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African Journal of Social Sciences Volume 2 Number 4 (2012) 103-113 ISSN 2045-8452 (Print) ISSN 2045-8460 (Online) www.sachajournals.com POLITICAL COMMUNICATION AND GHANA’S DEMOCRATIC DEVELOPMENT MAHAMA, Patrick Yin University Of Professional Studies, Legon, Ghana ABSTRACT This article examines the role and dangers of political communication on Ghana’s democratic development. While it contends that communication effectively carried through and anchored on the images of candidates, parties and policies are necessary concomitants nts towards the enhancement of the country’s democracy, it acknowledges that political communication based on a stream of invective, tribal and ethnic incitement, as well as the use of vitriolic language, vendetta and vilifications of individuals in the political political discourse is inimical to the development of Ghana’s fledgling democracy. It examines these issues in the light of utterances by politicians and political activists and how these utterances influence the behaviour of their followers, and the role of the media in the political communication process both as transmitters and originators of political communication, and as senders or interpreters of political communication. It also discusses the main purpose of political communication, thus, to persuade the t audiences and how the recent stream of political communication actually affects the attitudes of these audiences. Keywords: Political Communication, Democracy, Development, Media, Ghana. 1. INTRODUCTION Communication between political leadership or institutions of government and the people is fundamental to the sustenance of any political system. Effective political communication centred on pedantic and factual discussions on the image or credibility of the policies, parties and political leadership are not only desirable for voting and election outcomes but also indispensable for Ghana’s democratic development. Political communication in Ghana is swamped by core players in the political sphere, media practitioners practitioners and other actors including individuals, thus, giving further expression to the constitutional provisions for freedom of speech ech and expression (Article 21 of the 1992 Constitution). However, the form and nature of political communication which is characterized by invective, indecent language, open insults, recrimination and abuse not only impacts negatively on the behaviour of audiences or recipients of this communication, but could also pose considerable danger to Ghana’s democratic development. 103 African Journal of Social Sciences, Volume 2 Number 4 (2012), pp. 103-113 1.1 DEFINITION AND CONTEXT Political communication is a term that has proved over the years to be notoriously difficult to define with any precision, the reason for which is not far-fetched. Both components of the phrase, thus, politics and communication, are in themselves open to a variety of definitions which are markedly broad. Denton and Wood, for example, provide one definition of political communication as “public discussion about the allocation of public resources (revenues), official authority (who is given the power to make legal, legislative and executive decisions), and official sanctions (what the state rewards or punishes)” (Denton R. and Woodward G, 1990.p.14) This definition emphasizes verbal and written political rhetoric, but not symbolic communication acts which are of growing significance for an understanding of the political process as a whole. Doris Graber(1981), a famous American writer advances a more comprehensive definition of what she terms “political language” suggesting that it comprises not only rhetoric but paralinguistic signs such as body language, and political acts such as boycotts and protests. Elsewhere in the work cited above, Denton and Woodward characterize political communication in terms of the intentions of its senders to influence the political environment. As they put it, “the crucial factor that makes communication ‘political’ is not the source of a message [or, we might add, referring back to their earlier emphasis on ‘public discussion’, its form], but its content and purpose (Ibid. p.11). Brian McNair (2001) agrees with Robert Denton and Garry Woodward by stressing the intentionality of political communication which he defines simply as “purposeful communication about politics”. This paper aligns with the definitions of Denton and Woodward as well as Brian McNair to emphasize the intentionality of political communication to influence the political environment with a limitation to only verbal and written aspects of political communication. All other aspects of political communication besides the verbal and written forms are beyond the scope to this discussion. The paper seeks therefore to discuss political communication in Ghana in three key areas and the possible effects of this communication on Ghana’s democratic development. The paper examines (1) verbal and written forms of communication undertaken by politicians and other political actors for the purpose of achieving specific objectives; (2) Political Communication addressed to these actors by non-politicians such as voters and the general public and (3) Political Communication about these actors and their activists, as contained in newspapers, editorials, and other forms of media discussion of politics. The tone of political communication in Ghana, which is sometimes full of hate and vitriol, refusing to see rationality in the policies and proposals of political opponents, merely sometimes for the sake of opposition, does not seem helpful for the country’s democratic development. 1.2 BACKGROUND Ghana’s democracy is markedly depicted in the areas of freedom of speech, media freedom and periodic elections. Article 21 of the 1992 constitution of Ghana guarantees freedom of speech and of the press and other media while Article 162 Provides for media freedom and independence but not without its accompanying provision on the limitations of those freedoms. Since 1992, Ghana has chosen its national political leaders through the ballot of the box and this makes campaigning for votes, marketing of candidates, parties and policies not only indispensable but also inescapable as Ghana hopes to continue on the path of democracy with dreams to build upon the gains so far made. Ghana, having gone through the ugly spectre of military rule in large part after independence, tumbled occasionally with constitutional rule until 1992 when the democratic experiment assumed a sustained dimension. So the military aura still lurched around the minds 104 African Journal of Social Sciences, Volume 2 Number 4 (2012), pp. 103-113 of the ordinary Ghanaian during the early period after the return to democracy and this could explain either the apathy in political involvement at that time or the relative sanctity of political communication during those early stages of the return to democracy. It is also generally axiomatic that the absence of media pluralism and media vibrancy on one hand, and the general reluctance on the part of the citizens on political issues, on the other, compared with what is the case in recent history of Ghana, account in part to the relative decency in political communication between 1992 and 2004. However, with the development of Ghana’s democracy, accompanied by media pluralism and vibrancy, and the growing political awareness and interest in national affairs by the Ghanaian citizenry, not to underestimate the growing complexity of the Ghanaian voter, the competitive nature of Ghanaian politics has certainly increased with its attendant difficulties in trying to win over others for political capital. The quest to persuade the general public and or to obstruct political opponents have resulted in the stream of invective, the use of intemperate, uncivil, and indecent language by both politicians, activists, and some media houses which is distasteful and averse to democratic development. According to the Daily Graphic (March 13, 2012: p.17) such utterances on the airwaves and on political platforms pose enormous danger to the prevailing peace of the country. 1.3 THE HISTORY AND METHODS OF POLITICAL COMMUNICATION According to Lilleker (2006:5), “political communication is as old as political activity; it was a feature of ancient Greece and the Roman Empire as well as across diverse political systems in the modern age”. It is hard therefore to think of a time under any political system, where politicians and political activists as well as political actors have not had the duty to persuade the voters and potential voters or other groups in society to support them, often as opposed to rivals for their power and position. However, for much of human history political communication has been largely linear, top-down process from leaders to the people. Since Ghana’s independence, political communication remained at the level of the political sphere where most of the communication flowed directly from the politicians, as in early history of political communication, to the media which was essentially state-owned, and then to the public. Little communication was to go from the public to the politicians. This was due largely to the lack of education, little political awareness, and the unwillingness by the majority of the citizens to participate in national issues. This characterized the nature of political communication in Ghana from the period of the colonial administration through to the struggle against colonial rule to independence. This did not change significantly after independence since the military aura characterized by the lack of media freedom, limitation on freedom of speech and association and fear of incarcerations without trial, among others. Democratization of the majority of the political systems throughout the world changed the nature of political communication and political activity moved into the public sphere. Democracy comes with it the need for political education and effective political participation based on access to information and this pushes a greater demand for political involvement and influence. The result is that the voter was no longer content with the simple act of voting, but rather assumed the place of the active citizen who could join anti-state cause, pressure groups, and the fight against injustice in society, as well as sharing their views through various media on issues of national development. This development widened the scope of political communication to encompass various groups each vying for space in the media and the attention of the people. Thus, the greater the number of voices competing, the more intense the competition, the better communicator groups must be in order to be heard. This culminated in the professionalization of political communication that has become better in some way in order to be heard by more groups and individuals (Mancini, 1999). To Lilleker, some attribute developments purely to learning from practice in the United States, others shy away from the 105 African Journal of Social Sciences, Volume 2 Number 4 (2012), pp. 103-113 Americanization thesis; however to him, most agree that the process by which political communication is carried out has evolved, become more technically and technologically sophisticated and adopted techniques from the worlds of corporate advertising and marketing in order to compete in the modern information-rich society. Ghana, having waded through periods of military rule and punctuated by short lived civilian administrations since independence in March 1957 eventually established herself as an enduring democracy with the promulgation of the 1992 constitution. This culminated in the drive for media freedom and for freedom of speech, association, movement and all other freedoms and practices that come with the practice of democracy. Ghanaians then discovered their voices in the political communication process, this time, with more vigor and a desire to influence the political process through participation and feedback resulting in much more meaningful political involvement and media pluralism. Political communication is currently invaded by non-professionals who are politicians, political activists, media practitioners and even ordinary citizens who feel strongly about the affairs of the nation. This is the result of the present wave of Political communication centred on invective and vituperation. 2. METHODS AND MATERIALS This paper relied solely on secondary data. The method employed in the analysis is based on intense academic discussion of facts. 3. DISCUSSIONS 3.1 GHANA AS A DEMOCRATIC STATE The normative perspective of this paper agrees with Larry Diamond (1999: p.2) that democratization is generally a good thing and that democracy is the best form of government. It is also our contention that holistic national development is not only feasible but indeed sustainable under a democratic system of government. Ghana returned to democratic governance with the promulgation of a new constitution in 1992. Since then, Ghana has gone through five successive elections to choose both presidential and parliamentary candidates. The progress of democracy has significantly enhanced Ghana’s image in the international scene as an investment destination for many investors across the globe and also promoted development within the country on sustained basis. This buttresses the point that peace and development are necessary concomitants of democracy. The defining characteristics of Ghana’s democracy have been most visible in the conduct of periodic elections, vibrant media and freedom of speech. It is therefore apt to suggest that Ghana’s democracy hinges around communication since communication is central to political campaigns and for media practice including individual expression and articulation of views. It is trite to suggest that the pillars of any enduring democracy, and Ghana is no exception, include effective and well-functioning state institutions such as the legislature, the executive and the judiciary and of course a vibrant media and a strong, well informed, enlightened and educated civil society. In Ghana, other governance institutions such as the National Commission on Civic Education, the Economic and Organized Crimes Office, Centre for Democracy and Development, Institute of Democratic Development, Institute of Economic Affairs, the Danquah institute and the West Africa Network for Peace building, Imani Ghana among others, are all relevant for the country’s democratic development if they are adequately resourced to carry out their mandates and to focus particularly on stimulating debate on the relevant arenas of national priority in terms of democratic development, peace building and national development and putting forward through research, policy options and alternative approaches to consolidating the country’s democracy. This can lead to citizen empowerment 106 African Journal of Social Sciences, Volume 2 Number 4 (2012), pp. 103-113 and thus, the building of a well- informed civil society that can contribute meaningfully to the discourse on the country’s democratic development and to the debate on alternative policies which are essential for sustainable development. The condescension to the use of indecent language, open insults, recrimination and abuse which run counter to the building and consolidation of peace and democracy is probably because of the lack of appreciation of the issues or lack of intellectual sophistication to advance superior arguments. For the sustenance of Ghana’s democracy, therefore, there would be the need for a concerted effort by government, civil society organizations and academics among others, towards educating politicians, political activists and media practitioners on one hand, and the general public on the other, on what may constitute the enduring values of the country’s democracy such as tolerance and respect for divergent views without recourse to the expression of tribal sentiments and ethnocentrism, and also on the electoral system, particularly, the electoral law and constitutionalism, freedom, justice and the need for informed debates based on facts and evidence rather than vilification, vituperation and inveigh. 3.2 POLITICAL COMMUNICATION BY POLITICAL ACTORS Political actors narrowly defined, refers to those individuals who aspire, through organizational and institutional means, to influence the decision-making process at the national level. They may seek to do this by attaining institutional political power, in government or constituent assemblies, through which preferred policies can be implemented. If in opposition, the objectives will be to obstruct existing power-holders, and have them replaced by alternatives (McNair, 2001). The cardinal objective for political communication by political actors therefore ought to be to enhance the image of the candidate, the image of the political party and the image of policies.(McNair, 2001). This therefore calls for research into preferable policy options and strategies that can market the candidate and re-orient or otherwise re-enforce the perception of the voters about the party including professionalism to articulate superior arguments that can persuade the voting public and by extension, enhance the country’s democratic development. Unfortunately, Ghana’s democracy is besieged by political actors whose communication, at the risk of sounding pessimistic, is the least, vitriolic, vexatious and full of vendetta and ethnic incitement which is inimical to the country’s democratic development and can stymie the efforts towards achieving such democratic feat. For example, the NPP flag bearer for the 2012 general elections, Nana Addo Dankwah Akufo-Addo, addressing his party supporters in Koforidua, in the Easter Region of Ghana, made reference to the Atiwa by-election in 2010, which was bedeviled with violence. In his words “The Atiwa by-election showed just a little of what we are capable of doing….” “They say we Akans are feeble or afraid and that once violence breaks up, we run away but I want to disabuse the minds of such people that we are brave and courageous people just like our forebears who founded our political tradition”,….”You must understand that this party was formed by courageous people. Our leaders who formed this party that has now become the biggest political movement in Ghana were not cowards. So in 2012 we need to be courageous because all die be die. All die be die, he repeated” (Daily Graphic, February 10, 2011). In the same publication reference was made to the NPP National Youth Organiser, Anthony Garbo, who was earlier quoted to have said in essence that if the NPP was not declared winners of the 2012 general elections Ghana would turn to Afghanistan. The response of the NDC to Nana Akufo Addo’s comments was equally not encouraging as it was full of invective and personal attacks. According to the NDC General Secretary, Mr. Johnson Asiedu Nketiah, Nana Akufo Addo “has confirmed his credentials as a war monger who will stop at nothing in his bid to pursue his selfish political ambition of becoming a president at all cost even if it means plunging the country into civil and tribal war”. 107 African Journal of Social Sciences, Volume 2 Number 4 (2012), pp. 103-113 He described Nana Addo’s statement as “bellicose and belligerent” saying that the deduction one could draw from the statement was that Nana Akufo-Addo “sees the NPP as identical to the Akan ethnic group and even in opposition he sees himself as the leader of this Akan group which he must galvanize into war against all other ethnic groups in Ghana with the sole objective of capturing political power come 2012”. According to Mr. Asiedu Nketiah he “recalled declaration by the National Organiser of the NPP, Alhaji Moctar Bamba about the formation of ‘Bamba boys’ to confront the NDC in all future elections of which the Atiwa by-elections became their first test case”(Daily Graphic, February 11, 2011). These incitement and recriminations easily become part of the political rhetoric across the support base of the parties and this tends to heighten the political tension in the country. No wonder when the NPP member of parliament for Assin North, Kennedy Agyapong, on an Accra based radio station, Oman Fm’s phone-in programme, was heard “inciting supporters of the New Patriotic Party to foment trouble and declaring war” (Daily Graphic April 17, 2012) by Akans against Ewes and Gas (the Ewes hail from the volta region, the support base of the NDC, while the Gas, who hail from Accra, though a swing region, largely support the NDC as well) he was arrested and slapped with preliminary charges of treason. The constant gush of fury and vitriol on the persons of public or government officers and counter vilifications of opposition and other political groups only leaves the country debating uncouth utterances rather than scrutinizing policy options and vision of power seekers. Gabby Asare Otchere-Darko, the Executive Director of the Danquah Institute, in an article refers to President John Mahama when he was commenting on some of the issues raised in President Mahama’s book titled “ My First Coup D’etat”, in his words “The book betrays an ambidextrous mind.” He also referred to the nature of President John Mahama as “flimflam” and referring to a statement President John Mahama made during the NDC special delegates congress in Kumasi on the death of the ex-president, Professor J.E.A. Mills as “somewhat oafishly and savourlessly”(Daily Graphic, September 3, 2012). The new oxford American dictionary defines an oaf as a stupid, uncultured and a clumsy person. These degrading comments and insults can easily stir up an atmosphere of disrespect for the presidency. In a post on Ghanaweb.com, Thursday September 6, 2012, Gabby Otchere-Darko was said to have referred to a deputy minister of Science and Technology, Dr. Omane Boamah in a Joy FM Newsfile programme on Saturday, September 24, 2011, as “stupid”. He was quoted to have said,” this is stupidity…you consider a founder of Ghana as a CIA agent, what stupidity is this?... This is pure stupidity” This was in response to the deputy minister’s alleged description of Dr. J.B. Danquah, one of the founders of the NPP political tradition, as a CIA agent. Another leading member of the NPP, Dr. Nyaho Nyaho Tamakloe spewed open insults to some members of his party over a loan deal involving Engineers and Planners Company, a company said to be owned by the brother of the President, Ibrahim Mahama and Merchant bank. According to Daily Guide, “the tough-talking NPP chieftain descended heavily on some members of his party over their decision to question a deal involving Engineers and Planners, a company owned by the brother of President John Mahama, Ibrahim Mahama, which is believed to have contributed to the near collapse and sale of Merchant Bank to a South African company, FirstRand. In the heat of his anger, Dr. Nyaho Tamakloe described those behind the press statement that was read by the Deputy Communications Director of the NPP Yaw Buaben Asamoa, in disparaging words, referring to them as foolish and stupid since he saw their actions as tantamount to ‘pull him down’ syndrome”.(Daily Guide, October 3,2012) The country’s democratic development when anchored on reasoned politicking stands to yield more dividends as opposed to the use of language, which is lacking sophistication and delicacy. 108 African Journal of Social Sciences, Volume 2 Number 4 (2012), pp. 103-113 The ethnic division of the country, which is unfortunately aligned to political parties, makes ethnocentric and violent comments a bit more dangerous for the democratic development of the country. Historically, the two major political parties, the NPP and the NDC are organized around strong ethnic leanings. While the NPP finds its root in the Akan ethnic group, the NDC is widely recognized as an Ewe party due partly to the fact, that its founder, Jerry John Rawlings is an Ewe. It is important to note however, that tribal claims in politics is not new nor is it necessarily bad, but the manner in which tribal issues are handled in political communication is crucial for the prevalence of peace and development. Therefore improper exploitation and deployment of ethnic sentiments in communication for party support, is potentially volatile and could pose a great danger to peace and democratic development. It is in this context that Nana Addo’s statement matched side by side by Kennedy Agyapong’s declaration of ethnic cleansing and war is a danger to the democratic development of the country. It is important to note that in Ghanaian politics, party supporters and foot soldiers easily agree with what their leaders stand for even if ill-conceived and misconstrued. It is no surprising therefore, that fearing the consequences of the repeated mantra of “all die be die” the NDC propaganda secretary, Mr. Richard Quanshigah said “From the very moment Nana Akufo-Addo …uttered this ‘all die be die’ mantra, which found expression in NPP politics, it was met with outright public resentment…”He further notes that, “…”in spite of the posture of the NPP, ‘the persistent and consistent repeat of the ‘all die be die’ mantra especially by the NPP National Chairman, Mr. Jake Obetsebi Lamptey with the intent of inciting some members of a rather peaceful society to take to violence, betrays the NPP’s commitment to a peaceful December 2012 polls”. The vilification rendered by Johnson Asiedu Nketiah on the person of Nana Addo on Nana Addo’s pronouncements equally proved vexatious and recriminatory. Apart from stirring ethic sentiments, ethnic comments and pronouncements can result in ethnic and regional mobilizations against political opponents, which is clearly seen in Mr. Johnson Asiedu Nketiah’s reference to the “Bamba boys”. There is a parallel group known as the “Azoka boys” from the northern region which is pro-NDC and whose modus operandi is similar to the operations of the so-called “Bamba boys”. Political communication focused on the image of the candidate captures, among others, the vision, credibility and the capability of the candidate to deliver on their manifestoes and promises. In Ghana, development is increasingly understood to mean the condition of life of the individual. Both intellectuals and ordinary citizens tend to discuss development in terms of the availability and accessibility of basic utilities such as pipe borne water, uninterrupted electricity supply, affordable health care services, good jobs, food security and money in the pocket at any time. Political communication based on whether or not the candidate is able to deliver on these fronts among others, stirs up the debate that could eventually unearth the solution to the plight of the ordinary Ghanaian. However, political communication that is destructive to the person of the candidate including direct and open insults, vilification and character assassination, threats to life and property could derail the gains so far made in the development of the country’s democracy. The chairman of the Ghana Electoral Commission, Dr. Kwadwo Afari-Djan, complained of threats to kill him if he went ahead to create 45 additional constituencies in line with his constitutional mandate to do so after the 2010 population census figures were published by the national statistician (Daily Graphic, September 6, 2012). Similarly, political parties are organized to compete for the votes of the majority of the people during elections. Therefore marketing the image of the political party to the voters is crucial to winning elections. In this light, clearly distinguishing the party from competing parties in terms of its ideology, manifesto, and record over time not only informs voters and enhances their decision-making processes, but also deepens discussions on issues that strengthen the country’s democracy. In Ghana, it is not uncommon to hear some politicians and party supporters refer to some other political parties as notoriously violent and vice-versa. While 109 African Journal of Social Sciences, Volume 2 Number 4 (2012), pp. 103-113 this approach to creating bad images of rival political parties could yield some political capital by the re-engineering of such beliefs in the minds of core supporters of their party, the negative repercussions of this overtime could generate stereotypical mindsets which could be inimical to the overall development of the Ghana’s democracy. 3.3 THE MEDIA In democratic political systems as the case in Ghana, the media plays the crucial function both as transmitters of political communication which originates outside the media organization itself, and as senders of political communication messages constructed and or interpreted by journalists (McNair, 2001). This makes it imperative for media houses and practitioners to subject themselves to the state of the art professionalism and best practice in order to reduce the risk of being exposed to the dangers of biases and to also avoid being used indiscriminately by unscrupulous and egotistical individuals and politicians to achieve their parochial interests. As transmitters of political communication, whether originators or interpreters, media houses can shelf their uninformed biases and focus on issues which promote national cohesion and development. The egregious violation of media ethics and professionalism by some media houses and journalists, sometimes out of ignorance and in other occasions, to serve the interest of the paymaster or further still, to achieve a hidden and hypodermic motive is not only destroying the very foundation of the country’s arguably envied democracy, but also stands to erode the gains so far made in the country’s democratic journey. The proliferation of media houses and self-styled unprofessional journalists, whose activities run counter to democratic consolidation, is a source of concern to well-meaning country men and women. Terms such as “rented press” which denotes media houses playing to the tune of their pay-masters, who are usually politicians, are not uncommon in the lexicon of political and media discourse in Ghana today. There are also media houses either owned by politicians or so aligned to political parties that objectivity and professionalism is often thrown to the dogs in order for them to satisfy the whims and caprices of their owners or political biases. Issue-based discussions which ought to reflect on issues of national concern such as the state of the economy, education, healthcare, agriculture, industrialization, technology, provision of potable water, electricity etc. and how they affect the lives of the ordinary Ghanaian, though given some effective coverage by some media houses, are often given little attention while biased political discourse dominate discussions in these media houses daily. According to Belsey and Chadwick, “Journalism is an honorable profession, though many of those who should care for it often including its own professionals have dishonoured it…. Owners have used it as a means of satisfying their quest for power and wealth, not to mention megalomania. As for journalists, they …do not even need to be bribed to behave unethically….” (Andrew Belsey and Ruth Chadwick, 1994:1). This encapsulates, in large part, media practice and journalism in Ghana in recent times, a phenomenon, which needs a critical attention not only by people in the media and media practitioners alone, but also media owners, politicians, and the general public to uphold the integrity and professionalism of the media for the development and entrenchment of the country’s democracy. Kennedy Agyapong’s use of the Oman FM, which he owns, to incite Akans against Ewes and Gas, as discussed elsewhere in this article, is a case in point. Mr. Johnson Asiedu Nketiah accused TV Africa of unprofessional conduct during the Sunday, 26 August edition of the “Ballot Watch” when he said the host, A.C Ohene, “aired excerpts of the vetting proceedings of Amissah-Arthur in Parliament, and compared and contrasted it with excerpts of a deliberately planned critique of the economy presented by the NPP running mate at a lecture organized in Accra. The host proceeded to ask viewers to decide as to which of the two they would be comfortable to entrust the management of the economy 110 African Journal of Social Sciences, Volume 2 Number 4 (2012), pp. 103-113 with. It is the considered view of the NDC that viewers were called upon to compare apples with grapes which act was unprofessional, unfair and mischievous. The two scenarios are completely different and, therefore have no bases for any comparison”(Modernghana online). The chairman of the National Media Commission, Mr. Kabral Blay-Amihere has had cause to raise concern about the professionalism of the Ghanaian media and challenged journalists to let the 2012 general elections be their litmus test for professional conduct. In his words, “ this they can do by not only refusing to allow politicians to influence them for their personal gains, but by also sticking to issues that would further entrench democracy in the country.” Expressing concern about a section of journalists who over the years had compromised their profession by being “footnotes of politicians,” Mr. Blay-Amihere noted that such negative attitudes did not only demean their value in society as members of the fourth estate of the realm, but also undermined their quest of holding politicians accountable for managing state resources.” He added that “Journalists are great professionals around the globe, and you do not need politicians to help you rise up to any level you desire in your journalism career. You should therefore, not be the footnote of politicians…” (Daily Graphic,August 29, 2012). This encapsulates journalistic practices in the country today, which could be inimical first to the profession itself and by extension, to its role towards the country’s democratic development. Public trust in the media based on media professionalism is a requirement for the development and consolidation of democracies worldwide and Ghana is no exception. It is therefore important that media houses parade professional political communicators, who are not only accredited representatives of their political organizations, but also credible and well-informed on the issues being discussed. Media publications should be issue-based emanating from evidenced and well-cut out sources and accurately analyzed and interpreted with great objectivity with the main aim of reducing this loathsome political communication and also educating and developing a civil society which is strong and well-informed to forcefully assert their views that are enhancing to a developing democracy like that of Ghana. 3.4 THE PARTY SUPPORTERS These include the party core supporters, youth groups and associations as well as party foot soldiers. These groups are known in Ghanaian politics to be those most likely to be used in violent conflict and agitations in defense of their parties. The purpose of political communication is to persuade and the target of this persuasion is the audience (McNair 2001), which in this case are the core supporters, youth groups and associations and party foot soldiers. In this context, they may also include the actual and potential party supporters and these are the key in every democratic society because without them, political communication or messages will have no relevance. Among the functions of political communication which include communication within the confines of the state, inter-state political communication and of course, the informative function which has to do with providing information on new legislation, how people are affected and how they can comply, the most simplistic and obvious level of political communication is to win over others (Moloney, 2001). In Ghana, the support base of any political Party could emanate from a particular region or regions, nevertheless, the NPP and the NDC still enjoy some substantial support from the other regions of the country outside of their strongholds. That explains why both the “Bamba boys” and the “Azoka boys” are representatives of their parties, though unofficial, from the north. In Ghana, some Party supporters exhibit a very high propensity to uphold messages and views of their leaders with religious tenacity and alacrity and are willing to defend those comments and pronouncements in so long as they represent the views of their leaders. It is therefore not uncommon to see party supporters rallying up in support of pronouncements and comments of their leaders even if they are inciting, insulting and provocative. 111 African Journal of Social Sciences, Volume 2 Number 4 (2012), pp. 103-113 One thing that scholars, politicians and casual observers in Ghana and elsewhere cannot run away from is the fact that the country is highly polarized in terms of politics and ethnicity and to some extent, religion. Ethnic polarization seem to align very well with political polarization, so that most people who belong to some particular ethnic groups become members of a particular political organization or party or tend to like that political organization or party which originates from their favoured region or the region they hail from. This political alignment or hatred based on ethnic considerations, it must be acknowledged, cannot be a peculiar phenomenon to Ghana alone, nor is it the first time that such a phenomenon is seen in Ghanaian politics. In fact, since the country won her independence from the British in 1957 various political groupings came up that had either their roots or support base coming from certain regions or ethnic groups. Examples include the Northern Peoples Party, the Anlo Youth Association and the National Liberation Movement. The threat to Ghana’s fledgling democracy, however, is the intense and deep-seated fowl political language expressed through open insults, vilification and invective, to say the least, in the light of the ethnic and political polarization which, as contended, is unsustainable to the country’s democracy. This notwithstanding, It is worth noting that there are some Ghanaians who demonstrate considerable levels of sophistication and critical attitude and sensitivity in the manner in which they vote or participate in discussions of national interests and this makes it even more imperative for political communicators and media houses to adopt modern approaches to political communication which in our view should be centred on issues of governance, development and the well-being of the voter and must be carried out by professionals in political communication in order to derive the needed gains in political communication. Issues of paramount concern to most Ghanaians today include but not limited to the demand for the provision of affordable and quality education, provision of potable water to the teaming urban and rural communities, regular, adequate and sustainable supply of electricity to all communities, mechanization and provision of support in terms of ready market and funding for agricultural activities, provision of quality health delivery system across the length and breadth of the country, provision of job opportunities for the many young people both educated and uneducated, security of life and property, prudent management of the economy to provide conducive environment for business activities and innovative policies on land administration. There is no gainsaying that the democratic awareness of most Ghanaians is gaining ascendancy and this comes along with some level of voter sophistication, notwithstanding the fact that some audiences or voters are glued to their parties and very little can be done to change their minds. Whatever the size and nature of the audience, however, all political communication is intended to achieve an effect on the receivers of the message. It is common knowledge, it must be pointed out, that the effects issue is one of great complexity and unending controversy when determining its measurement. However, the relatively easy manner in which political party supporters and sympathizers receive messages of politicians with guts feeling and the demonstrated propensity to act on such communication especially when such communication is inciting violence and igniting ethnic flames is quite frightening and dangerous for the development of any democracy, especially a developing one like the case of Ghana. 4. CONCLUSION The argument has been made in the foregoing that effective political communication centred around the image of party candidates, the image of political parties and the image of policies is crucial not only for the success of any political party in Ghana’s democratic experiment, but also vital for the democratic development of the country. It is also argued that political communication based on invective, vitriol, vilification, vendetta, recrimination and ethnic politics represents an attempt to befuddle the issues and ignite emotions, which is 112 African Journal of Social Sciences, Volume 2 Number 4 (2012), pp. 103-113 inimical to the democratic development of the country. It is therefore our suggestion that political communicators be carefully chosen and given professional training to handle government and party issues which would educate party supporters and the general public and provide them the opportunity of making informed choices of parties and policies which would inure to the development of the country’s fledgling democracy. REFERENCES Lilleker, Darren G. (2006) Key Concepts In Political Communication. Thousand Oaks, California: Sage Publications. Denton, R. E., Woodward, G.C. (1990) Political Communication in America. New York. Praeger. Graber, D.A. (1981): ‘Political Language’ in Nimo and Sanders, eds, Handbook of political communication. Beverly Hills, Sage. The Constitution of the Republic of Ghana 1992 Daily Graphic: Tuesday, March 13, 2012, page 17 Diamond, Larry (1999) Developing Democracy toward consolidation. USA. Johns Hopkins University Press McNair, Brian (2006) An introduction to political communication. Second Edition.London and New York, Routledge Moloney, K. (2001) ‘The rise and fall of spin. Changes of fashion in the presentation of UK politics’, Journal of public Affairs, 1(2): 124-35 Mancini, P. (1999): ‘New frontiers in political professionalism’, political communication, 16:231-45 Kaid, Lynda Lee (2004) Handbook of political communication research.New Jersey.Lawrence Erlbaum Associates, Inc. Publishers. Negrine, Alph (1989) Politics and the Mass Media in Britain.London. Routledge Belsey Andrew and Chadwick Ruth (1994) “Ethics and politics of Media: The Quest for Quality” in idem., eds. Ethical Issues in Journalism and the Media (London: Routledge, 1994) Daily Graphic Thursday, February 10, 2011 Daily Graphic Friday, February 11, 2011. P.13 Daily Graphic Tuesday, April 17, 2012 p.1 GhanaWeb. Come/GhanaHomePage/NewsArchive/Artikel, Thursday, 6 September 2012. Daily Graphic, Monday, August 27, 2012.p.18 Daily Post, General News of Thursday 6 September, 2012. Daily Graphic, Monday, September 3, 2012. p19 Daily Graphic, Thursday, September 6, 2012 p.1 &19 Daily Graphic, Wednesday, August 29, 2012.p.19 Daily Graphic, Friday, August 24, 2012 p.19 Daily Guide, Wednesday, October 3, 2012.p 3 © 2012 Sacha International Academic Journals, Meridian Centre, 258 Kingsland Road, Hackney, London E8 4DG, England, United Kingdom. In Compliance with the Standards Approved by the UK Arts and Humanities Research Council Abstracting and Indexing in: IndexCopernicus USA, British International Libraries, Social Science Research Network Worldwide, Econlit (USA), Open-J Gate For the Advancement of Knowledge to the World. www.sachajournals.com 113 African Journal of Social Sciences, Volume 2 Number 4 (2012), pp. 103-113 114