Download Abbas Hilmi II and the Neo-Mamluk Style

Missouri University of Science and Technology
Scholars' Mine
International Conferences on Recent Advances in
Geotechnical Earthquake Engineering and Soil
Dynamics
2010 - Fifth International Conference on Recent
Advances in Geotechnical Earthquake Engineering
and Soil Dynamics
May 24th - May 29th
Architecture as an Expression of Identity: Abbas
Hilmi II and the Neo-Mamluk Style
Nadania Idriss
School of Oriental and African Studies, Germany
Follow this and additional works at: http://scholarsmine.mst.edu/icrageesd
Part of the Geotechnical Engineering Commons
Recommended Citation
Idriss, Nadania, "Architecture as an Expression of Identity: Abbas Hilmi II and the Neo-Mamluk Style" (2010). International
Conferences on Recent Advances in Geotechnical Earthquake Engineering and Soil Dynamics. 1.
http://scholarsmine.mst.edu/icrageesd/05icrageesd/session11/1
This Article - Conference proceedings is brought to you for free and open access by Scholars' Mine. It has been accepted for inclusion in International
Conferences on Recent Advances in Geotechnical Earthquake Engineering and Soil Dynamics by an authorized administrator of Scholars' Mine. This
work is protected by U. S. Copyright Law. Unauthorized use including reproduction for redistribution requires the permission of the copyright holder.
For more information, please contact [email protected].
ARCHITECTURE AS AN EXPRESSION OF IDENTITY: ABBAS HILMI II AND
THE NEO-MAMLUK STYLE
Nadania Idriss
School of Oriental and African Studies
Lineinstr. 154
10115 Berlin, Germany
ABSTRACT
This paper examines the religious architecture that was built at the end of the nineteenth, beginning of the twentieth century,
during the rule of Abbas Hilmi II (1892-1914). The architecture is examined in light of the political and cultural climate of the
time period. European influences brought new tastes for building styles, and the Neo-Mamluk became popularized for mosque
architecture.
Abbas Hilmi II was only eighteen when he became Egypt´s
last Khedive (meaning prince). Abbas, descendent of
Muhammad Ali, the Albanian mercenary who managed to
expel Napoleon’s army from Egypt in 1801, ruled between
1892 and 1914. This paper will examine a series of
buildings in their social, cultural and economic context,
which were constructed during this time period. The
conditions of the late nineteenth century are interlinked
with the architecture, as they are a tangible representation
of the developments of spaces of social ordering and
ultimately, identity. The approach draws on historiography,
empirical analysis and aesthetics, in order to understand the
built environment of the period, which is now
representative of Egypt's modern heritage.
The development and structure of late nineteenth century,
early twentieth century architecture in Egypt has been
previously dealt with in academic studies.i The nineteenth
century was a period of rapid transformation and
innovation, as well as a moment when decorative aesthetics
in architecture were inspired by older building styles. In
both Europe and the colonies, the revival styles were
integrated with new concepts of building planning, which
resulted in neonate structures that were at the centre of
philosophical debate. Architecture theorists debated the
principles of conservation verses restoration. Should a
building be fully reconstructed whether or not the original
plans and materials are available? Would a modern
architect truly recapture the original essence of the
structure, or should historical sites and edifices be
conserved that would allow one to appreciate the brilliance
of the original construction without any distraction? While
the edifices were trendy among the upper classes, they
stood additionally as reminders of the misinterpretations
that might occur through the process of restoration of older
buildings.
Paper No. IMI 1
In Egypt, the neonate architecture was popularised,
particularly the neo-Baroque and Arab styles. In this study,
I will examine the religious architecture in Cairo that was
built during Abbas Hilmi II´s reign, as well as the
Khedive’s role in the restoration of older mosques and
shrines.
The nineteenth century was a pivotal moment for the
Western World as it was being transformed into a
modernised,
machine-dominated society, increasingly
affected by new advancements in industry. The social
transformation was all embracing. The industrial changes
affected virtually every area of urban life; from architecture
to urban planning, currency to media, education to social
structures and even the way people dressed. A light rail
linked the expanding borders of the city limits with the
inner core of the metropolis; while the rail system
facilitated travelling abroad and the European colonies
became a haven for the expatriate, which sought a new
opportunity.
In developing residential areas, new buildings, fully
equipped with the latest technologies, were rapidly
constructed, facilitated by cheaper materials, to
accommodate the growing populations of foreign residents.
In places, such as Cairo, the phenomenon of change was not
limited to the physical surface of the city itself. As the
previous chapter showed, there were changes in both the
political and social systems; and while tensions developed
over the speed at which the changes occurred, ultimately,
concerns over identity grew that manifested in language,
literature, the material culture. Both Egyptianii and foreign
scholars documented the history of Egypt, in order to better
understand the present situation, as well as justify the
country’s transition into the modern era.
As many older buildings were at risk of demolition,
initiatives were set up to protect them from disappearing
1
and further dilapidation. Architects, predominately from
Europe, banded together to document Egypt’s older
buildings, labelling them monuments of a particular era.
The collection and display of culturally and historically
interesting objects became equally important, and museums
were established to house the artefacts of bygone eras. This
had a profound impact on the local quality of life, both
economically and culturally. Transforming Egypt’s past
into a commercial venture and developing theories
surrounding the cultural heritage played an important role
in the modernisation process, as tourists and specialists
pour into the country to witness the new discoveries and
participate in the action.
While institutions specializing in looking after the local,
cultural heritage worked to preserve it, the intellectual links
emerging between the Western world and Egypt posed a
threat to Egyptian identity, and there was a collective desire
to assert Egypt’s existence as an independent body with its
own unique cultural history. In other words, the vernacular
of culture and heritage preservation took on a decidedly
European influence, and the Muslim religion and way of
life was mirrored against European culture and used to
justify European supremacy.iii This was made manifest by
Europeans residing or visiting the country writing historical
accounts, guidebooks, and novels describing locals and
their customs using demeaning vocabulary. Hence, there
was a need for Egyptians to assert themselves as an
individual nation. French and English dominated the
language of heritage preservation; only later, at the turn of
the century was Arabic used for reports and publications.
Arabic literature and poetry was also revived. The revival
of the Arabic language will be discussed in chapter VI.
The building boom that occurred during the last decade of
the nineteenth centuryiv inspired a variety of architectural
styles. The Mamluk revival style architecture was chosen
for the majority of public buildings commissioned by the
State. This trend was an emulation of the monuments in the
old city and became a symbol of the spirit of late nineteenth
century Egypt and served as a visual mark linking the
identity of the State with its own heritage.
The process of transforming dilapidated, medieval quarter
into a display of Cairo’s Islamic heritage comprised a range
of successive measures: the creation of a special institution,
the Comité de Conservation des Monuments de l’Art Arabe
(Comité), to manage the efforts of architectural
preservation, the study and appraisal of individual
buildings, the selection, classification and documentation of
buildings and finally, enacting of protective laws.
New villas inspired by European Rococo-style and
Baroque-styles, which were hitherto unknown in Cairo,
began to appear and were considered an avant-garde
fashion favoured by the Egyptian elite. The general
application of these new stylistic elements was adapted in
stone engraving and interior wall painting, and which were
already appearing in places like Istanbul and Damascus.v
These new forms and techniques were copied and modified
in the capital and subsequently taken up in other areas such
as Alexandria.
The modern villas began to draw criticism from the
European community, as they felt the abandonment of the
Paper No. IMI 1
traditional house was perpetuating the decay of the older
buildings in the city centre.
The Comité was regarded as essential in the preservation of
Cairo´s material heritage, and Max Herz was particularly
considered the most important person in the success of the
group.vii The architects responsible designing mosques in
Cairo were inspired by the traditional styles that were
undergoing examination by the Comité; even though they
ultimately moved away from older models of architectural
decoration. Instead, the mosque became part of the
essential characteristic of the late nineteenth century
architecture in Cairo.
New principles in the perception of design and space are
often associated with new perceptions of the world and of
one’s identity.
The development of Neo-Mamluk
architecture should be understood in this way, which means
understanding the increasing influences from Europe, the
wave of modernisation in Cairo, and its eventual adaptation
by Egyptians.
As sovereign of Egypt, Abbas Hilmi II took to building
mosques in newly developed areas of the city and restoring
Cairo’s most important places of worship and shrines, a
tradition that was established by the previous ruling class.
The Khedive’s activities were also a response to the
growing nationalist movement in Egypt. By observing
religious traditions and patronising the construction of new
mosques, Abbas was able to maintain the support of the
religious community, perpetuating the image of himself
among the elite and the general public as a pious patron
who performed good deeds.
Historically, political leaders chose to express stately
magnificence through architecture. Great size of the
building and highly skilled craftsmanship was a means to
demonstrate the sovereign’s wealth and good taste. In
Cairo, the extent to which the ruling party used their
architectural patronage as means to legitimise their role
may be seen in the great amount of buildings constructed in
the city, the majority of which were religious complexes,
public fountains and hospitals.
The Mamluk style of architecture is distinguishable by
certain characteristics that were repeatedly applied. The
religious complex of Sultan al-Mansur Qālā’un (12791290) represents one of the finest examples of thirteenth
century, religious edifice.
The complex includes a
madrasa, hospital and mausoleum, in conjunction with the
sanctuary. During this period, the Mamluk sultans enjoyed
a spacious capital in which to construct buildings on a
much larger scale. The sultan incorporated the three
institutions into an L-shaped complex, each side measuring
100 meters. Later, limited ground space made it impossible
to construct massive complexes and special skill was
required to design irregularly shaped buildings that fitted
the site available while still creating an atmosphere of
harmony and symmetry. The reduced building size became
a standard feature of the late fifteenth century, although the
complexes were equipped with similar facilities to the
earlier buildings. The architects of the later Mamluk period
(1382-1517) were also concerned to orientate the principle
façade of the complex in the direction of the qibla wall, or
2
at least in a variation that would in some way align the
building to the direction of Mecca.viii The architects
ingeniously designed buildings to meet the requirements by
increasing the thickness of the façade wall giving them
freedom to shift the interior wall to which ever angle was
necessary while retaining a façade flush with the street.ix
The prevalent revival of the Mamluk style during the
nineteenth century raises some interesting questions.
Firstly, in which way are these mosques best described as
“revivals” of the Mamluk type? Was there a deliberate
standardisation of religious architecture? Why was the
Mamluk style chosen as the model? Was it a matter of
aesthetics, or a more conceptual choice? And lastly, in
what ways did the architects try to integrate the new
mosques into the local surroundings? Whether or not there
was a difference between European and Egyptian
Orientalism, one should look beyond the general concept of
European influences in order to understand the architectural
vocabulary of the new eclectic mixes that are characteristic
of the late nineteenth century architecture in Cairo.x
According to Rabbat, the revival of Mamluk-style
architecture and decoration owes its origin to the two
mosque plans that Xavier Pascal Coste (1787-1879)xi made
for Muhammad 'Ali in 1821 and 1824 (Figure 2).xii Coste’s
aborted plans for the mosque were published in 1837 in
L’Architecture Arabe ou Monuments du Kaire Mesuré et
Dessinés de 1818 à 1826. The plans had a strong influence
on European architects in Europe, where Oriental-inspired
themes for both exterior building decoration and interiors
were becoming popularised. There was an equally strong
influence on students at Cairo’s Polytechnic School, the
only institution that offered instruction in architecture.xiii
One might assume that at some point, the architects moving
to Cairo for work must have been in contact with Coste's
designs. As noted above, the work the Comité undertook to
restore the older buildings became an important influence
and made its way into the consciousness of the Egyptian
elite, which looked to Mamluk architecture as a standard for
religious architecture in Egypt.xiv The form of the modern
mosque was diagnostic of European influence, namely the
symmetry and centrality, while the decorative elements
remained a fusion of Bahri and Circassian Mamluk
architectural elements.
As Mamluk architecture was already well documented,
studied and analysed in the West, xv the Comité directly
connected the Mamluks with Egyptian identity.xvi The
Comité is central within the context of patronage at the end
of the nineteenth century since the majority of members
were architects who designed a great number of public,
religious and residential buildings for private individuals, as
well as the court. Thus the Comité should also be
considered an influential part of the Mamluk revival that
made its way into Cairo’s modern urban landscape.
Max Herz believed the Mamluk period to be the style
representative of modern Egypt. He considered the
Mamluk period to be one of “glory, grandeur, power and
wealth” and Mamluk architecture to be aesthetically
beautiful.xvii Throughout his memoirs, Abbas openly
referred to himself as an Egyptian descendent of an
Paper No. IMI 1
Egyptian Grandfather and Fatherxviii, despite having been
educated within the culture of the Ottoman court. In his
opinion, the affiliation with the Ottoman culture was
through Ottoman suzerainty over Egypt, rather than
heritage. While the Khedive does not make any direct
references to the popularity of Mamluk-style architecture, it
seems reasonable to assume he would have agreed that it
would be appropriate as a symbol of modern Egyptian
architecture.
One should note the abundance of Mamluk architectural
examples throughout Cairo. The amount of Mamluk
buildings outnumbered edifices from the Fatimid (9101171) and Ayyubid (1171-1250) Dynasties, and since
Egypt seeked autonomy from the Ottoman Empire,
selecting the Mamluk-style for religious buildings was a
particularly poignant choice. The Mamluk-style revival is
thus a significant component in developing Egypt's modern
cultural heritage.
Knowing some prevalent design principles may assist
understanding of late nineteenth century architecture in
Cairo. The most standard feature of the nineteenth century
mosque is the carefully planned symmetry and centrality.
As mentioned earlier, in contrast to the Mamluk mosque,
the new mosques built during Abbas Hilmi II’s time are
characterised by a principles of order and uniformity that
characterises architectural theory in the nineteenth century.
This tendency can be seen in all the details: the strict
regularity in the structure of the façade; the uniform
sequence of the windows flanking a centralised portal; the
smaller entrances flanking the base of the minaret that is
integrated into, and projects up from, the façade of the
building. The imaginative variety of ground plans and
façades, distinctive features of the Mamluk era, are
subordinated into a unified design scheme dominated by a
new sense of order, regularity and measurements.
There is arguably a connection between the political and
social environment of the late nineteenth century and the
use of Mamluk decorative elements for religious buildings.
The neo-Mamluk was defined as representative of Egyptian
identity. The vocabulary of the style may be described not
so much as historicism or exoticism, but rather as an
eclectic renovation of the indigenous language of
architecture through combining prevalent traditional
elements with European rules of structural design. It was
set in the local architectural framework that was a constant
and important point of reference.
The neo-Mamluk aesthetic was not limited to religious
architecture.xix There are three principal public institutions
in Cairo inaugurated by the Khedive that were built in the
neo-Mamluk style: Cairo Railway Station, the Museum of
Arab Art (later called Museum of Islamic Art) and
Khedival Library (Dar al-Kutub), and the Awqāf Ministry
building. Following its destruction by fire, Cairo Railway
Station was rebuilt between 1891 and 1893, following the
designs of the British architect Edwin Patsy.
Abbas Hilmi II inaugurated the Museum of Arab Art and
Khedival Library in 1903, although Max Herz had already
penned the first catalogue for the museum in 1895,
dedicating it to the Abbas Hilmi II.xx The initial plan was
3
to collect and display the objects found during renovations
of older buildings before the Comité was formally
established during the reign of Khedive Ismā´īl. A
temporary museum was set-up in the courtyard of the
mosque complex of al-Hakim (990). However,
overcrowding of the facility necessitated the creation of a
new museum space, postponed until 1870, when Khedive
Tawfiq asked Franz Pasha to organise a museum. The
Comité took over the project at the moment of its inception,
which included as a requirement, stated in Article IV of the
Khedival Decree dated 1881, that the Commission “…will
devote its attention to all objects discovered which may be
of interest in regard to Arab art.”xxi In 1883, a museum was
constructed in the courtyard of the al-Hakim mosque, which
was later abandoned for the present building. The building
designed by the Italian architect, Alfonso Manescalo, is an
imposing, freestanding structure with a wide pishtaq portal.
An equal number of recesses on either side of the main door
surround the windows, and stylised crenulations span the
roof.
The Ministry of Awqāf was built in three successive stages,
in 1898, 1911 and 1929. The first stage was undertaken by
the palace architect and chief architect of the Ministry,
Mahmud Pasha Fahmi al Mi’mar. Both the Museum of
Arab Art and The Ministry are good examples of neoMamluk architecture.
They are both freestanding,
symmetrically proportioned buildings, accessible through
monumental pishtaq portals. The façades are punctuated
with an equal number of recessed panels topped with trefoil
crenulations, which frame elongated, rectangular windows
decorated with stucco arabesques. Both buildings are
expressive of a period in which the nation was searching for
its identity and consciously constructing a cultural
trajectory. The neo-Mamluk style, as used in these edifices,
was very much appropriate; particularly considering that
one of them houses the oldest Islamic charitable institutions
and the other Egypt’s cultural relics.
As the leader of Egypt, the Khedive Abbas Hilmi II
commissioned the construction of public religious buildings
and restored some of the most important shrines in Cairo.
Each one of the commissioned buildings is neo-Mamluk in
style. Looked at from the perspective of the political events
of the time, they represent visual symbols of the newly
emerging, modernised Egypt.
The Mamluk revival
reflected the use of architecture as a means of selfrepresentation. The Comité had already introduced a new
type of structure into the collective conscious of the
Egyptians: the Arab monument. The architects used the
language of their discipline in these mosques to evoke a
glorious period of Egyptian history, as well as advancing
the legitimacy of the patron. The neo-Mamluk style was
viewed as the most appropriate symbol of the State.
Mercedes Volait, who states that Abbas Hilmi II’s
participation in the Mamluk revival did not actually
correspond to the movement when the Awqāf Ministry was
promoting it, further enhances this point.xxii The author
speculates that this can be loosely seen as a reflection of the
Khedive’s desire to break from the British rather than
Egypt’s movement away from the Ottoman Porte.xxiii
However, I believe it encompasses both aspects. One can
deduce from his memoirs that the Khedive was just as eager
to emancipate Egypt from the Ottoman Empire, as from the
Paper No. IMI 1
British. The relationship between the Sultan and the
Khedive was strained from the offset, when Abbas
bypassed Istanbul on his first European tour as Head of
State.xxiv
The first task the Khedive undertook was the reconstruction
of the façade and riwaq, at the al-Azhar in 1892. The
project, facilitated by the Comité, lasted until 1897. Since
its founding in 969, the al-Azhar has been continuously
given additions and renovations, a testimony to its
importance in Cairene society.
Abbas Hilmi II’s
contribution to the mosque was part of an effort by the
Comité to modernise the surrounding neighbourhood.
In 1894, the Khedive commissioned a mausoleum for his
late father, Khedive Tawfiq, in the eastern cemetery. It was
designed by Dimitri Fabricus Bey, then chief architect of
the Khedival buildings in the Daira Khassa.
In a
publication entitled, Mausolée d’Afifi, Érigé à la Mémoire
de Feu Son Altesse le Khedive Tewfiq, the architect is
quoted as saying the reason behind the Mamluk revival is
that it represents the “best époque of Arab architecture.”
The building follows the plan of a Mamluk mausoleum: a
large, squared structure topped with a dome. The portal is
flanked with windows set in recesses, a decorative feature
of the Mamluks. The interior is lavishly decorated with
sculpted plaster and painted wooden ceilings.
Visiting tombs and shrines of saints is an important
tradition and custom in the Muslim religion. Therefore,
Sultans and Amirs have paid particular attention to
restoring and maintaining shrines and mausoleums
throughout their territory. In Cairo, the aforementioned
eighteenth century Amir, Katkhudā, reconstructed the
mosques and shrines of Sayyida Nafisa, know today as
Sayyida Aisha, Sayyida Zeynab and Sayyida Sukayna,xxv
with successive Khedives making additions and restorations
throughout the course of the nineteenth century.
The Khedive sponsored two mosques that bear his name in
1904 and 1905 respectively. The earlier building was
constructed near Sharia Hawsh al Sharqawi, not far from
the Darb al-Ahmar, in the old city. The later building was
erected in al-Daher, which at the time was referred to as El
Emiriye.xxvi The two neo-Mamluk structures vary from one
another in orientation. During the last century both
buildings have suffered alterations that greatly reduce the
possibility of having an accurate vision of the original
structures. The 1904 mosque seems to have been orientated
towards a corner unlike the mosque in al Daher. Both are
made of stone and follow a loosely comparable decorative
scheme. Window recesses with muqarnas flank a pishtaq
portal. A trilobed arch with stalactites frames a wooden
door.
The building, dedicated to the Sufi saint al-Rifa’i, was built
in three stages beginning during the reign of Khedive
Ismā´īl and finished by Max Herz between 1905 and 1911.
The Egyptian architect, Hussein Pasha Fahmy, who studied
in France and at the Polytechnic School in Cairo, was first
selected for the task. His plans for a neo-Mamluk structure
were very similar to Coste’s designs for the Muhammad
'Ali mosque. One may speculate that because of his
training at the Polytechnic School in the capital he had
4
probably come into contact with Pascal Coste’s
drawings.xxvii Due to a series of financial redesignations
and the deaths of both the patron - Ismā´īl ‘s mother - and
the architect, the project was suspended until Abbas ordered
its completion in 1905.xxviii Herz followed the original 1869
plans, which had the structure integrated with its fifteenth
century neighbour, the complex of Sultan Hasan.
The physical history of Cairo should not become an
ideological discussion. The adaptation of non-indigenous
architectural elements is not new in the process of cultural
development and authenticity should not be the main issue
of the century’s architecture. Instead, the discussion of the
designs should focus on the extent to which the buildings
correspond to the needs of society. This should be based on
its own experiences and its success in adapting the new
elements and injecting new meaning into it within its local
context. Seen from the political perspective, Abbas Hilmi
II was utilising the neo-Mamluk style as a visual stamp to
assert his authority over both the British occupying forces
and the Ottoman Empire. Seen from a cultural perspective,
transforming Cairo into an idealised capital city was part of
a trend that started around 1860, which popularised Cairo as
a tourist destination and focus for Islamic art and
architecture. Cairo was equally promoted in Europe in
world fairs as an exotic metropolis, where romanticised
concepts of the capital were created for public
enjoyment.xxix
The changes that took place in Cairo during the course of
the nineteenth century created new, conceptual views
within the individual as well the framework of the society at
large.xxx The principles that drove these changes led to new
images and actions that were evident in the culture of the
last decade of the nineteenth century. The dialogue that
developed between the modern theories and the
autochthonous models resulted in new ways of dealing with
the built environment resulting in the emergence of what
became Egypt’s modern cultural heritage.
i
Mohammad Al-Asad, « The Mosque of al-Rifa’i in Cairo »
Muqarnas, Vol.10 (1993) pp.108-124; Nezar Alsayyad,
Irene Bierman and Nasser Rabbat, ed. Making Cairo
Medieval (Berkeley: University of California Press, 2005);
Doris Behrens-Abouseif and Stephen Vernoit, ed. Islamic
Art in the Nineteenth century: Tradition, Innovation or
Eclecticism? (London: Brill Academic Publishers, 2006);
Jill Edwards, ed. Historians in Cairo: Essays in Honour of
George Scanlon (Cairo: American University of Cairo
Press, 2002); Roger Owen, “The Cairo building industry
and the building boom of 1897 to 1907,” Colloque
international sur l’histoire du Caire (27 Mars-5 Avril
1969). (Cairo: Ministry of Culture of the Arab Republic of
Egypt, 1972), pp. 337-350; Nasser Rabbat, “The Formation
of the Neo-Mamluk Style in Modern Egypt,” The
Education of the Architect: Historiography, Urbanism and
the Growth of Architectural Knowledge. Essays Presented
to Stanford Anderson on his Sixty-Second Birthday. Martha
Pollak, ed., (Cambridge, Mass., MIT Press, 1997), 363-86;
Stephen Vernoit, "Mamluk Revival," Occidentalism: The
Nasser D. Khalili Collection of Islamic Art (London, 1997),
p.238; Mercedes Volait, L'architecture moderne en Egypte
et la revue al-`Imara (1939-1959), Cairo: CEDEJ, 1988;
Paper No. IMI 1
Mercedes Volait, «Un Architecte Face a L’Orient : Antoine
Lasciac (1856-1946) » La Fuite en Egypte: Supplément aux
Voyages européens en Orient (Paris, 1986) pp. 265-281,
ii
See `Alī Mubārak, `Alam al-Din , (Alexandria: Matba`at
Jaridat al-Mahrusa, 1882) and al-Khitat al-jadida li-Misr
al-qahira wa-muduniha wa-biladiha al-qadima wa-lshahira , 20 vols. in 4. (Cairo: Bulaq Press, 1307h 1889/90;
1st ed. 1305h 1887/8)
iii
see Edward Said. Orientalism (New York: Pantheon,
1978)
iv
Roger Owen, “The Cairo building industry and the
building boom of 1897 to 1907,” Colloque international sur
l’histoire du Caire (27 Mars-5 Avril 1969). (Cairo: Ministry
of Culture of the Arab Republic of Egypt, 1972), pp. 337350
v
Stefan Weber, “Damascus 1900; Urban Transformation,
Architectural Innovation and Cultural Change in a Late
Ottoman City (1808-1918),” Proceedings of the Danish
Institute Damascus in cooperation with the German
Institute of Archaeology - Oriental Department (in
preparation, 2008)
vii
Ibid (2002), pp. 125-127: Lord Crommer included the
following in his official summary of events in Egypt for
1896: “…Mr. Max Herz (Honourary F.S.A) has been the
architect in charge of the work of the Commission, and it is
bear justice to say that to his industry and considerable
technical and archaeological attainments much of the
present improved manner of supervising and preserving the
monuments is undoubtedly due. Herz Bey joins to the
technical training of an architect a familiarity with the
history of Arab art, together with a genuine enthusiasm for
his work… and the complete restorations he has made of
the few smaller mosques are evidence of his insight to Arab
construction and decoration, of his technical skill and of his
scrupulous fidelity to the original design.”
viii
Sheila Blair and Jonathan Bloom, The Art and
Architecture of Islam, (New York: Yale University Press,
1995), p.72
ix
Doris Behrens-Abouseif, Islamic Architecture of Cairo,
An Introduction, (Leiden: E.J. Brill, 1989)
x
Volait (2006), pp. 131-155
xi
Pascal Coste was the first to make the distinction between
medieval and contemporary buildings. His analysis on the
trajectory of Arab architectural styles was original and well
received in Europe. Artists and architects made the trip to
Egypt following the publication of his book. Coste's use of
the term, "Arab", became part of a debate on the meaning
of the word in relation to its Islamic roots, or in other
words, a style (Arabic architecture) that developed
following the advent of Islam. The term, "Arab", was
accepted by Egyptians as a way of building national pride.
Other idioms such as Muhammadian and Saracenic were
conceived, as in the example of Stanley Lane-Pool's The
5
Art of the Saracens in Egypt (published 1886). For more on
this debate, see Habashi, pp. 99-103.
xii
xxx
This did not necessarily mean that all facets of society
and its institutions were in agreement with the changes
occurring.
Nasser Rabbat, “The Formation of the Neo-Mamluk Style
in Modern Egypt,” The Education of the Architect
(Massachusetts: MIT Press, 1997) p.373
xiii
Rabbat (1997), p. 374
xiv
Ibid, p. 142
xv
See Rabbat 1997, Mercedes Volait, “Un Architecte Face a
L’Orient : Antoine Lasciac (1856-1946) La Fuite en
Egypte: Supplément aux Voyages Européens en Orient
(Cairo: C.E.D.E.J., 1986) pp. 265-281, and Mohammad AlAsad, “The Mosque of al-Rifa’i in Cairo“ Muqarnas,
Vol.10 (1993) pp.108-124
xvi
Ormos (2002), p.128
xvii
Ormos (2002), pp.128-130
xviii
Sonbol (1998), p. 13
xix
The period under investigation was one of major
building activities and the neo-Mamluk was not limited to
government-sponsored projects or religious institutions. A
flurry of buildings was constructed, applying various
combinations of Arab architectural devices and patterns.
For example, to name only a few: the Grand Ballroom at
the Shepard’s Hotel, the main building of the American
University of Cairo, which was at one time a tobacco
factory, the Bank Misr, Egyptian Engineers Society,
Assicurazioni Generali Trieste Apartment Building, the
private villas of the architects, Ambroise-Alfred Baudry,
Count Zughayb and ‘Umar Sultan and, of course, the
Heliopolis Company Buildings on Sharia `Abbas.
xx
Max Herz, Catalogue Sommaire des Monuments exposé
dans le Museé de l’Art Arabe (Cairo: Imprimerie de
l'Institut français d'archéologie orientale, 1906)
xxi
Ibid, p. 10
xxii
Volait (2006), p. 138
xxiii
Ibid, p. 138
xxiv
Sonbol (1998), p. 172
xxv
Doris Behrens-Abouseif, “The Abd al-Rahman
Katkhudā Style in the 18th Century,” Annales
Islamologiques XXVI (1992), pp.117-127
xxvi
Cooks guide books to Cairo 1900
xxvii
Al-Asad (1993), pp.108-124
xxviii
Ibid, p. 117
xxix
Zeynep Çelik. Displaying the Orient: Architecture of
Islam at Nineteenth-century World's Fairs (Berkeley:
University of California Press, 1992); Warner (2005), p. 43
Paper No. IMI 1
6