (Cova et al., 2007). Companies
can exploit the value generated by consumers’ work on their brands (Cova and Dalli,
2009). On the other hand, consumers can push their relationship with the brand at the point
to hijack it from the company intentions (Wipperfürth, 2005). Conflicts and oppositions
can concern also other competitors - brands, products, and companies (Muñiz and
O’Guinn, 2001; O’Guinn and Muñiz, 2005). Generally, research on fandom has
highlighted how opening the community to the mainstream market raises conflicts
especially with the hard-core members (Schouten and McAlexander, 1995). Although, our
evidences on fanatic consumers demonstrate that they carry on a harmonic relationship
both with companies holding the brands and with competitors (products, brands or
companies). For example, Robert – a Vespa fanatic – is not concerned at all in an ideal
antagonism with Lambretta – the historical and traditional competitor of Vespa. The same,
Olivier who has been forbidden by Playmobil to use the company name for his own
company – Klikobil – has no feelings of conflict with Playmobil Company. Further, he is
the same indifferent about Lego brand which is the “natural” Playmobil competitor.
This contradiction can be explained as research on fanatic consumers – especially in the
context of the communities with the “hard-core” consumers - has identified in the process
of commercialization the source of conflict. In doing so, research opposes the terms:
commercial vs. authentic or market vs. non-market (Holt, 2002; Schouten and
McAlexander, 1995). The role of market in current culture is a central issue in consumer
research (Firat and Venkatesh, 1995). Studies on consumption have dedicated significant
investigations to the opposition of consumers to the market dimension (Kozinets, 2002a).
Our research shows that the dichotomy market vs. non-market is not a central theme in
fanatic consumers’ concerns. Their world is organized on the trichotomy: sacred-pure,
sacred-impure and profane. These three dimensions overlap to and indistinctly deal with
elements coming from market and non-market dimensions.
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Discussion
8.3 Methodological contribution
Our first methodological contribution is to pursue in adopting the interpretive approach in
consumer research. Although, this approach is now largely diffused – though shorter than
the positivistic one – especially in US, in some European countries as France and even
recently in emergent countries, it struggles to take root in Italy where the positivistic
epistemology is quite dominant. This study goes in the direction to abandoning the
academic, often self-referential, metanarratives of scientific discourse and to adopt a more
humble approach to consumer behavior (Rémy, 2007).
Concretely our methodological approach has consisted in employing phenomenological
interviews in the context of participant observation. This approach allows grasping
narratives as they are produced by consumers in their natural context (Lincoln and Guba,
1985) instead of imposing a theoretical conceptual model to the reality of consumption.
Hermeneutic approach has been used to interpret consumers’ narratives (Thompson, 1997).
Hermeneutics has allowed decoding consumers’ motivations not as discovering an
objective truth but as interpreting a subjective lived experience.
A second methodological contribution of our study is directly linked to the emerged
results. The existential-phenomenological approach founds on the idea to grasp the
individuals’ “being in the world”. In other words, the existential-phenomenological
perspective is to consider the individuals as integrated in the environment they live and not
separate from it (Thompson et al., 1989). Our results have shown how the “being”
dimension is a key theme to understanding fanatic consumption. For this the
methodological choice has significantly contributed in finding out our results.
Finally this work contributes in diffusing the phenomenological methodology employed in
the CCT context, especially in Italy where this approach is particularly ignored.
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Discussion
8.4 Managerial implications
Even if fanaticism in consumption is an increasing phenomenon in current societies
(Rudin, 1969; Lewis, 1992; Benzecry, 2011; Cova et al., 2007) marketing strategies have
dedicated their attention more to the “soft” extents of this phenomenon – fans consumers
(Cova and Cova, 2002; Muñiz and O’Guinn, 2001; McAlexander and al., 2002). Short
attention has been paid to “hard” consumers first as individuals then as a group (Brown,
2007; Cova and Pace, 2006). However, few studies have pointed out how “hard”
consumers – in the context of collective consumption – influence the relation with the
brand of the whole community (Brown et al., 2003; Schouten and McAlexander, 1995). So
managers should pay more attention to these consumers – especially in the case of brands
generating communities and/or fandom phenomena. A marketing strategy which does not
make a precise difference between fans and fanatic consumers could risk implementing
strategies inciting conflicts among consumers and – in the worst case – jeopardizing the
brand itself. Generally, fanatic consumers claim for themselves a recognized social status
related to the brand - according to their hierarchical position, their competence, their
experience and so forth (Muñiz and O’Guinn, 2001; Schouten and McAlexander 1995) - ,
and for this they mark the difference from other consumers. Thus, fanatics are a source of
conflict within the fandom. Furthermore, in some cases fanatics really have a recognized
status from the other consumers thanks to their experience (Celsi et al., 1993). So it would
be better for companies to deal with these consumers in order to implement marketing
strategies avoiding the rise of conflicts within the fandom.
Studies have highlighted how cultures developed around a brand are considered by
consumers as being sacred (Kozinets, 2001; Hirschman, 1988; Schouten and
McAlexander, 1995). In these studies the role played by marketing is seen as profanazing
the real and authentic nature of the brand (Kozinets, 2001). The commercial realm is thus
seen as opposed to the sacred realm of consumer consumption; it corrupts and profanizes it
(Kozinets, 2001; Schouten and McAlexander, 1995). Our research shows how the
companies’ action on their brands is not conflicting at all with fanatic consumers’ actions
with the brand. On the contrary, they follow the new offerings proposed on the market.
420
Discussion
They actively participate in discussing, promoting and consuming them, integrating them
as well in their lived experience. Thus, for fanatic consumers marketing activities – with
brands, products and services – are a support to the sacralization processes enacted to
involve both their objects and their identities. Fanatic consumers are sacred persons even if
they are not “celebrities”. They consume brands and products - as well as celebrities - to be
transcend their existential condition and be sacralized (Wohlfeil and Whelan 2012;
Thomson, 2006). Marketing activities should fit with fanatics’ vision of the world. These
consumers do not work against the company (Cova and White, 2010), they work for the
company as well as for themselves (Cova and Dalli, 2009; Cova et al., 2013; Sherry et al.,
2007; Zwick et al., 2008). Fanatics do not purchase products more and more, they have not
a customer-like relationship with the company. They consume the brand buying products
from the company as well as from other consumers. They sell them for money, they share
them and/or they give them for free (Belk, 2010; Giesler, 2006). They trade with them to
sustain their new purchases; they spend time and efforts on promoting them for passion.
They are both consumers and entrepreneurs with their own official company (Cova et al.,
2007). They do not perceive the brand as a battlefield with the company nor do they see in
marketing a profanizing entity for them (Kozinets, 2001; Schouten and McAlexander,
1995). They do not divide the world in market and no-market categories (Kozinets, 2002a).
Their cosmogony is founded on the three domains of sacred-pure, sacred-impure, and
profane. Here people, objects and other beings fill together these domains. Thus, fanatic
consumers do not have, they are (Shankar and Fitchett, 2002). They do not have Vespa,
Playmobil, Apple, Nirvana, Walt Disney products; they are (with) these brands. Fanatic
consumers share with brands their existential condition, they use brands to create their
existential cosmogony filling the sacred dimension and shifting between its modes (purity impurity, scapegoat or sanctified). The most exemplar case is provided by Olivier who
thanks to Playmobil achieves in leaving the role of scapegoat – caused by his sexuality –
and acquires the sanctification, a state of grace (Weber, 1922) once he has a media success
with his business idea Klikobil. People who insulted him during his childhood now call
him to ask for being forgiven for what they did in the past and to congratulate him for what
he does with his Playmobil. These insights represent interesting opportunities for marketers
as their brands (and their products) are used by fanatic consumers to experience sharing,
421
Discussion
caring as well as living social linking (Cova, 1997). Thus marketing strategy should focus
more on the sacred value of brands (Hirschman, 1990) as a value which promise a more
humanist – communal or not – way of living.
Consumption plays an important role in defining consumers’ identity (Belk 1988; Klein et
al., 1995). Individuals seek in consumption “sustainable and viable identities and lifemeanings that have a long-term presence” (Shankar and Fitchett, 2002, p. 513). However,
marketing activities and the logics of market often generate phenomena of resistance to
consumption (Cherrier, 2009a; Fischer, 2001; Holt, 2002; Kozinets and Handelman, 2004;
Thompson et al., 2006). In fact, current marketing strategies are more focused on a shortterm approach in a perspective of purchase and buying situation (Shankar and Fitchett,
2002). This increasing mismatch between the marketing foundation on “having” – with its
brands, products and services - and consumers’ need for “being” – with their identity – is a
significant insight for discussing marketing conceptual basis (Shankar and Fitchett, 2002).
As we have already discussed the organization of the world on the sacred realm sees
individuals and objects sharing a common belonging and a common origin. This idea fits
with the totemic organization of societies (Cova, 1997; Durkheim, 1912; Maffesoli, 1988).
Marketing research has already highlighted the role of brands in gathering people together
and supporting their social bonds (Cova and Cova, 2002). Studies on fanatic consumers
add to the social-linking role of brands – even cult brands (Belk and Tumbat, 2005;
Kozinets, 2001) – also their existential power as entities which contribute in creating the
world – cosmogony (Eliade, 1959) – as well as humans and other beings do. This suggests
that marketing should focus more on facilitating the “being-ness” dimension of consumers
together with their brands, rather than driving on teasing motivations and impulses to have
(Shankar and Fitchett, 2002).
Evidences of our research provide further insights in improving the “marketing of being”
idea (Shankar and Fitchett, 2002). Furthermore, this idea is consistent with recent
marketing approaches that – faced to the postmodern evolution of societies and consumers
- suggest a more supportive and a less dominant approach to marketing in order to respond
422
Discussion
to the increasing critical voices towards the market(ing) (Cova, 1997; Cova and Cova,
2002). The perspective adopted by these studies found on the interacting dialectic between
society and market “we are not sure that there is only one move: the invasion of the
societal sphere by the market sphere. There may well be a reverse move: the invasion of
the market sphere by the societal sphere” (Cova and Cova, 2002, p. 615). The increasing
interplay between social phenomena on the market sphere leads scholars to introduce a
new definition to better grasp this turning point: societing. “Societing is an approach which
is willing to establish mutually beneficial compromises between market and society rather
than an approach that targets the colonization of one by the other, or the enclavisation of
one versus the other” (Cova and Cova, 2002, p. 616). However, societing is essentially
founded on a collective (tribal) reflection on social phenomena. It ignores and misses the
individual dynamics enacted towards the market. Evidences on fanatic consumers allow
enriching the analysis even at an individual level extending the foundations for a
“societing” view of marketing.
Hence, crossing the idea of “marketing of being” (Shankar and Fitchett, 2002) with the
idea of “societing” (Cova and Cova, 2002) allows to reinforce these ideas one each other.
The social impact on the market as a reaction to marketing dominance gets along with the
need for being - rather than having - felt in current societies. Hence, this marketing
perspective founded on being could be an effective response to all those phenomena of
anticonsumption, no-logo or consumer troubles which are a risk for brand management
(Holt, 2002). A marketing approach focusing on being could help marketers in dealing
with these phenomena.
Moreover, this being approach join a recent and larger trend which recognizes consumer
welfare – a not only marketing benefits – as a central theme in marketing debate (Mick,
2006). In our research we have seen how consumers use brands to change their social
condition in order to reach a more viable, sustainable and satisfying self-identity (Williams
and Henderson, 2011). Thus marketing strategy should focus more on being dimension in
order to fit with consumers needs for well-being.
423
Discussion
All in all, fanatic consumers both as individuals and as groups embody brands in their life
as well as people, pets etc. in order to create and make sense of their world. Marketing
should provide resources and technologies to support and feed consumers’ need for
identity creation according to the principle that they are more oriented to “be” in the world
rather than to “have” more.
424
Discussion
Section 3. Limitations
Our research has several limitations that have to be acknowledged. First of all,
phenomenological – interpretive – research and its results have not the same level of
generalizability that a positivistic approach guarantees. Moreover, our respondents set is
particularly limited and it does not cover the whole set of fanatic consumptions that, on the
contrary a probability sampling does. The research of our respondents has been conducted
by a purposive and snowball technique. In other words, the range to find them was really
limited. Further, fanatic consumers are difficult to identify as they do not necessarily
belong or actively participate to communities which are normally easily traceable on and
off line.
A second limitation is linked to the definition we have proposed for fanatic consumers.
This definition is especially focused on the relationship between a consumer and a brand
but it leaves aside some fanatic consumers who do not fit with it, as for example in the case
of services or single products. Moreover, the selection has been exclusively focused on
consumers and short attention has been paid to brands. The only criteria followed for them
have been their variety both according to their nature – industrial vs. cultural – and
according to their category – motors, toys, music etc. The short attention paid to brands
and their role in driving fanaticism is a limit to the comprehension of this phenomenon.
Our informants’ selection has been lead to be especially focused on the identification of
“kind” consumers. In previous research on fanaticism, scholars have identified fanatics as
violent and dysfunctional individuals. Our research, at the aim to investigate the
phenomenon under a different light, has consciously avoided these consumers to mostly
target fanatics free from their common stereotype.
Finally, another limit has to be identified in the cultural context where our informants have
been traced. They belong to the French and Italian culture – except for Amy who is
American even if she lives in France since the ‘90s. Normally the word fanatic is charged
with a pejorative meaning in European as well as in American culture. However, some
425
Discussion
differences exist as for example in Italian culture where the word is commonly used in the
jargon rather than in France where it sounds more like an offense. Even of the word fanatic
has been accurately avoided in our data collection, some informants have been identified
thanks to their significant others. So the social representation of the fanatic has been a real
important factor in the selection of our interviewees. Thus, social and cultural differences
may have played a role in biasing our sampling definition.
426
Discussion
Section 4. Further research
To deepen our knowledge on the ways consumers develop a relationship with brands
ascribing in them their personal meanings and experiences is an important aim for
marketing and brand management. Fanatic consumers represent an extreme case of strong
brand relationship. In our research we have first explored this consumption phenomenon
by employing the most appropriate method to reveal its phenomenology. However, it is a
first step that paves the way to a several future studies.
First of all, a first direction could be to enlarge the number of cases to investigate
especially considering a larger variety of fanatic experiences and phenomena. This variety
could concern the types of objects involved in consumer fanaticism - not only brands but
also specific products and/or services. Then, a larger variety should concern the cultural
context in order to assess more consumers and experiences of fanatic consumption. This is
true both at a macro-level – i.e.: national cultures – and at a micro-level – i.e.: specific
subcultures.
Further, our observation of fanatic consumers has been limited to the offline context.
Recent research has hugely proved the interest of the online context as a field in which
consumers behave as it is an extension of the offline or developing specific consumption
activities as it is a context per se (Kozinets, 2002b). Including significantly the online field
could be a further means to extend our perspective on the extents of the phenomenon of
fanatic consumption.
A second direction of research could be a deeper analysis of identity implications produced
by fanatic consumption. In particular, research could focus on social conditions as class,
gender and ethnicity (Kates, 2002; Levy, 1999; Mehta and Belk, 1991) and the way they
influence and shape fanatics’ identity.
A third direction of research should focus more on the role played by brands in enacting
and shaping fanatic consumption. Brands are powerful icons that work symbolically
427
Discussion
feeding social culture (Holt, 2004). Brands are deeply rooted in national culture and
ideology and they significantly contribute in organizing collective identities (Holt, 2006).
Thus, brands are active partners socially recognized as expressing a set of specific cultural
myths (Holt, 2004). Exploring the role of iconic brands could extend our comprehension of
fanaticism in consumption as well as enrich our understanding of cultural branding.
Furthermore, recent studies have highlighted how sacredness plays a role in creating iconic
brands (Rinallo et al., 2012). As we have seen in our study, sacredness is an important
factor in describing and understanding fanatic consumption. Hence, a fourth direction for
future research could be the investigation of the sacred dimension of fanaticism and its
relation with phenomena of religiosity in consumption (Belk and Tumbat, 2005; Muñiz
and Schau, 2005).
Indeed, further studies could explore the emotional relationship between fanatic consumers
and their brands (Cova and Cova, 2002; Fournier, 1998). In our research we pointed out
how consumers build a strong and last-long relationship with their brands. However
studies on emotional branding show how these strategies can be counterproductive for
companies (Thompson et al., 2006), especially in the postmodern context of anticonsumption and anti-branding movements (Holt, 2002; Kozinets and Handelman, 2004).
In these sense, studies on the emotional linkage with the brands could provide insightful
findings.
All in all, fanatic consumption as it is an extreme form of brand relationship and
consumption allows to improve our knowledge on a social phenomenon which more and
more increasing in our societies – as a consequence of the loss of traditional institutions
(Bauman, 2000) - and that is at the same time a threat and an opportunity for marketing
and branding strategies.
428
Conclusion
Conclusion
In this research we have dealt with consumer fanatics and fanatic consumption. The study
of this phenomenon is relatively unheard of in academic research. Despite the great interest
in the phenomena of fandom – and fans consumers - that caught the attention of academic
studies over the last fifteen years, there are few contributions that have dealt with fanatics.
For this reason, the study undertaken was aimed to explore the fanatic consumption
questioning about what are the meanings that this consumption holds for fanatic
consumers. In other words, how the fanatic consumption makes sense for fanatic
consumers. Our research fills the CCT field of study. In CCT research, consumers are
thought of as identity seekers and makers. In the case of fanatic consumers, the meanings
that they ascribe to their consumption interplay with the construction of their identity. For
this, the second question of our research aimed to understand how such meaning produced by consumers with their consumption of specific brands - contribute in defining
fanatic consumers’ identity.
The first step was to explore the phenomenon of fanaticism in its various manifestations historical, political, social, psychological and cultural. This broad spectrum analysis
allowed building a rich theoretical background providing the conceptual tools to deal with,
analyze, interpret and understand fanaticism from a general point of view.
Then we focused on fanaticism in consumption phenomena. Here we have shown that the
existing research already made the distinctions between fan consumers and fanatic
consumers. In addition, we explained how the consumer research has devoted great
attention to fans nevertheless neglecting the study of fanatics and their consumption
behavior.
Based on the previous literature, we then proposed a definition of fanatic consumer to
enable us to be able to identify fanatic consumer and distinguish them from other similar
429
Conclusion
kinds of consumers – i.e.: fans. The proposition of a definition is already in our research a
first significant difference with previous contributions, which do not offer any conceptual
effective element to be able to identify and analyze the fanatic as such.
The fieldwork was conducted following an ethnographic logic, collecting various materials
and in particular the phenomenological interviews on which was subsequently made the
analysis and interpretation. Data collection was facilitated by the close relationship that has
been established with the five respondents selected.
The first main contribution of our research is to have helped to define the key meanings
that underlie the fanatic consumption. What has been shown is that fanatic consumers use
the brand to take on an existential path that leads them to change their life condition. The
brand takes on a salvific value that releases fanatic consumers from their state of
frustration and leads them to integrate into the world. This integration is done in an active
way – and not passive - because the relationship with the brand allows fanatic consumers
to be socially recognized for the contribution they can give to the world thanks to the
brand.
This first result allows reviewing the previous results on the fanatic consumption. In
opposition to previous research in which the fanatic is seen as negative, destructive and
dysfunctional, our research shows that fanaticism allows the fanatic consumer to construct
his life. So, the brand is seen as by fanatic consumers as a means by which to move
forward and improve their lives.
This process allows the individual to leave the state of frustration and change - improving
it - the world. The consumption of the brand is used as a medium that allows the fanatic to
transcend his existential condition and improve it. However, the process of transcendence
does not occur within the traditional categories of sacred and profane. Our research has
shown that the fanatic constantly lives and exists within the realm of the sacred. In fact,
fanaticus, derived from the Latin fanum, sacred place. Fanatic is one who lives in the
sacred sphere of existence.
430
Conclusion
Our research showed that fanatic consumers are driven by the constant effort to remain in
the sacred realm. To this end, they redefine the cosmogony - the world around them - by
changing the three dimensions of which it is composed: profane sacred-impure and sacredpure -. For fanatic consumers, the process of transcendence takes place within the sacred,
and specifically between its two modes: the impure and the pure. These two dimensions
are already known in the sociological and anthropological thinking. Both delimit the
perimeter of what is profane, both are far away and untouchable from the profane. The
sacred-impure is sacredness negative and harmful, to who is reserved the role of scapegoat.
The sacred-pure is sacredness positive and beneficial; it is socially recognized as
sanctified.
The fanatic consumer uses the brand to move from the state of impure to the state of pure.
The definition of the three terms: profane sacred-impure and sacred-pure allows
individuals to organize their world - the cosmogony - and give meaning to their existence.
Cosmos (from the Greek, order) is opposed to chaos (disorder). The definition of profane,
sacred-pure and sacred-impure is the main form of world order.
In this process of transcendence, and thus redefinition of cosmogony, fanatic consumers
mobilize people, objects and other beings. In fact to the realm of sacred belong people,
objects and other beings who share the same sacred nature. This organization of the world
marks a return to totemism in which the relations between human beings and nature,
human beings and object were defined by the mode of being rather than by possession.
In the cosmogony of the fanatic, people and objects share a common origin on the basis of
their common belonging to the realm of sacred. It is in this existential relationship that
founds the relationship between the fanatic consumer and the brand. Fanatic consumer
does not have the brand; instead he is (with) the brand. Thus the relationship with the
brand is based on the mode of being rather than on the mode having. The transcendence that is, the transition from the sacred-impure to the sacred-pure, from a scapegoat to a
sanctified - is a process of sacralization which concerns the consumer and his identity.
Fanatic consumer mobilizes objects of consumption (brand) to redefine the cosmogony he
431
Conclusion
belongs to - profane, sacred-impure, and sacred-pure - and also to redefine his identity. The
process of transcendence brings the fanatic consumer from being a social outsider to
become a person socially recognized, accepted and appreciated.
These results have several managerial implications. First, the distinction of fanatic
consumers from simple fans helps marketers to better target their marketing efforts. As
amply demonstrated by the previous literature, fanatics are often a source of conflict especially within the community - with other consumers. These conflicts are potentially
detrimental in the long term for the brand. Therefore distinguishing fanatics by fans and in general - by other consumers helps to implement marketing strategies able to avoid ex
ante these conflicts.
The sacred dimension has gradually assumed an increasing importance in our society. As
demonstrated by academic research, consumers sacralize the reality and consume the
sacred. Emphasize the sacred dimension in marketing communication represents a useful
starting point for marketing strategies. This implies that marketing efforts should focus
more on a perspective of being rather than emphasizing possession. Consumers are
struggling with growing phenomena of de-consumption, or refusal of the market, a
marketing strategy that aims to facilitate the consumer to be (with) the brand, rather than
invite him to its possession can be effective insights for marketing managers.
At the beginning of this work we have repeatedly emphasized that fanaticism is the
symptom of major changes in our societies. This was in the case of religious, political,
artistic fanaticism, etc. Fanaticism in consumption seems to emerge in correspondence
with the great changes taking place in our society: the critique to capitalism, the rejection
of the market and the commodification of reality, the refusal of the marketing, brands and
products as tools of dehumanization of social ties. The results of this research show that
fanatic consumers recover people and objects in order to redefine the world on the basis of
relationships of being rather than on possession.
432
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Web references
http://www.klikobil-shop.fr/
https://www.facebook.com/olivier.klikobil?fref=ts
http://vcdm.free.fr/
http://www.nirvanaitalia.it/forum/
https://www.facebook.com/kurt74?fref=ts
464
Annexes
465
Annex 1. Dominique
466
Annex 2. Olivier
467
Annex 3. Robert
468
Annex 4. Amy
469
Annex 5. Raffaele
470