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Struggles for freedom and power beyond the enemy: Afro-descendant slaves in the American Revolution and the Bolivarian Wars for independence* Leonardo Enrique Reales Jiménez** Fecha de recepción: 27 de julio de 2014 Fecha de aceptación: 22 de septiembre de 2014 Fecha de modificación: 4 de noviembre de 2014 ABSTRACT Despite the rise of ideas among most elites about the benefits of having more control over economic resources and local political institutions, both the British and Spanish Crowns strongly refused to make changes in their monarchic systems and fiscal policies. Independence from both empires was then declared and the war for liberty in the would-be United States of America and the so-called “Bolivarian nations”, meaning Venezuela, Colombia, Peru, Ecuador and Bolivia, began. Although the independence lexicon in both cases suggested that “all” people living under colonial rules deserved freedom, slavery was maintained and racist ideas, in fact, were enhanced. Both British and Spanish leaders took advantage of this situation and offered slaves freedom, if they joined their military apparatus (army and navy). British slave masters and military officers, however, refused to free their own slaves during the American Revolution (Sylvia Frey 1991). Keywords African-Descendant Soldiers, American Revolution and Wars for Independence. Las luchas por la libertad y el poder de los esclavos afro-descendientes en la Revolución Americana y las guerras bolivarianas por la independencia. As lutas pela liberdade e poder para além do inimigo: Os escravos Africano-desceu na Revolução Americana e as guerras bolivarianas pela independência. RESUMEN RESUMO A pesar del surgimiento de ideas entre la mayoría de las élites acerca de los beneficios de tener un mayor control sobre los recursos naturales y las instituciones políticas locales, tanto la Corona Británica como La Española se rehusaron fuertemente a implementar cambios en sus sistemas monárquicos y en sus políticas fiscales. La independencia de ambos imperios fu declarada entonces y la guerra por la libertad en lo que serían los Estados Unidos de América y las llamadas “naciones bolivarianas”, es decir, Venezuela, Colombia, Perú, Ecuador y Bolivia, empezó. Aunque el vocabulario independentista en ambos casos sugirió que “todas” las personas viviendo bajo reglas coloniales merecían la libertad, se mantuvo la esclavitud y las ideas racistas, de hecho, se fortalecieron. Los líderes británicos y los españoles sacaron provecho de esta situación y ofrecieron a los esclavos la libertad si se unían a su aparato militar (la armada y la marina). Los británicos amos de esclavos y los oficiales militares, sin embargo, se rehusaron a liberar a sus propios esclavos durante la Revolución Americana (Sylvia Frey, 1991). Apesar do surgimento de ideias entre a maioria das elites acerca dos benefícios de ter um maior controle sobre os recursos naturais e as instituições políticas locais, tanto a Coroa Britânica quanto a Espanhola, recusaram-se fortemente a implementar mudanças em seus sistemas monárquicos e em suas políticas fiscais. A independência de ambos os impérios foi declarada, então, e a guerra pela liberdade, no que seriam os Estados Unidos da América e as chamadas “nações bolivarianas”, ou seja, Venezuela, Colômbia, Peru, Equador e Bolívia, começou. Ainda que o vocabulário independentista em ambos os casos sugerisse que todas as pessoas vivendo sob regras coloniais merecessem a liberdade, manteve-se a escravidão, e as ideias racistas, de fato, se fortaleceram. Os líderes britânicos e os espanhóis tiraram proveito dessa situação e ofereceram a liberdade aos escravos se os mesmos se unissem a seu aparato militar (a armada e a marinha). Os britânicos donos de escravos e os oficiais militares, no entanto, se negaram a libertar seus próprios escravos durante a Revolução Americana (Sylvia Frey, 1991). Palabras clave Soldados afro-descendientes, revolución Americana y guerras de independencia. Palavras-chave Soldados afrodescendentes. Revolução Americana. Guerras de independencia. * Artículo producto de uno de los seminarios de investigación del doctorado ¿QUÉ DOCTORADO?. ** Profesor de Relaciones Internacionales de la Universidad Jorge Tadeo Lozano. Coordinador BIDSomosAfro.org y Presidente de ASOUSA. Historiador y Politólogo de la Universidad de los Andes, Diplomado Internacional en Derechos Humanos en Columbia University, Magíster en Economía y Relaciones Internacionales de la Universidad Externado de Colombia, con estudios de Ph.D. en Louisiana State University y New School University. Correo electrónico: leonardoe. [email protected] INTRODUCTION The participation of Afro-descendant slaves in the American Revolution has been extensively studied. The majority of scholars have focused on the contribution of these slaves to the triumph of the patriots. Few authors have explored in depth the various roles that slaves played among British military institutions and units. In any case, there is no doubt that the (African) American body of literature on slave soldiers is far more extensive than the existing studies on the presence of slave soldiers in the Spanish American independence struggles. 46 pires are highlighted; and seventh, a conclusion, in which my central argument, which states that the slaves’ struggles for freedom and power went beyond the mere defeat of one of the sides at war, is underscored. In the 1770s, when the anti-monarchic ideas in the would-be United States grew stronger, the socio-economic, cultural and political structures of the colonies were sustained by slavery. Duncan MacLeod (1974) emphasizes that the wealth and social prestige of the (white) leaders, particularly in the South, derived extensively from the control and exploitation of slave labor. As an Afro-descendant historian and former army soldier, I have always found the direct participation of Afrodescendants in wars interesting. I decided to write this paper as I realized that I could find useful elements and references in the well-documented essays and books on African American military issues. Even though this paper relies on secondary sources, I think it can become a critical reference for social scientists who may be interested in comparing distinct aspects of the American Revolution and the Bolivarian wars for independence. It should be noted that Afro-descendant slaves also contributed to the strength of British military institutions throughout the British Crown’s North American colonies. Most slaveholders saw, however, the slaves as animals rather than human beings (Bernard Nalty 1986). Attempts to defend (black) slavery were a common occurrence in the Americas before, during and after the independence processes. MacLeod (1974) states that slavery was normally confined to a vague theory of climatic determinism allied to references of biblical precedent. This paper is divided into seven parts: first, an introduction, in which a general overview of the socio-economic and political situation of the Afro-descendant population in the beginning of both independence processes is outlined; second, previous research on the topic is presented; third, an analytical framework, in which the relevant terms that are utilized in the text are defined; fourth, a comparison of the role that slave soldiers played among both the British and Spanish military apparatus is given; fifth, the slaves’ struggles among the patriot armies in both processes are underlined; sixth, similarities and differences between the situations that slave soldiers faced when independence was recognized by both the British and Spanish em- This racist environment helps explain why when the battles began Afro-descendant slaves were not enlisted in the Continental army. According to MacLeod (1974), political leaders were concerned with factors such as the apparent ignorance of the so-called ‘Negroes’, their habits, the alleged impossibility of integrating them into (American) society and, above all, the strong dependence of that society upon their labor. Slaveholders also feared that their servants would become powerful enemies. Influenced by racist ideas, the negative attitude toward enlisting the black slave sprang from a reluctance to deprive the slave master of his servant and from the fear of putting guns in the hands of those who had never been free (Benjamin Quarles 1961). 7 2015 Struggles for freedom and power beyond the enemy: Afro-descendant Slaves in the American Revolution and the Bolivarian Wars for Independence (pp. 44 - 55) In the Spanish American world the socio-economic and political situation of most people of African descent was generally similar. Even when some Afrodescendants became important military leaders, they tended to be (racially) discriminated against by their own commanders.1 It should be underlined that in the early 1810s the would-be “Bolivarian” countries were still divided by statute and custom into socio-racial castes, the wellknown ‘sociedad de castas’, which comprised, broadly speaking, Euro-mestizos, free people of African descent, indigenous people, and black slaves (Leonardo Reales 2006). The castes were ruled by white Europeans and Creoles. When the colonial militia was created, some free Afro-descendants were permitted to serve, but only in segregated units (Jay Kinsbruner 1994). In the Americas some owners were relatively “respectful” to their slaves and manumitted them after years of hard work. Most slaves, nevertheless, were treated as “beings without soul” or merchandise (Reales 2001). This explains why running away, or ‘el cimarronaje’,2 became a common strategy of resistance throughout the British and Spanish American (slave) dominance and beyond.3 Despite the rise of revolutionary groups and ideas in the Americas, neither slaves nor free Afro-descendants saw significant changes in the socio-economic structures that characterized the region. In the wouldbe United States these ideas did not include the end of slavery, although a few philanthropists proposed a gradual elimination of it, as well as plans to enlist slaves who wanted to gain freedom in return for their service. The most famous proposal regarding the presence of slaves in the Continental army was made by John Laurens, a wealthy leader from the South, who came to encourage a crusade against slavery that failed (Gregory Massey, 2000). Leonardo Enrique Reales Jiménez In the Bolivarian nations, the socio-racial structure inherited from colonial times was not eliminated either (Reales, 2006). The goal of the leaders of both processes was then made clear to slaves: The independence was essentially to benefit the (white) elites who already had political power. PRIOR RELEVANT RESEARCH ON SLAVE SOLDIERS IN THE AMERICAS The slave presence in the American Revolutionary War has been explored extensively by sociologists, historians and political scientists. The vast majority of academic works refer to the decisive contribution of Afro-descendant slaves to the cause of American freedom. Authors have focused on different cultural, economic, social, political, legal and military aspects that affected the slaves who fought for the Continental army and state militias. Two texts remain as critical references for the study of slave soldiers who supported the patriot side. The first one is a well-documented book, “The Negro in the American Revolution.” This text, written by Benjamin Quarles (1961), is perhaps the most cited work on slave soldiers to date. The second one is another widely-cited book; “Blacks in the American Revolution,” in which its author, Philip Foner (1975), analyzes key documents that help clarify the meaning of the Revolution in African American history. 1 Due to racism-related issues, (Afro-descendant) General Manuel Piar (in Venezuela) and Admiral José Padilla (in Colombia) were, in fact, executed by their troops. According to Leonardo Reales (2001), both Piar and Padilla were victims of the dominant racism that characterized the Bolivarian nations in the first half of the Nineteenth century. 2 It is important to recall that the Spaniards called ‘cimarrones’ (maroons) the animals (bulls, horses, cows, etc) that escaped from their stables. For information on ‘cimarrones’ in the Spanish American world, see Reales (2001). 3 Reales (2006) states that ‘running away’ was a common occurrence in the Spanish American slave society. It should be added that Paul Finkelman (1989) compiled several academic works, which have influenced the understanding of slavery and the American Revolution, for example, his text, “Slavery, Revolutionary America, and the New Nation.” As Finkelman himself notes, “this series includes pioneering articles on the history of slavery in America, relevant breakthroughs in research and methodology and articles that offer 2015 7 47 major historiographical interpretations.” (p. 5). Finkelman acknowledges, of course, that this series does not include all the excellent articles that have been written on the topic since the 1960s. 4 The British were well-known for the red coats that characterized their military uniforms. The main argument of this paper is that the Afro-descendant slaves’ willingness to fight with either side at war went beyond “the flag” that they decided to defend or attack. This is why I also rely on secondary sources that study in detail the participation of Afro-descendant slaves in the British Crown’s military apparatus. I pay special attention to three texts on Afro-descendant slaves who wore ‘red coats’4 in the battlefield. One is “Water from the Rock: Black Resistance in a Revolutionary Age”. This book, written by Sylvia Frey in 1991, underscores the crucial roles that Afro-descendant slaves played among the British Crown’s military. Based on her research in British records, Frey (1991) suggests that slave resistance during the Revolutionary War was far more extensive than what most authors have recognized and that aspects of this resistance have remained unexplored. Another important text on slaves who wore ‘red coats’ in the battlefield is “The Black Loyalist Directory.” This well-documented text, written by Graham Hodges in 1996, shows how the British military attracted tens of thousand of slaves seeking freedom. This study is worthy of careful consideration, as the “Black Loyalists” are of paramount importance to the understanding not only of the slaves’ strategies to seek freedom but also of African American history. The third text that I find useful for the study of the slaves who defended “the British flag” in the Revolutionary War is “The Fate of Some Black Loyalists of the American Revolution.” In this article, Mary Norton (1973) gives detailed descriptions of the fate of some slaves who had escaped from their masters and joined British military units during the war. Descriptions of this kind are outlined in other books that are cited be- 48 7 2015 low. However, when explaining the situation of slaves who wore ‘red coats’, this paper mainly refers to the three sources mentioned above. The contribution of Afro-descendant slaves to the independence of the Spanish colonies remains largely unexplored. According to Reales (2006), only two scholars, whose texts include key primary sources and legal documents, analyze in detail the disadvantageous situation of the slave soldiers, although they do not study the Afro-descendants who served in Spanish military units. One of these scholars is Nuria Sales, who (in 1970) wrote the seminal work on this topic, named “Esclavos y Reclutas en Sudamérica (1816-1826)”. The other scholar is Peter Blanchard, who (in 2002) published an essay named “The Language of Liberation: Slave Voices in the Wars of Independence.” Blanchard notes how the slaves’ struggles provided them an unprecedented opportunity to voice their feelings and thoughts while helping secure both national independence and their personal freedom (Reales 2006). The essay that I wrote in 2006, “The Contribution of the Afro-Descendant Soldiers to the Independence of the Bolivarian Countries (1810-1826)”, also focuses on the importance of slave soldiers for the triumph of the patriot army, particularly in Colombia and Venezuela. Even though the three essays mentioned above acknowledge that slaves joined Spanish military units seeking freedom, they disregard the relevance for the Crown of those slaves, whose struggles went certainly beyond defeating the (patriot) enemy, as will be argued below. My initial objective with this paper was to offer a comparison between the contributions of slave soldiers to the independence processes in discussion, but then I realized that it was far more interesting to explore in depth the goal(s) behind the struggles of slaves, rather than their actual contribution to the success of both independence processes. This is why I also pay special Struggles for freedom and power beyond the enemy: Afro-descendant Slaves in the American Revolution and the Bolivarian Wars for Independence (pp. 44 - 55) attention to the academic works of Indalecio Líévano (1974), “Los Grandes Conflictos Sociales y Económicos de Nuestra Historia; Jorge Domínguez (1980), “Insurrection or Loyalty. The Breakdown of the Spanish American Empire”; John Lynch (1986), “The Spanish American Revolutions 1808-1826”; Jaime Rodríguez (1998), “The Independence of Spanish America”; and Leonardo Reales (2001), “Prensa, Abolición y Racismo hacia los Afrocolombianos, 1810-1851,” which offer useful insights on slaves among the Spanish military. None of these texts, nevertheless, specifically focuses on Afro-descendant soldiers. Based on my research, I suggest there are still no consistent academic works on the slaves who joined the Spanish army during the independence process. FROM “NEGROES” TO AFRO-DESCENDANTS: AN ANALYTICAL FRAMEWORK In both the United States and the so-called Bolivarian nations, racist ideas came from the colonial époque and have persisted throughout history, in spite of the abolition of slavery and the creation of equity laws. The term “Negroes” and other discriminatory words, which were created by slave society, were frequently used by politicians and ordinary citizens in the United States until the 1960s. The rise of the Civil Rights Movement, and (racial) identity ideas that came from leaders like Malcom X, generated changes in that offensive language. These changes can be seen in the works of those who have written on African American issues. In the early 1960s, when the term “Negroes” was still widely utilized in the United States, Quarles (1961) used it in his book, “The Negro in the American Revolution”. In the 1970s, Foner (1975) used the term “Blacks”, when referring to the same population, in his text “Blacks in the American Revolution.”5 Today (African) American scholars who respect the identity struggles of the Leonardo Enrique Reales Jiménez peoples of African descent use the term African Americans to describe this population. Throughout the would-be Latin America, the Spaniards (and their descendants) called the people of African descent ‘negros’, ‘pardos’, ‘morochos’, ‘mulatos’, ‘zambos’, ‘morenos’, etc.6 These offensive expressions persisted in the Bolivarian world after the war for independence was won, and even after the abolition of slavery in the 1850s (Reales 2006). In fact, a few decades after those events, the elites approved laws that promoted the immigration of white Europeans to help improve what they called ‘raza latina’ (Latino race) and achieve progress (Reales 2005). In this paper I constantly use the term Afro-descendants. This “recent” term has been enhanced by Afro-descendant non-governmental organizations and activists in the Americas and elsewhere.7 The term is widely supported by regional and international human rights instruments. As Juan Mosquera (2000) points out, the concept ‘Afro-descendants’ essentially refers to persons who had/have African background and whose ancestors lived in slavery. It should be noted that concepts like Afro-descendants, people of African descent, African Americans, are political terms created to strengthen the identity of peoples of African ancestry (Reales 2006). Although these terms did not exist in the Eighteenth and Nineteenth centuries in the Americas, they are used in this paper as they reflect the success of Afro-descendant advocates and academics in pushing the recognition of their ancestors’ historical struggles. 5 Italics are mine. 6 Rolando Mellafe (1984) and Leonardo Reales (2001) list other concepts utilized by the Europeans to discriminate against black people and their descendants during slavery. 7 The term was adopted in the World Conference against Racism, Racial Discrimination, Xenophobia and Related Intolerance, held in Durban, South Africa in 2001. For more information on this topic, see Reales (2005). THE STRUGGLES OF THE SLAVES WHO SERVED IN THE BRITISH AND SPANISH MILITARY The use of slave labor in a military capacity was a common occurrence among European powers since the Seventeenth century (Frey 1991). This explains why 2015 7 49 many slaves were already serving in the British Crown military when the Revolutionary War began. The starting point of the war has been attributed to the courage of a few people who confronted and challenged a group of British soldiers on Boston on March 5, 1770 (Joseph Wilson 1968). Those soldiers fired upon the crowd, killing the leader, a former slave called Crispus Attucks, first, and then four other (white) men. Attucks became a martyr to both the Boston Massacre, as it was called, and the cause of the Revolution (Nalty 1986). Some historians have underlined how ironic it was that the first hero of the American war for independence was an African American and former slave.8 8 Both Nalty (1986) and Wilson (1968) analyze in detail the Boston Massacre and Attucks’ biography. 9 According to Hodges (1996), estimates of 25,000 to 55,000 fugitives (only in the southern states) represent the largest escape in the history of American slavery. 10 Washington’s decision and the struggles of slaves among the patriot forces are analyzed in more detail below. 11 Both Hodges (1996) and Norton (1973) explain that former slaves who served the British also applied for pensions and property compensations. The revolutionary movement grew stronger after the Boston Massacre. One of the main responses of the British authorities to this movement was the creation of military units in which Afro-descendant slaves could find a way to freedom. Hodges (1996) underscores that the Black Loyalists’ hegira began on November 7, 1775, when, after months of speculation and threats, Lord Dunmore proclaimed freedom to “all negroes willing to serve His Majesty’s forces.” In a few months, many Afro-descendant fugitives in Virginia, Maryland, and the Carolinas accepted Dunmore’s call to join his Ethiopian Regiment (Hodges 1996). For these soldiers, the Revolutionary War was as much a war for liberation as it was for the American colonists rebelling against the Crown. The British military, nevertheless, was not that magnanimous. The British also used slaves to perform menial labor such as building roads and serving officers (Frey 1991). In any case, throughout the independence process, the British military brought tens of thousands of slaves to their lines.9 They organized Afro-descendant regiments as well as free-lance guerrilla units, known as “followers of the flag.” (Hodges 1996). These regiments and units repre- 50 7 2015 sented a serious threat to the American cause. This was the main reason why George Washington accepted enlisting slaves in the Continental army.10 It is important to emphasize that the Afro-descendant soldiers who served in the British military became the first group of emancipated African Americans. As Hodges (1996) highlights, many slaves sought to move African Americans back to the land of their ancestors. This search for a free land can be seen as one of the Afro-descendants’ calls for reparations to repay for harsh years of servitude.11 Frey (1991) also points out that Afro-descendant slaves perceived that their best chances for freedom and changes in the social order would come with a British victory, even though the British never talked about total emancipation. In any case, the massive participation of slaves in the British army (and the patriot side) as well as their socio-economic demands indicate that their struggles for freedom and power went far beyond the flag they defended. The Spanish military leaders also offered Afro-descendant slaves freedom, if fighting the patriots. Many slaves, particularly in Venezuela and Colombia, rose up against their white lords. Social banditry and defensive collective violence were politically and militarily mobilized by the royalist officer José Tomás Boves (Domínguez, 1980). Boves emerged as the most powerful royalist leader who challenged the patriots. He had lived in many places in the country and had developed the skills of the ‘llaneros’ (cowboys), most of whom were former slaves and free Afro-descendants (Reales, 2001). Boves promised to distribute the land of white aristocrats to his men. But most of all, he gave them an opportunity to vent their anger against their former oppressors (Rodríguez 1998). Boves’ army gave no quarter. Thus the patriots’ Struggles for freedom and power beyond the enemy: Afro-descendant Slaves in the American Revolution and the Bolivarian Wars for Independence (pp. 44 - 55) terror met with an equally violent reaction (Reales 2006). Kinsbruner (1994) points out that the ‘llaneros’ were widely known as the “Legion of Hell,” and with justification they carried as their standard a black flag emblazoned with a death’s skull. Boves was the first one to eliminate the castes and promote Afro-descendant soldiers to the highest military ranks (Liévano, 1974). He had as many as twelve thousand troops but no more than a hundred and sixty were Spaniards. Boves is well-known for vanquishing the patriots several times (Reales, 2006). Although he was killed in action in 1814, his army entered Caracas and proclaimed the full restoration12 of the Spanish Empire (Kinsbruner, 1994). Boves’ effective campaigns made Simón Bolívar, the would-be liberator of five nations, understand that the war would be won only if slaves defended the independence cause. This is why Bolívar, as commander in chief of the patriot army, also offered freedom to all slaves who joined his forces. Ironically, one of the first groups that fought for him was the ‘llaneros,’ whom the Crown started to oppress by the end of 1815 (Reales, 2006). As suggested above, the struggles of the Afro-descendant slaves for freedom and power went beyond the flag that they defended. In the Spanish military forces, slaves not only sought to challenge their former masters and obtain properties but also to gain social prestige and power through the access to high military ranks. As occurred with the American case, the participation of slave soldiers in the Crown’s forces as well as in the patriot army indicates that their struggles to gain freedom and power went far beyond the side in conflict they defended. More evidence to support this argument is presented below. Leonardo Enrique Reales Jiménez THE STRUGGLES OF THE SLAVES WHO FOUGHT FOR THE PATRIOTS It has been estimated that during the (American) Revolutionary War at least 5,000 Afro-descendant slaves served on the patriot side (Sidney Kaplan 1973). As Quarles (1961) and Foner (1975) underscore, Afrodescendant soldiers fought in every major battle of the war, mostly in integrated units. A notable exception was the Americas’ first all-black unit, the 1st Rhode Island Regiment (Wilson 1968). This brave Regiment defeated three assaults by the British during the Battle for Rhode Island in 1778 and later participated in the victory at Yorktown in 178113. As mentioned above, the use of Afro-descendant slaves was avoided by General George Washington early in the war (Quarles 1961). Only when Washington and other leaders realized that slave soldiers were crucial for the success of the independence process, were enlistments of Afro-descendant slaves allowed (Foner, 1975). Thus slaves were used in a variety of ways among the patriot military apparatus. According to Kaplan (1973), the Afro-descendant slave served as infantry and artillery soldier, sailor, scout, guide, spy, guard, courier, cook, waiter and military laborer of all sorts. 12 The elites in both Venezuela and Colombia had declared independence from Spain in 1810. 13 For more information on the successes of this Regiment, see W.B. Hartgrove (1916) and William Nell (1968). As many authors note, the outstanding military skills of slave soldiers who fought for the patriots had a decisive impact on the final outcome of the war. This conflict, nonetheless, also set the pattern, followed for almost two centuries, by which the American government utilized Afro-descendants in time of crisis and ignored them afterward (Nalty, 1986). In any case, the American Revolution facilitated the rise of anti-slavery movements throughout the country in which former slaves participated (MacLeod 1974). Most importantly, 2015 7 51 Afro-descendants took advantage of this military service in wartime, as it represented a path toward freedom and apparent greater postwar opportunity; no matter what side in conflict they joined (Nalty, 1986). As argued throughout the paper, in the would-be Bolivarian world the struggles of slaves also went beyond the defeat of the enemy. Perhaps the only salient difference between the ways the elites led the independence processes in discussion, is that in the Spanish Crown’s former colonies, Simón Bolívar offered military ranks to free people of African descent who joined the republican cause, just as the Spanish military had done (Reales, 2001). As regards to these slaves, Bolívar also offered them freedom in return for military service. Afro-descendants (both free and slaves) were needed to fill the gaps in the patriot ranks left by (Creole) casualties and desertions, and they themselves were imbued with greater expectations from wartime socioeconomic and political mobility (John Lynch, 2006). As had occurred with the American Revolution, the Creole elites in the Bolivarian world were afraid to release former slaves into society. Bolívar himself believed that ‘la pardocracia’ (Afro-mestizos’ rule) would govern, sooner or later, the liberated countries, if he did not limit the aspirations of Afro-descendants (Reales, 2001). He thought that it would no longer be a question of resisting slave expectations but of controlling and directing them (Lynch, 2006). This attitude, heavily influenced by racist ideas, became the main obstacle for the former slaves’ struggles. In any case, the fact that many slaves, like those who belonged to the “llaneros”, fought for both sides - at different times of the conflict - indicates that Afro-descendants saw the independence process far beyond what it meant to be a patriot or royalist. They wanted freedom and power, but they also wanted respect and social prestige. 52 7 2015 Before comparing the situation of former slaves after the wars for independence, it should be noted that slave women also contributed in different ways to the armies in conflict. Blanchard (2002) underlines that the independence struggles gave both women and men of African descent an unparalleled opportunity to voice their thoughts. In both cases, however, the winners neither allowed their effective inclusion into society nor eliminated slavery at the national level. WHAT HAPPENED TO THE FORMER SLAVES’ STRUGGLES? As argued above, the triumph of the Revolution did not produce significant changes in the existing society. As a matter of fact, when the war came to an end, some Afro-descendants were re-enslaved by their “former” slave owners (Frey, 1991). Many of those who served in the British military, nevertheless, migrated to Nova Scotia, England and, later, West Africa (Quarles 1961). Although they gained immediate civil freedom, in contrast to the gradual emancipation practiced in the (Northern) United States, the (Black) Loyalists suffered economic and political deprivation for years (Hodges, 1996). James Walker (1989) suggests that these soldiers were not just runaway slaves. Walker argues that they were advocates of Afro-descendant liberation. Whether they remained in Nova Scotia, England, or migrated further to Sierra Leone, those former slaves created their own communities and church, and demonstrated that black republicanism, hardened in the crucible of the American Revolution, could create an independent nation (Hodges, 1996). The case of the Afro-descendant Loyalists also indicates that the struggles of slaves were not only about freedom or power. This case was unique in the Americas. Neither the Struggles for freedom and power beyond the enemy: Afro-descendant Slaves in the American Revolution and the Bolivarian Wars for Independence (pp. 44 - 55) Spanish nor the Bolivarian patriots allowed former slaves to do so. As happened with the former slaves who stayed in the United States, Afro-descendants in the Bolivarian nations continued their struggles for the elimination of slavery for several decades and faced racism-related practices at the end of those abolition processes and beyond.14 CONCLUSION There is no doubt that the American Revolution and the Bolivarian independence process gave many Afrodescendant slaves an unparalleled opportunity to fight for their freedom, gain power and even overcome exclusionary practices against them. This opportunity was not limited to the patriot side. Both British and Spanish military leaders attracted thousands of slaves to their lines, offering them freedom in return for their military service. During the Bolivarian wars for independence some Afro-descendants came to hold the highest military ranks. This did not occur in the American Revolution. As a consequence of the outcome of this Revolution, however, many Afro-descendant Loyalists migrated to Sierra Leone, where they demonstrated that Afrodescendant former slaves could create an independent nation. As Hodges (1996) notes, their example eventually inspired the creation of Liberia. In short, the participation of thousands of slave soldiers in both the British and Spanish military apparatus and the patriot armies, as well as the slaves’ demands, clearly indicate that the Afro-descendants’ struggles for freedom and power went far beyond the side in conflict that they defended. 14 For a discussion on racism in the Americas in the Nineteenth century, see Reales (2001) and MacLeod (1974). Leonardo Enrique Reales Jiménez 2015 7 53 REFERENCES Blanchard, Peter. (2002). “The Language of Liberation: Slave Voices in the Wars of Independence.” In: Hispanic American Historical Review, 82.3: 449-553. Domínguez, Jorge. (1980). Insurrection or Loyalty. 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