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JOURNAL AMERICAN OPEN ACCESS OF SOCIAL ISSUES AND HUMANITIES A Comparative Analysis of the Political Structure of Ancient Athens and Traditional Igbo Society Ekeopara, Chike Augustine1 & Ogbonnaya, Lucky Uchenna M. A2 Department of Religious and Cultural Studies, Faculty of Arts, University of Calabar, Calabar – Nigeria [email protected] 1 2 Essien Ukpabio Presbyterian Theological College, Itu Akwa Ibom State, Nigeria Abstract There is a strong belief that there exist a wide margin and disconnect in terms of political ideology between Ancient Athens and Africa in the pristine times. The people of Ancient Greece did not see themselves as having anything in common with the Africans. Comparisons then were based on the civilized (Europe) and the uncivilized (Africa), or superior and inferior, polished and unpolished; or enlightened and unenlightened in most aspects of life and living. The best and everything good was identified with Europe (Ancient Athens) and everything bad for Africa. However, a critical look at the socio-political life of Ancient Greece in the past and that of Igbo (Nigeria-Africa) society of pristine times, show a remarkable similarity in terms of ideology. There is a close resemblance in the socio-political ideology of ancient Athenian city states and the traditional Igbo society of Nigeria in Africa. This paper therefore, examines these similarities in the administrative or political structure of the two societies and also reveals the minor differences that existed in these two societies. The paper shows that both societies have a lot to learn from each another. POLITICAL STRUCTURE OF ANCIENT ATHENS Athens is one of the cities in Ancient Greece. "The territory of ancient Greece is mountainous, and as a result, ancient Greece consisted of many smaller regions each with its own dialect, cultural peculiarities, and identity" (en.wikipedia.org/wiki_Greece). Ancient Greece consists of cities that were sovereign and independent states or countries/nations. Each of these cities had their own independent state and was independent and sovereign without any external control over their administrative and political structure. The Athenian state was a state that was communal. It was a state that everyone participated in the happenings within. No one was left out in AJSIH | ISSN: 2276 – 6928 any key event that took place within its boundaries. It was a democratic state where everyone had a say and contributed in no small measure to the administration of its government. It was a state where All were equally entitled, as citizens, to participate in the government of the day in their various capacities. Government was the business of everybody, not that of a few citizens. There was no dichotomy between private business or profession of a citizen and his involvement in politics, no dichotomy between private interest and that of the government since he was part of it. (Omoregbe, Socio-Political Philosophy: Historical Study 2) Vol. 6 | Issue 2 | June 2016 | 692 JOURNAL AMERICAN OPEN ACCESS By this, the citizens were not strictly interested in their own private affairs more than the way they were interested in the affairs of the state. They took seriously the affairs of the state. Thus, there was a harmonious relationship between the private and public life of each citizen within the Athenian state. It is in this light that George Sarbine and Thomas Thorson quotes Pericles as saying that: At Athens the citizen does not neglect the state because he takes care of his own household, and even those of us who are engaged in business have a very fair idea of politics. We alone regard a man who takes no interest in public affairs, not as a harmless, but as a useless character, and if few of us are originators, we are all sound judges of policy. (28) This connotes that one was not useful to the ancient Athenian state if he was not part of the political affairs of the state. By implication all well-meaning citizens were part of the government of the day. According to Omoregbe: Athens was proud of its democracy with emphasis on participation of all citizens in government. In Athens the state was seen as a community in which all have a stake and participate. Life in the state was community life in which everyone had a role to play. (Socio-political Philosophy: Historical Study 1) This points to the fact that, the citizens were interested in the politics of their state because they have a high level of political awareness. It is based on this that democracy thrived in Ancient Athenian city state. AJSIH | ISSN: 2276 – 6928 OF SOCIAL ISSUES AND HUMANITIES Athens is one of the first known democracies. Other Greek cities set up democracies, and even though most follow an Athenian model, non was as powerful, stable, or as welldocumented as that of Athens. It remains a unique and intriguing experiment in direct democracy, a political system in which the people do not elect representatives to vote on their behalf but vote on legislation and executive bills in their own right. Participants were constituted with no reference to economic class and they participated on a large scale. The public opinion of the vote was numerically influenced by political satire performed by the comic poets at the theatres, (en.wikipedia.org /../Athenian_democracy) In summary, "democracy, as we all know began with ancient Greeks. The Greek city states were the first states in the West to practice democracy" (Omoregbe, SocioPolitical Philosophy: A Systematic Study, 230). It is germane to state here that the rationale behind the great thrive of democracy in ancient Athenian state is not only because of the great political awareness among the citizens but also because of the equality of all the citizens within the state. Omoregbe captures this thus: No matter how rich or how poor a citizen was he was expected to be part of the government of the day by virtue of being a citizen. Politics or government was the common platform for all, the common ground where all citizens rich and poor meet and discussed matters of common interest to all. (Socio- Vol. 6 | Issue 2 | June 2016 | 693 JOURNAL AMERICAN OPEN ACCESS political Philosophy: Study 2-3) OF SOCIAL ISSUES AND HUMANITIES Historical No one was disregarded in their politics or government. Politics was an open field for all citizens. No one claimed superiority over another; and none was inferior to another. They were all equal and had equal opportunities in the political arena as well as in the running of the state. The above political environment was provided by the constitution. The constitution gave all citizens equal opportunities and rights to politics or government. All of the citizens before the constitution were equal. The life of all members of the state was based on the constitution. The constitution was not just a legal document. It was more than that; it was a code of conduct. It was a code that determined the life-style of all within the state. The constitution was supreme and ordered the life of all the citizens. This is to say that nobody is supreme or above the rule of law or constitution, no matter his position in the society. This is captured by Pericles as quoted by Mark Cartwright thus: Athen's constitution is called a democracy because it respects not only the interests of the minority but of the whole people. When it is the question of settling private disputes, everyone is equal before the law; when it is a question of putting one person before another in position of public responsibility, what counts is not membership of a particular class, but the actual ability which the man possesses. (www. ancient, eu. com/Greek_Government/) That is to say that "the constitution is called Democracy because power is in the hands of the whole people" AJSIH | ISSN: 2276 – 6928 (hsc.csu.edu.au>HomeAncientHitory>Ancie ntsocieties>Greece). Another force that aided the flourishing of democracy in ancient Athens was their understanding that the art and skill of government does not demand special training. According to Pericles as quoted by Sabine and Thorson: We rely not upon management or trickery, but upon our hearts and hands. And in the matter of education, whereas they (the Spartans) from early youth are always undergoing laborious exercises which are to make them brave, we live at ease, and yet are equally ready to face the perils which they face. (29). Commenting on this remark of Pericles, Sabine and Thorson asserts that they (the Athenians) "assumed that severe training and intense specialization were not required in order to form an intelligent judgment of political and social questions" (29). Hence, political participation is through the average man's natural political ability or capability. In other words, one's political position is based on his natural gifts and ability. Democracy was the form of government that flourished in the Athenian city state. This could be probably due to the nature of the community that made up the city-state. Each of these communities in Ancient Greece was relatively small. H. R. Mukhi buttresses this point with the following words: They believed that the area of a state should be so limited as to be visible practically from the roof of every house. They also favoured the idea of limited population. In fact, according to them, an ideal city state population should not exceed 5040 citizens and in that there should be Vol. 6 | Issue 2 | June 2016 | 694 JOURNAL AMERICAN OPEN ACCESS no question of indirect election or legislation but a direct approach to every problem. (31) The Athenian city state was fashioned after this model that allows for democratic governance that involves all of its citizens. This could be based on the fact that they strongly believed that only a city state could deliver the goods to the masses because it was only possible through political organization in which the people could come in direct contact with their rulers. The people then will have direct approach and say in every matter. They will themselves be in a position to express their opinion and not require representatives to talk and speak on their behalf. (Mukhi 31) The citizens were therefore the ones who spoke for themselves. This is for their common good and interest. This shows that their personal or private interest were not their primary focus but the social and political development of the community. They had no attraction for religion but unto the development of the citizens' personalities. It is with regard to this that Mukhi notes that: The Greek held state exclusively responsible for promoting education as well as political institutions. Education was considered responsible for making an ideal state. Therefore, it was held directly responsible for producing good citizens. In other words, addition to it being a moral and political institution, state was also an educational institution. Thus in Greek City state there was a complete state controlled system of education. (32) AJSIH | ISSN: 2276 – 6928 OF SOCIAL ISSUES AND HUMANITIES Although in the Athenian state it is believed that all are free to participate in active politics, it is not all within the bounds of the Athenian state. It was the business of all citizens. Chester C. Maxey captures this thus: No slave, no freedman, no resident alien and no Greek, unless he could establish descent from Athenian citizen, could take part in public assemblies, cast a vote, hold an office, appear in court of law, or enjoy any privileges of membership in the body of politic. It was closed communion of which none could partake who lacked the requisite genealogical qualifications. (28-29) The Athenian women and children were not allowed to participate in the daily politics in Athens at that time; politics was only for the adult citizens. The "citizens were born with Athenian parents and were the most powerful group that could take part in the government of the polis" (www.ancientgreece.eom/s/culture/). This is to say that "political rights and privileges to the fullest extent were accorded to free citizens. This resulted in the form of government known to the Greeks as democracy, meaning rule by direct action of the citizenry" (Maxey 28). Apart from the general city council there were also other minor councils or groups that handled certain urgent issues on behalf of the city-state. Issues discussed in the assembly ranged from deciding magistracies to organizing and maintaining food supplies to debating military matters. There was in Athens ... a smaller body, the probouleusis, which decided or prioritized the topics when discussed in the assembly. In addition in times of crisis and war, this body could take decisions without the assembly meeting. Vol. 6 | Issue 2 | June 2016 | 695 JOURNAL AMERICAN OPEN ACCESS There was also a boute or council of 500 citizens chosen by lot and with a limited term of office, which acted as a kind court... In Athens, the Areopagus was a similar of such council, where elders were members for life (www.ancient.eu.com/Greek_Government/). THE SOCIO-POLITICAL STRUCTURE OF TRADITIONAL IGBO SOCIETY Traditional Igbo society was divided into smaller units. Each of these units existed as independent sovereign units. This is to say that they were self-governing or independent communities that never depended on any external community, personality or authority for its administration or governance. These communities governed and administered themselves freely and independently without any external interference. Victor C Uchendu is of the view that "each village is autonomous and 'sovereign' in most matters affecting it" (39). Especially in issues like governance and decision making that concerned the community or village wellbeing, no external community or individual is needed to give them a helping hand. In the above setting leadership does not rest on an individual or a few groups of individuals. This implies that traditional Igbo Society did not practice monarchy or monarchian system of government. If we take this as a fact, then we leave out some traditional Igbo communities as not Igbos. This is because there were some traditional Igbo villages or communities that had monarchs. They had a centralized system of government where administration, governance and power rests in the hands of an individual - the Igwe, Eze or Obi. Chike Ekeopara captures this thus: The institution of the Eze or Obi was not generally practiced in Igbo-land in pre-colonial times. Only a few Igbo towns such as Onitsha, Abo, Obosi, Nri, Oguta and Arochukwu had AJSIH | ISSN: 2276 – 6928 OF SOCIAL ISSUES AND HUMANITIES the Eze or Obi traditional institution before the advent of the European colonial masters and missionaries. (Ethical Order 63) It seems as if Ekeopara is echoeing the opinion of Udobata Onunwa that "Onitsha, Oguta, Abo, Nri and Arochukwu history of kingship dates far into history long before their contact with Europeans" (Studies in Igbo 39). This monarchical system of government that existed in some traditional Igbo society before the advent of the Europeans might have been due to external influence, from neighbouring communities. Uchendu is of the opinion that "some of these, like the kingship institutions of Onitsha, Nri, and Aguleri, are intrusive traits" (39). By implication none of these traditional Igbo communities were originally monarchical. The monarchical system that appeared in few of these communities was as a result of their interaction with neighbouring communities that were originally monarchical in their administration. For instance, communities or villages such as Abo, Onitsha and so on are closer to the ancient Benin Empire, and might have borrowed their monarchical system of government from there. Another instance is the monarchical system of government that is found in the pre-colonial Arochukwu. The Arochukwu are believed to have had intimate interaction with Efiks, who were inhabited by the Arochukwu community for some time before they migrated to their present site. The Efiks are believed to be a people who have a long history of well-developed and organized monarchical system of government. It could possibly be that this period of close interaction between the Arochukwu people and the Efiks might have led to the Arochukwu adopting and incorporating the Efiks monarchical system of government. Vol. 6 | Issue 2 | June 2016 | 696 JOURNAL AMERICAN OPEN ACCESS The above arguments does not call for worries since apart from these few Igbo communities mentioned above the majority of traditional Igbo communities were not monarchical in their system of government. They operated under a democratic or egalitarian system of government. "They operated a non-centralized democracy" (Ekeopara, Ethical Order 63). The traditional Igbo society, according to Ekeopara, "was egalitarian based on village lineage Umunna republic. Government was based on the family, village, clan, and town federations, in which all lineages had representatives, in most cases, the oldest man in the lineage" (63). A careful look at this system shows that the umunna is what make-up a political unity. On this, T. Uzodinma Nwala avers that: Many Igbo towns, villages, lineages, etc, have the prefix 'Umu' (Children of) followed by the name of the founder. This is a thorough emphasis on kinship and blood relationship as the historical foundation of political unity. The territory of the political unit (whether it is a sub lineage, a lineage, a village, village - group or clan) is usually in terms of the people who make it up. And the people are, in turn, defined as people belonging to one ancestor or father (Umunna) or rather people belonging to one blood. And it even includes their daughters married into other political units. However, the unifying material base for this kinship tie is the land which the primordial community owns in common. (166167) Hence, a common ancestry is the basis with which community is known or its membership is gathered from or traced to. In other words those who are not of the same AJSIH | ISSN: 2276 – 6928 OF SOCIAL ISSUES AND HUMANITIES ancestry are not regarded as members of a particular community. They are rather regarded as non-members of the community. They have no political right or privilege in the given community since they are not part of that territory in which the community is found. There was no segregation or inequality of any kind among the free born. Nwala" quoting Adiele Afigbo says that: All segments at the same level of the social organism are considered equal and equivalent irrespective of territorial spread and population size. Work and food have to be shared equally amongst all participants and each must take its share in order of seniority. If all men are equal and all segments equivalent and each must have his fair share of work and reward, then all must be allowed to participate in the process of decision making. (168) The democratic system of government that was found in traditional Igbo society is one in which power belonged to all members of the society. No one or group has monopoly of power or authority. The people governed themselves and no one had absolute powers. The people decide how they were to be governed as well as how the society was to be administered. This does not throw away hierarchy or stratification from the society. Traditional Igbo society is a stratified society. The society is divided into subgroups. In this society we have the council of elders, titled men, Age grades, women organizations or groups (married women and daughters of the land), and so on. All these point to the fact that there is hierarchy in traditional Igbo society. Nwala notes that in Igbo society there is: Vol. 6 | Issue 2 | June 2016 | 697 JOURNAL AMERICAN OPEN ACCESS a hierarchy of seniority and social status. Seniority is a function of age and birth while social status is achieved within the open competitive social system. Both of them modify each other. They were the priests, elders, diviners, medicine men and the Okpara's (first born sons), titled men, members of secret societies and age-grades; all have recognized roles within the political framework. (167168). This situation does not give room to rivalry and strife. It rather leads to healthy competition and industrious life in the traditional Igbo society. It is this set up that made the traditional Igbo society to grow, develop and advance rapidly. This is simply because every individual strived to bring out his or her best for the good of the entire community. With this, it could be said that in traditional Igbo society, the community comes first in the minds of individuals and not the interest of the individuals. This is what was reflected in the system of government as at that time. This system of government was predominantly democratic or egalitarian. This system takes its root from the principle of equality and fairness. Nwala further asserts that: Power and authority belongs to all, but by virtue of their seniority and ontological status, knowledge, moral, spiritual, intellectual qualities and economic status, some individuals are known to exercise greater power and influence than others. This was thought necessary in order to ensure an effective political system. The differences in individual input into the social and political process were based on contingent facts, but there was a tendency to institutionalize them by giving them ontological and AJSIH | ISSN: 2276 – 6928 OF SOCIAL ISSUES AND HUMANITIES mythical justification. Obviously there was this tension between an essentially democratic based social order and emerging forms of stratification. (168-169) The assertion above connotes that although the people governed themselves, they governed themselves through some persons who were their representatives. These persons are the product of stratification of the society. There are the opara (first male borns), the Ogaranya elements or the rich and titled-men, the chiefs and their councils depending on the society. This is to say that the traditional Igbo society moved gradually from an open democracy to a representative democracy. In the open democracy, every free born of the community participated in the governance and decision making of the society. In this case, every free born or 'amala' comes to the village square and takes active part in the deliberations or discussion that concerns the community, its well being and problems. In this traditional society, "legislative activities are performed by all adult males meeting in ad-hoc general assembly called Amala or Oha" (Uchendu 41). This does not imply that there was no council of elders, where important decisions are taken. Of this Ekeopara writes: We have already identified the council of elders oha or Amala as the heartbeat of traditional political authority in Owerri (Igbo). The village or town assembly or council Oha-obodo was made up of the oparas of the different lineages in the community, who represented their kinsmen and women in all matters affecting the community. The elders were in most cases the oldest living male members of their various lineages. They were holders of their lineage Ofo the sacred symbol of Vol. 6 | Issue 2 | June 2016 | 698 JOURNAL AMERICAN OPEN ACCESS authority, truth, and justice. Leadership and guidance was provided by the council of elders the Oha or Amala (Ethical Order and Stability 68) This council of elders was well respected. This is probably because they had clearer vision of what lies ahead or what the future holds, they were "the custodians of customs or moral principles of the society, Omenala or possessed wisdom and knowledge ako na uche" (Ethical Order and Stability 69). Ekeopara goes on to posit that the elders were strategic thinkers, bundles of superior brains, and philosophers (Ethical Order and Stability 69). It is this amamihe or wisdom of the elders that was acquired through experience and crisis of the community that guides their discussions and deliberations as well as decisions reached. Ekeopara also argues that the decisions of the councils of elders are very highly respected and becomes Omenala or Omenani (tradition, laws, custom or culture). These decisions hold sway on the entire members of the society regardless of social status. The strength of this Omenala (Omenani) is due to the fact that they are the product of the councils of elders or Omenala chiefs, who are regarded to be the link between the people and their ancestors and divinities. In the words of Ekeopara, The elders and their ability to run the affairs of the community were respected also because they were seen as the eyes of the ancestors and the divinities. Their link with the spiritual world more than anything else undergirded the authority and power with which they adjudicated cases in the traditional society. As the eyes of the gods and ancestors, the council of elders had the undisputed responsibility of enforcing the customs or Omenala AJSIH | ISSN: 2276 – 6928 OF SOCIAL ISSUES AND HUMANITIES and laws of the community iwu obodo. (Ethical Order and Stability 69) In most cases the council of elders or chiefs is made up of the family heads or Okparas and in some cases the lineage heads depending on the structure or size of the community. In situations where the community is so small, it is the Okparas of each family that are members of the council of elders. While in communities that are large, it is the Okparas of the lineage that are the representatives at the council of elders. In this case the Okparas of each family meets at the lineage level and deliberate on the burning issues of the communities and the one that holds the ofo of the lineage takes their resolutions to the council of elders since he is a member of the council and a representative of his lineage in the council. This person automatically is the head of the lineage and presides over all the meetings of the lineage. Uchendu notes that: At a higher level than the compound units we have the lineage, whose important ritual figure is the Okpara. He holds the lineage Ofo, which is very important in Igbo political processes. Though a compound head in his right, his role as the lineage head is a unique one. He may be the oldest member of the lineage or the oldest member of the senior segment. Though every male head of each sublineage is termed Okpara, the most important person in this context is the lineage head. He derives his authority from the fact that he is regarded as the intermediary between his lineage and the ancestors. (40) He further notes that: Succession to the office of Okpara follows the adelphic principle, Vol. 6 | Issue 2 | June 2016 | 699 JOURNAL AMERICAN OPEN ACCESS passing from the incumbent to his next brother in line rather than from father to son. Even in this case it is not an automatic succession. Character is the overriding factor, and a candidate qualified by the ageorder principle may be turned down because he is considered to have a questionable character. Although character is important for election or selection for office, the personality of the office holder determines how effective the office will be. (41) In a nutshell, age and character (or personality) underscores the election into any political office in the traditional Igbo society. This simple justice and fairness can only be obtained in a society where members of the decision making body or judges are men of good character (eziomume) and wisdom (amamihe). Hence, members of the council of chiefs or elders were not only political figures but legislatures, executives, and members of the judiciary. They make laws, interpret laws and execute laws. As stated earlier, there was a move from leadership by the council of elders to leadership by titled-men. In some communities the titled men were incorporated into the councils of chiefs or elders. These titled-men enjoy the privileges of the council of elders. It is of these people that Ekeopara posits that: The titled men enjoy many privileges socially and politically in the community. In their individual capacities they can hear and settle disputes in their families or villages. They are called upon to preside in lineage or village councils and are accorded special status at public gatherings or ceremonies. (Ethical Order and Stability 72) AJSIH | ISSN: 2276 – 6928 OF SOCIAL ISSUES AND HUMANITIES They were involved strongly in the administration and governance of the society. They were also involved in making laws and administering justice in the traditional Igbo society. Their lives are a reflection of the Omenala (Omenani) of their people which they seek to preserve and transmit to the next generation. Not minding whether the traditional Igbo society was governed or administered by the council of elders or titled-men or the combination of both, their authority were given legitimacy through sacralization of the office. It is with this that they are given the Ofo as a symbol of authority. This is accompanied with rituals and religious ceremonies. "Ofo is usually the legal seal and symbol of authority. It must be present during the deliberations of the Amala Assembly and it must be used to give approval and sanction to the rules, decisions and laws" (Nwala 169). The Ofo therefore gives authority to any law or sanction reached after a deliberation of the council of elders or titled men. In line with this position Uchendu writes that: Once a decision has been thus acclaimed into law, it is given a "ritual binder" by the Ofo holders, who invoke this formula: "This iwu (law) is in accordance with our custom and must be obeyed and respected. Those who refuse to obey the law, may Ofo kill them". Each time the Ofo is struck on the ground (usually four times), the assembly assents with "iha" (let it be so). This done, it becomes the duty of each adult male and householder to explain the legislation to his household group and to see to it that the members respect the law. (42) It is germane to note that in many cases the okpara or family/lineage head acts as the Vol. 6 | Issue 2 | June 2016 | 700 JOURNAL AMERICAN OPEN ACCESS traditional religious priest who offer sacrifices to the Supreme Being, divinities, ancestors and other spiritual forces. This is firmly established by the fact that they are regarded as the link between the spiritual forces and humans. This shows that the democracy of traditional Igbo society has religious dimension to it. Traditional religion in a nutshell gives leadership its validity and strength in traditional Igbo society. A COMPARISON OF THE POLITICAL STRUCTURE OF ANCIENT ATHENS AND TRADITIONAL IGBO SOCIETY A reflection on our discussions above shows that there exists a relationship between the ancient Athenian state and traditional Igbo society. This section therefore discusses this relationship. The ancient Athenian state and the traditional Igbo society have a lot in common in their administrative structures. For instance both societies operated a democratic system of governance. They were deeply rooted and vested on government of the people, by the people and for the people. This is apparent in the fact that these societies made provision for all the citizens to participate in the administrative affairs of the society. This can be seen in the remark of Felix Uche Onwukike on the ancient Athenian state which reads thus: The Athenian democracy favours the many instead of the few-that is, "majority rule". The citizens are expected to participate directly in the day to day affairs of the state- that is, "direct participation". Anyone who does not take part in public duties is regarded in the words of Pericles "not as unambitious but as useless"because failing to consistently participate in public life is analogous to selling oneself into slavery since it is to leave one subject to the will of AJSIH | ISSN: 2276 – 6928 OF SOCIAL ISSUES AND HUMANITIES another. There is a general commitment to the principle of civic virtue that there is hardly any distinction between "private life" and "public life"- the two are very much intertwined. Most often the private life is subordinated to public affairs and the common good. (17) This is also the situation in traditional Igbo society. In Igbo society just as in the ancient Athenian state, the people participated in the government of their society. They were directly involved in the daily political affairs of their people. But the difference that exists between them is that in ancient Athenian state all the citizens were directly involved in the politics of their society whereas, in traditional Igbo society, the people were represented in the politics by their family heads and in larger communities by their lineage heads. The people contributed their quota on burning issues of the society through their family heads or their lineage heads. This is so because the family or lineage head always calls for meeting of the family or lineage where the socio-political affairs of the community is communicated to them after which they deliberate on it as a family and take a decision or resolution. It is this resolution that the family or lineage head takes to the council of elders meeting. This does not cancel out the community or village meeting, which takes place in the village square where all the citizens gather to deliberate on the issues affecting them. It is this open council that is to a large extent similar to the ancient Athenian city council. From the above position it is apparent within the traditional Igbo society that issues are not just handled at the village council but that it is also handled by the council of elders who were held in high esteem. It is also important to note that although the city council was the highest governing body Vol. 6 | Issue 2 | June 2016 | 701 JOURNAL AMERICAN OPEN ACCESS of the ancient Athenian state, in the traditional Igbo society it is not the village council but the community council of elders. This is to say that while the city council of ancient Athenian state was the main or highest policy making body, in the traditional Igbo society it is the council of elders. Hence, while all the citizens were part of the highest policy and decision making body of the ancient Athenian citystate, in the traditional Igbo society, it is the family or lineage heads or ogaranya (wealthy men and titled -men) that were the members of the highest policy or decision making body This implies that there were limitations on membership to the highest policy and decision making body of traditional Igbo society, while in ancient Athenian state there was no restriction, for all citizens were members of the city council. This does not connote that the city council of ancient Athenian state and the village council or council of elders of traditional Igbo society included all who live within the geographical area. They only included the free born of these communities. This is to say that those who were not members of these societies by birth had no political privilege or right. The rationale behind this is because they are non-members of the society. Of the ancient Athenian state Chester C. Maxey states that: No slave, no freedman, no resident alien and no Greek, unless he could establish descent from Athenian citizen, could take part in public assemblies, cast a vote, hold an office, appear in court of law, or enjoy any privileges of membership in the body politics. It was closed communion of which none could partake who lacked the requisite genealogical qualifications. (28-29) Likewise, in traditional Igbo society, the slaves (ohu), outcast (osu) and strangers (ndi obia) were not members or the village AJSIH | ISSN: 2276 – 6928 OF SOCIAL ISSUES AND HUMANITIES council or the council of elders. It is necessary to assert here that while it is held in both societies that all citizens were accepted as members of the councils, these citizens do not include children and women. These councils consist strictly of only adult males of the community. As stated earlier on, it is believed that all the citizens were allowed to participate in the issues of the state in both ancient Athenian state and traditional Igbo society. This depicts equality and fairness. In other words, no one is considered to be superior or inferior within the ancient Athenian state and traditional Igbo society. All had equal privileges and rights. No free born was despised or denied his political opportunities or franchise. Both societies ' emphasized sound moral character as a basic requirement for political participation. No one with bad character was given opportunity to get involved in any of these councils of either ancient Athenian state or traditional Igbo society. This principle of equality and fairness does not imply that there is no idea of class. In traditional Igbo society, there is class structure. This is exactly what Nwala had in mind when he states that in Igbo traditional society, there is: a hierarchy of seniority and social status. Seniority is a function of age and birth while social status is achieved within the open competitive social system. Both of them modify each other. They were the priests, elders, diviners, medicine men and the Okpara's (first born sons), titled men, members of secret societies and age-grades; all have recognized roles within the political framework. (167168) Vol. 6 | Issue 2 | June 2016 | 702 JOURNAL AMERICAN OPEN ACCESS This does not cancel out the principle of equality and equity in the traditional Igbo sociopolitical setting. It is quite glaring that in traditional Igbo society the right to a position in the council of elders is not only strictly by moral character or okparaship but also by age. This is what Ekeopara means when he says that: The legislation of the council of elders was highly respected because most of its members were aged men, those who were believed to be the repository of knowledge and the culture of the land. Old age was respected and celebrated in traditional Igbo society. .. This was so because the Igbo generally believe that, what the elder sees sitting down, the child cannot see it even while standing up: ihe okenye du ala hu, nwata guzoro eguzoro agaghi ihu ya. This Igbo proverb underscores the respect and importance attached to the council of elders. (Traditional Authority, 42) Even Cyril A. Onwumechili in Ekeopara, is of this view as he notes that "in the age of innocence the Igbo respected age and the elders almost to the point of reverence" (42). Those with this qualification are the family and lineage heads who are the oldest in the family or lineage line. These are the ones who preside over the family or lineage meetings and represent the family or lineage in the council of elders. This is not the case in ancient Athenian state. In ancient Athenian state everyone is part of the city council whether the oldest or youngest in the family. This is what is implied in the writing of Onwukike about ancient Athenian state which says that: Every citizen was eligible to vote and to be voted for... all citizens AJSIH | ISSN: 2276 – 6928 OF SOCIAL ISSUES AND HUMANITIES enjoyed equal right to hold office and were capable of serving the polis by holding office-without regard to wealth, birth or even popularity or eloquence... No one is rejected for weakness or poverty or humble birth, nor honoured for their opposites, as in other cities. (19-20) In addition to this, socio-political life in ancient Athenian state has no religious affiliation. That is to say that the citizens who were all politicians do not have any religious role to play. These political leaders were not automatic religious leaders. Their political life has nothing to do with religious functions. These two spheres of life (politics and religion) were considered in ancient Athenian city-sate as separate parts of the society. This is not the case in traditional Igbo society). In Igbo society, politics and religion go hand in hand. They are inseparable and always are intertwined. In most communities in traditional Igbo society, political leaders were also considered to be religious leaders. This is the rationale of their holding the ofo of their families, lineage and communities. This ofo connects them to their ancestors, divinities, and the Supreme Being. It is with the ofo that they communicate with the spiritual beings. They also called on them to sanction their laws and decisions reached as well as to bring to pass their pronouncement of judgment on culprits. It is also with the ofo that they invoked the blessings of the spiritual beings on their people. This implies that in traditional Igbo society, political leaders were representatives of the Supreme Being, divinities, the ancestors as well as the human community. Furthermore both the traditional Igbo society and the ancient Athenian state ran a kind of democracy which allows the citizens not to think of themselves first but of the Vol. 6 | Issue 2 | June 2016 | 703 JOURNAL AMERICAN OPEN ACCESS OF SOCIAL ISSUES AND HUMANITIES society. These two societies had citizens who were community-oriented rather than self-oriented. The citizens were always thinking about the community. This is seen in the way they were involved in selfless services for the good of their communities. A good example is when a city council of ancient Athens was to meet; every citizen had to suspend their individual businesses in order to be in attendance. This shows that the affairs of the state count first for them before their individual affairs. This was also the case in traditional Igbo society. Then no one stays off any community or village or council of elders meeting for any reason, unless ill-health. An instance in traditional Igbo society is the case where community works were attended by all; and on this day, one will not tend to his business until the business of the community is done. This goes a long way to affirm that in ancient Athenian state and traditional Igbo society the community was more important than the individual. This is simply because the wellbeing of the community was the well-being of the individual. system of government that is today widely accepted as the best and is being practiced by almost all the countries of the world had been practiced in ancient Athenian state and traditional Igbo society. This system of government that they share in common is but with minor differences which in actual sense do not call for alarm. Their difference is mainly due to geographical gap as well as ideological considerations. In all, both societies have what today's socio-political society is in need of. Consequently, we should learn from these socio-political past of ancient Athens and traditional Igbo society and incorporate the lessons therefore, into contemporary political life, with the view of having a better, peaceful and more stable society. 1. "Ancient Greece-Culture and Society in the Ancient Greek World". www.ancientgreece.com/s/culture/. Web. 20.02.2014. CONCLUSION It is indeed apparent that there is a relationship between ancient Athenian state and traditional Igbo society. These two societies have a lot in common in their administrative structures which were democratic and involved everyone in the society. Both practiced a kind of democracy which involves equality and fairness among the citizens, and the citizens were oriented towards their societies. This does not imply that these two societies only had some similarities they also have some differences, some of which has been outlined above. This work is therefore of the opinion that every community or society should be respected and not looked down on, for they are unique and have a lot to offer our present day society. For instance, democracy-the 2. "Ancient Greece". Wikipedia: The Free Encyclopedia. En.wikipedia.org/wiki/Ancient_Greece . Web. 20.02.2014. 3. "Athenian Democracy". Wikipedia: The Free Encyclopedia En.wikipedia.org/../Athenian_democra cy. Web. 20.02.2014. 4. "Athenian Society in the time of Pericles: Social Structure and Political Organization". (hsc.csu.edu.au>HomeAncientHitory> Ancientsocieties>Greece). Web. 20.02.2014. 5. Cartwright, Government". AJSIH | ISSN: 2276 – 6928 REFERENCES Mark. Ancient "Greek History Vol. 6 | Issue 2 | June 2016 | 704 JOURNAL AMERICAN OPEN ACCESS Encyclopedia. (www.ancient.eu.com/Greek Government/). 17 March, 2013. Web. 20.02.2014. 6. 7. OF SOCIAL ISSUES AND HUMANITIES 12. ----. Socio-political philosophy: A systematic and historical study (Vol. 2: Systematic study). 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