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Document-Based Activities on the Cold War
Using Primary Sources and the Internet
Michael Hutchison, Writer
Kerry Gordonson, Editor
Bill Williams, Editor
Dr. Aaron Willis, Project Coordinator
Amanda Harter, Editorial Assistant
Social Studies School Service
10200 Jefferson Blvd., P.O. Box 802
Culver City, CA 90232
http://socialstudies.com
[email protected]
(800) 421-4246
All the Web addresses in this book can be found on our Web site:
http://www.socialstudies.com/uslinks.html
Updated 2005
© 2003 Social Studies School Service
10200 Jefferson Blvd., P.O. Box 802
Culver City, CA 90232
United States of America
(310) 839-2436
(800) 421-4246
Fax: (800) 944-5432
Fax: (310) 839-2249
http://socialstudies.com
[email protected]
Permission is granted to reproduce individual worksheets for classroom use only.
Printed in the United States of America.
ISBN 1-56004-137-4
Product Code: ZP206
iii
TABLE OF CONTENTS
Teacher Introduction ................................................................................................ v
Overview: The Cold War .......................................................................................... vii
LESSONS:
1. The Truman Doctrine
Teacher Page ...................................................................................................... 1
Student Worksheet ............................................................................................... 3
2. The Korean War
Teacher Page ...................................................................................................... 7
Student Worksheet ............................................................................................... 9
3. The Cuban Missile Crisis
Teacher Page ...................................................................................................... 13
Student Worksheet ............................................................................................... 17
4. Détente
Teacher Page ...................................................................................................... 21
Student Worksheet ............................................................................................... 23
5. The Fall of the Berlin Wall
Teacher Page ...................................................................................................... 27
Student Worksheet ............................................................................................... 29
Culminating Activities ............................................................................................ 33
Appendix
Answer Key ......................................................................................................... 37
Rubrics ................................................................................................................ 47
Related Web Sites ................................................................................................ 53
Suggested Curriculum Materials ........................................................................ 55
iv
v
Document-Based Activities on the Cold War
Teacher Introduction
Description:
In this unit, students gain an appreciation for the issues, sacrifices, and concerns of
Americans in the years following World War II until the fall of Communism in the late
1980s. Students will investigate the issues that faced the United States and Soviet Union,
including the Truman Doctrine, the Korean War, the Cuban Missile Crisis, détente, and
the end of the Soviet bloc. First-person accounts, maps, speeches, and other primary
source materials are available for students to analyze.
Unit Objectives:
Knowledge:
Students will
•
•
•
analyze the goals and philosophies of the competing sides in the Cold War
assess whether policies dealing with competing interests were effective
develop knowledge of the “main players,” both American and Soviet
Skills: students will:
•
•
•
analyze, evaluate, and interpret primary source documents
discuss and debate ideas
use evidence to draw conclusions
Prior Knowledge Required:
Students should have studied the World War II era as well as the issues that led to
conflict between the United States and the Soviet Union after the war.
Lesson Format:
Each lesson consists of two parts: a teacher page containing an introduction, objectives,
URL(s) used in the lesson, teaching strategies, wrap-up questions, and an extension
activity; and a reproducible student page with a brief introduction which sets the context
for the lesson, URL(s) used, and questions to be answered about the source(s).
vi
Assessment:
Most questions on the student handouts are short-answer questions for which a suggested
answer key can be found in the Appendix. Other questions require anywhere from a
couple of paragraphs to a page or more in response. In general, the lessons are flexible
enough so that you can easily pick and choose questions students can answer and how
long their responses should be. It is recommended, however, that the teacher evaluate
student worksheets in conjunction with their involvement in class discussion. Suggested
rubrics are included in the Appendix.
Additional sources:
The Appendix contains answer keys, primary source documents, an annotated list of Web
sites on the Cold War, rubrics, and supplemental materials available from Social Studies
School Service (http://www.socialstudies.com).
vii
OVERVIEW: The Cold War
Let every nation know, whether it wishes us well or ill, that we shall pay any price, bear
any burden, meet any hardship, support any friend, oppose any foe to assure the survival
and the success of liberty.
This much we pledge—and more…
—John F. Kennedy, Inaugural Address, 1961
At the end of the Second World War, a power struggle developed between two of the
former Allied nations, the United States and the Soviet Union (USSR). While the U.S.
and USSR had fought side by side in the war to defeat a common enemy, the two nations
had radically different political and economic systems; over time, these differences tore
the fragile alliance between the two nations apart.
The Russians, led by Premier Josef Stalin, tightened their control on Eastern Europe,
creating an “Iron Curtain” of buffer states to protect the Soviet Union from Western
aggression. In response, the United States, with Harry Truman as president, developed a
policy of “containment” designed to create alliances between the U.S. and other nations
and supporting weaker nations in an attempt to “contain” communism within its current
borders.
The U.S. policy soon became evident in the first years following WWII. In the aftermath
of the destruction caused by the war, the U.S. instituted the Marshall Plan, in which it
committed to financially support nations trying to rebuild. The U.S. soon extended this
economic policy into the political realm when it gave financial support to Greece and
Turkey to defend themselves against communist insurgencies. This act of monetary aid
led to a broader philosophy which became known as the “Truman Doctrine”; the doctrine
asserted that America would assist free peoples throughout the world and help them
avoid being taken over by what it characterized as “armed minorities.”
Soon, the Soviet Union began to openly contest the U.S. resolve to prevent the spread of
communism. The first major showdown came in the city of Berlin, which had been
divided into four sectors after WWII. The German capital, which lay in the Soviet section
of Germany, was blockaded and the sectors supported by the other Allies were cut off
from all access and supplies. In a daring move, the United States flew in supplies by air,
including food, medicine, and even coal.
As it became evident that the U.S. and USSR would be at loggerheads about the future of
Europe, the United States joined in a peacetime alliance with the countries of Western
Europe called the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO). In the treaty, the
signatories agreed that an attack on one would be an attack on all, which they would
resist by any and all means necessary—including nuclear strikes. The Soviet Union
viii
responded with an alliance of its own called the Warsaw Pact, which included many of
the eastern European countries that bordered Russia.
The Cold War next expanded to Asia. First, communist forces led by Mao Zedong took
control of mainland China; soon after that, communist North Korea launched an invasion
of South Korea. The United States and other countries mobilized to aid South Korea, with
America acting as the leading force in a United Nations contingent of troops sent to the
Korean peninsula. The UN forces initially not only forced North Korean troops back
behind their southern border, but also managed to push them all the way up to their
border with China. China soon entered the war on the North Koreans’ side, and UN
forces were pushed back to the border between North and South Korea, where the war
finally ended in an armistice that placed the boundary between the two nations close to
where it was prior to the 1950 invasion.
During the 1950s, both U.S. government officials as well as many people in the
mainstream population worried that communists would somehow manage to infiltrate
America, “subvert” democracy, and weaken the nation so that it could become easy prey
for a takeover by communist forces. People began to look for any signs of pro-communist
sentiment in many American institutions, including movies, education, and the armed
services. Wisconsin Senator Joseph McCarthy led a crusade against what he claimed
were communist sympathizers within the U.S. government. Though he gained much
public and congressional support for a while, eventually his claims of conspiracy were
disproven; however, the fear of communist infiltration—and attack—remained strong.
Relations between the U.S. and USSR began to deteriorate when the Soviets detonated
their first atomic bomb in the late 1940s. The U.S., now faced with the fact that it was no
longer the world’s only nuclear power, soon engaged in an “arms race” with the Soviets,
and both sides began to develop even more destructive hydrogen bombs in the early
1950s. In the late 1950s and early 1960s, even relatively minor events (such as the Soviet
shooting down of U-2 spy pilot Francis Gary Powers) could raise the specter of nuclear
war, and with the Cuban Missile Crisis in 1962, this specter came perilously close to
becoming reality.
Tensions began to decrease somewhat in the 1970s: President Richard Nixon made a
landmark visit to communist China and the U.S. and the Soviets agreed to arms limitation
treaties. However, with the election of Ronald Reagan as president in 1980, U.S.–USSR
relations went downhill again; many Americans once again regarded the Soviet Union as
an “evil empire” (as Reagan characterized it in one speech). Towards the end of the
decade, however, things began to change dramatically. Mikhail Gorbachev took over as
Soviet Premier, and he quickly introduced social and economic reforms under policies
called glasnost (“openness”) and perestroika (“restructuring”). These policies, while
making the Soviet Union less repressive and secretive, also weakened the Soviets’ hold
on the countries of Eastern Europe. Reform movements began in several nations, most
notably Poland and Czechoslovakia, and soon the Soviet-dominated governments of
many countries began to fall. In 1989, a watershed event occurred when the Berlin Wall
was torn down; by 1990, the two nations of East and West Germany were once again
ix
united. By 1991, the Soviet Union ceased to exist, and was replaced by the
Commonwealth of Independent States, with reformer Boris Yeltsin replacing Gorbachev
as leader. The Cold War was effectively over.
1
The Truman Doctrine
Teacher Page
Overview:
In the years after the end of the Second World War, the Soviet Union sought to extend its
sphere of influence throughout central Europe not only by actually intervening in other
countries (such as Czechoslovakia) but by supporting communist insurgencies in Greece
and Turkey. Britain had been sending monetary aid to both nations to prevent communist
takeovers, but because its economy had been greatly weakened by the war, it could no
longer do so, and it asked the U.S. to assume the financial responsibility. President
Truman went to Congress and requested $400 million in aid to the two nations; he also
recommended that the U.S. should support free peoples throughout the world who were
“resisting takeovers by armed minorities.” This view became known as the “Truman
Doctrine.”
Objectives:
Students will:
•
•
•
read and analyze President Harry Truman’s address before a joint session of
Congress
speculate as to the motives and views of President Truman regarding this national
security issue
make inferences and conclusions about the effectiveness of Truman’s position and
the Truman Doctrine in general
Web Sites Used in this Lesson:
Students will access the text of President Truman’s “Truman Doctrine” speech, located at
http://www.socialstudies.com/article.html?article@truman_doctrine.
Supplemental resources for the Truman Doctrine include:
The Truman Doctrine Study Collection, located on the Truman Library Web site
(http://www.trumanlibrary.org/whistlestop/study_collections/doctrine/large/doctrine.htm)
The Spartacus Schoolnet (UK) page on the Truman Doctrine
(http://www.spartacus.schoolnet.co.uk/U.S.AtrumanD.htm)
The “Our Documents” Web site’s page on the Truman Doctrine
(http://ourdocuments.gov/doc.php?flash=true&doc=81)
Strategies:
Permission granted to reproduce for classroom use only. © 2004 Social Studies School Service. (800) 421-4246 socialstudies.com
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Introduce the lesson with an overview of how the tensions between the U.S. and Soviet
Union developed after World War II. It might be helpful to use a map to help students
visualize the reasons why the Soviet Union might have found Greece and Turkey
desirable as allied nations. (Warm water ports, buffer states to protect the Soviet south,
and ideological links to the Soviets might be some of the reasons students might suggest
the Russians would support communist takeovers in those nations.)
Distribute the worksheets to students and allot sufficient time for them to complete the
questions.
Student responses to most questions may vary, but should average 3–5 sentences per
answer. Responses to question #10 may range from one paragraph to a page, depending
on time available.
Wrap-Up:
After students have completed the worksheets, have a discussion focused on whether the
United States should follow policies similar to the Truman Doctrine regarding nations
whose stability is threatened by insurgencies or by dictatorships. (Recent examples of this
might include Iraq, Liberia, Somalia, and some of the former Soviet bloc nations.)
Extension Activity:
Have students write newspaper editorials or letters to the editor either supporting the
Truman Doctrine or rejecting it. (You may wish to divide the class and assign certain
students to support the Doctrine while requiring others to write against it.)
An alternative activity might be to have students engage in a class debate regarding the
extent of U.S. policy in the affairs of other nations. Should the United States be
financially involved? Should it be involved militarily?
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The Truman Doctrine
Student Worksheet
Introduction:
In the years following the Second World War, the Soviet Union sought to spread its
influence and authority throughout the European continent. Some nations also
experienced communist insurgencies; in Europe, Greece and Turkey in particular were in
danger of being taken over by communist groups and falling under the sway of the Soviet
Union.
In response to this danger, President Harry Truman proposed in 1947 that the United
States should take over Great Britain’s role of providing financial aid to Greece, and also
proposed that the United States financially assist Turkey as well in order to prevent the
communist insurgencies from succeeding.
All Web links for this lesson can be found at: http://www.socialstudies.com/uslinks.html
Directions:
The Truman Doctrine
http://www.socialstudies.com/article.html?article@truman_doctrine
Read President Truman’s speech to Congress requesting financial assistance for Greece
and Turkey, then answer the following questions:
1. Truman addressed a “joint session” of Congress (both the House of
Representatives and the Senate) regarding this crisis. What evidence did he give
to suggest that Greece was in extreme need of assistance?
2. Give examples of how Truman describes the insurgents who wanted to overthrow
the Greek government and replace it with a communist regime.
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3. Why did Truman recommend the United States take on the financial
responsibility of aiding Greece, rather than having Britain or the United Nations
do so?
4. Truman also made note of the situation in Turkey. According to Truman, how
was the situation in Turkey different from that in Greece? In what ways was it the
same?
5. In his address, Truman noted that “every nation must choose between alternative
ways of life. The choice is too often not a free one.” What choices does Truman
describe?
6. Truman notes, “I believe it must be the policy of the United States to support free
people who are resisting attempted subjugation by armed minorities or by outside
pressures. I believe that we must assist free people to work out their own destinies
in their own way.” How did Truman suggest the U.S. should assist nations to
achieve this goal? In your view, is this a good policy in general? Explain your
view.
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7. What amount did Truman request Congress provide for assistance to Greece and
Turkey? What other requests did Truman make of Congress regarding these two
nations?
8. Why did Truman contend that it was the United States’ obligation to provide this
assistance?
9. In his speech, Truman noted that “If we falter in our leadership, we may endanger
the peace of the world—and we will surely endanger the welfare of our own
nation.” In your own words, describe what you think Truman meant by that
statement.
10. In your view, should Truman have added more conditions regarding how Greece
and Turkey were to use the financial assistance? What guarantees could he have
made to Congress to ensure that the funds would have been used in the right way,
or that the assistance would have effectively reduced the threat of a communist
takeover in Greece and Turkey? In a paragraph, explain your answers.
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Permission granted to reproduce for classroom use only. © 2004 Social Studies School Service. (800) 421-4246 socialstudies.com
7
The Korean War
Teacher Page
Overview:
At the end of World War II, Japanese occupation forces in Korea surrendered. The
Japanese in the northern part of the country surrendered to Soviet forces, and the
Russians immediately took control of that part of the nation. The Japanese in the southern
part surrendered to American forces, and a new American-backed government was
established there. The dividing line between the two Koreas was set at the 38th parallel.
In June, 1950, North Korea invaded South Korea in an attempt to unify the two nations
under a communist government. The North Korean army quickly swept through South
Korea, and it appeared likely that they would win the war easily. However, President
Truman ordered air and naval support for South Korea. Within days, the United Nations
passed a resolution to support South Korea in resisting aggression from the North and
backed that with an army primarily made up of U.S. troops.
The Korean War essentially ended in a stalemate, and the armistice that ended the
fighting fixed the boundary essentially where it had been before June, 1950.
Objectives:
Students will:
•
•
•
read and analyze a CIA report about the Korean “incident”
speculate and make conclusions about the source
make inferences about U.S. policy regarding Korea
Web Sites Used in this Lesson:
The Web site for this lesson is the CIA Weekly Summary for the first week in July, 1950,
located at http://www.turnerlearning.com/cnn/coldwar/korea/kore_r15.html. This page is
part of the larger CNN Cold War site (http://www.turnerlearning.com/cnn/coldwar/).
Strategies:
Introduce the lesson by displaying a map that shows how Korea was divided after World
War II. A fair online map which shows the early USSR and U.S. sectors of Korea as well
as the 38th parallel can be found at
http://www2.hqmc.usmc.mil/KoreanWar/mckw.nsf/8474e1c1270bbb3a852568550057d5
12/997e791f39993dac8525686d00573810?OpenDocument.
Discuss how Truman was able to send U.S. troops into Korea without Congressional
approval. You may also wish to discuss other wars where American forces were sent to
Permission granted to reproduce for classroom use only. © 2004 Social Studies School Service. (800) 421-4246 socialstudies.com
8
fight without a formal declaration of war (e.g., the Civil War, the Vietnam War, and the
Gulf Wars).
In addition, as part of class discussion, talk about some of the main aspects of the war
itself, including UN intervention, the Inchon landing, the involvement of Chinese forces,
and the eventual truce.
Distribute the worksheets to students and allot sufficient time for them to complete the
questions.
Student responses for each question will vary, but should average 3–5 sentences.
Wrap-Up:
After students have completed the worksheet, have a discussion focused on this issue:
Was the eventual result of the Korean War worth the costs involved (manpower, material,
money) in fighting it?
Extension Activity:
Ask students to study the 1973 War Powers Act (a full copy of the law, passed over the
veto of President Richard Nixon, can be found at
http://www.yale.edu/lawweb/avalon/warpower.htm). Have students conduct a class
debate about whether the threat of communist aggression in a nation such as South Korea
or South Vietnam supersedes the power of the legislative branch to formally declare war.
An alternative question for the debate might be to have students argue whether the
president’s power as commander-in-chief of the armed forces gives him the authority to
send troops to stop communist aggression.
Permission granted to reproduce for classroom use only. © 2004 Social Studies School Service. (800) 421-4246 socialstudies.com
9
The Korean War
Student Worksheet
Introduction:
The Korean War (1950–1953) was officially a “police action,” where U.S. troops
provided the bulk of a United Nations force designed to protect South Korea from North
Korean/communist aggression. President Harry Truman, who sent the first troops to
Korea, favored a limited war designed simply to achieve the main U.S. objective: protect
South Korea. His commanding general, Douglas MacArthur, favored a more drastic, allout war that might even have included the use of nuclear weapons. Eventually, Truman
fired MacArthur because of his strong views.
In the war itself, United Nations forces at first found themselves pushed all the way south
to the perimeter of the city of Pusan. After a successful and daring invasion behind the
North Korean lines at Inchon, the UN forces advanced farther and farther north, this time
pushing North Korean forces all the way to the Chinese border. Concerned about the
threat of UN forces invading their country, China retaliated by sending hundreds of
thousands of their troops across the border to help the North Koreans. The war then
ground into a long, bloody stalemate.
When the armistice was signed in 1953, the boundary between North and South Korea
was set essentially where it had been before June, 1950. The United States had assisted in
stopping the spread of communism in Asia, but at a cost of 54,000 American lives, and
between $20 and $22 billion dollars.
All Web links for this lesson can be found at: http://www.socialstudies.com/uslinks.html
Directions:
CIA Weekly Summary, Intelligence Memorandum No 302: “Consequences of the
Korean Incident, July, 1950”
http://www.turnerlearning.com/cnn/coldwar/korea/kore_r15.html
Read this document and answer the following questions:
1. According to the first paragraph of the summary, what were the “basic Soviet
objectives” in launching the attack?
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10
2. How did the summary describe the Soviet estimate of the “reaction to the North
Korean attack”? From your reading, as well as knowledge of the war, was this
estimate correct?
3. The summary next notes “four major alternative courses of action open to the
USSR.” In your own words, describe each of these alternative courses.
4. Of these four “alternatives,” which one comes closest to the way the actual events
occurred? Which alternative is least like the way the events actually occurred?
Explain your answers.
5. In Alternative A, the CIA asserts that U.S. prestige and political influence would
be substantially augmented, particularly with Western European allies and other
nations aligned with the U.S. It also notes that Soviet prestige and influence
would be damaged, but there would be compensation in the form of “secondary
political gains.” How would these gains come about?
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6. In Alternative B, the author(s) of the summary note that the USSR would obtain
“appreciable secondary, comparatively long-range gains in political influence.”
How would they achieve that? The report later states that “this alternative will
appear especially attractive to the USSR.” Why did the author(s) of this report
believe this to be true? In your view, does this statement seem valid? Explain your
answer.
7. Does Alternative C seem like a valid course of action for the Soviets? Why or
why not?
8. Alternative D seems to be a “worst case scenario.” In a paragraph, speculate what
the advantages and disadvantages would be of following this sort of alternative.
9. In your view, does this CIA summary seem to be realistic or unrealistic as to the
Korean situation as it stood in July, 1950? Explain your answer.
10. The United States found itself not only involved in the Korean War, but later in
Vietnam. The Soviet Union found itself involved in a Vietnam-like campaign in
Afghanistan. In your opinion, is it a good policy for “superpower nations” to be
involved in regional wars such as these? Explain your answer.
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Permission granted to reproduce for classroom use only. © 2004 Social Studies School Service. (800) 421-4246 socialstudies.com
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The Cuban Missile Crisis
Teacher Page
Overview:
Many historians believe the Cuban Missile Crisis was the closest the United States and
Soviet Union ever got to all-out nuclear war. For 13 days in October, 1962, the two
superpowers stood on the brink of thermonuclear war as the Kennedy administration
sought to remove Soviet missiles from Cuba by blockading the island’s ports as well as
through diplomatic means.
Eventually the Russians removed the missiles, with Kennedy assuring the USSR that the
United States would not invade Cuba “now, or in the future.” Years later, however,
documents revealed that Kennedy had made a secret deal with Premier Nikita
Khrushchev to remove similar missiles in Turkey in exchange for the Soviet pledge to
remove the Cuban missiles.
Objectives:
Students will:
•
•
•
•
understand the gravity and nature of the Cuban Missile Crisis
note the differences between the views of the U.S. and the USSR
analyze primary source documents regarding the crisis
make conclusions about the documents and the crisis, as well as the actions of
Kennedy and Khrushchev
Web Sites Used in this Lesson:
Students will evaluate Attorney General Robert Kennedy’s “Memorandum to the
Secretary of State” (October 27, 1962), which includes his recollections of his meeting
with Soviet Ambassador to the U.S. Dobrynin. It was at this meeting that the idea of
exchanging missiles in Turkey for missiles in Cuba was discussed. The text of Kennedy’s
recollection can be found at
http://www.gwu.edu/~nsarchiv/nsa/cuba_mis_cri/621030%20Memorandum%20for%20S
ec.%20of%20State.pdf.
In addition, students will evaluate Dobrynin’s account of the same meeting. The
Dobrynin account can be found at
http://www.gwu.edu/~nsarchiv/nsa/cuba_mis_cri/621027%20Dobrynin%20Cable%20to
%20USSR.pdf.
Note: both sources are in Adobe Acrobat (pdf) format, and require the Adobe Acrobat
reader to view them. The free reader can be downloaded and installed at the Adobe Web
site: http://www.adobe.com/products/acrobat/readstep2.html.
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These two sources are part of a larger Web site, “The Cuban Missile Crisis, 1962: A
Political Perspective After 40 Years,” on the George Washington University Web site:
http://www.gwu.edu/~nsarchiv/nsa/cuba_mis_cri/.
Supplemental sites which may provide further background for the Cuban Missile Crisis:
The National Security Council and the Cuban Missile Crisis document archive:
http://www.nsa.gov/cuba/cuba00007.cfm
Documents relating to the Bay of Pigs and Cuban Missile Crisis:
http://www.mtholyoke.edu/acad/intrel/cuba.htm
The Avalon Project (Yale University)—The Cuban Missile Crisis:
http://www.yale.edu/lawWeb/avalon/diplomacy/forrel/cuba/cubamenu.htm
Text and audio archive of President John F. Kennedy’s speech regarding the Missile
Crisis, located on the Kennedy Library Web site: http://www.jfklibrary.org/j102262.htm.
(Note: the Real Audio player is needed to listen to the speech.)
Strategies:
Introduce this lesson with a quick overview of the rise of Fidel Castro to power, the 1961
Bay of Pigs invasion, as well as other issues that led to the Cuban Missile Crisis. Have
the students speculate as to what might have convinced Khrushchev that he would be able
to place offensive missiles in Cuba. Students may note that some of the reasons could be
that he thought he could do it before the Kennedy Administration became aware the
missiles were being placed in Cuba, or that he believed Kennedy was weak because of his
age and inexperience.
Next, discuss why the missiles posed such a threat to U.S. security. Many of the missiles
could hit targets thousands of miles away in a few minutes, and therefore the U.S.
response time would be extremely limited.
Be sure to also mention that the Kennedy administration’s response to the crisis was twopronged: to remove the missiles already in Cuba, and to stop the Soviets from putting
more missiles there. JFK used diplomatic measures (using the UN, OAS, and direct
negotiations with Khrushchev) to remove the missiles in Cuba, as well as a blockade (a
“quarantine”) of Cuban ports to stop the further introduction of missiles and personnel
into Cuba.
Distribute the worksheets to students and allot sufficient time for them to complete the
questions.
Student answers to each question may vary, but should average 3–5 sentences.
Permission granted to reproduce for classroom use only. © 2004 Social Studies School Service. (800) 421-4246 socialstudies.com
15
Wrap-Up:
After students have completed the worksheets, have the class debate the following issue:
Should the U.S. have proposed trading their missile bases in Turkey immediately after
learning the Russians had placed missiles in Cuba?
Extension Activity:
Using the supplemental sources as well as the main source for this lesson, ask students to
research the positions of various members of the Executive Committee of the National
Security Council (ExComm), as well as members of the Joint Chiefs of Staff. Ask
students to specifically look at ExComm’s and the Joint Chiefs’ views regarding
Kennedy’s policy.
After their research, have these students participate in a “talk show” activity where they
defend or criticize how the administration handled the crisis.
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The Cuban Missile Crisis
Student Worksheet
Introduction:
Many historians believe that for thirteen days in 1962, the world was closer to nuclear
war than at any other point in history. After U.S. reconnaissance flights over Cuba found
Soviet short- and medium-range ballistic missiles on the island, the Kennedy
administration searched for a way to get the Soviets to remove the missiles. Since any
military action to get rid of the missiles would almost certainly have led to World War
III, it was imperative to find another solution to the situation.
To avert the crisis, the Kennedy administration agreed not to invade Cuba. However, in a
secret move, Kennedy also agreed to remove similar U.S. missiles located in Turkey. The
Soviets agreed to remove the missiles, and the crisis ended without bloodshed.
All Web links for this lesson can be found at: http://www.socialstudies.com/uslinks.html
Directions:
Memorandum for the Secretary of State from the Attorney General
http://www.gwu.edu/~nsarchiv/nsa/cuba_mis_cri/621030%20Memorandum%20for%20S
ec.%20of%20State.pdf
Cable from the Soviet Ambassador to the USSR Foreign Ministry
http://www.gwu.edu/~nsarchiv/nsa/cuba_mis_cri/621027%20Dobrynin%20Cable%20to
%20USSR.pdf.
Read the selections, then answer the following questions:
1. Who are the authors of the two sources? Why would these authors be considered
reliable historical sources?
2. Based on what you’ve read in the documents, how would you describe the
atmosphere of the meeting between the two men? What in the recollections
demonstrates this?
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3. What issues regarding reconnaissance flights do both Kennedy and Dobrynin
discuss in their meeting? How did the two men they differ on these issues?
4. What does Dobrynin recollect regarding a statement Kennedy makes about
“generals” in his cable? Speculate as to why Kennedy did not mention the
statement in his memorandum.
5. What sorts of statements do Dobrynin and Kennedy make regarding removal of
U.S. missiles and bases in Turkey?
6. Other than the missiles in Turkey, what conditions can you see in either
recollection (or in both) regarding an agreement to end the crisis?
7. One of the reasons why Robert Kennedy was asked to meet with Dobrynin was
because he and the Soviet ambassador were friends. In your view, was it a good
idea for Kennedy, the Attorney General, to meet with Dobrynin instead of a
diplomat more familiar with foreign policy, such as Secretary of State Rusk?
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8. Both Kennedy and Dobrynin recalled that time was of the essence and that
Khrushchev needed to make a decision by the next day as to whether to remove
the bases. Kennedy specifically notes that, “for otherwise, there would be drastic
consequences.” Speculate as to what these “consequences” might have been.
9. Both accounts were classified as “top secret” for some years after the end of the
crisis, and were not released to the public. Speculate as to why this occurred.
10. Many questioned the U.S. position that having American missiles in Turkey
pointed at the Soviet Union was acceptable, while the idea of Soviet missiles in
Cuba pointed at the U.S. was not. In your own words, defend or reject this
position. Be sure to give valid reasons for your belief.
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Détente
Teacher Page
Overview:
When Richard Nixon became president in 1969, he and his national security adviser,
Henry Kissinger, developed a new Cold War strategy. Rather than maintaining an
antagonistic stance against all communist nations, Kissinger and Nixon tried for a more
constructive approach in dealing with the world’s major communist countries. This more
flexible policy was called détente, the French word for “relaxation.” Détente came to
denote an “easing of tensions” between the superpowers. The first major instance of
détente came in the early part of 1972 when Nixon became the first president to visit
communist China. A few months later, Nixon became the first president to visit the
Soviet Union. The U.S. and USSR soon began negotiations to limit strategic nuclear
weapons in what later became known as the “SALT” talks.
Objectives:
Students will:
•
•
•
trace the changes which occurred in U.S./Soviet relations in the 1960s and 1970s
evaluate the policy of détente
speculate as to the impact of the policy of détente on foreign policy in the 1980s
and 1990s
Web Sites Used in the Lesson:
Students will review a transcript of an interview of former Secretary of State Henry
Kissinger, which is part of the CNN “Cold War” series at
(http://www.cnn.com/SPECIALS/cold.war/episodes/16/interviews/kissinger/). This
interview of Kissinger took place in March and April, 1997. If you want to show students
the actual interview, it is also available on this page as a streaming video file.
The transcript page is part of a series of pages located on the CNN “Cold War” Web site
(http://www.cnn.com/SPECIALS/cold.war/).
Strategies:
Introduce the lesson with a short overview of Richard Nixon’s “red-baiting” past. Since
Nixon had earned a reputation as being strongly anti-communist, many were surprised
when he decided to make visits to China and the Soviet Union in 1972. You may wish to
note for the class that these two trips coincided with Nixon’s reelection campaign, and
occurred at approximately the same time that Nixon announced that peace was imminent
in Vietnam.
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Distribute the worksheets to students and allot sufficient time for them to complete the
questions.
Wrap-Up:
After students have answered the questions, lead a discussion asking students to speculate
on whether Nixon’s policy was designed for promotion of better foreign relations with
the Soviets or if the policy was designed to ensure Nixon’s reelection in 1972.
Extension Activity:
Have students research and write reports on Richard Nixon’s reputation as an anticommunist. Examples of this reputation can be found in the Alger Hiss case, the “Kitchen
Debate,” and Nixon’s campaigns for House of Representatives, Senator, Vice-President,
and President.
Another option is to ask students to research key players in the visits to China and the
Soviet Union and role-play meetings between Nixon and Leonid Brezhnev or Mao
Zedong.
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Détente
Student Worksheet
Introduction:
As the 1970s began, President Richard Nixon began to deal with Cold War concerns in a
new manner. In a policy that came to be called détente, Nixon and his Secretary of State,
Henry Kissinger, sought to ease tensions between the U.S. and the Soviet Union, and also
opened relations between the U.S. and communist China. By May of 1972, Nixon had
become the first president to visit both nations and also entered into negotiations with
Chinese and Russian leaders.
All Web links for this lesson can be found at: http://www.socialstudies.com/uslinks.html
Directions:
CNN Cold War Interviews: Henry Kissinger
http://www.cnn.com/SPECIALS/cold.war/episodes/16/interviews/kissinger/
Read the source and answer the following questions:
1. In the course of the interview, Kissinger is asked about “where the word détente
came from.” How does he answer?
2. According to Kissinger, how did the policy of détente and the SALT treaty
change the way in which “all of the media and the people who thought of
themselves as intellectuals” and “some liberals” criticized Nixon?
3. Kissinger notes that there was a “true substantial difference” between “us” (the
Nixon administration) and “many of our critics.” Describe what Kissinger saw as
this “difference.”
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4. Kissinger notes that he believed that “a long period of peace” benefited the U.S.
more than the Soviet Union. Why did he believe this? What argument does he say
critics of the Nixon administration used against this idea? In your view, was
Kissinger and Nixon’s view correct? Explain your answer.
5. What two reasons does Kissinger give for relying on “back-channel” negotiations
during the Nixon years? In your view, do back-channel negotiations make for
effective foreign policy, or can they be problematic? Explain your answer.
6. What does Kissinger note as the significance of the SALT I treaty?
7. What does Kissinger say about the role of human rights in negotiations and
détente?
8. In your view, was the U.S. policy of détente designed to ease tensions between
the U.S. and USSR or was it an attempt to undermine the Soviet Union by
political rather than military means? Explain your view.
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9. Kissinger also reflects on the end of the war in Vietnam, noting that he had “great
sympathy” for South Vietnamese President Thieu. For what reason(s) did
Kissinger have this “sympathy”?
10. What does Kissinger claim essentially “killed” aid plans for South Vietnam after
the U.S. withdrawal? Describe the impact the lack of U.S. aid had on the ability of
the South Vietnamese to fight effectively.
11. In your opinion, did détente ultimately cause the U.S. to “abandon” South
Vietnam or were other factors more important? Explain your view.
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The Fall of the Berlin Wall
Teacher Page
Overview:
Toward the end of the 1980s, it became evident that communism was on its last legs in
many countries in Europe. The old Soviet bloc was crumbling, and that was nowhere
more evident than with the fall of the Berlin Wall, what many considered to be the most
visible symbol of communist repression.
Since its construction in 1961, hundreds of East Germans died trying to cross the Wall in
an attempt to seek freedom in West Berlin. In November, 1989, as restrictions on travel
between West Berlin and East Germany were lifted, parts of the Wall were demolished;
many parts were then torn down by jubilant crowds. By 1991, most of the Wall had been
removed.
Objectives:
Students will:
•
•
read and analyze a firsthand account of the fall of the Berlin Wall
make conclusions about the source and the account
Web Sites Used in this Lesson:
Students will look at “A Personal Account of the Fall of the Berlin Wall: the 11th and 12th
of November, 1989,” written by technical writer Andreas Ramos. The account is located
at http://www.andreas.com/berlin.html. This page is part of Ramos’s personal Web site.
Strategies:
Open this lesson with a discussion of the building of the Berlin Wall as well as a brief
history of the Wall. Good supplemental sources for this include:
•
http://userpage.chemie.fu-berlin.de/BIW/wall.html chronicles the background,
building, and fall of the Wall, and also includes some pictures of the Wall at various
points in its history.
•
http://www.wall-berlin.org/ is a comprehensive Web exhibit of the Wall, sponsored
by the German History Museum, Berlin
•
http://www.cnn.com/SPECIALS/cold.war/episodes/09/ is CNN’s “Cold War” page
on the Berlin Wall
•
http://www.jfklibrary.org/j062663.htm is a transcript of the speech made by President
John F. Kennedy at the Berlin Wall in 1963 (Kennedy’s famous Ich bin ein Berliner
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speech). In addition to the written transcript, Kennedy’s speech is also housed on this
page in Real Audio format should you wish to have the class listen to Kennedy’s
speech.
Lead the students in a discussion about the purpose of the Berlin Wall as well as its
symbolism. (Kennedy’s speech is a good example of using the symbolism of the Wall
rhetorically, as is Ronald Reagan’s “Mr. Gorbachev, tear down this wall!” speech in
1987. A transcript of Reagan’s remarks can be found at
http://www.reaganfoundation.org/reagan/speeches/wall.asp.)
Distribute the worksheets to students and allot sufficient time for them to complete the
questions.
Length of student answers will vary, but should average 3–5 sentences per question.
Wrap-Up:
After students have answered the questions, have students debate whether the United
States should have taken firmer action when the Berlin Wall was built in 1961. Should
the United States have taken military action to stop construction? Should economic
sanctions have been applied? Was the U.S. reaction appropriate for the situation?
Extension Activity:
Have students write critical essays comparing and contrasting Kennedy’s “Ich bin ein
Berliner” speech and Reagan’s “Mr. Gorbachev, tear down this wall!” speech and giving
an opinion as to which speech might have been more effective in rallying international
opinion against the Soviets.
In addition, you can ask the class to compare the speaking styles of JFK and Reagan, both
of whom have been considered among the most charismatic and eloquent of U.S.
presidents. If you have access to an audio or video version of Reagan’s speech, play it for
the class along with Kennedy’s for a more complete comparison.
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The Fall of the Berlin Wall
Student Worksheet
Introduction:
After World War II, Germany was divided into four “zones” of occupation, with each of
the Allies (U.S., France, Britain, and the USSR) controlling a zone. The city of Berlin
was divided into four similar zones. The U.S., France, and Britain eventually ended their
occupation of Germany, but the Soviets established a communist state in their sector,
which became the nation of “East Germany.” Though the city of Berlin lay entirely in the
Soviet zone, the Soviets controlled only their sector of the city, known as “East Berlin”;
the rest of the city was considered part of “West Germany.”
Many East Germans and East Berliners fled to West Berlin to escape communism. In
1961, the Soviets closed the borders between East Germany and West Berlin and began
construction of a wall to separate the two. The Berlin Wall became a symbol of Soviet
oppression, as well as of the plight of those forced to live under communist systems.
In 1989, as communism began to collapse in eastern Europe and the old Soviet regime
began to crumble, travel restrictions between East and West Germany were relaxed, and
the Wall was finally demolished.
All Web links for this lesson can be found at: http://www.socialstudies.com/uslinks.html
Directions:
“A Personal Account of the Fall of the Berlin Wall: the 11th and 12th of November,
1989”
http://www.andreas.com/berlin.html
Read the account then answer the following questions:
1. Who is the author of this source? Describe why he decided to go to the Berlin
Wall when it fell.
2. How long a drive was it from Ramos’s home to Berlin? What were Trabants?
How does Ramos describe them?
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3. Once Ramos and his friends made it to the East German border, he found a much
different scene than normal. Describe what Ramos observed.
4. What does Ramos say about the historical significance of the Potsdammer Platz?
What was happening to the wall at that location, according to Ramos?
5. How does Ramos describe the mood of people as they drove down the
Kurfurstendamm? Give at least three examples of things people were doing.
6. What does Ramos say the impact of the fall of the Wall was on the East German
economy? How did the West German government deal with the economic
ramifications of the fall of the Wall?
7. Was everyone happy that Germany and Berlin were being reunified? Give an
example to support you answer.
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8. As Ramos drove back to the Potsdammer Platz, what did he observe?
9. What does Ramos note about the East German guards as the wall came down?
What does he say the mayors of East and West Berlin did as the wall came down?
10. According to Ramos, how did ordinary West German citizens act toward East
Germans in the days immediately after the fall of the Wall? Give at least three
examples to support your answer.
11. What were the positives and negatives of East and West Germany reuniting after
the fall of the Berlin Wall? Do you think reunification was necessary? Could the
two have existed as separate, non-communist countries or was it inevitable that
they would eventually have gotten back together? Explain your answer.
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Cold War
Culminating Activities
1. Have students evaluate the Cold War record of any of the following figures:
a.
b.
c.
d.
e.
f.
Harry S Truman
Josef Stalin
John F. Kennedy
Nikita Khrushchev
Richard Nixon
Ronald Reagan
You might have students create a “report card” in various categories for the person; you
can either set what the “grading” criteria will be yourself or have students develop their
own criteria.
Examples of “criteria” may include:
•
•
•
•
Ability to negotiate during a crisis
Speechmaking/Ability to influence public and international opinion
Leadership ability
Ability to determine the “bigger scope” of the Cold War
Students could also give the leader an “overall grade average” as well. Students should be
evaluated on the reasoning and evidence they use to justify the grades they give.
2. Ask students to do “compare/contrast charts” regarding the Korean War and the
Vietnam War. Ask them to view the two conflicts as far as goals, U.S.
government policy, how the conflict affected international relations, domestic
policy, and to list the eventual outcome of the conflict. You may also wish to have
students research the total cost of each war in terms of lives lost and monetary
cost.
3. Ask students to write essays or position papers on the role of the United States as
the last remaining superpower in the post–Cold War era. How has our role in the
world community changed since the fall of communism? What nations now are a
threat to world stability and international security? What should the role of the
United State be in regard to maintaining world peace? (You may wish to include
other questions or narrow the scope of the essay, depending on time available.)
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APPENDIX
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Answer Key
Lesson 1: The Truman Doctrine
1. Truman noted that the U.S. had received from the Greek government an “urgent
appeal” for financial and economic assistance. He noted that Greece was not a rich
country, had suffered greatly under the occupation of the Germans during World War
II, and that most of its infrastructure had been destroyed after the war.
2. Truman calls the insurgents a “militant minority, human want and misery,” creating
political chaos making Greece’s economic recovery impossible. He also notes that the
“very existence of the Greek state is today threatened by the terrorist activities of
several thousand armed men, led by Communists…”
3. Truman told Congress that the United States must supply that assistance, adding that
the U.S. had already extended certain types of aid, but these were inadequate. He
added that the British government, which had been assisting Greece, could give no
further aid. He also said that the administration considered the possibility of the UN
providing assistance, but the UN “and its related organizations are not in a position to
extend help of the kind that is required.”
4. In Truman’s words, the situation in Turkey was different from that in Greece because
it had been “spared the disasters that have beset Greece.” He noted that the United
States furnished Turkey with material aid during the war. However, he also noted that
Turkey was faced with a similar problem as Greece, and it was thus the obligation of
the United States to assist Turkey as well.
5. Truman noted that one way of life was based on the will of the majority, with free
institutions, representative government, free elections, guarantees of individual
liberty, freedom of speech, freedom of religion and freedom from political
oppression. The second way of life was based on the will of a minority forcibly
imposed upon the majority, which relied on terror and oppression, controlled press
and radio, fixed elections, and the suppression of personal freedoms.
6. Truman stated that “our help should be primarily through economic and financial aid
which is essential to economic stability and orderly political processes.” Student
answers in regard to the “correctness” of Truman’s policy will vary. Some will agree
that if we are to help other nations, economic assistance is the right way and we
should avoid armed conflict, especially in light of U.S. intervention in the Vietnam
War. Others might note that the United States must “draw a line in the sand” against
tyranny, oppression, and dictatorships, and would recommend military action to
ensure that American interests are maintained.
7. Truman requested $400,000,000 be given to Greece and Turkey for the reconstruction
effort. He also asked for a detail of American civilian and military personnel to be
sent to Greece and Turkey (at the request of those countries), to assist in the tasks of
reconstruction, and in supervising the use of financial and material assistance. He also
requested Congress to provide authority to permit the speediest and most effective use
of needed commodities, supplies, and equipment.
8. He noted that he “would not recommend it except that the alternative is much more
serious,” adding that U.S. costs of World War II were $341 billion, and that this
assistance was needed to safeguard that investment. He also noted that the “free
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peoples of the world look to us for support in maintaining their freedom…if we falter
in our leadership, we may endanger the peace of the world—and we will surely
endanger the welfare of our own nation.”
9. Answers will vary. Some students may believe that Truman was saying that if Greece
and Turkey were allowed to fall to dictatorships, the United States would be forced to
eventually fight wars to stop aggression similar to that against the Germans in World
War II. Other students may think that that the fall of Greece and Turkey might have
caused a “domino effect” that might eventually have threatened the United States
because so many other nations would have become communist.
10. Answers will vary, depending on the time allotted and depth of answers desired.
Lesson 2: The Korean War
1. The summary notes that aside from immediate strategic advantages, the basic
objectives probably were to “(1)test the strength of U.S. commitments implicit in the
policy of containment of Communist expansion; and (2) gain political advantages for
the further expansion of communism in both Asia and Europe by undermining the
confidence of non-communist states in the value of US support.”
2. The summary asserts that the Soviets probably believed that “(1) UN action would be
slow and cumbersome; (2) the U.S. would not intervene with its own forces; (3)
South Korea would therefore collapse promptly, presenting the UN with a Fait
accompli; (4) the episode would be completely localized; and (5) the fighting could
be portrayed as U.S.-instigated South Korean aggression, and the North Korean
victory as a victory of Asiatic nationalism against Western colonialism.” Most
students would probably note that the estimate was incorrect because of Truman’s
action, as well as the relatively quick mobilization of United Nations forces.
However, some students may note that even with UN intervention, most of the
country rapidly fell into the hands of the communists.
3. Alternative A: “The USSR may localize the Korean fighting, permitting U.S. forces
to drive the North Koreans back to the 38th parallel, and refrain from creating similar
incidents elsewhere. In the meantime, the USSR would remain uncommitted in
Korea, and would develop the propaganda themes of U.S. aggression and
imperialistic interference in the domestic affairs of an Asiatic nation.”
Alternative B: “The USSR may localize the Korean fighting, still refrain from
creating similar incidents elsewhere, but in order to prolong U.S. involvement in
Korea, give increasing material aid to the North Koreans, perhaps employing Chinese
Communist troops, either covertly or overtly. The USSR would remain uncommitted
in Korea, and would develop the propaganda themes of U.S. aggression and
imperialistic interference of an Asiatic nation.”
Alternative C: “The USSR, while attempting to prolong the fighting in Korea as in
Alternative B, may also attempt to disperse and perhaps overstrain U.S. military
forces-in-readiness by creating a series of incidents similar to the Korean affair.
Without directly and openly involving Soviet forces, such incidents could be created
in Formosa, Indochina, Burma, Iran, Yugoslavia, and Greece. The effects of such
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incidents could be aggravated by renewed pressure on Berlin, and possibly, Vienna.”
4.
5.
6.
7.
8.
Alternative D: “The USSR may consider U.S. intervention in Korea either as the
prelude of an inevitable global war or as a justification for beginning a global war
which it is prepared either case immediately attacking the U.S. and its allies.
Answers will vary. Most students will probably say Alternative B is most realistic.
The USSR did give material aid to the North Koreans while Chinese troops did enter
the conflict. Conflicts in other parts of the world were limited during these years.
Other students might believe Alternative A is also realistic. The U.S. did move the
North Koreans back to the 38th parallel and a stalemate occurred. Most students
would probably agree that Alternative D is the least likely. While some (such as
MacArthur) believed that the Korean War would be a “golden opportunity” to
eliminate communist aggression worldwide, the great majority of U.S. politicians and
military personnel felt a limited war to achieve U.S. goals was the best course of
action, and they were opposed to escalating the fighting unless the Russians attacked
somewhere else.
The CIA notes that the Soviets would “promote the ‘peace campaign’ and portray the
U.S. as a military aggressor.” They would also exploit the theme of Asian nationalism
versus Western imperialism, and would note that a North Korean or Chinese
communist threat would be an embarrassment to a constructive United States or
United Nations policy in Korea.
In Alternative B, the author(s) noted that the Russians would promote the “peace
campaign” and would portray the U.S. as an imperialistic Western aggressor in Asia.
In that way, they would make themselves appear as the “good guy” while the United
States would appear as the “bad guy.” This would most likely have gained the USSR
a great deal of support in the United Nations and the world community at large, with
a minimal number of risks. It also would have given the Russians the latitude to
escalate or de-escalate their policy as the situation changed.
Answers will vary. Those who would agree might claim that the alternative reveals a
U.S. weakness, which would be a lack of support from the American people to
escalate a conflict, to enter into a two-front conflict, or to fight a series of limited
wars. Also, by fighting a multi-front war, the U.S. might “stretch itself too thin” to be
effective in any conflict. Those who would disagree might note that while the Soviet
Union had developed an atomic bomb and was on the way to developing a hydrogen
bomb, the United States still had a “monopoly” on nuclear weapons, and if it was
pressured, America might feel it had no choice but to protect its interests by using
nuclear weapons, either in a regional conflict (such as Korea), or in an all-out nuclear
war.
Answers will vary. Essentially Alternative D is a gamble in which the Russians would
begin World War III. The advantage might be that if the Soviets were convinced they
could win such a war, they might be willing to initiate one, either by conventional or
nuclear forces. After World War II, the Soviets might have been willing to lose
millions of its citizens if it achieved basic political goals. As they did in World War
II, the Russians might also have gained a substantial amount of territory from lands
they advanced through during a conflict. The disadvantages would include a possible
destruction of the Soviet Union itself by U.S. forces, or involvement in a long,
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difficult campaign which would sap Soviet manpower and resources. In addition, it
would be difficult for the USSR to gain international support in such a policy,
because they would be portrayed as the aggressor.
9. Answers will vary. Most students would probably say it was realistic because it
offered a diverse number of opinions as to the response of the Chinese and Soviets.
Others might say it was unrealistic because of the alternatives which suggest a more
active Soviet involvement in the war.
10. Answers will vary. Some students will note that U.S. policy in the 1950s and 1960s
was designed to stop the spread of communism, and in both instances (Korea and
Vietnam) the wars were examples of what most in U.S. military and political circles
saw as communist “wars of aggression.” Other students may note that nearly 100,000
Americans lost their lives in Korea and Vietnam for generally limited gains, with the
Korean conflict ending in a stalemate and the U.S. seeking “peace with honor” rather
than a military victory in Vietnam, which eventually did fall to the communists.
Those students might feel that if the United States did get involved in stopping “wars
of aggression,” it should do so as part of a larger multinational force where the U.S.
role would be more limited.
Lesson 3: The Cuban Missile Crisis
1. The two authors are Robert F. Kennedy, U.S. Attorney General, and Anatoly
Dobrynin, Soviet ambassador to the United States. Students will probably already
know that Robert Kennedy was brother to President John F. Kennedy and will
presume that Robert Kennedy would have been a trusted adviser to his brother. As
ambassador to the United States, students will also note that Dobrynin would be in a
position to be aware of all the diplomatic issues regarding the crisis.
2. Students will probably note that the atmosphere was “tense” or “strained.” At various
points in Kennedy’s memorandum he writes “this was an extremely serious turn of
events,” “If the Cubans were shooting at our planes, then we were going to shoot
back,” “he had better understand the full implications of this matter,” as well as
“while there might be dead Americans there would also be dead Russians.” Dobrynin
uses similar terms: “this kind of true lawlessness,” asking what right U.S. planes had
to fly over Cuba, “crudely violating its sovereignty and accepted international
norms.”
3. Both Kennedy and Dobrynin write in their accounts that they discussed that an
American plane was shot down during a reconnaissance flight over Cuba and the pilot
was killed. According to Kennedy’s account, he informed Dobrynin that “if the
Cubans were shooting at our planes, then we were going to shoot back.” Dobrynin
reports a similar statement. Dobyrnin notes that the missions violated Cuban air space
and also notes that the resolution of the Organization of American States, which
condoned the air missions, was in direct violation of the UN Charter. Kennedy notes
that without the air missions, the U.S. would not have discovered that the Soviets
were placing missiles in Cuba, and that the Soviets had “publicly and privately”
misled the U.S.
4. Dobrynin notes that “Kennedy mentioned as if in passing that there are many
unreasonable heads among the generals, and not only among the generals, who are
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‘itching for a fight.’” The situation might have gotten out of control, with irreversible
consequences.” Kennedy may have omitted this statement from his recollections
because he recognized that his brother would need a consensus to achieve a peaceful
settlement to the crisis, especially since many in the government believed the missiles
should be removed by military action. To suggest that the military was
“unreasonable” would be antagonistic and make it more difficult to get the military to
support any other course of action.
5. In Dobrynin’s account, he notes that Kennedy says that the removal of U.S. missiles
from Turkey, if it resolves the crisis, could be accomplished. However, Dobrynin also
notes that the missile issue is a NATO issue, and the removal should be accomplished
a few months after the missiles were removed from Turkey. He adds that Kennedy
emphasized the comments he made about Turkey were “extremely confidential.”
Kennedy mentions the Turkish missile deal, but he is less specific. He notes that no
deal could be made under the current circumstances. However, in a sentence that
appears to have been crossed out at some point, Kennedy notes “If some time
elapsed—and per your instructions, I mentioned four or five months—I said I was
sure that these matters could be resolved satisfactorily.” Possibly Kennedy did not
want to be more specific in his memorandum because he did not want to risk making
written statements about a deal he knew would have to remain secret.
6. Both Kennedy and Dobrynin record the proposal that if the United States agrees not
to invade Cuba now or in the future, the Soviets will agree to remove the missiles.
Both Kennedy and Dobrynin also write that it was accepted that the missiles would be
removed under UN supervision.
7. Answers will vary. Some students may feel that Robert Kennedy might have been
more open with someone like Dobrynin because he knew the Soviet ambassador.
They might also note that he would not have been so “awed” by Dobrynin. Other
students may feel that Robert Kennedy’s tone, as reported by Dobyrnin in his cable
(or to some extent, as reported by Kennedy in his memorandum) may have been more
antagonistic and might have hurt the already sensitive negotiations rather than helped
them.
8. Answers will vary. Based on the two men’s recollections of the meeting, most
students will probably say that the United States would either have armed its planes to
retaliate against attempts by the Cubans or Russians to shoot them down, or that
President Kennedy might have ordered U.S. planes to destroy the missile bases.
Students would probably be correct to presume that either action would have led to
thermonuclear war.
9. Answers will vary. Some students may note that while the Cold War was still “in
play” it was important for both sides to show positions of strength and not to appear
weak. For example, the fact that Kennedy was willing to make a secret deal to
remove the Turkey missiles might have been perceived as weakness on the part of the
U.S. For the Russians, the fact that they were willing to deal with Kennedy might
have led some to believe that they did “cave in” when they removed the missiles.
10. Answers will vary. Most students will note that there was no evidence (at least in the
readings) that the Castro government condoned the missiles in Cuba, while the
readings do note that the missiles in Turkey were placed there as a result of a NATO
agreement rather than by a unilateral decision of the United States government. Other
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42
students might note, as did Kennedy, that by 1962 the missiles in Turkey were
outdated anyway, and that they should have been removed prior to the crisis and not
been a point of contention in any case.
Lesson 4: Détente
1. Kissinger notes that he doesn’t remember where the word “détente” came from: “it
was not in [his] lexicon.” He adds that “it doesn’t really mean more than a certain
relaxation of tension.”
2. Kissinger notes that when Nixon took office, many characterized him as a
“warmonger” they had to “moderate.” However, after the U.S. began to reach
agreements with the Soviet Union, Kissinger notes that Nixon was accused of being
“soft” on communism.
3. Kissinger states that “Our critics thought history was moving towards an apocalyptic
showdown in which Soviet nuclear capacity would be pitted against American
nuclear capability. We never thought that this was the likely direction of policy and of
history. We thought the real threat was creeping expansion of the Soviet sphere, so
we had our eye on geopolitical changes…”
4. In Kissinger’s view, a long period of peace benefited the U.S. more because the
Soviet Union had a stagnant economy and a rigid political system. He noted that the
Soviets had never had a “legitimate succession [of power]” in all the time of détente.
He also claims that the U.S. “had all the industrial nations and, at that point, China on
our side.” Kissinger claims critics of the administration felt the U.S. was being
softened up for some “cataclysmic assault.” Student answers on the last question will
vary. Most students will probably agree that the policy was successful, based on their
knowledge that at the end of the Cold War the Soviet Union simply crumbled
economically under its own weight and ceased to exist as a superpower.
5. Kissinger notes that Nixon had a difficult time overruling subordinates to their face,
and found it painful to tell a bureaucrat that they were going to do it “my way.” In
addition, Kissinger notes that the bureaucracy had become so cumbersome that it was
easier for the administration to simply have the rough work done by the “front
channel” while the fine tuning was done in the “back channel.” Student answers
regarding the effectiveness of this policy will vary. Some may say that having only a
few people involved in foreign policy development is beneficial because it
streamlines negotiations and helps to develop effective policy quickly. Other students
may feel that having only a few persons involved in the process of developing foreign
policy makes that policy less “democratic” (since fewer people have input); also since
fewer people can be involved in the formation of policy, it is more likely that errors
or misunderstandings may occur.
6. Kissinger notes that the two sides established ground rules about how to count
missiles. He states that the Soviets were building several hundred missiles yearly
while the U.S. wasn’t building as many, and SALT laid the groundwork for the more
complex negotiations that came later.
7. Kissinger believed that the Helsinki negotiations were initially “an exercise to link the
political conditions to the military conditions.” However, he notes that the U.S. came
to realize that including human rights as a condition of détente would actually cause
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the Soviets more trouble in keeping their “satellite orbit” under control and might
lead to “revolutions” in eastern Europe.
8. Answers will vary. Many students will say, based on the Kissinger interview, that the
main purpose of détente was to undermine the USSR. Examples may include
Kissinger’s remark that “a long period of peace worked in our favor more than in the
Soviet favor,” or how SALT I restricted the number of missiles the Soviets were
building. Other students may note that by eliminating the communist threat through
political rather than military methods, the policy of détente actually did ease tensions
because neither side expected a war, and instead focused on negotiations.
9. Kissinger notes that there was substantial congressional pressure for a unilateral
withdrawal from Vietnam, as well as a need for a supplemental appropriation for
1974 to continue fighting. In addition, when the North Vietnamese agreed to the
terms Nixon had publicly proposed nine months before, the U.S. had to proceed with
the peace initiative. Kissinger also notes that Thieu was faced with a situation that no
American ally had ever been forced to undertake—the total withdrawal of American
military support.
10. Kissinger notes that aid was cut dramatically in the second and third year after U.S.
withdrawal. He notes that at one point aid was cut when fuel prices were rising, and
in another statement claims that (the aid) was killed by American domestic policy.
Some students may note that the “domestic policy” might include the Watergate
scandal. Kissinger notes that not only did the South Vietnamese have to fight alone,
they had to fight with their ammunition cut by 70% and air power by 80%
11. Answers will vary. Some students may say that America was unwilling to maintain
the South Vietnamese government because it was preoccupied with rising fuel prices
and the Watergate scandal. Others may note that it was not politically feasible
(especially in a presidential election year and with the Republican party weakened by
scandal) to continue to support an unpopular regime. Other students may note that
détente implied that U.S. foreign policy was shifting from supporting all instances of
communist resistance to negotiating with the Soviets to reduce arms and guarantee
human rights. The Vietnam War took a back seat because the Nixon administration
no longer saw it as a necessity to stop communist aggression in the Third World,
since a prolonged period of peace would eventually work to undermine the Soviet
system.
Lesson 5: The Fall of the Berlin Wall
1. The author of the source is Andreas Ramos, a Danish technical writer who, with his
wife and two friends, decided to travel to Berlin to watch events after hearing reports
on the radio that East Germany was collapsing.
2. Ramos notes that “it’s normally an eight hour drive from Aarhus, Denmark, to
Berlin.” Trabants were small East German cars. Ramos reports that “they don’t just
look like toy cars, they look like Donald Duck’s car.” According to Ramos, they were
designed in the 1950s and never changed, and they “were the only car in the world
with tail fins.”
3. He noted that the East German border had always been a “serious place,” with
policemen frequently looking for escapees. That night, however, Ramos saw
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thousands of people engaged in a huge party as they walked, talked together, and
played musical instruments. He also notes that there were people of many
nationalities in the area.
4. Ramos notes that the Postdammer Platz was at one time the center of the city of
Berlin. Also, he notes that Hitler’s bunker was nearby. The Postdammer Platz was
where the next break in the Wall would occur. Ramos notes that a giant drill was
punching holes in the Wall, and many people were also using hammers to chip away
at the Wall.
5. He notes that thousands of people were walking around, going in and out of stores,
looking around, and drinking cheap East German champagne. Thousands of trabis
(cars) were parked everywhere. Everything was open (restaurants, bars, and discos).
The number of East Germans entering Berlin was rapidly increasing (over 100,000
every hour). He added that “with Berlin’s population of three million, there were over
five million people milling around in delirious joy celebrating the reunion of the city
after 21 years.”
6. Ramos notes that East German money was worthless, and that West Germany gave
each East German 100 Deutschmark, equal to several months wages.
7. Ramos notes that he talked to an East German family who was happy about being
able to travel, but had no desire to live in the West because they felt it was plagued by
drug problems and unemployment. The East Germans reported that the rent for their
apartment was $2 per month, and an East German bus ticket cost less than a penny.
8. He saw that the crowd had swollen and that there was a lot of noise. He noted that the
wall was “finally breaking” and that cranes were moving large slabs of the wall.
9. As the wall fell, Ramos talked to some East German soldiers with guns, and asked
them if the guns were loaded. They grinned and said no. He also noted that “East and
West German police had traded caps” and that “the police and the army were
helpless. The soldiers themselves were overwhelmed by the event.” He also notes that
the two mayors met and shook hands.
10. Ramos notes that West Germans went out and brought East Germans into their homes
for food and rest (one of Ramos’s friends had two East German families sleeping in
her living room). He notes that when a Trabi was destroyed in a collision with a
Mercedes (which was more or less undamaged), the owner of the Mercedes gave it to
the owner of the Trabi to use during the weekend. Another West German got his
truck and drove the wreck of the Trabi back to East Germany. The West German
government declared that East Germans had free access to all zoos, museums,
concerts, and other conveniences.
11. Answers will vary. Positives would be many, families would be reunited, the danger
of trying to cross the wall would be eliminated, and the economic infrastructure of
Germany would be restored. Some negatives might include higher unemployment
with more German workers competing for jobs, more strain on services such as
schools and highways with East Germans wanting to settle in West Berlin, and a great
deal of wariness between two former enemies. As for reunification, many students
would probably say that it was inevitable given the common ties of culture and
language between East and West Germany. Others may say that living under
communism for 40 years might have made East Germans wary of the West, and that
although many (like the one couple Ramos encountered) celebrated the end of Soviet-
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style communism, they still might not have wanted to live in a full-fledged capitalist
state.
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Argumentative Paragraph/Essay Rubric
Structure-Introduction
– states thesis/main idea
– introduces main points
Weighting
Level 1 (50-59)
- simple opening statement
- limited identification of main points
SCORE
Level 2 (60-69)
- thesis stated but unclear
- main points unclear
Level 3 (70-79)
- thesis is stated but somewhat unclear
- main points introduced with moderate clarity
Level 4 (80-100)
- thesis is precisely stated
- main points clearly introduced
Structure-Conclusion
– summarizes thesis/main
idea
– summarizes main points
Weighting
Level 1 (50-59)
- abrupt ending; limited summarizing of main
points
SCORE
Level 2 (60-69)
- thesis summarized but unclear
- main point summarized but unclear
Level 3 (70-79)
- thesis summarized but somewhat unclear
- main points summarized but unclear
Level 4 (80-100)
- thesis clearly summarized
- main points clearly summarized
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Supporting Reasons or
Arguments
– arguments are related to
the main idea logically
Weighting
Level 1 (50-59)
- arguments are unrelated
SCORE
Level 2 (60-69)
- arguments are unclear and not logically related
to the main idea
Level 3 (70-79)
- arguments are usually clear and logically related
to the main idea
Level 4 (80-100)
- arguments are quite clear and logically
related to the main idea
Evidence and Examples
– relevant supporting
evidence
– sufficient quantity of facts
used
Weighting
Level 1 (50-59)
- limited support of points, evidence mostly
irrelevant
- limited or unrelated facts used
SCORE
Level 2 (60-69)
- some points have been supported, some
evidence not relevant
- insufficient or missing some facts
Level 3 (70-79)
- most points have been supported with relevant
evidence
- sufficient use of facts
Level 4 (80-100)
- each point has been supported with relevant
evidence
- substantial facts used
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Mechanics of Writing
– correct grammar and
spelling used
– use of correct citation
method
Weighting
Level 1 (50-59)
- grammar and spelling used with limited
accuracy and effectiveness
- citation method not followed or absent
SCORE
Level 2 (60-69)
- grammar and spelling used with some accuracy
and effectiveness
- citation method used but with significant errors
Level 3 (70-79)
- grammar and spelling used with considerable
accuracy and effectiveness
- minor errors in citation method
Level 4 (80-100)
- correct grammar and spelling used with
accuracy and effectiveness almost all of the time
- precise use of citation method
Additional Criteria
Weighting
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Debate Rubric
Clear articulation of position
Level 1
- position is not clearly stated
SCORE
Level 2
- position is recognized, but only clarified
through prompting
Level 3
- a clear position is stated
Level 4
- a clear position is stated and fully articulated
Provides support for position
Level 1
- limited support for initial position
SCORE
Level 2
- support for initial position is present but lacks
clarity of presentation
Level 3
- support for initial position is clearly presented
and reasoned based on evidence
Level 4
- supporting arguments for position are both
reasoned and persuasively presented
Considers other positions
Level 1
- limited sensitivity to other positions
SCORE
Level 2
- other positions acknowledged but not
considered
Level 3
- other positions acknowledged and considered
Level 4
- other positions considered and effectively
incorporated or countered
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51
Effectively critiques positions
Level 1
- limited sensitivity to other positions
SCORE
Level 2
- other positions acknowledged but not
considered
Level 3
- other positions acknowledged and considered
Level 4
- other positions considered and effectively
incorporated or countered
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Oral Presentation Rubric
Your Name: ______________________
Topic: _____________________________
Criteria
Possible
Self-Assessment
Points
Provided depth in coverage of topic.
Presentation was well planned and
coherent.
Presenters were models of thoughtfulness.
Personal experience integrated where
relevant and appropriate. Explanations
and reasons given for conclusions.
Teacher
Assessment
10
10
10
Communication aids were clear and useful.
10
Bibliographic information for others was
complete.
10
Total Possible Points
50
Rate each category according to the following scale:
• 9–10 = excellent
• 7–8 = very good
• 5–6 = good
• 3–4 = satisfactory
• 1–2 = poor
• 0 = unsatisfactory
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53
Cold War Related Web Sites
CNN—“Cold War”
This companion site for the recent CNN series of the same name includes primary source
interviews with Cold War figures as well as “culture capsules” of the times.
http://www.cnn.com/SPECIALS/cold.war/
The Cold War Museum
This site includes a great deal of information about the Cold War, including educational
resources, primary source information, trivia games, and more. A good supplemental
resource.
http://www.coldwar.org/
Documents Related to the Cold War
A very comprehensive, chronological listing of primary source material related to the
Cold War.
http://www.mtholyoke.edu/acad/intrel/coldwar.htm
The National Archives (UK) “Learning Curve” Page on the Cold War
This page contains various resources on the Cold War, including case studies, lessons for
teachers, and other primary source materials.
http://www.learningcurve.gov.uk/coldwar/
The Yale University Law School Avalon Project Cold War Page
This page includes primary source documents about Cold War diplomacy as well as
Cuban Missile Crisis documents and other documents relating to NATO, the Warsaw
Pact, and Southeast Asian conflicts.
http://www.yale.edu/lawWeb/avalon/coldwar.htm
The Harvard University Project on Cold War Studies
A comprehensive compendium of Cold War links, including books, journals, speeches,
and other resources.
http://www.fas.harvard.edu/~hpcws/links.htm
The Central Intelligence Agency’s “Cold War Related Resources: Documents on the
Intelligence War in Berlin”
This site has various CIA documents regarding the Berlin Crisis of the 1940s all the way
to the creation of the Berlin Wall.
http://www.cia.gov/csi/books/17240/
The Cold War Civil Defense Museum
This site includes various pieces of information relating to how America prepared for a
possible nuclear attack.
http://www.civildefensemuseum.com/
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54
The National Security Archive (George Washington University)
This site contains a wealth of Cold War information, including maps, photographs,
selections from books, and other primary source materials.
http://www.gwu.edu/~nsarchiv/
The Spartacus-Schoolnet (UK) Page on the Cold War
This informational site provides background on Cold War figures from the 1940s through
the end of the Cold War era.
http://www.spartacus.schoolnet.co.uk/ColdWar.htm
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55
Resources on the Cold War
available from Social Studies School Service
To order, go to http://www.socialstudies.com/mproduct.html and enter the code and
quantity of the desired titles or call toll-free 800-421-4246.
THE COLD WAR: A History in Documents. By Allan M. Winkler. Hundreds of
documents pinpoint the origins of the Cold War and explore its long-ranging
repercussions. Drawn from both camps, Winkler’s collection of speeches, cartoons,
letters, white papers, news articles, and photographs show how the conflict not only
influenced America’s foreign policy but impacted the nation’s social life and popular
culture. An indispensable resource for studying the Korean War, the rush to develop and
stockpile nuclear weapons, the space race, Vietnam, the breakup of the Soviet Union, and
more. Grades 7–12. Index. Timeline. Bibliography. Source notes. 8" x 10". Oxford
University Press. 159 p. ©2000.
OUP229
Hardback
$36.95
OUP137
Paperback
1-4 copies $19.95 each
5 copies and over $17.95 each
THE COLD WAR: United States History Video Collection. Offers incisive looks at
the escalation of conflicting opinions with the Soviet Union following World War II;
indirect involvement with the Soviets in locales around the globe; the threat of nuclear
war; the crisis in Berlin; Fidel Castro and Cuba; and the eventual fall of the Soviet Union.
An entertaining mix of archival imagery, reenactments, dramatic readings, and interviews
with historians provides facts in context and from many perspectives, including those of
often underrepresented groups. Grades 5–12. Closed captioned. Color. 35 minutes.
Schlessinger. ©1996.
LV451V
VHS videocassette, guide
$39.95
LV451DV
DVD
$39.95
PRIMARY SOURCES: The Cold War. Edited by Stuart A. Kallen. Twenty-five
introduced readings incorporate primary sources grouped under five headings: uneasy
peace, nuclear arms race, Cold War at home, Cold War abroad (Korea, Vietnam), and
war’s end. Samples: Churchill’s “Iron Curtain” speech, Mao predicts America’s
downfall, Ike’s military-industrial complex warning; Kennedy’s missiles-in-Cuba speech;
Reagan calls USSR “Evil Empire,” and Gorbachev explains perestroika. Grades 7–12.
Index. Chronology. Illustrated. Lucent. 112 p. ©2003.
GP473
Hardback
$22.96
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THE CUBAN MISSILE CRISIS: Considering Its Place in Cold War History. Going
back to October 1962, this two-part unit plunges students into the midst of Cold War
intrigue. Readings in part one review Castro’s takeover in Cuba, discovery of Soviet
missiles on the island, and Kennedy’s options in the face of threatened nuclear attack.
“On the Brink” (part two) covers JFK’s naval blockade, the posturing of Castro and
Khrushchev, and eventual withdrawal of the missiles. Documents, photographs, and
political cartoons augment the readings. The 36-page teacher’s guide contains a detailed
five-day lesson plan complete with more than 15 reproducible handouts. An epilogue
describes 40 years of U.S.-Cuban relations. A list of supplementary readings and
materials is included. Grades 9–12. Illustrated. 8" x 10½". Choices for the 21st Century
Project. 93 p. Third Edition. ©2005.
CFP155
Reproducible curriculum unit
$18.00
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