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Shantell Colebrooke LING 459 Field Methods Senoufo: Analysis of basic Phonemic, Phonological, and Syntactic Properties 1. Introductions: This paper is an exploration and analysis of Nafaara, ([nafãːra]), a variety specific to the Senoufo language family, spoken in Cote d’Ivoire. All data was collected from language consultant Aminata Coulibaly, who is a native of Cote d’Ivoire and well versed in several varieties of Senoufo. The initial part of this paper attempts to identify and discuss the phonemic inventory of Nafaara, followed by examining the basic syntactic, grammatical, and phonological properties of present in data thus far. 2. Phonemic Inventory: Consonants Bilabial Plosive p Nasal LabioDental b m Dental t Alveolar k r ɸ β s z Approximant ʃ ʒ tʃ dʒ j l Velar ɡ ɲ n ɱ Affricate Lateral approximant Palatal d Trill Fricative Postalveolar Glottal ʔ ŋ 2.1. Plosives Based of the data collected thus far, there appear to be seven plosives present in Nafaara’s phonemic inventory. They are as follows, [p, b, t, d, k, g,ʔ]. In some cases, the plosive, [d], appears to take on a dental quality and is pronounced as [d̪]. These phonemes may be found in word initially, medially, and word finally. In the following words, we see examples of plosives in the word initial position. 1) ‘girl’ [pɪpɛn] 2) ‘banana’ [bard̪əәu] 3) ‘leg’ [tɔg] 4) ‘floor’ [d̪ an̩] 5) ‘well’ 6) ‘chicken’ [kɔlu̹] [gou] Here are some examples of plosives in medial word position. 7) ‘to walk’ [bitaʔa] 8) ‘to break’ [bika] 9) ‘to like’ [bidɛn] 10) ‘doctor’ [lɔtɔru] Here are examples of plosives in word final position. 11) ‘arm’ [kɔɡ] 12) ‘head’ [ɲuŋk] 2.2. Nasals There appear to be five nasals present in the phonemic inventory of Nafaara. According to the data thus far, they are as follows, [m, ɱ, n, ɲ, ŋ]. The nasals can be found at the beginning of a word, in the middle of a word as well as at the end of a word. Here are examples that can be found word-initially. 13) ‘head’ [ɲuŋk] 14) ‘eye’ [napin] 15) ‘sky’ [ŋɪɛn] 16) ‘slept’ [məәŋɔn] Here are some examples in the medial position. 17) ‘to sleep’ [biŋɔn] 18) ‘to see’ [biɲa] Here are some examples in the word-final position. 19) ‘mango’ [lon̩] 20) ‘chair’ [katɛŋ] 21) ‘sky’ [ŋɪɛn], 2.3. Trills There seems to be only one trill found in the data collection thus far. It is the voiced alveolar trill [r]. The trill appears in the medial and word final positions only. The examples listed below express the conditions in which it can be found. 22) ‘banana’ [bard̪əәu] 23) ‘number 3’ [tar] 24) ‘doctor’ [lɔtɔru] 25) ‘cooking pot’ [nɛrdau] 2.4. Fricatives The data confirms the presence of six fricatives in the phonemic inventory thus far. They are [s, z, ʃ, ʒ, ɸ,β ]. It is worth noting that the labio-dental voiced and voiceless fricatives, [f] and [v], do not occur in Nafaara as previously thought. Initially, there was some discrepancy as to whether the labio-dental fricatives were being said, however it became clear that Nafaara prefers the bilabial voiced and voiceless fricatives, [ɸ] and [β] as phonemes. The fricatives can be seen word-initially and medially. Examples of where these particular fricative occur can be seen below. 26) ‘father’ [toɸo] 27) ‘herder’ [ɸlaʊ] 28) ’sweet potato’ [bosɔlm̩] 29) ‘house’ [salɡ] 30) ‘rain’ [zəәɡ̚] 31) ‘to buy’ [biʃɔ] 32) ‘number 2’ [ʃĩ] 33) ‘sibling’ [tʃɔnɔŋ] 34) ‘cloud’ [βãβãŋ] 35) ‘nose’ [ɸəәnnan] 2.5. Affricates There are two affricates present in the data. They include the voiceless post-alveolar, [tʃ] as well as the voiced post-alveolar, [ dʒ]. Examples of where the above phonemes occur can be seen below. 36) ‘clay pot’ [ku dʒʌŋ], 37) ‘sun’ [tʃ ɛŋɡ] 38) ‘woman’ [tʃ ɔʊ] 39) ‘nice’ [ dʒɛn] 2.6. Approximates Nafaara appears to have only one approximate in its phonemic inventory. It is the voiced palatal approximate, [j]. According to the data, it presents either word initially, or medially. Examples of the two environments in which [j] occurs can be seen in the following words. 40) ‘moon’ [jɪɡ] 41) ‘you’ [je] 42) ‘sibling’ [jɛβo] 43) ‘or’ [ubjĩ] 2.7. Laterals There was only one lateral observed in the data. It is the voiced alveolar approximant [l]. It can be found word-initially, medially, and word-finally. Below is a list of the environments in which voiced alveolar lateral can be found. 47) ‘children’ [pibɛl] Elicited by: VC on 1/22 48) ‘men’ [nãbɛl] Elicited by: VC on 1/22 49) ‘farmer’ [seβalu] Elicited by: VC on 1/22 50) ‘bed’ [liu] 3. Phonemic Inventory: Vowels Front ɪ Central Back ɨ w Close i Close-mid e Open-mid ɛ ɔ Open a ɑ əә u o 3.1 Front Vowels Thus far, the data presents with five front vowels in Nafaara’s phonemic inventory. They are as follows [ i, ɪ, e, ɛ, a]. They are all tense with the exception of the lax close unrounded, [I]. In fact all of the front vowels are minus rounding. In terms of morphology, vowels can be found medially as well as word finally, however they have yet to appear in the data in the word initial position. Here are some examples of front vowels in the afore mentioned positions. 51) ‘to eat’ [bɪli] Elicited by: VC on 2/3 52) ‘to buy’ [biʃɔ] Elicited by: VC on 2/3 53) ‘mountain’ [nabəәɡ] Elicited by: SC on 1/22 54) ‘sky [ɲɪ ʔɛn] Elicited by: SC on 1/22 55) ‘you guys’ [je] Elicited by: VC on 2/3 3.2 Central Vowels According to the data, there appears to be only two central vowels present in Nafaara. They are the central close, [ɨ] and the central, close-mid, schwa [əә]. They present themselves in the following environments and conditions listed below. 56) ‘cat’ [d̪əәkau] Elicited by: Tugi on 2/12 57) ‘newborn’ [pəәbəәnaɲɛŋ] Elicited by: Tugi on 2/12 58) ‘cattle herder’ [nəәnaʔau] Elicited by: VC on 2/12 59) ‘goat meat’ [sɨkkakar] Elicited by: BB 3.3 Back Vowels There are five back vowels present in the data thus far. They are as follows: [w, u , o, ɔ, ɑ]. All of the back vowels are rounded and range from open to mid to close in terms of placement in the mouth. Morphologically, the back vowels can be found medially and word finally, though they have yet to appear in the data word initially. Examples of where these back vowels occur in the data can be seen as follows: 60) ‘chicken’ [go] Elicited by: BB 61) ‘fell’ [mɑto] Elicited by: SC on 2/3 62) ‘water’ [[lɔɡ] Elicited by: SC 63) ‘rice’ [mãnu] Elicited by: BB 64) ‘she/he’ [wu] Elicited by: VC on 2/3 65) ‘black’ [wɔn] 66) ‘we’ [wo] 4. Syntactic/Grammatical Properties Based on the data, Nafaara’s basic sentence structure presents as Subject, (auxiliary), Object, Verb, or (S (aux) OV). The data below will present the basic structure of verb tense markers noun and pronoun markers, as well as the formation of plurals. 4.1 Verb Tense Markers Verb ŋɔ́n ‘sleep’ Infinitive bəә̀ ŋɔ́n ‘to sleep’ ɲáh ‘see’ bəә̀ ɲáh ‘to see’ lí ‘eat’ bəә̀ lí ‘to eat’ to bəә̀ tó ‘to fall’ ‘fall’ Present ŋɔ́n ‘sleep’ ɲáh ‘see’ lí ‘eat’ to ‘fall’ Past mà ŋɔ́n ‘slept’ məә̀ ɲáh ‘saw’ mà lí ‘ate’ mà tó ‘fell’ Future dà ŋɔ́n/dá bà ŋɔ́n ‘will sleep’ dà ɲáh/ dá bà ɲáh ‘will see’ dà lí /dá bà lí ‘will eat’ dà tó /dá bà tó ‘will fall’ 4.1(a) Verbs Tense Markers In Nafaara, it appears that verbs have a base present tense form, in which affixes are added to distinguish between the infinitive, past and future tense markers. The tense markers are as follows, infinitive [bəә̀ ], past tense [ma] or [mɘ̀], and future tense [da] or [dá bà]. The past and future tenses can be said in two ways. The future tense in particular becomes a disyllabic marker with tri-syllabic words. All of the tenses appear to have tonal distinction as well. 4.2 Nouns [n] (1) napa + n [ŋ]’ ‘bull’ sɔ + ŋ [g] ‘horse’ tʃɪ + g [u] ‘tree’ go + u ‘chicken’ (2) (3) kaba + n ɲɔ + ŋ ‘finger’ ‘mouth’ kapo + n ɲn + ŋ ‘head’ za + g ‘rain’ na + u ‘man’ tɔ + g ‘foot’ pi + u ‘baby’ pã + u ‘dog’ ‘forest’ (4) pie + n me ŋ ‘name’ kɔr + g ‘door’ ‘rabbit’ (5) (6) lɔ + n wɔ + g ‘mango’ ‘snake’ pipi + n ‘girl’ bɔɸa + g ‘bag’ 4.2(a) Nouns The data shows that nouns end in four distinct morphemes. They are [n, ŋ, g, u]. The formation of nouns begins with a base morphological structure in which either of the previously mentioned suffixes is added. For example, in the words for ‘girl’ [pipi + n], ‘door’ [kɔr + g], and ‘mouth’ [ɲɔ + ŋ], the data clearly shows affixes being added to a base form. 4.3 Pronoun Markers Subject Pronouns Object Pronouns 1st person 2nd person ‘I’ / [m] ‘me’ /[mɪ]/[mi] ‘you’ / [m]/[m̩ ́] ‘you’ / [mu] 3rd person (male) ‘he’ / [wu]/[wú] ‘him’/ [wu] 3rd person (female) ‘She’ / [wu]/[wú] ‘her’ / [wu] 3rd person 1st person (plural) Possessive Pronouns Reflexive Pronouns ‘my’/[mej] ‘mine’/ [mi owu] ‘myself’/[miməә] ‘your’/ ‘yours’/ ‘yourself’/ [muməә] ‘his’/[wej] ‘his’/ [wej owu] ‘her’/[wej] ‘it’ / [ka] ‘it’ / ‘we’ / [wol]/[wo] ‘us’ / [wol/wo] 2nd person ‘you’ / [jɛ]/[jel] (plural) 3rd person (plural) ‘they’ / [pa]/[pəә] Possessive Adjectives ‘hers’/ [wej owu] ‘its’ ‘itself’/ ‘our’/ [wol] ‘ours’/ [wol owo] ‘ourselves’/ [weɪməә] ‘your’ ‘yours’ ‘yourselves’/ [jeeməә́] ‘their’/[pəәj] ‘theirs’/ [pəәj owu] ‘themselves’/ [peɪməә] ‘you’ / [jɛ]/[jel] ‘them’ / [be]/[bɛ̃n] ‘himse[lf’/ [weɪməә] ‘herself’/ [weɪməә] 4.3 (a) Pronoun Markers Above is a list of pronoun markers present in the data thus far. It consist if subject, object, possessive, and reflexive pronouns. Each of the pronoun markers are a variation of the subject and object forms. Consider for example the third person subject markers, He and She. In Nafaara, the subject form for male and female are the same. They are represented as [wu], both in the subject and object position. The subsequent possessive and reflexive pronouns are a variation of the subject and object forms, such that they are represented as follows: his/her [wej], his/hers [wej owu], and himself/herself [weɪməә]. 4.4 Plural Formation: Translation Singular Plural Plural Marker ‘head’ / ‘heads’ ɲuŋg ɲui -i ‘arm’ / ‘arms’ kɔg kɔi -i ‘mouth’ / ‘mouths’ ɲɔŋg ɲɔi -i ‘star’ / ‘countless stars’ ŋɔrpin ŋɔrpir -r ‘tree’ / ‘countless trees’ tʃɪg tʃir -r kutʃig kutʃir ɲɪʔɛn ɲɪʔɛŋɡɛl -gel ‘girl’ / ‘girls’ pɪpɪn pɪpɪgɛl -gel ‘eye’ / ‘eyes napin napigɛl -gel ‘chicken’ / ‘chicken’ go /gokar gobɛl -bel ‘woman’ / ‘women’ tʃɔu tofɔ tʃabɛl -bel tofɔbɛl -bel ‘shoulder’ / ‘countless shoulders’ ‘sky’ / ‘skys’ ‘father’ / ‘fathers’ -r 4.3(a) Plural Formation Nafaara presents with four different sets of plural markers. They are as follows: -i, -r, -gel, -bel. The above chart offers a sample of where and when the differing plural markers tend to occur. It appears that all of the plural markers seem to occur as a suffix at the end of a word. For example, in the word for “heads,’ [ɲui], the plural marker -i- occurs at the end of the word. Similarly, in the words for ‘trees,’ [tʃir], ‘girl,’ [pɪpɪgɛl], ‘women,’ [tʃabɛl], the subsequent plural makers also occur word finally. It is worth noting that in some instances the plural markers appear to be interchangeable, such that for particular words, the interlocutor has a choice of which plural form to select. The choice selection seems to be between two forms at a time, rather than between all of the various plural markers in total. For example, the word for ‘shoulders’ can be represented as [kutʃii] or [kutʃir]. Thus, the choice is between the [ii], and [r] plural forms. In the word for ‘eyes,’ [napii] or [napigɛl], we can that interlocutors have a choice between the [gɛl], and [ii] plural markers. This lexical phenomenon in which some of plural forms as interchangeable, is likely due to the type of semantic meaning being conveyed. Interestingly, the data thus far suggest that there are no plural markers for words relating to meat, or types of meat, except with the word for ‘chicken,’ [go] /[gokar]. It appears that the singular and plural forms for words relating to meat are the same or there is something interesting occurring in the morphology of these particular category of words. For example, in the words meaning ‘meat,’ [kar] ‘beef,’[nəәəәkar] ‘mutton,’[bakar] ‘goat meat,’[sɨkkakar], we have not encountered expected plural markers, except in the case of the word meaning ‘alive chickens,’ [gobɛl]. It is likely that compounding may be affecting the morphology in some way, however more data and analysis is required. 5. Phonological Processes While more data is needed to draw any concrete conclusions, the current data does indicate a few examples of phonological processes thus far. There appears to be a process of nasalization of certain vowels, particularly when they are preceded by a nasal or when they are found between two nasal sounds. The data also presents examples of tonality, where high, mid and low tones are contrastive in morphological comparisons. Finally, a general statement can be made about the phonological process occurring in the data with the formation of plurals. 5.1(a) Nasalization In the data some vowels appear to undergo a nasalization process. This seems to occur in the environments where some vowels are preceded by a nasal or when some are found between two nasal sounds. Here are some examples of this process. 67) ‘clay cooking pot’ [koʤɔ̃n] 68) ‘men’ [nãbɛl] Furthermore, vowels seem to be in free variation such that it matters not which vowel is selected, given that vowel quality can vary. 5.1(b) Tonality The data suggests presence of tone in which high, mid, and low tones are contrastive in certain environments. The examples of tonality seem to occur mainly at the syntactic and morphological levels. Some examples of this can be seen below. 69) ‘you slept’ 70) ‘I slept’ [ḿ məәəәŋɔn] [m̄ məәəәŋɔn] Elicited by: VC on 2/3 Elicited by: VC on 2/3 Numbers 69 and 70 are tonal minimal pairs, such that ‘you’ and ‘I’ are represented by the same word; however they are contrastive in meaning. [ḿ ] with a high tone means ‘you’ where as [m̄] mid tone means ‘I’. 5.1(c) Plurals A general statement can be made about the phonological process occurring with plurals in the data. It appears that when the root noun ends in [+vowel], the plural marker is represented as [bel]. As such, a general rule may appear as, [+vowel] > -bel / Ø___#. Furthermore, when the root noun ends in the voiced alveolar nasal, [n], the plural marker is represented as [gel]. Therefore and general rule or statement may appear as follows, [n] > -gel / Ø ___#. 6. Conclusion This paper was an initial attempt to identify and discuss the phonemic inventory of Nafaara, followed by examining the basic syntactic, grammatical, and phonological properties of present indicated in the data at present. In terms of the phonological processes, more data and further analysis is needed.