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JOURNAL
AMERICAN
OPEN ACCESS
OF SOCIAL ISSUES AND HUMANITIES
A Comparative Analysis of the Political Structure of Ancient
Athens and Traditional Igbo Society
Ekeopara, Chike Augustine1 & Ogbonnaya, Lucky Uchenna M. A2
Department of Religious and Cultural Studies, Faculty of Arts, University of Calabar, Calabar –
Nigeria
[email protected]
1
2
Essien Ukpabio Presbyterian Theological College, Itu
Akwa Ibom State, Nigeria
Abstract
There is a strong belief that there exist a wide margin and disconnect in terms of political
ideology between Ancient Athens and Africa in the pristine times. The people of Ancient Greece
did not see themselves as having anything in common with the Africans. Comparisons then were
based on the civilized (Europe) and the uncivilized (Africa), or superior and inferior, polished
and unpolished; or enlightened and unenlightened in most aspects of life and living. The best and
everything good was identified with Europe (Ancient Athens) and everything bad for Africa.
However, a critical look at the socio-political life of Ancient Greece in the past and that of Igbo
(Nigeria-Africa) society of pristine times, show a remarkable similarity in terms of ideology.
There is a close resemblance in the socio-political ideology of ancient Athenian city states and
the traditional Igbo society of Nigeria in Africa. This paper therefore, examines these similarities
in the administrative or political structure of the two societies and also reveals the minor
differences that existed in these two societies. The paper shows that both societies have a lot to
learn from each another.
POLITICAL
STRUCTURE
OF
ANCIENT ATHENS
Athens is one of the cities in Ancient
Greece. "The territory of ancient Greece is
mountainous, and as a result, ancient Greece
consisted of many smaller regions each with
its own dialect, cultural peculiarities, and
identity"
(en.wikipedia.org/wiki_Greece).
Ancient Greece consists of cities that were
sovereign and independent states or
countries/nations. Each of these cities had
their own independent state and was
independent and sovereign without any
external control over their administrative
and political structure. The Athenian state
was a state that was communal. It was a
state that everyone participated in the
happenings within. No one was left out in
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any key event that took place within its
boundaries. It was a democratic state where
everyone had a say and contributed in no
small measure to the administration of its
government. It was a state where
All were equally entitled, as citizens, to
participate in the government of the day in
their various capacities. Government was the
business of everybody, not that of a few
citizens. There was no dichotomy between
private business or profession of a citizen
and his involvement in politics, no
dichotomy between private interest and that
of the government since he was part of it.
(Omoregbe, Socio-Political Philosophy:
Historical Study 2)
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By this, the citizens were not strictly
interested in their own private affairs more
than the way they were interested in the
affairs of the state. They took seriously the
affairs of the state.
Thus, there was a harmonious relationship
between the private and public life of each
citizen within the Athenian state. It is in this
light that George Sarbine and Thomas
Thorson quotes Pericles as saying that:
At Athens the citizen does not
neglect the state because he takes
care of his own household, and even
those of us who are engaged in
business have a very fair idea of
politics. We alone regard a man who
takes no interest in public affairs, not
as a harmless, but as a useless
character, and if few of us are
originators, we are all sound judges
of policy. (28)
This connotes that one was not useful to the
ancient Athenian state if he was not part of
the political affairs of the state. By
implication all well-meaning citizens were
part of the government of the day.
According to Omoregbe:
Athens was proud of its democracy
with emphasis on participation of all
citizens in government. In Athens the
state was seen as a community in
which all have a stake and
participate. Life in the state was
community life in which everyone
had a role to play. (Socio-political
Philosophy: Historical Study 1)
This points to the fact that, the citizens were
interested in the politics of their state
because they have a high level of political
awareness. It is based on this that democracy
thrived in Ancient Athenian city state.
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Athens is one of the first known
democracies. Other Greek cities set
up democracies, and even though
most follow an Athenian model, non
was as powerful, stable, or as welldocumented as that of Athens. It
remains a unique and intriguing
experiment in direct democracy, a
political system in which the people
do not elect representatives to vote
on their behalf but vote on legislation
and executive bills in their own right.
Participants were constituted with no
reference to economic class and they
participated on a large scale. The
public opinion of the vote was
numerically influenced by political
satire performed by the comic poets
at the theatres, (en.wikipedia.org
/../Athenian_democracy)
In summary, "democracy, as we all know
began with ancient Greeks. The Greek city
states were the first states in the West to
practice democracy" (Omoregbe, SocioPolitical Philosophy: A Systematic Study, 230).
It is germane to state here that the rationale
behind the great thrive of democracy in
ancient Athenian state is not only because of
the great political awareness among the
citizens but also because of the equality of
all the citizens within the state. Omoregbe
captures this thus:
No matter how rich or how poor a
citizen was he was expected to be
part of the government of the day by
virtue of being a citizen. Politics or
government was the common
platform for all, the common ground
where all citizens rich and poor meet and discussed matters of
common interest to all. (Socio-
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political Philosophy:
Study 2-3)
OF SOCIAL ISSUES AND HUMANITIES
Historical
No one was disregarded in their politics or
government. Politics was an open field for
all citizens. No one claimed superiority over
another; and none was inferior to another.
They were all equal and had equal
opportunities in the political arena as well as
in the running of the state.
The above political environment was
provided by the constitution. The
constitution gave all citizens equal
opportunities and rights to politics or
government. All of the citizens before the
constitution were equal. The life of all
members of the state was based on the
constitution. The constitution was not just a
legal document. It was more than that; it was
a code of conduct. It was a code that
determined the life-style of all within the
state. The constitution was supreme and
ordered the life of all the citizens. This is to
say that nobody is supreme or above the rule
of law or constitution, no matter his position
in the society. This is captured by Pericles as
quoted by Mark Cartwright thus:
Athen's constitution is called a
democracy because it respects not
only the interests of the minority but
of the whole people. When it is the
question of settling private disputes,
everyone is equal before the law;
when it is a question of putting one
person before another in position of
public responsibility, what counts is
not membership of a particular class,
but the actual ability which the man
possesses. (www. ancient, eu.
com/Greek_Government/)
That is to say that "the constitution is called
Democracy because power is in the hands of
the
whole
people"
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(hsc.csu.edu.au>HomeAncientHitory>Ancie
ntsocieties>Greece).
Another force that aided the flourishing of
democracy in ancient Athens was their
understanding that the art and skill of
government does not demand special
training. According to Pericles as quoted by
Sabine and Thorson:
We rely not upon management or
trickery, but upon our hearts and
hands. And in the matter of
education, whereas they (the
Spartans) from early youth are
always
undergoing
laborious
exercises which are to make them
brave, we live at ease, and yet are
equally ready to face the perils which
they face. (29).
Commenting on this remark of Pericles,
Sabine and Thorson asserts that they (the
Athenians) "assumed that severe training
and intense specialization were not required
in order to form an intelligent judgment of
political and social questions" (29). Hence,
political participation is through the average
man's natural political ability or capability.
In other words, one's political position is
based on his natural gifts and ability.
Democracy was the form of government that
flourished in the Athenian city state. This
could be probably due to the nature of the
community that made up the city-state. Each
of these communities in Ancient Greece was
relatively small. H. R. Mukhi buttresses this
point with the following words:
They believed that the area of a state
should be so limited as to be visible
practically from the roof of every
house. They also favoured the idea
of limited population. In fact,
according to them, an ideal city state
population should not exceed 5040
citizens and in that there should be
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no question of indirect election or
legislation but a direct approach to
every problem. (31)
The Athenian city state was fashioned after
this model that allows for democratic
governance that involves all of its citizens.
This could be based on the fact that they
strongly believed that only a city state could
deliver the goods to the masses because it
was only possible through political
organization in which the people could come
in direct contact with their rulers. The
people then will have direct approach and
say in every matter. They will themselves be
in a position to express their opinion and not
require representatives to talk and speak on
their behalf. (Mukhi 31)
The citizens were therefore the ones who
spoke for themselves. This is for their
common good and interest. This shows that
their personal or private interest were not
their primary focus but the social and
political development of the community.
They had no attraction for religion but unto
the
development
of
the
citizens'
personalities. It is with regard to this that
Mukhi notes that:
The Greek held state exclusively
responsible for promoting education
as well as political institutions.
Education
was
considered
responsible for making an ideal state.
Therefore, it was held directly
responsible for producing good
citizens. In other words, addition to it
being a moral and political
institution, state was also an
educational institution. Thus in
Greek City state there was a
complete state controlled system of
education. (32)
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Although in the Athenian state it is believed
that all are free to participate in active
politics, it is not all within the bounds of the
Athenian state. It was the business of all
citizens. Chester C. Maxey captures this
thus:
No slave, no freedman, no resident
alien and no Greek, unless he could
establish descent from Athenian
citizen, could take part in public
assemblies, cast a vote, hold an
office, appear in court of law, or
enjoy any privileges of membership
in the body of politic. It was closed
communion of which none could
partake who lacked the requisite
genealogical qualifications. (28-29)
The Athenian women and children were not
allowed to participate in the daily politics in
Athens at that time; politics was only for the
adult citizens. The "citizens were born with
Athenian parents and were the most
powerful group that could take part in the
government
of
the
polis"
(www.ancientgreece.eom/s/culture/). This is
to say that "political rights and privileges to
the fullest extent were accorded to free
citizens. This resulted in the form of
government known to the Greeks as
democracy, meaning rule by direct action of
the citizenry" (Maxey 28).
Apart from the general city council there
were also other minor councils or groups
that handled certain urgent issues on behalf
of the city-state. Issues discussed in the
assembly ranged from deciding magistracies
to organizing and maintaining food supplies
to debating military matters. There was in
Athens ... a smaller body, the probouleusis,
which decided or prioritized the topics when
discussed in the assembly. In addition in
times of crisis and war, this body could take
decisions without the assembly meeting.
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There was also a boute or council of 500
citizens chosen by lot and with a limited
term of office, which acted as a kind court...
In Athens, the Areopagus was a similar of
such council, where elders were members
for
life
(www.ancient.eu.com/Greek_Government/).
THE SOCIO-POLITICAL STRUCTURE
OF TRADITIONAL IGBO SOCIETY
Traditional Igbo society was divided into
smaller units. Each of these units existed as
independent sovereign units. This is to say
that they were self-governing or independent
communities that never depended on any
external community, personality or authority
for its administration or governance. These
communities governed and administered
themselves freely and independently without
any external interference. Victor C Uchendu
is of the view that "each village is
autonomous and 'sovereign' in most matters
affecting it" (39). Especially in issues like
governance and decision making that
concerned the community or village wellbeing, no external community or individual
is needed to give them a helping hand.
In the above setting leadership does not rest
on an individual or a few groups of
individuals. This implies that traditional
Igbo Society did not practice monarchy or
monarchian system of government. If we
take this as a fact, then we leave out some
traditional Igbo communities as not Igbos.
This is because there were some traditional
Igbo villages or communities that had
monarchs. They had a centralized system of
government
where
administration,
governance and power rests in the hands of
an individual - the Igwe, Eze or Obi. Chike
Ekeopara captures this thus: The institution
of the Eze or Obi was not generally
practiced in Igbo-land in pre-colonial times.
Only a few Igbo towns such as Onitsha,
Abo, Obosi, Nri, Oguta and Arochukwu had
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OF SOCIAL ISSUES AND HUMANITIES
the Eze or Obi traditional institution before
the advent of the European colonial masters
and missionaries. (Ethical Order 63)
It seems as if Ekeopara is echoeing the
opinion of Udobata Onunwa that "Onitsha,
Oguta, Abo, Nri and Arochukwu history of
kingship dates far into history long before
their contact with Europeans" (Studies in
Igbo 39). This monarchical system of
government that existed in some traditional
Igbo society before the advent of the
Europeans might have been due to external
influence, from neighbouring communities.
Uchendu is of the opinion that "some of
these, like the kingship institutions of
Onitsha, Nri, and Aguleri, are intrusive
traits" (39). By implication none of these
traditional Igbo communities were originally
monarchical. The monarchical system that
appeared in few of these communities was
as a result of their interaction with
neighbouring communities that were
originally
monarchical
in
their
administration. For instance, communities or
villages such as Abo, Onitsha and so on are
closer to the ancient Benin Empire, and
might have borrowed their monarchical
system of government from there. Another
instance is the monarchical system of
government that is found in the pre-colonial
Arochukwu. The Arochukwu are believed to
have had intimate interaction with Efiks,
who were inhabited by the Arochukwu
community for some time before they
migrated to their present site. The Efiks are
believed to be a people who have a long
history of well-developed and organized
monarchical system of government. It could
possibly be that this period of close
interaction between the Arochukwu people
and the Efiks might have led to the
Arochukwu adopting and incorporating the
Efiks monarchical system of government.
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The above arguments does not call for
worries since apart from these few Igbo
communities mentioned above the majority
of traditional Igbo communities were not
monarchical in their system of government.
They operated under a democratic or
egalitarian system of government. "They
operated a non-centralized democracy"
(Ekeopara, Ethical Order 63). The
traditional Igbo society, according to
Ekeopara, "was egalitarian based on village
lineage Umunna republic. Government was
based on the family, village, clan, and town
federations, in which all lineages had
representatives, in most cases, the oldest
man in the lineage" (63). A careful look at
this system shows that the umunna is what
make-up a political unity. On this, T.
Uzodinma Nwala avers that:
Many Igbo towns, villages, lineages,
etc, have the prefix 'Umu' (Children
of) followed by the name of the
founder. This is a thorough emphasis
on kinship and blood relationship as
the historical foundation of political
unity. The territory of the political
unit (whether it is a sub lineage, a
lineage, a village, village - group or
clan) is usually in terms of the
people who make it up. And the
people are, in turn, defined as people
belonging to one ancestor or father
(Umunna) or rather people belonging
to one blood. And it even includes
their daughters married into other
political units. However, the unifying
material base for this kinship tie is
the land which the primordial
community owns in common. (166167)
Hence, a common ancestry is the basis with
which community is known or its
membership is gathered from or traced to. In
other words those who are not of the same
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OF SOCIAL ISSUES AND HUMANITIES
ancestry are not regarded as members of a
particular community. They are rather
regarded as non-members of the community.
They have no political right or privilege in
the given community since they are not part
of that territory in which the community is
found.
There was no segregation or inequality of
any kind among the free born. Nwala"
quoting Adiele Afigbo says that:
All segments at the same level of the
social organism are considered equal
and equivalent irrespective of
territorial spread and population size.
Work and food have to be shared
equally amongst all participants and
each must take its share in order of
seniority. If all men are equal and all
segments equivalent and each must
have his fair share of work and
reward, then all must be allowed to
participate in the process of decision
making. (168)
The democratic system of government that
was found in traditional Igbo society is one
in which power belonged to all members of
the society. No one or group has monopoly
of power or authority. The people governed
themselves and no one had absolute powers.
The people decide how they were to be
governed as well as how the society was to
be administered. This does not throw away
hierarchy or stratification from the society.
Traditional Igbo society is a stratified
society. The society is divided into
subgroups. In this society we have the
council of elders, titled men, Age grades,
women organizations or groups (married
women and daughters of the land), and so
on. All these point to the fact that there is
hierarchy in traditional Igbo society. Nwala
notes that in Igbo society there is:
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a hierarchy of seniority and social
status. Seniority is a function of age
and birth while social status is
achieved within the open competitive
social system. Both of them modify
each other. They were the priests,
elders, diviners, medicine men and
the Okpara's (first born sons), titled
men, members of secret societies and
age-grades; all have recognized roles
within the political framework. (167168).
This situation does not give room to rivalry
and strife. It rather leads to healthy
competition and industrious life in the
traditional Igbo society. It is this set up that
made the traditional Igbo society to grow,
develop and advance rapidly. This is simply
because every individual strived to bring out
his or her best for the good of the entire
community. With this, it could be said that
in traditional Igbo society, the community
comes first in the minds of individuals and
not the interest of the individuals. This is
what was reflected in the system of
government as at that time. This system of
government was predominantly democratic
or egalitarian. This system takes its root
from the principle of equality and fairness.
Nwala further asserts that:
Power and authority belongs to all,
but by virtue of their seniority and
ontological status, knowledge, moral,
spiritual, intellectual qualities and
economic status, some individuals
are known to exercise greater power
and influence than others. This was
thought necessary in order to ensure
an effective political system. The
differences in individual input into
the social and political process were
based on contingent facts, but there
was a tendency to institutionalize
them by giving them ontological and
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OF SOCIAL ISSUES AND HUMANITIES
mythical justification. Obviously
there was this tension between an
essentially democratic based social
order and emerging forms of
stratification. (168-169)
The assertion above connotes that although
the people governed themselves, they
governed themselves through some persons
who were their representatives. These
persons are the product of stratification of
the society. There are the opara (first male
borns), the Ogaranya elements or the rich
and titled-men, the chiefs and their councils
depending on the society. This is to say that
the traditional Igbo society moved gradually
from an open democracy to a representative
democracy.
In the open democracy, every free born of
the community participated in the
governance and decision making of the
society. In this case, every free born or
'amala' comes to the village square and takes
active part in the deliberations or discussion
that concerns the community, its well being
and problems. In this traditional society,
"legislative activities are performed by all
adult males meeting in ad-hoc general
assembly called Amala or Oha" (Uchendu
41). This does not imply that there was no
council of elders, where important decisions
are taken. Of this Ekeopara writes:
We have already identified the
council of elders oha or Amala as the
heartbeat of traditional political
authority in Owerri (Igbo). The
village or town assembly or council
Oha-obodo was made up of the
oparas of the different lineages in the
community, who represented their
kinsmen and women in all matters
affecting the community. The elders
were in most cases the oldest living
male members of their various
lineages. They were holders of their
lineage Ofo the sacred symbol of
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authority,
truth,
and
justice.
Leadership and guidance was
provided by the council of elders the
Oha or Amala (Ethical Order and
Stability 68)
This council of elders was well respected.
This is probably because they had clearer
vision of what lies ahead or what the future
holds, they were "the custodians of customs
or moral principles of the society, Omenala
or possessed wisdom and knowledge ako na
uche" (Ethical Order and Stability 69).
Ekeopara goes on to posit that the elders
were strategic thinkers, bundles of superior
brains, and philosophers (Ethical Order and
Stability 69). It is this amamihe or wisdom
of the elders that was acquired through
experience and crisis of the community that
guides their discussions and deliberations as
well as decisions reached. Ekeopara also
argues that the decisions of the councils of
elders are very highly respected and
becomes Omenala or Omenani (tradition,
laws, custom or culture). These decisions
hold sway on the entire members of the
society regardless of social status. The
strength of this Omenala (Omenani) is due
to the fact that they are the product of the
councils of elders or Omenala chiefs, who
are regarded to be the link between the
people and their ancestors and divinities. In
the words of Ekeopara,
The elders and their ability to run the
affairs of the community were
respected also because they were
seen as the eyes of the ancestors and
the divinities. Their link with the
spiritual world more than anything
else undergirded the authority and
power with which they adjudicated
cases in the traditional society. As
the eyes of the gods and ancestors,
the council of elders had the
undisputed
responsibility
of
enforcing the customs or Omenala
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and laws of the community iwu
obodo. (Ethical Order and Stability
69)
In most cases the council of elders or chiefs
is made up of the family heads or Okparas
and in some cases the lineage heads
depending on the structure or size of the
community. In situations where the
community is so small, it is the Okparas of
each family that are members of the council
of elders. While in communities that are
large, it is the Okparas of the lineage that are
the representatives at the council of elders.
In this case the Okparas of each family
meets at the lineage level and deliberate on
the burning issues of the communities and
the one that holds the ofo of the lineage
takes their resolutions to the council of
elders since he is a member of the council
and a representative of his lineage in the
council. This person automatically is the
head of the lineage and presides over all the
meetings of the lineage. Uchendu notes that:
At a higher level than the compound
units we have the lineage, whose
important ritual figure is the Okpara.
He holds the lineage Ofo, which is
very important in Igbo political
processes. Though a compound head
in his right, his role as the lineage
head is a unique one. He may be the
oldest member of the lineage or the
oldest member of the senior segment.
Though every male head of each
sublineage is termed Okpara, the
most important person in this context
is the lineage head. He derives his
authority from the fact that he is
regarded as the intermediary between
his lineage and the ancestors. (40)
He further notes that:
Succession to the office of Okpara
follows the adelphic principle,
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passing from the incumbent to his
next brother in line rather than from
father to son. Even in this case it is
not an automatic succession.
Character is the overriding factor,
and a candidate qualified by the ageorder principle may be turned down
because he is considered to have a
questionable character. Although
character is important for election or
selection for office, the personality
of the office holder determines how
effective the office will be. (41)
In a nutshell, age and character (or
personality) underscores the election into
any political office in the traditional Igbo
society. This simple justice and fairness can
only be obtained in a society where
members of the decision making body or
judges are men of good character (eziomume) and wisdom (amamihe). Hence,
members of the council of chiefs or elders
were not only political figures but
legislatures, executives, and members of the
judiciary. They make laws, interpret laws
and execute laws.
As stated earlier, there was a move from
leadership by the council of elders to
leadership by titled-men. In some
communities the titled men were
incorporated into the councils of chiefs or
elders. These titled-men enjoy the privileges
of the council of elders. It is of these people
that Ekeopara posits that:
The titled men enjoy many privileges
socially and politically in the
community. In their individual
capacities they can hear and settle
disputes in their families or villages.
They are called upon to preside in
lineage or village councils and are
accorded special status at public
gatherings or ceremonies. (Ethical
Order and Stability 72)
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They were involved strongly in the
administration and governance of the
society. They were also involved in making
laws and administering justice in the
traditional Igbo society. Their lives are a
reflection of the Omenala (Omenani) of their
people which they seek to preserve and
transmit to the next generation.
Not minding whether the traditional Igbo
society was governed or administered by the
council of elders or titled-men or the
combination of both, their authority were
given legitimacy through sacralization of the
office. It is with this that they are given the
Ofo as a symbol of authority. This is
accompanied with rituals and religious
ceremonies. "Ofo is usually the legal seal
and symbol of authority. It must be present
during the deliberations of the Amala
Assembly and it must be used to give
approval and sanction to the rules, decisions
and laws" (Nwala 169). The Ofo therefore
gives authority to any law or sanction
reached after a deliberation of the council of
elders or titled men. In line with this
position Uchendu writes that:
Once a decision has been thus
acclaimed into law, it is given a
"ritual binder" by the Ofo holders,
who invoke this formula: "This iwu
(law) is in accordance with our
custom and must be obeyed and
respected. Those who refuse to obey
the law, may Ofo kill them". Each
time the Ofo is struck on the ground
(usually four times), the assembly
assents with "iha" (let it be so). This
done, it becomes the duty of each
adult male and householder to
explain the legislation to his
household group and to see to it that
the members respect the law. (42)
It is germane to note that in many cases the
okpara or family/lineage head acts as the
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traditional religious priest who offer
sacrifices to the Supreme Being, divinities,
ancestors and other spiritual forces. This is
firmly established by the fact that they are
regarded as the link between the spiritual
forces and humans. This shows that the
democracy of traditional Igbo society has
religious dimension to it. Traditional
religion in a nutshell gives leadership its
validity and strength in traditional Igbo
society.
A COMPARISON OF THE POLITICAL
STRUCTURE OF ANCIENT ATHENS
AND TRADITIONAL IGBO SOCIETY
A reflection on our discussions above shows
that there exists a relationship between the
ancient Athenian state and traditional Igbo
society. This section therefore discusses this
relationship. The ancient Athenian state and
the traditional Igbo society have a lot in
common in their administrative structures.
For instance both societies operated a
democratic system of governance. They
were deeply rooted and vested on
government of the people, by the people and
for the people. This is apparent in the fact
that these societies made provision for all
the citizens to participate in the
administrative affairs of the society. This
can be seen in the remark of Felix Uche
Onwukike on the ancient Athenian state
which reads thus:
The Athenian democracy favours the
many instead of the few-that is,
"majority rule". The citizens are
expected to participate directly in the
day to day affairs of the state- that is,
"direct participation". Anyone who
does not take part in public duties is
regarded in the words of Pericles
"not as unambitious but as useless"because failing to consistently
participate in public life is analogous
to selling oneself into slavery since it
is to leave one subject to the will of
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OF SOCIAL ISSUES AND HUMANITIES
another. There is a general
commitment to the principle of civic
virtue that there is hardly any
distinction between "private life" and
"public life"- the two are very much
intertwined. Most often the private
life is subordinated to public affairs
and the common good. (17)
This is also the situation in traditional Igbo
society. In Igbo society just as in the ancient
Athenian state, the people participated in the
government of their society. They were
directly involved in the daily political affairs
of their people. But the difference that exists
between them is that in ancient Athenian
state all the citizens were directly involved
in the politics of their society whereas, in
traditional Igbo society, the people were
represented in the politics by their family
heads and in larger communities by their
lineage heads. The people contributed their
quota on burning issues of the society
through their family heads or their lineage
heads. This is so because the family or
lineage head always calls for meeting of the
family or lineage where the socio-political
affairs of the community is communicated to
them after which they deliberate on it as a
family and take a decision or resolution. It is
this resolution that the family or lineage
head takes to the council of elders meeting.
This does not cancel out the community or
village meeting, which takes place in the
village square where all the citizens gather
to deliberate on the issues affecting them. It
is this open council that is to a large extent
similar to the ancient Athenian city council.
From the above position it is apparent within
the traditional Igbo society that issues are
not just handled at the village council but
that it is also handled by the council of
elders who were held in high esteem.
It is also important to note that although the
city council was the highest governing body
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of the ancient Athenian state, in the
traditional Igbo society it is not the village
council but the community council of elders.
This is to say that while the city council of
ancient Athenian state was the main or
highest policy making body, in the
traditional Igbo society it is the council of
elders. Hence, while all the citizens were
part of the highest policy and decision
making body of the ancient Athenian citystate, in the traditional Igbo society, it is the
family or lineage heads or ogaranya
(wealthy men and titled -men) that were the
members of the highest policy or decision
making body This implies that there were
limitations on membership to the highest
policy and decision making body of
traditional Igbo society, while in ancient
Athenian state there was no restriction, for
all citizens were members of the city
council. This does not connote that the city
council of ancient Athenian state and the
village council or council of elders of
traditional Igbo society included all who live
within the geographical area. They only
included the free born of these communities.
This is to say that those who were not
members of these societies by birth had no
political privilege or right. The rationale
behind this is because they are non-members
of the society. Of the ancient Athenian state
Chester C. Maxey states that:
No slave, no freedman, no resident
alien and no Greek, unless he could
establish descent from Athenian
citizen, could take part in public
assemblies, cast a vote, hold an
office, appear in court of law, or
enjoy any privileges of membership
in the body politics. It was closed
communion of which none could
partake who lacked the requisite
genealogical qualifications. (28-29)
Likewise, in traditional Igbo society, the
slaves (ohu), outcast (osu) and strangers (ndi
obia) were not members or the village
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OF SOCIAL ISSUES AND HUMANITIES
council or the council of elders. It is
necessary to assert here that while it is held
in both societies that all citizens were
accepted as members of the councils, these
citizens do not include children and women.
These councils consist strictly of only adult
males of the community.
As stated earlier on, it is believed that all the
citizens were allowed to participate in the
issues of the state in both ancient Athenian
state and traditional Igbo society. This
depicts equality and fairness. In other words,
no one is considered to be superior or
inferior within the ancient Athenian state
and traditional Igbo society. All had equal
privileges and rights. No free born was
despised or denied his political opportunities
or franchise. Both societies ' emphasized
sound moral character as a basic
requirement for political participation. No
one with bad character was given
opportunity to get involved in any of these
councils of either ancient Athenian state or
traditional Igbo society. This principle of
equality and fairness does not imply that
there is no idea of class. In traditional Igbo
society, there is class structure. This is
exactly what Nwala had in mind when he
states that in Igbo traditional society, there
is:
a hierarchy of seniority and social
status. Seniority is a function of age
and birth while social status is
achieved within the open competitive
social system. Both of them modify
each other. They were the priests,
elders, diviners, medicine men and
the Okpara's (first born sons), titled
men, members of secret societies and
age-grades; all have recognized roles
within the political framework. (167168)
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This does not cancel out the principle of
equality and equity in the traditional Igbo
sociopolitical setting.
It is quite glaring that in traditional Igbo
society the right to a position in the council
of elders is not only strictly by moral
character or okparaship but also by age.
This is what Ekeopara means when he says
that:
The legislation of the council of
elders was highly respected because
most of its members were aged men,
those who were believed to be the
repository of knowledge and the
culture of the land. Old age was
respected
and
celebrated
in
traditional Igbo society. .. This was
so because the Igbo generally believe
that, what the elder sees sitting
down, the child cannot see it even
while standing up: ihe okenye du ala
hu, nwata guzoro eguzoro agaghi
ihu ya. This Igbo proverb
underscores the respect
and
importance attached to the council of
elders. (Traditional Authority, 42)
Even Cyril A. Onwumechili in Ekeopara, is
of this view as he notes that "in the age of
innocence the Igbo respected age and the
elders almost to the point of reverence" (42).
Those with this qualification are the family
and lineage heads who are the oldest in the
family or lineage line. These are the ones
who preside over the family or lineage
meetings and represent the family or lineage
in the council of elders. This is not the case
in ancient Athenian state. In ancient
Athenian state everyone is part of the city
council whether the oldest or youngest in the
family. This is what is implied in the writing
of Onwukike about ancient Athenian state
which says that:
Every citizen was eligible to vote
and to be voted for... all citizens
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OF SOCIAL ISSUES AND HUMANITIES
enjoyed equal right to hold office
and were capable of serving the polis
by holding office-without regard to
wealth, birth or even popularity or
eloquence... No one is rejected for
weakness or poverty or humble birth,
nor honoured for their opposites, as
in other cities. (19-20)
In addition to this, socio-political life in
ancient Athenian state has no religious
affiliation. That is to say that the citizens
who were all politicians do not have any
religious role to play. These political leaders
were not automatic religious leaders. Their
political life has nothing to do with religious
functions. These two spheres of life (politics
and religion) were considered in ancient
Athenian city-sate as separate parts of the
society. This is not the case in traditional
Igbo society). In Igbo society, politics and
religion go hand in hand. They are
inseparable and always are intertwined. In
most communities in traditional Igbo
society, political leaders were also
considered to be religious leaders. This is
the rationale of their holding the ofo of their
families, lineage and communities. This ofo
connects them to their ancestors, divinities,
and the Supreme Being. It is with the ofo
that they communicate with the spiritual
beings. They also called on them to sanction
their laws and decisions reached as well as
to bring to pass their pronouncement of
judgment on culprits. It is also with the ofo
that they invoked the blessings of the
spiritual beings on their people. This implies
that in traditional Igbo society, political
leaders were representatives of the Supreme
Being, divinities, the ancestors as well as the
human community.
Furthermore both the traditional Igbo
society and the ancient Athenian state ran a
kind of democracy which allows the citizens
not to think of themselves first but of the
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OF SOCIAL ISSUES AND HUMANITIES
society. These two societies had citizens
who were community-oriented rather than
self-oriented. The citizens were always
thinking about the community. This is seen
in the way they were involved in selfless
services for the good of their communities.
A good example is when a city council of
ancient Athens was to meet; every citizen
had to suspend their individual businesses in
order to be in attendance. This shows that
the affairs of the state count first for them
before their individual affairs. This was also
the case in traditional Igbo society. Then no
one stays off any community or village or
council of elders meeting for any reason,
unless ill-health. An instance in traditional
Igbo society is the case where community
works were attended by all; and on this day,
one will not tend to his business until the
business of the community is done. This
goes a long way to affirm that in ancient
Athenian state and traditional Igbo society
the community was more important than the
individual. This is simply because the wellbeing of the community was the well-being
of the individual.
system of government that is today widely
accepted as the best and is being practiced
by almost all the countries of the world had
been practiced in ancient Athenian state and
traditional Igbo society. This system of
government that they share in common is
but with minor differences which in actual
sense do not call for alarm. Their difference
is mainly due to geographical gap as well as
ideological considerations. In all, both
societies have what today's socio-political
society is in need of. Consequently, we
should learn from these socio-political past
of ancient Athens and traditional Igbo
society and incorporate the lessons
therefore, into contemporary political life,
with the view of having a better, peaceful
and more stable society.
1.
"Ancient
Greece-Culture
and
Society
in
the
Ancient
Greek
World".
www.ancientgreece.com/s/culture/.
Web. 20.02.2014.
CONCLUSION
It is indeed apparent that there is a
relationship between ancient Athenian state
and traditional Igbo society. These two
societies have a lot in common in their
administrative structures which were
democratic and involved everyone in the
society. Both practiced a kind of democracy
which involves equality and fairness among
the citizens, and the citizens were oriented
towards their societies. This does not imply
that these two societies only had some
similarities they also have some differences,
some of which has been outlined above.
This work is therefore of the opinion that
every community or society should be
respected and not looked down on, for they
are unique and have a lot to offer our present
day society. For instance, democracy-the
2.
"Ancient Greece".
Wikipedia:
The
Free Encyclopedia.
En.wikipedia.org/wiki/Ancient_Greece
. Web. 20.02.2014.
3.
"Athenian Democracy". Wikipedia:
The
Free
Encyclopedia
En.wikipedia.org/../Athenian_democra
cy. Web. 20.02.2014.
4.
"Athenian Society in the time of
Pericles: Social Structure and Political
Organization".
(hsc.csu.edu.au>HomeAncientHitory>
Ancientsocieties>Greece).
Web.
20.02.2014.
5.
Cartwright,
Government".
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