Download Full Text - Sacha Journal of Human Rights (SJHR)

African Journal of Social Sciences
Volume 2 Number 4 (2012) 103-113
ISSN 2045-8452 (Print)
ISSN 2045-8460 (Online)
www.sachajournals.com
POLITICAL COMMUNICATION AND GHANA’S DEMOCRATIC DEVELOPMENT
MAHAMA, Patrick Yin
University Of Professional Studies, Legon, Ghana
ABSTRACT
This article examines the role and dangers of political communication on Ghana’s
democratic development. While it contends that communication effectively carried
through and anchored on the images of candidates, parties and policies are
necessary concomitants
nts towards the enhancement of the country’s democracy, it
acknowledges that political communication based on a stream of invective, tribal
and ethnic incitement, as well as the use of vitriolic language, vendetta and
vilifications of individuals in the political
political discourse is inimical to the development
of Ghana’s fledgling democracy. It examines these issues in the light of utterances
by politicians and political activists and how these utterances influence the
behaviour of their followers, and the role of the media in the political
communication process both as transmitters and originators of political
communication, and as senders or interpreters of political communication. It also
discusses the main purpose of political communication, thus, to persuade the
t
audiences and how the recent stream of political communication actually affects
the attitudes of these audiences.
Keywords: Political Communication, Democracy, Development, Media, Ghana.
1. INTRODUCTION
Communication between political leadership or institutions of government and the
people is fundamental to the sustenance of any political system. Effective political
communication centred on pedantic and factual discussions on the image or credibility of the
policies, parties and political leadership are not only desirable for voting and election outcomes
but also indispensable for Ghana’s democratic development. Political communication in Ghana
is swamped by core players in the political sphere, media practitioners
practitioners and other actors
including individuals, thus, giving further expression to the constitutional provisions for
freedom of speech
ech and expression (Article 21 of the 1992 Constitution). However, the form and
nature of political communication which is characterized by invective, indecent language, open
insults, recrimination and abuse not only impacts negatively on the behaviour of audiences or
recipients of this communication, but could also pose considerable danger to Ghana’s
democratic development.
103
African Journal of Social Sciences, Volume 2 Number 4 (2012), pp. 103-113
1.1 DEFINITION AND CONTEXT
Political communication is a term that has proved over the years to be notoriously
difficult to define with any precision, the reason for which is not far-fetched. Both components
of the phrase, thus, politics and communication, are in themselves open to a variety of
definitions which are markedly broad. Denton and Wood, for example, provide one definition of
political communication as “public discussion about the allocation of public resources
(revenues), official authority (who is given the power to make legal, legislative and executive
decisions), and official sanctions (what the state rewards or punishes)” (Denton R. and
Woodward G, 1990.p.14) This definition emphasizes verbal and written political rhetoric, but
not symbolic communication acts which are of growing significance for an understanding of the
political process as a whole. Doris Graber(1981), a famous American writer advances a more
comprehensive definition of what she terms “political language” suggesting that it comprises
not only rhetoric but paralinguistic signs such as body language, and political acts such as
boycotts and protests. Elsewhere in the work cited above, Denton and Woodward characterize
political communication in terms of the intentions of its senders to influence the political
environment. As they put it, “the crucial factor that makes communication ‘political’ is not the
source of a message [or, we might add, referring back to their earlier emphasis on ‘public
discussion’, its form], but its content and purpose (Ibid. p.11).
Brian McNair (2001) agrees with Robert Denton and Garry Woodward by stressing the
intentionality of political communication which he defines simply as “purposeful
communication about politics”. This paper aligns with the definitions of Denton and Woodward
as well as Brian McNair to emphasize the intentionality of political communication to influence
the political environment with a limitation to only verbal and written aspects of political
communication. All other aspects of political communication besides the verbal and written
forms are beyond the scope to this discussion.
The paper seeks therefore to discuss political communication in Ghana in three key
areas and the possible effects of this communication on Ghana’s democratic development. The
paper examines (1) verbal and written forms of communication undertaken by politicians and
other political actors for the purpose of achieving specific objectives; (2) Political
Communication addressed to these actors by non-politicians such as voters and the general
public and (3) Political Communication about these actors and their activists, as contained in
newspapers, editorials, and other forms of media discussion of politics. The tone of political
communication in Ghana, which is sometimes full of hate and vitriol, refusing to see rationality
in the policies and proposals of political opponents, merely sometimes for the sake of
opposition, does not seem helpful for the country’s democratic development.
1.2 BACKGROUND
Ghana’s democracy is markedly depicted in the areas of freedom of speech, media
freedom and periodic elections. Article 21 of the 1992 constitution of Ghana guarantees
freedom of speech and of the press and other media while Article 162 Provides for media
freedom and independence but not without its accompanying provision on the limitations of
those freedoms. Since 1992, Ghana has chosen its national political leaders through the ballot of
the box and this makes campaigning for votes, marketing of candidates, parties and policies not
only indispensable but also inescapable as Ghana hopes to continue on the path of democracy
with dreams to build upon the gains so far made.
Ghana, having gone through the ugly spectre of military rule in large part after
independence, tumbled occasionally with constitutional rule until 1992 when the democratic
experiment assumed a sustained dimension. So the military aura still lurched around the minds
104
African Journal of Social Sciences, Volume 2 Number 4 (2012), pp. 103-113
of the ordinary Ghanaian during the early period after the return to democracy and this could
explain either the apathy in political involvement at that time or the relative sanctity of political
communication during those early stages of the return to democracy. It is also generally
axiomatic that the absence of media pluralism and media vibrancy on one hand, and the general
reluctance on the part of the citizens on political issues, on the other, compared with what is the
case in recent history of Ghana, account in part to the relative decency in political
communication between 1992 and 2004. However, with the development of Ghana’s
democracy, accompanied by media pluralism and vibrancy, and the growing political awareness
and interest in national affairs by the Ghanaian citizenry, not to underestimate the growing
complexity of the Ghanaian voter, the competitive nature of Ghanaian politics has certainly
increased with its attendant difficulties in trying to win over others for political capital. The
quest to persuade the general public and or to obstruct political opponents have resulted in the
stream of invective, the use of intemperate, uncivil, and indecent language by both politicians,
activists, and some media houses which is distasteful and averse to democratic development.
According to the Daily Graphic (March 13, 2012: p.17) such utterances on the airwaves and on
political platforms pose enormous danger to the prevailing peace of the country.
1.3 THE HISTORY AND METHODS OF POLITICAL COMMUNICATION
According to Lilleker (2006:5), “political communication is as old as political activity;
it was a feature of ancient Greece and the Roman Empire as well as across diverse political
systems in the modern age”. It is hard therefore to think of a time under any political system,
where politicians and political activists as well as political actors have not had the duty to
persuade the voters and potential voters or other groups in society to support them, often as
opposed to rivals for their power and position. However, for much of human history political
communication has been largely linear, top-down process from leaders to the people. Since
Ghana’s independence, political communication remained at the level of the political sphere
where most of the communication flowed directly from the politicians, as in early history of
political communication, to the media which was essentially state-owned, and then to the public.
Little communication was to go from the public to the politicians. This was due largely to the
lack of education, little political awareness, and the unwillingness by the majority of the citizens
to participate in national issues. This characterized the nature of political communication in
Ghana from the period of the colonial administration through to the struggle against colonial
rule to independence. This did not change significantly after independence since the military
aura characterized by the lack of media freedom, limitation on freedom of speech and
association and fear of incarcerations without trial, among others.
Democratization of the majority of the political systems throughout the world changed
the nature of political communication and political activity moved into the public sphere.
Democracy comes with it the need for political education and effective political participation
based on access to information and this pushes a greater demand for political involvement and
influence. The result is that the voter was no longer content with the simple act of voting, but
rather assumed the place of the active citizen who could join anti-state cause, pressure groups,
and the fight against injustice in society, as well as sharing their views through various media on
issues of national development. This development widened the scope of political
communication to encompass various groups each vying for space in the media and the attention
of the people. Thus, the greater the number of voices competing, the more intense the
competition, the better communicator groups must be in order to be heard. This culminated in
the professionalization of political communication that has become better in some way in order
to be heard by more groups and individuals (Mancini, 1999). To Lilleker, some attribute
developments purely to learning from practice in the United States, others shy away from the
105
African Journal of Social Sciences, Volume 2 Number 4 (2012), pp. 103-113
Americanization thesis; however to him, most agree that the process by which political
communication is carried out has evolved, become more technically and technologically
sophisticated and adopted techniques from the worlds of corporate advertising and marketing in
order to compete in the modern information-rich society.
Ghana, having waded through periods of military rule and punctuated by short lived
civilian administrations since independence in March 1957 eventually established herself as an
enduring democracy with the promulgation of the 1992 constitution. This culminated in the
drive for media freedom and for freedom of speech, association, movement and all other
freedoms and practices that come with the practice of democracy. Ghanaians then discovered
their voices in the political communication process, this time, with more vigor and a desire to
influence the political process through participation and feedback resulting in much more
meaningful political involvement and media pluralism. Political communication is currently
invaded by non-professionals who are politicians, political activists, media practitioners and
even ordinary citizens who feel strongly about the affairs of the nation. This is the result of the
present wave of Political communication centred on invective and vituperation.
2. METHODS AND MATERIALS
This paper relied solely on secondary data. The method employed in the analysis is
based on intense academic discussion of facts.
3. DISCUSSIONS
3.1 GHANA AS A DEMOCRATIC STATE
The normative perspective of this paper agrees with Larry Diamond (1999: p.2) that
democratization is generally a good thing and that democracy is the best form of government. It
is also our contention that holistic national development is not only feasible but indeed
sustainable under a democratic system of government. Ghana returned to democratic
governance with the promulgation of a new constitution in 1992. Since then, Ghana has gone
through five successive elections to choose both presidential and parliamentary candidates. The
progress of democracy has significantly enhanced Ghana’s image in the international scene as
an investment destination for many investors across the globe and also promoted development
within the country on sustained basis. This buttresses the point that peace and development are
necessary concomitants of democracy. The defining characteristics of Ghana’s democracy have
been most visible in the conduct of periodic elections, vibrant media and freedom of speech. It
is therefore apt to suggest that Ghana’s democracy hinges around communication since
communication is central to political campaigns and for media practice including individual
expression and articulation of views.
It is trite to suggest that the pillars of any enduring democracy, and Ghana is no
exception, include effective and well-functioning state institutions such as the legislature, the
executive and the judiciary and of course a vibrant media and a strong, well informed,
enlightened and educated civil society. In Ghana, other governance institutions such as the
National Commission on Civic Education, the Economic and Organized Crimes Office, Centre
for Democracy and Development, Institute of Democratic Development, Institute of Economic
Affairs, the Danquah institute and the West Africa Network for Peace building, Imani Ghana
among others, are all relevant for the country’s democratic development if they are adequately
resourced to carry out their mandates and to focus particularly on stimulating debate on the
relevant arenas of national priority in terms of democratic development, peace building and
national development and putting forward through research, policy options and alternative
approaches to consolidating the country’s democracy. This can lead to citizen empowerment
106
African Journal of Social Sciences, Volume 2 Number 4 (2012), pp. 103-113
and thus, the building of a well- informed civil society that can contribute meaningfully to the
discourse on the country’s democratic development and to the debate on alternative policies
which are essential for sustainable development. The condescension to the use of indecent
language, open insults, recrimination and abuse which run counter to the building and
consolidation of peace and democracy is probably because of the lack of appreciation of the
issues or lack of intellectual sophistication to advance superior arguments.
For the sustenance of Ghana’s democracy, therefore, there would be the need for a
concerted effort by government, civil society organizations and academics among others,
towards educating politicians, political activists and media practitioners on one hand, and the
general public on the other, on what may constitute the enduring values of the country’s
democracy such as tolerance and respect for divergent views without recourse to the expression
of tribal sentiments and ethnocentrism, and also on the electoral system, particularly, the
electoral law and constitutionalism, freedom, justice and the need for informed debates based on
facts and evidence rather than vilification, vituperation and inveigh.
3.2 POLITICAL COMMUNICATION BY POLITICAL ACTORS
Political actors narrowly defined, refers to those individuals who aspire, through
organizational and institutional means, to influence the decision-making process at the national
level. They may seek to do this by attaining institutional political power, in government or
constituent assemblies, through which preferred policies can be implemented. If in opposition,
the objectives will be to obstruct existing power-holders, and have them replaced by alternatives
(McNair, 2001).
The cardinal objective for political communication by political actors therefore ought to
be to enhance the image of the candidate, the image of the political party and the image of
policies.(McNair, 2001). This therefore calls for research into preferable policy options and
strategies that can market the candidate and re-orient or otherwise re-enforce the perception of
the voters about the party including professionalism to articulate superior arguments that can
persuade the voting public and by extension, enhance the country’s democratic development.
Unfortunately, Ghana’s democracy is besieged by political actors whose communication, at the
risk of sounding pessimistic, is the least, vitriolic, vexatious and full of vendetta and ethnic
incitement which is inimical to the country’s democratic development and can stymie the efforts
towards achieving such democratic feat. For example, the NPP flag bearer for the 2012 general
elections, Nana Addo Dankwah Akufo-Addo, addressing his party supporters in Koforidua, in
the Easter Region of Ghana, made reference to the Atiwa by-election in 2010, which was
bedeviled with violence. In his words “The Atiwa by-election showed just a little of what we are
capable of doing….” “They say we Akans are feeble or afraid and that once violence breaks up,
we run away but I want to disabuse the minds of such people that we are brave and courageous
people just like our forebears who founded our political tradition”,….”You must understand that
this party was formed by courageous people. Our leaders who formed this party that has now
become the biggest political movement in Ghana were not cowards. So in 2012 we need to be
courageous because all die be die. All die be die, he repeated” (Daily Graphic, February 10,
2011). In the same publication reference was made to the NPP National Youth Organiser,
Anthony Garbo, who was earlier quoted to have said in essence that if the NPP was not declared
winners of the 2012 general elections Ghana would turn to Afghanistan.
The response of the NDC to Nana Akufo Addo’s comments was equally not
encouraging as it was full of invective and personal attacks. According to the NDC General
Secretary, Mr. Johnson Asiedu Nketiah, Nana Akufo Addo “has confirmed his credentials as a
war monger who will stop at nothing in his bid to pursue his selfish political ambition of
becoming a president at all cost even if it means plunging the country into civil and tribal war”.
107
African Journal of Social Sciences, Volume 2 Number 4 (2012), pp. 103-113
He described Nana Addo’s statement as “bellicose and belligerent” saying that the deduction
one could draw from the statement was that Nana Akufo-Addo “sees the NPP as identical to the
Akan ethnic group and even in opposition he sees himself as the leader of this Akan group
which he must galvanize into war against all other ethnic groups in Ghana with the sole
objective of capturing political power come 2012”.
According to Mr. Asiedu Nketiah he “recalled declaration by the National Organiser of
the NPP, Alhaji Moctar Bamba about the formation of ‘Bamba boys’ to confront the NDC in all
future elections of which the Atiwa by-elections became their first test case”(Daily Graphic,
February 11, 2011). These incitement and recriminations easily become part of the political
rhetoric across the support base of the parties and this tends to heighten the political tension in
the country. No wonder when the NPP member of parliament for Assin North, Kennedy
Agyapong, on an Accra based radio station, Oman Fm’s phone-in programme, was heard
“inciting supporters of the New Patriotic Party to foment trouble and declaring war” (Daily
Graphic April 17, 2012) by Akans against Ewes and Gas (the Ewes hail from the volta region,
the support base of the NDC, while the Gas, who hail from Accra, though a swing region,
largely support the NDC as well) he was arrested and slapped with preliminary charges of
treason.
The constant gush of fury and vitriol on the persons of public or government officers
and counter vilifications of opposition and other political groups only leaves the country
debating uncouth utterances rather than scrutinizing policy options and vision of power seekers.
Gabby Asare Otchere-Darko, the Executive Director of the Danquah Institute, in an article
refers to President John Mahama when he was commenting on some of the issues raised in
President Mahama’s book titled “ My First Coup D’etat”, in his words “The book betrays an
ambidextrous mind.” He also referred to the nature of President John Mahama as “flimflam”
and referring to a statement President John Mahama made during the NDC special delegates
congress in Kumasi on the death of the ex-president, Professor J.E.A. Mills as “somewhat
oafishly and savourlessly”(Daily Graphic, September 3, 2012).
The new oxford American dictionary defines an oaf as a stupid, uncultured and a
clumsy person. These degrading comments and insults can easily stir up an atmosphere of
disrespect for the presidency. In a post on Ghanaweb.com, Thursday September 6, 2012, Gabby
Otchere-Darko was said to have referred to a deputy minister of Science and Technology, Dr.
Omane Boamah in a Joy FM Newsfile programme on Saturday, September 24, 2011, as
“stupid”. He was quoted to have said,” this is stupidity…you consider a founder of Ghana as a
CIA agent, what stupidity is this?... This is pure stupidity” This was in response to the deputy
minister’s alleged description of Dr. J.B. Danquah, one of the founders of the NPP political
tradition, as a CIA agent. Another leading member of the NPP, Dr. Nyaho Nyaho Tamakloe
spewed open insults to some members of his party over a loan deal involving Engineers and
Planners Company, a company said to be owned by the brother of the President, Ibrahim
Mahama and Merchant bank. According to Daily Guide, “the tough-talking NPP chieftain
descended heavily on some members of his party over their decision to question a deal
involving Engineers and Planners, a company owned by the brother of President John Mahama,
Ibrahim Mahama, which is believed to have contributed to the near collapse and sale of
Merchant Bank to a South African company, FirstRand. In the heat of his anger, Dr. Nyaho
Tamakloe described those behind the press statement that was read by the Deputy
Communications Director of the NPP Yaw Buaben Asamoa, in disparaging words, referring to
them as foolish and stupid since he saw their actions as tantamount to ‘pull him down’
syndrome”.(Daily Guide, October 3,2012) The country’s democratic development when
anchored on reasoned politicking stands to yield more dividends as opposed to the use of
language, which is lacking sophistication and delicacy.
108
African Journal of Social Sciences, Volume 2 Number 4 (2012), pp. 103-113
The ethnic division of the country, which is unfortunately aligned to political parties,
makes ethnocentric and violent comments a bit more dangerous for the democratic development
of the country. Historically, the two major political parties, the NPP and the NDC are organized
around strong ethnic leanings. While the NPP finds its root in the Akan ethnic group, the NDC
is widely recognized as an Ewe party due partly to the fact, that its founder, Jerry John Rawlings
is an Ewe. It is important to note however, that tribal claims in politics is not new nor is it
necessarily bad, but the manner in which tribal issues are handled in political communication is
crucial for the prevalence of peace and development. Therefore improper exploitation and
deployment of ethnic sentiments in communication for party support, is potentially volatile and
could pose a great danger to peace and democratic development. It is in this context that Nana
Addo’s statement matched side by side by Kennedy Agyapong’s declaration of ethnic cleansing
and war is a danger to the democratic development of the country. It is important to note that in
Ghanaian politics, party supporters and foot soldiers easily agree with what their leaders stand
for even if ill-conceived and misconstrued. It is no surprising therefore, that fearing the
consequences of the repeated mantra of “all die be die” the NDC propaganda secretary, Mr.
Richard Quanshigah said “From the very moment Nana Akufo-Addo …uttered this ‘all die be
die’ mantra, which found expression in NPP politics, it was met with outright public
resentment…”He further notes that, “…”in spite of the posture of the NPP, ‘the persistent and
consistent repeat of the ‘all die be die’ mantra especially by the NPP National Chairman, Mr.
Jake Obetsebi Lamptey with the intent of inciting some members of a rather peaceful society to
take to violence, betrays the NPP’s commitment to a peaceful December 2012 polls”.
The vilification rendered by Johnson Asiedu Nketiah on the person of Nana Addo on
Nana Addo’s pronouncements equally proved vexatious and recriminatory. Apart from stirring
ethic sentiments, ethnic comments and pronouncements can result in ethnic and regional
mobilizations against political opponents, which is clearly seen in Mr. Johnson Asiedu
Nketiah’s reference to the “Bamba boys”. There is a parallel group known as the “Azoka boys”
from the northern region which is pro-NDC and whose modus operandi is similar to the
operations of the so-called “Bamba boys”.
Political communication focused on the image of the candidate captures, among others,
the vision, credibility and the capability of the candidate to deliver on their manifestoes and
promises. In Ghana, development is increasingly understood to mean the condition of life of the
individual. Both intellectuals and ordinary citizens tend to discuss development in terms of the
availability and accessibility of basic utilities such as pipe borne water, uninterrupted electricity
supply, affordable health care services, good jobs, food security and money in the pocket at any
time. Political communication based on whether or not the candidate is able to deliver on these
fronts among others, stirs up the debate that could eventually unearth the solution to the plight
of the ordinary Ghanaian. However, political communication that is destructive to the person of
the candidate including direct and open insults, vilification and character assassination, threats
to life and property could derail the gains so far made in the development of the country’s
democracy. The chairman of the Ghana Electoral Commission, Dr. Kwadwo Afari-Djan,
complained of threats to kill him if he went ahead to create 45 additional constituencies in line
with his constitutional mandate to do so after the 2010 population census figures were published
by the national statistician (Daily Graphic, September 6, 2012).
Similarly, political parties are organized to compete for the votes of the majority of the
people during elections. Therefore marketing the image of the political party to the voters is
crucial to winning elections. In this light, clearly distinguishing the party from competing
parties in terms of its ideology, manifesto, and record over time not only informs voters and
enhances their decision-making processes, but also deepens discussions on issues that
strengthen the country’s democracy. In Ghana, it is not uncommon to hear some politicians and
party supporters refer to some other political parties as notoriously violent and vice-versa. While
109
African Journal of Social Sciences, Volume 2 Number 4 (2012), pp. 103-113
this approach to creating bad images of rival political parties could yield some political capital
by the re-engineering of such beliefs in the minds of core supporters of their party, the negative
repercussions of this overtime could generate stereotypical mindsets which could be inimical
to the overall development of the Ghana’s democracy.
3.3 THE MEDIA
In democratic political systems as the case in Ghana, the media plays the crucial
function both as transmitters of political communication which originates outside the media
organization itself, and as senders of political communication messages constructed and or
interpreted by journalists (McNair, 2001). This makes it imperative for media houses and
practitioners to subject themselves to the state of the art professionalism and best practice in
order to reduce the risk of being exposed to the dangers of biases and to also avoid being used
indiscriminately by unscrupulous and egotistical individuals and politicians to achieve their
parochial interests. As transmitters of political communication, whether originators or
interpreters, media houses can shelf their uninformed biases and focus on issues which promote
national cohesion and development.
The egregious violation of media ethics and professionalism by some media houses and
journalists, sometimes out of ignorance and in other occasions, to serve the interest of the paymaster or further still, to achieve a hidden and hypodermic motive is not only destroying the
very foundation of the country’s arguably envied democracy, but also stands to erode the gains
so far made in the country’s democratic journey.
The proliferation of media houses and self-styled unprofessional journalists, whose
activities run counter to democratic consolidation, is a source of concern to well-meaning
country men and women. Terms such as “rented press” which denotes media houses playing to
the tune of their pay-masters, who are usually politicians, are not uncommon in the lexicon of
political and media discourse in Ghana today. There are also media houses either owned by
politicians or so aligned to political parties that objectivity and professionalism is often thrown
to the dogs in order for them to satisfy the whims and caprices of their owners or political
biases. Issue-based discussions which ought to reflect on issues of national concern such as the
state of the economy, education, healthcare, agriculture, industrialization, technology, provision
of potable water, electricity etc. and how they affect the lives of the ordinary Ghanaian, though
given some effective coverage by some media houses, are often given little attention while
biased political discourse dominate discussions in these media houses daily. According to
Belsey and Chadwick, “Journalism is an honorable profession, though many of those who
should care for it often including its own professionals have dishonoured it…. Owners have
used it as a means of satisfying their quest for power and wealth, not to mention megalomania.
As for journalists, they …do not even need to be bribed to behave unethically….” (Andrew
Belsey and Ruth Chadwick, 1994:1). This encapsulates, in large part, media practice and
journalism in Ghana in recent times, a phenomenon, which needs a critical attention not only by
people in the media and media practitioners alone, but also media owners, politicians, and the
general public to uphold the integrity and professionalism of the media for the development and
entrenchment of the country’s democracy. Kennedy Agyapong’s use of the Oman FM, which he
owns, to incite Akans against Ewes and Gas, as discussed elsewhere in this article, is a case in
point. Mr. Johnson Asiedu Nketiah accused TV Africa of unprofessional conduct during the
Sunday, 26 August edition of the “Ballot Watch” when he said the host, A.C Ohene, “aired
excerpts of the vetting proceedings of Amissah-Arthur in Parliament, and compared and
contrasted it with excerpts of a deliberately planned critique of the economy presented by the
NPP running mate at a lecture organized in Accra. The host proceeded to ask viewers to decide
as to which of the two they would be comfortable to entrust the management of the economy
110
African Journal of Social Sciences, Volume 2 Number 4 (2012), pp. 103-113
with. It is the considered view of the NDC that viewers were called upon to compare apples
with grapes which act was unprofessional, unfair and mischievous. The two scenarios are
completely different and, therefore have no bases for any comparison”(Modernghana online).
The chairman of the National Media Commission, Mr. Kabral Blay-Amihere has had cause to
raise concern about the professionalism of the Ghanaian media and challenged journalists to let
the 2012 general elections be their litmus test for professional conduct. In his words, “ this they
can do by not only refusing to allow politicians to influence them for their personal gains, but by
also sticking to issues that would further entrench democracy in the country.” Expressing
concern about a section of journalists who over the years had compromised their profession by
being “footnotes of politicians,” Mr. Blay-Amihere noted that such negative attitudes did not
only demean their value in society as members of the fourth estate of the realm, but also
undermined their quest of holding politicians accountable for managing state resources.” He
added that “Journalists are great professionals around the globe, and you do not need politicians
to help you rise up to any level you desire in your journalism career. You should therefore, not
be the footnote of politicians…” (Daily Graphic,August 29, 2012). This encapsulates
journalistic practices in the country today, which could be inimical first to the profession itself
and by extension, to its role towards the country’s democratic development. Public trust in the
media based on media professionalism is a requirement for the development and consolidation
of democracies worldwide and Ghana is no exception.
It is therefore important that media houses parade professional political communicators,
who are not only accredited representatives of their political organizations, but also credible and
well-informed on the issues being discussed. Media publications should be issue-based
emanating from evidenced and well-cut out sources and accurately analyzed and interpreted
with great objectivity with the main aim of reducing this loathsome political communication and
also educating and developing a civil society which is strong and well-informed to forcefully
assert their views that are enhancing to a developing democracy like that of Ghana.
3.4 THE PARTY SUPPORTERS
These include the party core supporters, youth groups and associations as well as party
foot soldiers. These groups are known in Ghanaian politics to be those most likely to be used in
violent conflict and agitations in defense of their parties. The purpose of political
communication is to persuade and the target of this persuasion is the audience (McNair 2001),
which in this case are the core supporters, youth groups and associations and party foot soldiers.
In this context, they may also include the actual and potential party supporters and these are the
key in every democratic society because without them, political communication or messages
will have no relevance. Among the functions of political communication which include
communication within the confines of the state, inter-state political communication and of
course, the informative function which has to do with providing information on new legislation,
how people are affected and how they can comply, the most simplistic and obvious level of
political communication is to win over others (Moloney, 2001).
In Ghana, the support base of any political Party could emanate from a particular region
or regions, nevertheless, the NPP and the NDC still enjoy some substantial support from the
other regions of the country outside of their strongholds. That explains why both the “Bamba
boys” and the “Azoka boys” are representatives of their parties, though unofficial, from the
north. In Ghana, some Party supporters exhibit a very high propensity to uphold messages and
views of their leaders with religious tenacity and alacrity and are willing to defend those
comments and pronouncements in so long as they represent the views of their leaders. It is
therefore not uncommon to see party supporters rallying up in support of pronouncements and
comments of their leaders even if they are inciting, insulting and provocative.
111
African Journal of Social Sciences, Volume 2 Number 4 (2012), pp. 103-113
One thing that scholars, politicians and casual observers in Ghana and elsewhere cannot
run away from is the fact that the country is highly polarized in terms of politics and ethnicity
and to some extent, religion. Ethnic polarization seem to align very well with political
polarization, so that most people who belong to some particular ethnic groups become members
of a particular political organization or party or tend to like that political organization or party
which originates from their favoured region or the region they hail from. This political
alignment or hatred based on ethnic considerations, it must be acknowledged, cannot be a
peculiar phenomenon to Ghana alone, nor is it the first time that such a phenomenon is seen in
Ghanaian politics. In fact, since the country won her independence from the British in 1957
various political groupings came up that had either their roots or support base coming from
certain regions or ethnic groups. Examples include the Northern Peoples Party, the Anlo Youth
Association and the National Liberation Movement.
The threat to Ghana’s fledgling democracy, however, is the intense and deep-seated
fowl political language expressed through open insults, vilification and invective, to say the
least, in the light of the ethnic and political polarization which, as contended, is unsustainable to
the country’s democracy. This notwithstanding, It is worth noting that there are some Ghanaians
who demonstrate considerable levels of sophistication and critical attitude and sensitivity in the
manner in which they vote or participate in discussions of national interests and this makes it
even more imperative for political communicators and media houses to adopt modern
approaches to political communication which in our view should be centred on issues of
governance, development and the well-being of the voter and must be carried out by
professionals in political communication in order to derive the needed gains in political
communication. Issues of paramount concern to most Ghanaians today include but not limited
to the demand for the provision of affordable and quality education, provision of potable water
to the teaming urban and rural communities, regular, adequate and sustainable supply of
electricity to all communities, mechanization and provision of support in terms of ready market
and funding for agricultural activities, provision of quality health delivery system across the
length and breadth of the country, provision of job opportunities for the many young people
both educated and uneducated, security of life and property, prudent management of the
economy to provide conducive environment for business activities and innovative policies on
land administration.
There is no gainsaying that the democratic awareness of most Ghanaians is gaining
ascendancy and this comes along with some level of voter sophistication, notwithstanding the
fact that some audiences or voters are glued to their parties and very little can be done to change
their minds. Whatever the size and nature of the audience, however, all political communication
is intended to achieve an effect on the receivers of the message. It is common knowledge, it
must be pointed out, that the effects issue is one of great complexity and unending controversy
when determining its measurement. However, the relatively easy manner in which political
party supporters and sympathizers receive messages of politicians with guts feeling and the
demonstrated propensity to act on such communication especially when such communication is
inciting violence and igniting ethnic flames is quite frightening and dangerous for the
development of any democracy, especially a developing one like the case of Ghana.
4. CONCLUSION
The argument has been made in the foregoing that effective political communication
centred around the image of party candidates, the image of political parties and the image of
policies is crucial not only for the success of any political party in Ghana’s democratic
experiment, but also vital for the democratic development of the country. It is also argued that
political communication based on invective, vitriol, vilification, vendetta, recrimination and
ethnic politics represents an attempt to befuddle the issues and ignite emotions, which is
112
African Journal of Social Sciences, Volume 2 Number 4 (2012), pp. 103-113
inimical to the democratic development of the country. It is therefore our suggestion that
political communicators be carefully chosen and given professional training to handle
government and party issues which would educate party supporters and the general public and
provide them the opportunity of making informed choices of parties and policies which would
inure to the development of the country’s fledgling democracy.
REFERENCES
Lilleker, Darren G. (2006) Key Concepts In Political Communication. Thousand Oaks,
California: Sage Publications.
Denton, R. E., Woodward, G.C. (1990) Political Communication in America. New York.
Praeger.
Graber, D.A. (1981): ‘Political Language’ in Nimo and Sanders, eds, Handbook of political
communication. Beverly Hills, Sage.
The Constitution of the Republic of Ghana 1992
Daily Graphic: Tuesday, March 13, 2012, page 17
Diamond, Larry (1999) Developing Democracy toward consolidation. USA. Johns Hopkins
University Press
McNair, Brian (2006) An introduction to political communication. Second Edition.London and
New York, Routledge
Moloney, K. (2001) ‘The rise and fall of spin. Changes of fashion in the presentation of UK
politics’, Journal of public Affairs, 1(2): 124-35
Mancini, P. (1999): ‘New frontiers in political professionalism’, political communication,
16:231-45
Kaid, Lynda Lee (2004) Handbook of political communication research.New Jersey.Lawrence
Erlbaum Associates, Inc. Publishers.
Negrine, Alph (1989) Politics and the Mass Media in Britain.London. Routledge
Belsey Andrew and Chadwick Ruth (1994) “Ethics and politics of Media: The Quest for
Quality” in idem., eds. Ethical Issues in Journalism and the Media (London:
Routledge, 1994)
Daily Graphic Thursday, February 10, 2011
Daily Graphic Friday, February 11, 2011. P.13
Daily Graphic Tuesday, April 17, 2012 p.1
GhanaWeb. Come/GhanaHomePage/NewsArchive/Artikel, Thursday, 6 September 2012.
Daily Graphic, Monday, August 27, 2012.p.18
Daily Post, General News of Thursday 6 September, 2012.
Daily Graphic, Monday, September 3, 2012. p19
Daily Graphic, Thursday, September 6, 2012 p.1 &19
Daily Graphic, Wednesday, August 29, 2012.p.19
Daily Graphic, Friday, August 24, 2012 p.19
Daily Guide, Wednesday, October 3, 2012.p 3
© 2012 Sacha International Academic Journals,
Meridian Centre, 258 Kingsland Road, Hackney, London E8 4DG, England, United Kingdom.
In Compliance with the Standards Approved by the UK Arts and Humanities Research Council
Abstracting and Indexing in:
IndexCopernicus USA, British International Libraries,
Social Science Research Network Worldwide, Econlit (USA), Open-J Gate
For the Advancement of Knowledge to the World. www.sachajournals.com
113
African Journal of Social Sciences, Volume 2 Number 4 (2012), pp. 103-113
114