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P aradigm Change in Japanese Buddhism Joseph M. K ITAG A W A Paradigm change in Japanese Buddhism has o fte n been dis cussed in terms o f e ith e r the Japanization o f Buddhism or the Buddhaization o f Japanese re ligion. I have learned much from both approaches. Nevertheless, as an historian o f religions, I would lik e to approach the subject from a s lig h tly d iffe re n t perspective. I would lik e to a tte m p t to understand this nebulous phenomenon as the convergence of tw o in te rtw in in g processes o f paradigm change—one in Japanese re lig io n and the oth e r in the Buddhist tra d itio n . My schema w ill compel me to give a tte n tio n as w e ll to two subsidiary fa c to rs —fir s t, the im pact o f China as both the main source o f c u ltu ra l inspiration fo r Japan and the secondary ce nte r of Mahayana Buddhism (the tra d itio n o f Buddhism th a t penetrated Japan); and second, the m ediating and tu to ria l role o f Korea in the c u ltu ra l and religious contacts between China and Japan. I t is my modest hope to try to untangle the criss crossing web which provided both the threads and the p a tte rn o f the c o lo rfu l brocade o f Japanese Buddhism, woven by the combination o f h isto rica l "givens" and re li gious c re a tiv ity a t several cru c ia l phases o f Japanese h is to ric a l, c u ltu ra l, and religious experience. BUDDHIST PARADIGM CHANGE UNDER KING ASOKA As is true w ith other religions, there are three related but d iffe re n t levels o f meaning attached to B u d d h is m :(1) Buddhism as re lig io n , (2) Buddhism as cu ltu re , and (3) the B uddhist-related or oriented s o c io -p o litic a l order. W ith respect to the firs t, Buddhism takes fo r granted the neces s ity fo r the human being to see the meaning o f a ll exis tence in re la tio n to Nirvana, the u ltim a te meaning. This Japanese J o u rn a l o f R e lig io u s Studies 1 1 /2 -3 1984 115 Joseph M . K IT A G A W A s p iritu a l insight, derived from the Buddha,s own religious experience, has been expressed in doctrines, scriptures, cu lts, ethics, and the e cclesiastical stru cture s o f the Buddhist re lig io n . On the second level, Buddhism nurtures and impregnates its ethos in to the domain o f values , ideo logy, the arts, and the im agination, th a t is, into cu lture. On the th ird level, Buddhism is related variously to actual s o c io -p o litic a l stru cture s and organizations. In Buddhism, paradigm change usually involves not only im portant changes 丨n each o f these three levels o f meaning but also a lte ra tio n in the balance o f and the relationship among the three levels. It is w e ll known th a t Buddhism had undergone s ig n ific a n t paradigm changes before reaching China. The significance o f early Buddhism lies in the fa c t th a t it began, as Thomas a stutely points out, "n o t w ith a body o f d octrine , but w ith the form ation o f a [com m unity] bound by ce rta in rules" (Thomas 1933, p , 14). In sharp contrast to the m etaphysico-social p rin cip le o f the Brahmanic-Hindu tra d itio n based on three fo c i—the eternal cosmic dharma, the divinely-ordered social stru ctu re , and the sacred k in g s h ip — th e B u d d h is t m e ta p h y s ic o -s o c ia l p rin c ip le a ffirm e d th a t the true Dharma, which was discovered and preached by the Buddha, could be realized only in the corporate life o f the Buddhist community (Sarjigha). This p rin cip le was cle a rly expressed in the early Buddhist creed o f the th re e -fo ld refuge ( t r f - 名ararpa-gamana): taking refuge in the Buddha, Dharma, and Samgha. Even though early Buddhism was an in sig n ifica n t regional movement of monastics and la ity in northeastern India, its concern was the universal and perennial problem o f existence in the w orld (loka). S hortly a fte r the demise o f the Buddha, northeastern India was exposed to a strong Brahmanic-Hindu cu ltu ra l influence. A t the same tim e, Buddhism was gradually conso lidated and in s titu tio n a liz e d under the leadership of monastics. The oral tra d itio n s o f the Buddha and his im m e d ia t e d is c ip le s w e re c o d i f i e d , m o d if ie d , and 116 Japanese Jo u rn a l o f R e lig io u s Studies 1 1 /2 -3 1984 Paradigm Change in Japanese Buddhism in te rp re te d . Philosophical inquiries into the nature of Dharma produced a series o f doctrines, w ritte n scriptures, and e th ic a l precepts fo r monastics and la ity . The Buddha, who sh ortly a fte r his death was "d e ifie d " in the minds of the fa ith fu l, came to be id e n tifie d w ith the popular image o f the supreme universal monarch (C a kra va rtin ) who was believed to be na d ivinely ordained fig ure w ith a special place in the cosmic scheme" (Basham 1954, p. 83). The most far-re a chin g paradigm change in Buddhism took place during the th ird century B.C. under the influence of the new ly-converted Buddhist king , A さoka (r. 274-232 B.C.) He proudly stated in the 巳a ira t Buddhist Texts E d ict his, "g re a t reverence fo r and fa ith in Buddha, the Dharma [and] the Samgha11 (Sen 1956 , p, 30; p p ,134-135). His strong advocacy o f the p ra ctice o f Dharma n o tw ith standing, A さoka’s understanding o f the term included a whole series o f moral deeds—mercifulness; c h a rity to Brahmans, ascetics, and a ll other human beings; tru th fu l ness; p u rity o f thought; honesty; gentleness; g ra titu d e; non -in ju ry; re lie vin g the su ffe rin g o f the aged; tolerance tow ard other religions; and other deeds, a ll o f which, according to Professor Sen, form "the basic teachings of all Indian religions, w ith this exception tha t he lays emphasis on n o n -k illin g o f life as was taught by Buddhism and to a much g reater extent by Jainism" (Sen 1956, p. 34). The new paradigm o f Buddhism which emerged may be characterized as blending two levels and structures of meaning, the classical form ula o f the Three Jewels (Buddha, Dharma, Samgha) and a second trip le schema o f the kingship, the state, and Buddhist-inspired m o ra lity. A ccording to the new paradigm, the king is not only the p o litic a l head; he is endowed w ith religious a u th o rity, a claim not made by any previous Buddhist monarch. In Anoka's own words, "W hatever the Lord Buddha has said, Reverend Sirs, is o f course w e ll said. But it is proper fo r me to enumerate the te xts which express the true Dharma and which make it everlasting" (Nikam and McKeon 1959, p, 66). Not only did A さoka thus assume as king the Japanese Jo u rn a l o f R e lig iou s Studies 11/2-3 1984 117 Joseph M . K IT A G A W A pre ro ga tive to evaluate doctrines; he also exercised his a u th o rity to require monks and nuns to observe the d iscip lin e . As Rahula points out, the notion o f establishing the Sasana or Buddhism as an in s titu tio n in a p a rticu la r country or a place was perhaps fir s t conceived by A^oka him self. He was the fir s t king to adopt Buddhism as a state re lig io n , and to s ta rt a great s p iritu a l conquest which was called Dharm a-vijaya. , . * Like a conqueror and a ru le r who would establish governments in countries p o litic a lly conquered bツ him, so A^oka probably thought o f establishing the Sasana in countries s p iritu a lly conquered . . . by him (Rahula 1956, pp. 5与- 55). A t the same tim e, A^oka considered i t the king*s religious duty to p ro te c t and honor a ll fa ith s found in his realm. C le a rly , A^oka conducted him self according to the m ytholo g ic a l model o f the idealized supreme monarch, the Cakra v a rtin . Many scholars have pointed out th a t A^oka never mentions Nirvana in his E dicts. Instead, he repeatedly mentions his pious hope to a tta in "heaven" in the next life (Sen 1956, p, 78). The lin k between the two triads o f the new paradigm, Buddha-Dharma-Samgha, and the kin g ship -sta te-m orality, was the notion o f sacred kinsgship modelled a fte r the image o f the C a kra va rtin . A^oka su ccin ctly expressed the lo fty ideal o f king as ru le r and agent o f Dharma: The king [as a ru le r] w ill forgive those who can be forgiven: and, fo r th a t they may be induced by me to practise the Dharma; and, th a t they may a tta in (the happiness of) this world and o f the next world (Sen 1956, p. 116). As m ight be expected, such a new paradigm had immediate and fa r-re a ch in g e ffe cts, both positive and negative, on the Buddhist t r a d it io n : ( 1 ) The new paradigm enabled Buddhism 118 Japanese J o u rn a l o f R e lig io u s Studies 11/2-3 i9 8 与 P aradigm Change in Japanese Buddhism to lo ca te religious meaning in the s o c io -p o litic a l order and s o c io -p o litic a l in stitu tio n s. (2) The model of the Buddhist path, which had been understood e a rlie r as th a t o f leaving the w orld to enter the stream in the hope of Nirvana, took on the new meaning o f reentering the w orld nfo r the bene f i t o f a ll beings," thus giving a positive missionary impulse to Buddhism. (3) Because the religious base sh ifte d from the "com m unity o f fa ith 11 to the concrete geographical regions o f the Buddhist-inspired state, demarcated by its "boundaries” (slma), Buddhism had to come to terms w ith the customs, in stitu tio n s , legends, and beliefs, as w e ll as w ith the indigenous gods and s p irits o f the lo c a litie s which it,c la im e d . (4) Such a "s p a tia liz a tio n ” o f Buddhist religion (Sasana) on earth coincided w ith cosmic "sp a tia l" specula tio n about m u ltip le Buddha-lands, thus fostering the deve lopment o f cosmologies as a so te riolo g ica l fram ew ork. (5) The excessive royal fa vo r and support o f monastic in s titu tions had some negative results. Says Rahula, A llu re d by the high status and com forts granted to the [m onastic order] by the emperor, undesirable and c o rru p tin g elements entered the order, thereby disturbing its u nity and peace (Rahula 1956, p. 12). (6) Schismatic tendencies had already threatened the Buddhist community e a rlie r. A fte r the time o f A さoka, they became more accentuated because o f the combined e ffe c t o f in te rn a l and e xternal forces. As a re su lt, Buddhism s p lit in to the Hinayana (or Theravada) and Mahayana tra d itio n s , A fte r A さoka's tim e, the missionary enterprise o f 巳uddhisjn established secondary centers o f Buddhist expan sion: Sri Lanka fo r the southern expansion o f the Hinayana (Theravada) tra d itio n ; China fo r the East Asian expansion o f the Mahayana tra d itio n ; and la te r T ib e t fo r the expan sion o f the T a n tric tra d itio n in to the Mongolian steppe. M eanwhile, the p o litic a l development o f northw est India from the th ird century B.C. to the th ird century A.D. brought from w ith o u t non-Indian c u ltu ra l and religious Japanese Jo u rn a l o f R e lig io u s Studies 1 1 /2 -3 1984 119 Joseph M . K IT A G A W A influences. In the Mahayana tra d itio n , these stim ulated c re a tiv ity in Buddhist a rt and the emergence o f new s o te riologies based on m ultiple Buddhas and Bodhisattvas, Just as the southern Buddhist expansion follow ed the overseas route into southeast Asia, Mahayana expansion follow ed the overland trade route, the "S ilk Road," and eventually reached the border o f China. CHINESE 巳UDDHISM -A NEW PARADIGM P rio r to the penetration o f Buddhism into China in the firs t century A.D., the Han empire (206 巳.C .-A .D . 220) had been engaged in a ctive tra nscontinental trade w ith Europe and had extended its p o litic a l influence to some o f the oasis kingdoms along the Silk Road. F re d erick Teggart, who has examined the relationship between Rome and China in the years 58 B.C. to A.D. 107, points out tha t "o f the fo rty occasions on which outbreaks [o f w ar] took place in Europe, twenty-seven were traceable to the policy, or change o f policy, o f the Han government'1 (Teggart 1939, p. v ii). The Silk Road provided an avenue not only fo r com m ercial t r a f fic but also fo r Persian, Greek, Indian, and Chinese c u ltu ra l and religious contacts. I t was from Buddhist communities in the C e n tra l Asian oasis kingdoms th a t Buddhism was introduced in to northw est China, From the beginning, i t was apparent th a t Buddhism in China could not fo llo w the A さoka paradigm, which was based on ( 1 ) a "Buddhist king," the de fa cto earthly p o li tic a l co un terpa rt o f the Buddha; (2) a comprehensive ’’national m o ra lity1' inspired by Dharma; and (3) a "Buddhist sta te " as an idealized and expanded image o f the Buddhist community. Among the three, the most im portant fo r Chinese Buddhists was the notion o f the kingship. This notion had to be heavily modified in lig h t o f the indigenous Chinese understanding o f the emperor. The designation "em peror,n or Huang-ti, was o rig in a lly chosen by the fir s t emperor of the dynasty preceding the Han, the C h'in, in the th ird century B.C. Combining two terms which referred to d iv in ity and m ythical heroes respectively, i t was based 120 Japanese Jo urna l o f R elig io u s Studies 1 1 /2-3 1984 P aradigm Change in Japanese Buddhism on the notion o f the Mandate o f Heaven (Vien-m ing). Only by the Mandate o f Heaven is the ru le r—usually re fe rre d to as the nSon o f Heaven11—entrusted w ith governing "a ll under Heaven,11 including re sp on sib ility fo r the "destiny o f the sta te " (Kuo-yun). The importance which Chinese Buddhists attached to the p ro te ctio n and patronage o f th e ir religion by the ru le r is exem plified by the legend they created about the dream o f the Emperor Ming (A.D. 58-75). In his dream, Ming saw a radiant fig u re who was id e n tifie d as the Buddha. As a result, he dispatched an envoy to India to bring back monks, Buddha statues, and Buddhist scriptures to China. According to Tsukamoto: This tale o f the Emperor's dream appears to have o rig i nated about A.D. 200. It was invented and propagated by Buddhists fo r the purpose o f spreading th e ir religion in a c u ltu ra l atmosphere in which the strength o f tra d i tio n a l ideas was very great. By pretending th a t Buddhism was received a t the center o f government by command o f the Emperor, they sought to invest th e ir re lig io n w ith an a u th o rity th a t the people o f China could not easily deny (Tsukamoto 1956, p , 184). Throughout Chinese h istory, Buddhism had easier access to the throne when Confucian or Taoist influence in the c o u rt was not strong. One such period was the time when "barbarian" dynasties ruled North China between the fou rth and the m id-sixth centuries. A rth u r W right calls our a tte n tion to the s im ila rity between Caesaro-papism and the rela tionship th a t developed between northern Buddhism and the monarchy. The reigning emperor o f the Northern Wei dy nasty, fo r example, was regarded as a Buddha incarnate , whereas southern Buddhism Mhad been content to make of the p o litic a lly feeble emperors great lay patrons (maA)9danapat£) and w ielders o f kingly power fo r the good o f the fa ith in the manner o f the Indian C a k ra v a rtin -ra ja ,1' We m ight note, however, th a t southern Buddhism, too, called Emperor Wu o f the Liang dynasty (r, 502-49) Huang-ti Japanese J o u rn a l o f R e lig io u s Studies 11/2-3 1984 121 Joseph M . K IT A G A W A p'u-sa (Emperor 巳odhisattva ), Chiu-shih p'u-sa (Savior 巳odhisattva ), and P'u-sa t f ie n -tzu (巳odhisattva Son o f Heaven) (W right 1959, p. 51),1 A fte r the re u n ifica tio n of northern and southern China by the Sui dynasty in 581, the f ir s t Sui emperor W e n -ti,made this revealing statem ent: W ith the armed m ight of a C a kra va rtin king, We spread the ideals o f the u ltim a te ly enlightened one. W ith a hundred v ic to rie s in a hundred battles, We promote the p ra c tic e o f the ten Buddhist virtues. Therefore We regard the weapons of war as having become like the o ffe rin g s of incense and flo w e rs presented to Buddha, and the fields o f this w orld as becoming fo re ve r iden tic a l w ith the Buddha-land (Quoted in W right 1959, p. 67). The Dowager Empress Wu (r. 684-705) o f the T'ang dynasty claimed equally pretentious honors by allow ing herself to be styled M a itre ya or K uan-yin (E lio t 1954, p. 261). Despite such serious e ffo rts on the p a rt o f Chinese Buddhism to curry the favo r o f the throne, and despite the w illingness o f ce rtain monarchs to accept Buddhist honors, in the long run the influence o f Buddhism could not a lte r the tra d itio n a l Chinese notion o f the sovereign as the HSon o f Heaven11 as th a t notion was defined and authenticated in Confucian terms. The Buddhist impact on Chinese moral norms and the Chinese state was equally in sig n ifica n t. Two centuries p rio r to the e ntry o f Buddhism, China had made a tra n sitio n from 1 . Wr i ght 1959 ,p , 62. Chen 1964, p. 152, c ite s the legend th a t in 454, "a stone fig u re o f the Buddha in the likeness o f the em peror was set up" in th e N o rth e rn Wei c a p ita l, and th a t " i t was found to have b la ck spots on the fa c e and fe e t, corresponding e x a c tly to sim ila r m arks on th e em peror's fa ce and fe e t. This rem a rkab le co in cid e n ce re c a lle d an e a rlie r s ta te m e n t by F a -ku o th a t the em peror was th e pre se n t-d a y T a th a g a ta and th e populace became even m ore im pressed." 122 Japanese Jo u rn a l o f R e lig io u s Studies 11 /2 -3 1984 Paradigm Change in Japanese Buddhism feudalism to an im perial state supported by a highly devel oped bureaucracy. Side by side w ith this development in the p o litic a l sphere, the Confucian tra d itio n abandoned its ancient ethos, which had re fle c te d the m e n ta lity o f the feudal age, and developed in to an urbane e cle ctic system re fe rre d to as "Han C onfucianism ," a system Mth a t became the organizing power behind the sch o la r-o ffic ia ls and gave fu ll expression to th e ir interests, ideas, and ideals" (Balazs 1964, p. 7). W ith the de fa c to canonization o f the Five Classics, which provided the basics fo r the tra in in g o f the s c h o la r-o ffic ia ls , moral norms fo r Chinese society came to be d icta te d by the Confucian system. To be sure, this system had incorporated ce rtain features from other schools o f thought, e.g., Taoism, Legalism, and the Y in Yang School. Historians remind us th a t there were times when C onfucian influence in the ce n tra l government waned and the vacuum was fille d tem porarily by Taoist or Buddhist influences. But through it a ll, the ru lin g class remained solidly Confucian in outlook. N either Buddhism nor Taoism was able to dislodge Confucian dominance in s ta te c ra ft and had lit t le to add to Confucian virtues exa ctly suited to a hierarchically-o rg an ize d im perial state: "respect, h u m ility, d o c ility , obedience, submission, and subordination to elders and b e tte rs11 (Balazs 1964, p. 7). R ather, Buddhists attem pted to translate th e ir moral p rin ciples in to a Confucian moral fram ework (Nakamura 5:3-4 , pp. 156-171; Ch'en 1973, pp. 14-64). A lthough Chinese Buddhism was thus excluded from p a rtic ip a tin g m eaningfully in p o litic a l leadership and from c o n trib u tin g p ositive ly to the moral norms o f society, it exerted s ig n ific a n t influence on Chinese c u ltu ra l life . When Buddhism reached China, it was no longer a simple religion o f mendicants and humble lay follo w ers. It brought w ith it a v a rie ty o f Indian Buddhist c u ltu ra l forms, which had been fu rth e r enriched by Graeco-Persian influences in the oasis kingdoms o f C e n tral Asia, R. Grosset tells us th a t: Japanese J o u rn a l o f R e lig io u s Studies 11/2-3 1984 123 Joseph M . K IT A G A W A The A urel Stein Mission . . . found in Rawak, in the region o f Khotan, around various stupas going back to the fir s t centuries o f our era, purely Graeco-Buddhist re lie fs , and in Niya, on a site abandoned about the end o f the th ird century A.D” intaglios of Roman workman ship, as w e ll as coins from the Kuchan dynasty th a t reigned between A.D. 30 and 244 over Afghanistan and Punjab. In M iran, . . . south o f Lop-Nor, A urel Stein has discovered th ird century Buddhist mural paintings o f purely Graeco-Roman workmanship, (Grousset 1959, p. 139). When the Chinese were in itia lly exposed to Buddhism, i t is not surprising th a t they were more impressed by the elegant Buddhist a rt and a rc h ite c tu re , the c o lo rfu l pag eantry o f ritu a ls , the elaborate ceremonial vestments and ornaments, than by lo fty doctrines which they could not comprehend because of lin g u is tic and c u ltu ra l barriers. For the evangelizing purposes of the Buddhist missionaries: the Buddhist imagery, w ith its expressive represen tatio n s, w hether it had to do w ith the human life of the Buddha Sakyamuni, w ith its moving episodes, or w ith the paradise of the coming Buddhist 'messiahs1 and •saviors, 1 M a itre ya , A valokitS さvara or A m itabha, was as e ffe c tiv e as any preaching . . . moved by these pious considerations, the Buddhist missionaries borrowed th e ir imagery from every source, especially as some came from the valley o f Kabul and Punjab, w ith th e ir Gandharan 'S aint-S ulpice,1 w hile others stemmed from the 'sem inaries1 o f Kashgaria where the most curious amalgam o f images from every source was being devel oped, and in addition these la st preachers were simple Chinese neophytes who n atu ra lly introduced into Buddhism the whole tra d itio n o f the popular religious images of Taoism (Grousset 1959, p. 156). Buddhist 124 missionaries, eager to communicate Japanese Jo u rn a l o f R e lig io u s S tudies 11 /2 -3 the 1984 Paradigm Change in Japanese Buddhism contents o f the fa ith , began tra nslatin g scriptures and commentaries in to Chinese, the language destined to become the religious language o f Buddhists in East Asia. The early translators, both foreign missionaries whose understanding o f Chinese was lim ite d and th e ir Chinese co lla bo ra tors who knew lit t le Sanskrit or P ali, appropriated many terms and concepts from the Taoist tra d itio n to express Buddhist meanings. Buddhists and Taoists also found each oth e r congenial a e sth etica lly. Their influences upon each other in a rt, lite ra tu re , and poetry g re a tly enriched the Chinese c u ltu ra l tra d itio n . Even so b rie f an overview as I have attem pted makes cle a r th a t a new paradigm fo r Buddhism emerged in China, replacing the A 彡okan paradigm o f Indian B u d d h is m .(1) Chinese Buddhism clung to the A 彡oka-inspired image of the Buddhist king, but at the same time it had to adjust its e lf to the C onfucian-oriented Chinese notion o f the Emperor as "Son of Heaven•” M onastic orders sought royal favor and in turn were controlled by the throne. (2) In China, Buddhism assumed a humbler role than its counterpart in South and Southeast Asia in reference to moral norms and the in s titu tio n o f the state. It did not replace but merely supplemented the dominant Confucian moral norm and the C onfucian-oriented bureaucracy. (3) Chinese Buddhism accepted the monastic and lay paths as religious options ra the r than as graded so te rio lo g ica l levels . ⑷ A unique Chinese tra d itio n of G entry Buddhism developed fo llo w in g the model of V im alakTrti. In the words o f A rth u r W right, V im alakTrti was not a naked ascetic but a rich and pow erful a risto c ra t, a b rillia n t ta lke r, a respected householder and fa th e r, a man who denied him self no luxury or pleasure yet possessed so pure and disciplined a personality tha t he changed a ll whom he met fo r the b e tte r (W right 1959, p. 52). Japanese J o u rn a l o f R e lig io u s Studies 11/2-3 198 な 125 Joseph M . K IT A G A W A (5) In the main, Chinese Buddhism was preoccupied w ith the meaning o f human existence in the phenomenal w orld. This preoccupation, as W in g -tsit Chan succinctly suggested, co ntribu ted to the s h ift in outlook from o th e r worldliness to this-w orldliness, in objective from in d ivi dual salvation to universal salvation, in philosophy from extrem e doctrines to synthesis, in methods of freedom from religious discipline and philosophical understanding to pietism and p ra c tic a l insight, and in a u th o rity from the clergy to the layman him self (Chan 1957-1958 , p. 115). (6) In spite of occasional new input from Indian Buddhism, and in spite o f the sincere e ffo r t o f Chinese pilgrim s to secure a uthentic and u p-to -d a te Buddhist doctrines and pra ctices in the land o f th e ir origin, Chinese Buddhism fo r the most p a rt generated its own dynamics. These dynamics derived from the Chinese experience of try in g to find Buddhist meaning in Chinese cu ltu re and society and from its give-and-take relationship w ith C onfucian, Taoist, and other tra d itio n s . C h a ra c te ris tic a lly , Chinese Buddhism found religious resources not only in Chinese translations o f sutras and commentaries but also in Chinese Buddhists' re fle c tio n s , commentaries, and d o ctrin a l form ulations. (7) Not only did Chinese Buddhism develop its own a rt and c u ltu re ; it made a great co ntrib u tio n to the to ta l c u ltu ra l life o f China. (8) China became the secondary center of diffu sio n fo r the Mahayana tra d itio n , extending its re li gious and c u ltu ra l influence beyond its borders. E A R LY JAPANESE RELIGION Very lit t le o f the religious situation in Japan p rio r to the in tro d u ctio n o f Chinese c iv iliz a tio n and Buddhism can be reconstructed w ith c e rta in ty . Our conjectures are based p rim a rily on the scattered references to Japan in Chinese and Korean sources and on ca re fu lly scrutinized myths, 126 Japanese J o u rn a l o f R e lig io u s Studies 11/2-3 1984 P aradigm Change in Japanese Buddhism legends, lores, and customs o f the archaic and early Japanese as recorded in such eighth-century documents as the K o jik i, the Nihongi, the Fudoki, and the o ffic ia l antho logy o f poems called the Man-yoshu. By the term "Japanese R eligion'1 I re fe r to the unnamed, unorganized , and unsystematized clu ste r o f re lig io -m a g ica l views, beliefs, and practices o f early Japan. U nlike Buddhism and Confucianism , which claimed "u n i versal" v a lid ity fo r Dharma and the Tao respectively, early Japanese religion was derived from the "p a rtic u la r11 experi ence o f the Japanese archipelago. Opinions vary g re atly as to how fa r back Japanfs prehistory can be traced, but most scholars agree th a t its e arlie st phase goes back to 3000 to 4500 years before our era. More im p o rta ntly, Japan!s pre history lasted u n til around the m id -th ird century A.D., th a t is,long a fte r the establishment o f a great c iv iliz a tio n in China. As fa r as we can ascertain, various e th n ic -c u ltu ra l groups had d rifte d into the Japanese islands from northern and southern parts of the A s ia tic continent as w e ll as from South Sea areas during the p re histo ric period, and they had a ttained a degree o f self-consciousness as one people, developing a common language (proto-Japanese), before the beginning o f the h isto ric period. A lthough the Japanese islands were isolated from the A s ia tic co ntin e nt, some Koreans sporadically migrated to Japan, crossing the s tra it shortly before and a fte r the beginning o f our era, a trend which continued throughout the early h is to ric period. E vidently there were a number of trib a l states in Japan, mostly in the western island o f Kyushu, and some o f them paid trib u te to the Han co urt in China during the firs t, second, and th ird centuries A.D. We learn from Chinese records th a t there was a female shamanistic ru le r, Himiko or Pimiko, whose prerogative as the head o f the state o f Yam atai was duly acknowledged by the Chinese court. In talkin g about early Japanese religion from around Japanese Journal o f Religious Studies 11/2-3 1984 127 Joseph M . K IT A G A W A the turn of the fo u rth century A.D. we are on surer ground. A t th a t time, the Vamato co urt began to consoli date its power in the present Nara p re fe ctu re by forming w hat amounted to a confederation o f pow erful u ji (clan) groups. The Vamato rulers paid trib u te to China, and in re tu rn they received the kingly t it le from the Chinese c o u rt. W ithin Japan, they claimed to be descendants of the Sun d eity (kami). They continued to so lid ify th e ir influence over other u ji (clan) ch ie fta in s and assumed the preroga tives o f co nfe rring co u rt title s ,granting sacred seed a t spring fe stiva ls, and establishing sacred sites and regulating ritu a ls fo r the kami. S ig n ifica n tly, th e ir kingly a c tiv itie s , which were simultaneously p o litic a l and m agico-religious, were usually d icta te d by the precarious w ill of the kam i , transm itted to them through dreams and divinations. The Vamato court was not idle in extending its in flu ence to Korea. I t gained a foothold on the southern tip of the peninsula during the fo u rth century A.D. Japanese forces fought side-by-side w ith the army o f one o f the Korean kingdoms, Paekche, against the armies of the riv a l kingdoms, S illa and Koguryo. Through such co nta cts,an increasing number of Korean artisans, a rtis ts , scholars, and technicians came to se ttle in Japan, and it was through Korea th a t Chinese c iv iliz a tio n and Buddhism were in tro duced in to Japan. Sometime during the sixth century the term nShinto" was coined, to re fe r to the h ith e rto unnamed and unsystematized native m agico-religious tra d itio n , in c o n tra d is tin c tio n to Confucian and Buddhist tra d itio n s. It was assumed th a t the myths, symbols, and cu lts of Vam ato's ruling house were to be accepted as the paradigm of Shinto, but actually the court-sponsored Shinto could not incorporate a ll the features of early Japanese re lig io n . In fa c t, many such features remained outside the framework of o ffic ia l Shinto. They have usually been placed in the category o f "fo lk re lig io n .11 A t any ra te , there is good reason to re ta in the designation ,!Japanese re lig io n " to re fe r to the subsequent development of re lig io n in Japanese history, even though its e a rlie r paradigm was destined to 128 Japanese Jo urna l o f R eligious Studies 1 1 /2-3 1984 Paradigm Change in Japanese Buddhism expand by the infusion of Confucian, Taoist, V ing-yang7 and Buddhist influences* As I have stated repeatedly elsewhere, one o f the basic features o f the early Japanese religious universe was its u nita ry m eaning-structure, a stru ctu re which a ffirm ed the b e lie f th a t the natural w orld is the o rig in al world. /Xccording to this paradigm, the to ta l cosmos—including physical elements such as fire , w a ter, wood, and stone, as w e ll as animals and ce le stia l bodies—is permeated by sacred, or kami, nature (See K itagaw a 1980, pp. 27-42). In such a w o rld -vie w , there were no rig id lines demarcating various a c tiv itie s such as re lig io n , commerce, arts, and re cre a tion . It is not surprising, the re fo re, th a t human beings and kami o f m u ltiple forms were believed to consti tu te a single community. The term kami refers to a ll beings and things, both good and e vil, which are awesome and w orthy of reverence. A ccording to the Nihongi, "th e re were numerous [kam i] which shone w ith a lustre like th a t o f fire flie s , and evil [kam i] which buzzed lik e flie s. There were also trees and herbs a ll of which could speak" (Aston 1972, bk. 2, p. 64). M oreover, when a mountain, fo r example, was called kami, th a t implied th a t the mountain was the sacred re a lity its e lf, not a symbol o f it. Human beings were also regarded as kami, although la te r accounts tend to reserve this status p rim a rily fo r monarchs and a risto cra ts. When Buddhism was introduced, the Buddha was understood as a foreign kami. In the course o f time, the early Japanese recognized many types of kami, such as those o f geographical regions, of social groups, and those who were believed to control people!s health, fortune, and longevity- The early Japanese also took fo r granted the existence o f tama and mono (souls and sp irits), which were often interfused w ith the notion o f kami. I t was believed th a t mono (usually s p irits of the fox, the snake, and the badger) were capable o f posses sing men and women as the ksmi did. Spoken words were Japanese Jo u rn a l o f R eligio us Studies 11/2-3 1984 129 Joseph M . K IT A G A W A also believed to have souls (koto-darna), which became an im portant m o tif in the development o f ritu a lize d Shinto prayer (norito). To the early Japanese, what we now re fe r to as re li gion was a m atter of the "ritu a liz a tio n " of various aspects of life . Early Japanese religion had no fixed litu rg ie s u n til it came in to co nta ct w ith Chinese and Buddhist ritu a l forms, but most rite s had three basic features. The firs t was the p ra ctice of dem arcating sacred space fo r the kami, usually marked by a sacred rope hung w ith paper strips. Second was the emphasis on p u rific a tio n . Third was a v a rie ty of a c tiv itie s called m atsuri, o fte n translated as "cerem ony" or "fe s tiv a l." These were rite s of thanksgiving, p e titio n , paying homage, and presenting o ffe rin g s of rice wine and food to the kami, follow ed by jo y fu l celebrations. The meaning underlying m atsuri is "to be w ith " or "to attend to the needs o f" the kami, the ancestral soul, or a person of higher status. A related notion is p o litic a l admin istra tio n (m atsuri-goto). The Yamato rulers were expected to attend to the needs of th e ir solar ancestress, who communicated her w ill to them for p ra c tic a l implementa tio n . This p rinciple of the interrelatedness of m atsuri and m atsuri-goto was la te r a rticu la te d in terms of the u n ity of religion and national adm inistration (K itagaw a 1979, pp. 30-37). Early Japanese religion was closely related to the s tru c tu re of the primary social u n it, the precursor of what la te r came to be called the u ji, a te rrito ria lly -b a s e d cluster of fam ilies which shared the same tu te la ry kami and kinship ties. The u ji was the social, economic, p o litic a l, and religious u n it. It was held together by its c h ie fta in , whose a u th o rity over the land and the people was derived from his c u ltic prerogatives and economic c o n tro l. With the ascendency of the Yamato ruling house as the supreme u ji, ch ie fta in s of other great u ji groups were given co u rt title s and various ranks. The growing prestige of the ru lin g house was re fle cte d in the expansion of its pantheon and mytho lo g ical tra d itio n . Both pantheon and tra d itio n gained 130 Japanese Jo u rn a l of R eligious S tudies 11/2-3 1984 Paradigm Change in Japanese Buddhism acceptance among subordinate u ji groups, thus fostering both the tra nsition of Japan from the confederation of semi-autonomous u ji groups to a kingdom and a trend tow ard u nifying the h ith e rto fragm ented c u ltic , mytho lo g ical, and religious tra d itio n of early Japan. The actual impetus fo r the new paradigm o f Japanese religion, however, came w ith the in tro du ctio n of Chinese c iv iliz a tio n and Buddhism during the f if t h and sixth centuries A.D. PARADIGM CHANGE IN JAPANESE RELIGION As stated e a rlie r, Chinese c iv iliz a tio n and Buddhism pene tra te d Japan not d ire c tly from China but through Korea, which since the second century B.C. had been a cu ltu ra l s a te llite o f China. Although this is not the occasion to tra ce the relationship between Korea and Japan, we might mention in passing th a t there were close c u ltu ra l a ffin itie s between southern Korea and Kyushu in the prehistoric period. The same type of dolmens have been unearthed in both places, and the veneration o f sacred mountains and sacred rocks was shared by ancient Koreans and Japanese (K i-young Y i 1975, pp. 3-59. Professor T !aek-kyu Kim, a Korean historian, is persuaded th a t . . . t he foundation o f the Japanese religion p rio r to the in tro du ctio n of Buddhism has many such aspects as can be construed as the colonized and developed features of our own [meaning Korea], and the number of [kam i] revealed in ancient Japanese records, the ir m ythology, a ttrib u te s o f those female priests who appear in th e ir ancient legend, status o f women as revealed in th e ir royal lineage, relations between men and women and so fo rth closely resemble those of S hilla [S illa ]. Besides, the ancient immigrants from the Korean Peninsula to the Japanese islands exerted a great influence on the religious lives o f the Japanese as exem plified by festiva ls, funeral services, prayers fo r ra in fa lls , e tc., and i t is easy to surmise th a t the various features of our religion based on a p o lyth e istic Japanese Jo u rn a l oi R eligio us Studies 11/2-3 198 な 131 Joseph M . K IT A G A W A foundation were transplanted into the re lig io n o f the Japanese (Kim 1975, p. 35). During the fir s t and second centuries A.D., there was a prosperous colony o f Chinese "g e ntry in the area around the present North Korean c ity o f P'yong-yang, which was an essential staging-post fo r the trib u ta ry envoys o f south Korean and Kyushu trib a l states en route to the Chinese c a p ita l" (G ardiner 1969, p* 20). " It also seems possible,1' according to Dr, G ardiner, "th a t some of the Pyon-han kuo [trib a l states o f Pyon-han, Benkan in Japanese, in southern K orea] acknowledged the overlordship o f the Japanese Queen Himiko in the m id -th ird century A.D." (G ardiner 1969, p. 48). W ith the decline o f Chinese influence over the Korean peninsula in the fo u rth century, three Korean king doms—Koguryo, Silla, and Paekche—established th e ir respective domains and staged a series o f fie rc e c o n flic ts th a t lasted fo r three centuries. In this struggle, Paekche sought Japan's m ilita ry assistance, and the Yamato rulers gave it. L a te r, Japan established co n ta ct w ith Silla. From the fo u rth century onward, Japan’s close co nta ct w ith Korea brought a number o f Korean immigrants to Japan. The e a rlie r group o f immigrants included prominent Koreans o f Chinese descent, who came to be known in Japan as the in flu e n tia l fam ilies o f Hata, Aya, and Fumi, During the sixth and seventh centuries, immigrants from Koguryo and Silla as w e ll as those from Paekche settled in Japan. They and th e ir descendants, the naturalized c it i zens, taught Japanese the Chinese scrip t, Confucian lit e r ary classics, astronomy, medicine, and various techno logies, a ll of which g re a tly enriched Japanese c u ltu ra l life . I t was a re vo lutio n ary experience fo r the Japanese, who had no w ritte n language o f th e ir own, to learn to read and w rite Chinese scrip t; and the d iffic u lty was compounded by the fa c t th a t the medium o f in stru ction was Korean, the language o f im m igrant teachers. Even through such hazar dous procedures, new ly-im ported knowledge quickly had a g reat im pact on Japan* For example, the Japanese in te lli 132 Japanese Jou rn a l o f R elig io u s Studies 11/2-3 1984 Paradigm Change in Japanese Buddhism gentsia learned from the Y in-Y ang school not only fasci nating cosmological theories but also the underlying p rin cip le th a t the human mind could know the stru ctu re and dynamics o f the mysterious universe* They also learned th a t unlike the Japanese w o rld -view , which was derived from th e ir "p a rtic u la r" experience, there was the "universal" law o f Tao th a t underlies Confucian ethics, p o litic a l theory, and legal and educational in stitu tio n s. The paradigm o f the e a rlie r Japanese religious universe, the sim p listic unitary m eaning-structure, in e vi tably underwent changes. In addition to Chinese c iv iliz a tio n , Buddhism, too, was transm itted to Japan through Korea. I do not need to recount the w ell-know n events o f the controversy tha t follow ed the o ffic ia l presentation of the Buddhist image to the Yamato c o u rt from the king o f Paekche in the sixth century A.D. We should note, however, th a t due to th e ir a ffirm a tio n th a t everything is p o te n tia lly a m anifestation o f kami (sacred power), the early Japanese never developed representations o f kami in anthropomorphic form . Thus the sym bolization of the sacred or 巳uddhahood in a human-like image was a new re ve latio n , which had far-re a chin g e ffe cts on the Japanese a ttitu d e tow ard sacral re a lity * Moreover, those c o u rt m inisters who argued against accepting the statue o f the foreign kami (the Buddha) presented th e ir case from the perspective o f the e a rlie r "p a rtic u la r" Japanese religious universe, w hile the ch ie fta in o f the pow erful and pro-Buddhist Soga u ji was a ttra c te d by the Buddhist claim o f its "universal" v a lid ity . A t any rate, Buddhism was in itia lly sponsored by the Soga c h ie fta in as the "re lig io n of u ji11 and not as the religion of the Yamato co urt. It was P rince Shotoku, the regent under his aunt, Empress Suiko,around the turn of the seventh century, who sensed the necessity and d e sira b ility of a paradigm change in Japanese religioru He "p a rtic u la riz e d " the two universal Japanese Jo u rn a l o f R e lig io u s Studies 11/2-3 1984 133 Joseph M. K IT A G A W A principles, the Tao o f Conf icianism and the Dharma of Buddhism, so as to strengthen the foundation o f the h ie ra rc h ic a lly -c e n tra lize d national community under the sacred monarchy. Himself a devout Buddhist tutored by eminent Korean Buddhist masters, Shotoku held a grandiose vision inspired in part by K ing Anoka's trip le schema on tw o levels-Buddha, Dharma, and Samgha on the sp iritu a l level, and the sacred kingship, moral norm fo r society, and re lig io -p o litic a l state on the em pirical le ve l—and in part by the example of Emperor Wen Ti (r. 581-60^) o f the Sui dynasty, who united China by dom esticating Buddhism, Confucianism, and, to a lesser degree, Taoism, as arms of the sem i-divine emperor (K itagaw a 197な, pp. 209-226). Sh5toku's untim ely death was follow ed by a series of bloody power struggles in the co u rt. However, his vision was implemented substantially by Emperor Temmu (r. 672-696), the real a rc h ite c t of the so-called RitsuryS (Im perial Rescript) state. The R itsury5 state attem pted to re o rie n t Shinto, C onfucian, Buddhist, and Taoist tra dition s to cooperate under the a u th o rity o f the sovereign, who claimed the prerogative to "re ig n 11 and to "ru le 11 the nation on the basis of the myth tha t the imperial house possessed a solar ancestry. A ccordingly, the sovereign was now regarded as the "m anifest kami" whose divine w ill was communicated by a series of "im p erial re scrip ts," This type of "im m anental theocracy,1 became the new paradigm of Japanese religion. In order to s o lid ify such a new synthesis of religion, society, p o lity , and cu ltu re , the government reorganized the co urt s tru c tu re (M ille r 197な)and ordered the compila tion o f tw o m yth o-histo rica l works, the K o jik i and the Nihongi. The government also kept records of local surveys or topologies (the FudokD and made the nNew Com pilation of the R egister of Fam ilies'1 (Shinsen-shojiroku). Moreover, the penal codes (jdtsu) and the c iv il statu tes (ryo), modelled a fte r the Chinese legal system, were issued in the name of the throne. The fa c t tha t the Department o f K a m i-A ffa irs (Jin g i-ka n ) was placed side by side w ith the G reat Council 13^ Japanese Jo u rn a l o f R e lig io u s Studies 11/2-3 198 な Paradigm Change in Japanese Buddhism o f State (Dc(pkan) accorded prestige to Shinto while keeping i t under the rig id co n tro l o f the government bureaucracy. The government also controlled the Buddhist c le ric s through the !lLaw Governing Monks and Nuns11 (55niry3). The objective o f the R itsuryo synthesis was not to create a Chinese-style nlitu rg ic a l community*1 w ith its sovereign as the m ediator between Heaven, E arth, and Man, but to make the e n tire Japanese nation a "so te rio lo g ica l com m unity, 11 as i t were, w ith the emperor fun ctio ning simul taneously as the ch ie f priest, the sacred king, and the liv in g kami. A ccording ly, the Im perial co u rt now became the e a rth ly co u n te rp a rt of the heavenly co u rt o f the Sun d e ity . The stylize d co u rt ritu a ls , as prescribed in the E ngi-shiki (In stitu te s or Proceedings of the Engi E ra)—the most elaborate embodiment of the R itsuryo paradigm—were meant to perpetuate the e arthly replica o f heavenly ritu a ls as told in myths (K itagaw a 1981, pp. 217-232). I t is an irony o f history th a t even before the R itsuryo synthesis achieved its coherence, it had begun to erode due to the changes in both the Japanese religious universe and the s o c io -p o litic a l order. The la tte r change was exem plified by the F u jiw a ra regency, the rule by re tire d monarchs, and feudal regimes (ba/cufu). Nevertheless, the R itsu ryo ideal has remained as the only viable paradigm o f Japanese re li gion throughout Japanese h is to ry —a t least, u n til the modern period. And i t is o f great significance th a t the M e iji regime, despite its w esternized modern trappings, attem pted to re tu rn to the R itsuryo paradigm by means of the emperor c u lt, a national m o ra lity, and a sacred national community. JAPANESE BUDDHISM AND ITS PARADIGM The foregoing makes clear, I hope, th a t the development o f the Buddhist tra d itio n in Japan was closely in tertw ine d w ith the development o f Japanese re ligion. Some h isto rica l fa c to rs can help us understand the ch a ra cte ristics o f Japanese Buddhism. Japanese Jo u rn a l o f R elig io u s Studies 11 /2 -3 1984 135 Joseph M . K IT A G A W A F irs t, Buddhism was in itia lly understood in Japan to be one of the components, along w ith the C onfucian, Taoist, and Y in —Yang schools, o f the superior CThinese c iv iliz a tio n . A ll o f these modes o f b e lie f were accepted w ith o u t serious resistance by the Japanese simply because, a t the time, Japan did not possess any organized in te lle c tu a l or re li gious systems which could compete w ith the Chinese tra d itio n s . Second, fo llo w in g the Korean example, Japan accepted Buddhism solely in its Chinese form and took lit t le in terest in its Indian o rig in . Thus, unlike the Chinese Buddhists, who had translated the Buddhist scriptures into th e ir own language, the Japanese Buddhists made no e ffo rt to trans la te the scriptures in to Japanese, a t least u n til our own tim e (K itagaw a 1963, pp. 53-59). To com plicate m atters fu rth e r, the early Buddhist teachers in Japan were mostly Koreans who had only a lim ite d knowledge o f Japanese. Thus only a small group o f the most g ifte d Japanese, mostly descendants o f Korean emigres, could comprehend the in te lle c tu a l content o f lo fty Buddhist doctrines and philosophies during Buddhism*s in itia l period in Japan. T hird, Buddhism was in itia lly accepted in Japan fo r c u ltu ra l and p o litic a l reasons as much as fo r magicoreligious reasons, fir s t by the in flu e n tia l u ji groups and la te r by the Im perial co u rt. Lavish temples were b u ilt, elegant Buddhist statues were imported or created, a series o f scriptures were copied, and c o lo rfu l ritu a ls were perform ed mostly to gain mundane b en e fits , but very few e ffo rts were made to understand the subtleties o f doctrine . F ourth, the sponsorship o f Buddhism sh ifte d from the u ji groups to the Im perial co u rt, thanks to the e ffo rt o f the pious Buddhist prince, Shotoku, who promoted Buddhism as one foundation, a lb e it an im portant one, o f the "m u lti value" p o lity explicated in his S eventeen-A rticle C onsti tu tio n . Thus, Buddhism became a s ig n ific a n t religious, p o li tic a l, and c u ltu ra l in s titu tio n fo r Japanese society. For example, the famous tem ple, Tennoji, established by Shotoku in the p o rt c ity o f modern-day Osaka, was an 136 Japanese Jo u rn a l o f R e lig io u s Studies 1 1 /2 -3 1984 Paradigm Change in Japanese Buddhism im p o rta nt center o f educational and philanthropic as w ell as religious a c tiv itie s . As Anesaki states: nI t was there th a t the embassies, missionaries, and immigrants were adm itted and welcomed to the country, through the gate way of Buddhist communion11 (Anesaki 1930, p. 58). F ifth , w ith the consolidation o f Japanese religion, society, and governmental s tru c tu re th a t follow ed the establishm ent o f the R itsu ryo system, Buddhism received generous support from the ce n tra l government. But it was also rig id ly co ntro lle d by the c iv il auth oritie s, who acted more as a R eligionspolizei than as a S chutzpatronat. Since then, Buddhism has been expected to ensure the p ro te ctio n o f the sovereign and the nation (Nakamura 1948, p, 221). Chinese Buddhism had to be satisfied w ith a subor dinate position because o f the dominant place occupied by the Confucian and, to a lesser degree, by the Taoist tra d i tions. In comparison, Japanese Buddhism overshadowed indigenous Shinto and established its e lf as the dominant Japanese religious tra d itio n _ o r at least as the "h a lf-cre e d " o f Japan, to use A rth u r L lo y d ’s phrase. Japanese Buddhism exerted tremendous influence a t various stages o f the development o f Japanese re lig io n generally, and the indi genous Shinto tra d itio n was not immune to Buddhist influence. Even n o rito , the stylize d Shinto litu rg ic a l prayers, were influenced by the form at o f Buddhist sutra re c ita tio n (Tamura 1966, p. 21). S till, the development of the c h a ra c te ris tic ethos o f Japanese Buddhism cannot be understood w ith o u t taking in to account the impact o f basic features o f Japanese re lig io n , such as the m ythological legacy which authenticated the sacred monarchy and the n atio n al community, the a ffirm a tio n o f the s a cra lity o f the w orld o f nature, and the nebulous notion o f the sacred (kami). Thus it is im portant to recognize the parallel processes and the convergence o f development and paradigm change in Japanese re lig io n and in Japanese Buddhism. Japanese J o u rn a l o f R e lig io u s Studies 11/2 -3 1984 137 Joseph M . K IT A G A W A Space does not perm it us to analyze the various stages of the transform ation of Japanese Buddhism (K itagaw a 1965, pp. 319-336), but I w ill d epict some of the basic and enduring features of its paradigm. F irs t, Japanese Buddhism is n a tio n a listic in character. Its nationalism emerged from the combined influence of the m y th o -h isto rica l legacy of Japanese religion and the n a tio n a lis tic ethos o f Korean Buddhism, especially of the Buddhism of S illa. Throughout its h istory, Japanese Buddhism has trie d to maintain a d iffic u lt balance among such m otifs as mundane benefits, individual and universal salvation, and chingo-kokka (the "p ro te ctio n o f the nation") (Nakamura 1948, pp. 91-1^0; Watanabe 1958, pp. 76-89). Second, Japanese Buddhism is syn cre tistic, as epito mized in the Shinto-Buddhist amalgam (Shin-Butsu shug^), which lasted u n til the la te nineteenth century. Both of the main Buddhist tra d itio n s established during the Heian period, the Tendai and the Shingon schools, fostered syncretism through prom oting S an n 5-ichi-jitsu-S hinto and Ry5bu-S hint5, respectively. Both patronized a s t ill more s y n c re tis tic c u lt, the Shugen-do or Order o f Mountain Priesthood. Moreover, Japanese Buddhism appropriated religious features of the Confucian and Japanese ancestor cults. Third, Japanese Buddhism inclines tow ard magical b eliefs and practices. It re fle c ts a strange homology of the archaic Japanese legacy, Korean shamanism, magicoreligious elements of the Indian and Chinese Buddhist tra d i tion (especially its esoteric [M ikkyo ] elements), and the all-pervasive influence of Onmyodo, the Japanese appropri ation of the Y in-Y ang school (On magical tendencies, see Watanabe 1958, pp. 89-102; on OnmySdo, see Murayama, 1981). When Buddhism was fir s t introduced in to Japan, statues of the Buddha were believed to possess the power to bring about w o rld ly benefits m agically. Buddhist clerics were expected to re c ite sutras constantly and to o ffe r magical incantations fo r a ll conceivable occasions. Hori points out th a t even the Nembutsu, the p ra ctice o f re citin g 138 Japanese Jo u rn a l o f R eligious Studies 11/2-3 1984 P aradigm Change in Japanese Buddhism the holy name of Amida, was used as a form o f magic (Hori 1968, pp. 83-139). F ourth, Japanese Buddhism tends to depend on the charism atic q ualities o f religious leaders as an e fficacious so te rio lo g ic a l means o f adhering to h isto rica l Buddhist disciplines. While the Vinaya was preserved in certain o ffic ia lly recognized monastic centers, the history of Japanese Buddhism is fu ll of charism atic figures who had only tenuous connections w ith the o ffic ia l Buddhist h ie r archy, e.g., p riva te monks (shido-so)y unordained priests (ubasoku), and holy men ( h ijir i) . Even in the o ffic ia l Buddhist circles, such sa in tly persons as Prince Shotoku, G yogi, and K ukai have been in e ffe c t "d e ifie d ." The influence o f charism atic leaders originated in the preBuddhist Japanese religious tra d itio n , and was incorporated in to Buddhist p ie ty. Buddhist and Shinto ideas thus coalesced, says E lio t, . . . and the t it le o f 巳odhisattva was conferred on departed emperors and statesmen—on those, fo r instance, who are described as Hachiman, the patron of soldiers, and Tenjin, the [kam i] o f calligraphy, and even on so recent a personage as [Tokugawa] Ieyasu (E lio t 1959, p. 183). The veneration o f saintly figures such as Honen, Shinran, and N ichiren became an im p o rta nt feature in the schools of Kamakura Buddhism. F ifth , Japanese Buddhism has a propensity fo r under standing the meaning o f life and the w orld a esthetically ra th e r than e th ic a lly or m etaphysically. This understanding was undoubtedly grounded in the pre-Buddhist Japanese emphasis on the a rtis tic and the poetic, but it was fu r thered by the importance th a t the c u ltu ra l expression of Buddhism held from the tim e o f the in tro du ctio n o f Buddhism to Japan. The aesthetic tendency was re ite ra te d by K uka i and subsequent Buddhist leaders. Sixth, Japanese Buddhism a ffirm s the s a cra lity of the Japanese J o u rn a l o f R e lig io u s Studies 1 1 /2-3 1984 139 Joseph M . K IT A G A W A w orld o f nature. This fea tu re is probably the most basic to the Japanese Buddhist understanding o f re a lity . It re fle c ts a synthesis o f the pre-Japanese notion o f a cosmos per meated by kami (sacred) nature w ith the Chinese Buddhist emphasis on the phenomenal world as the locus o f soteriology and the Taoist notion o f "naturalness" (tzu-Jan). A ccording to Balazs, Taoist "naturalness11 had three related m e a n in g s :( 1 ) "nature w ith o u t human in te rv e n tio n ,1' (2) "the spontaneous lib e rty o f the in d ivid ua l,*' and (3) "the 'absolute1—another name fo r Tao'1 (C ited in W right 1959 , p. 29). W ith the a rtic u la tio n o f the sa cra lity o f the w orld o f nature in terms o f Jinen-honi (7 a th a t3; things as they are, spontaneity, w ith o u t cause) or hongaku (innate Buddhanature), Japanese Buddhism a t last became self-conscious as the heir o f both h isto ric Buddhism and Japanese religion. References A N E S A K I, Masaharu 1930 History o f Japanese religion. London. ASTON, W .G., tra n s l. 1972 Nihongi. R u tla n d and Tokyo. 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