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Missouri University of Science and Technology Scholars' Mine International Conferences on Recent Advances in Geotechnical Earthquake Engineering and Soil Dynamics 2010 - Fifth International Conference on Recent Advances in Geotechnical Earthquake Engineering and Soil Dynamics May 24th - May 29th Architecture as an Expression of Identity: Abbas Hilmi II and the Neo-Mamluk Style Nadania Idriss School of Oriental and African Studies, Germany Follow this and additional works at: http://scholarsmine.mst.edu/icrageesd Part of the Geotechnical Engineering Commons Recommended Citation Idriss, Nadania, "Architecture as an Expression of Identity: Abbas Hilmi II and the Neo-Mamluk Style" (2010). International Conferences on Recent Advances in Geotechnical Earthquake Engineering and Soil Dynamics. 1. http://scholarsmine.mst.edu/icrageesd/05icrageesd/session11/1 This Article - Conference proceedings is brought to you for free and open access by Scholars' Mine. It has been accepted for inclusion in International Conferences on Recent Advances in Geotechnical Earthquake Engineering and Soil Dynamics by an authorized administrator of Scholars' Mine. This work is protected by U. S. Copyright Law. Unauthorized use including reproduction for redistribution requires the permission of the copyright holder. For more information, please contact [email protected]. ARCHITECTURE AS AN EXPRESSION OF IDENTITY: ABBAS HILMI II AND THE NEO-MAMLUK STYLE Nadania Idriss School of Oriental and African Studies Lineinstr. 154 10115 Berlin, Germany ABSTRACT This paper examines the religious architecture that was built at the end of the nineteenth, beginning of the twentieth century, during the rule of Abbas Hilmi II (1892-1914). The architecture is examined in light of the political and cultural climate of the time period. European influences brought new tastes for building styles, and the Neo-Mamluk became popularized for mosque architecture. Abbas Hilmi II was only eighteen when he became Egypt´s last Khedive (meaning prince). Abbas, descendent of Muhammad Ali, the Albanian mercenary who managed to expel Napoleon’s army from Egypt in 1801, ruled between 1892 and 1914. This paper will examine a series of buildings in their social, cultural and economic context, which were constructed during this time period. The conditions of the late nineteenth century are interlinked with the architecture, as they are a tangible representation of the developments of spaces of social ordering and ultimately, identity. The approach draws on historiography, empirical analysis and aesthetics, in order to understand the built environment of the period, which is now representative of Egypt's modern heritage. The development and structure of late nineteenth century, early twentieth century architecture in Egypt has been previously dealt with in academic studies.i The nineteenth century was a period of rapid transformation and innovation, as well as a moment when decorative aesthetics in architecture were inspired by older building styles. In both Europe and the colonies, the revival styles were integrated with new concepts of building planning, which resulted in neonate structures that were at the centre of philosophical debate. Architecture theorists debated the principles of conservation verses restoration. Should a building be fully reconstructed whether or not the original plans and materials are available? Would a modern architect truly recapture the original essence of the structure, or should historical sites and edifices be conserved that would allow one to appreciate the brilliance of the original construction without any distraction? While the edifices were trendy among the upper classes, they stood additionally as reminders of the misinterpretations that might occur through the process of restoration of older buildings. Paper No. IMI 1 In Egypt, the neonate architecture was popularised, particularly the neo-Baroque and Arab styles. In this study, I will examine the religious architecture in Cairo that was built during Abbas Hilmi II´s reign, as well as the Khedive’s role in the restoration of older mosques and shrines. The nineteenth century was a pivotal moment for the Western World as it was being transformed into a modernised, machine-dominated society, increasingly affected by new advancements in industry. The social transformation was all embracing. The industrial changes affected virtually every area of urban life; from architecture to urban planning, currency to media, education to social structures and even the way people dressed. A light rail linked the expanding borders of the city limits with the inner core of the metropolis; while the rail system facilitated travelling abroad and the European colonies became a haven for the expatriate, which sought a new opportunity. In developing residential areas, new buildings, fully equipped with the latest technologies, were rapidly constructed, facilitated by cheaper materials, to accommodate the growing populations of foreign residents. In places, such as Cairo, the phenomenon of change was not limited to the physical surface of the city itself. As the previous chapter showed, there were changes in both the political and social systems; and while tensions developed over the speed at which the changes occurred, ultimately, concerns over identity grew that manifested in language, literature, the material culture. Both Egyptianii and foreign scholars documented the history of Egypt, in order to better understand the present situation, as well as justify the country’s transition into the modern era. As many older buildings were at risk of demolition, initiatives were set up to protect them from disappearing 1 and further dilapidation. Architects, predominately from Europe, banded together to document Egypt’s older buildings, labelling them monuments of a particular era. The collection and display of culturally and historically interesting objects became equally important, and museums were established to house the artefacts of bygone eras. This had a profound impact on the local quality of life, both economically and culturally. Transforming Egypt’s past into a commercial venture and developing theories surrounding the cultural heritage played an important role in the modernisation process, as tourists and specialists pour into the country to witness the new discoveries and participate in the action. While institutions specializing in looking after the local, cultural heritage worked to preserve it, the intellectual links emerging between the Western world and Egypt posed a threat to Egyptian identity, and there was a collective desire to assert Egypt’s existence as an independent body with its own unique cultural history. In other words, the vernacular of culture and heritage preservation took on a decidedly European influence, and the Muslim religion and way of life was mirrored against European culture and used to justify European supremacy.iii This was made manifest by Europeans residing or visiting the country writing historical accounts, guidebooks, and novels describing locals and their customs using demeaning vocabulary. Hence, there was a need for Egyptians to assert themselves as an individual nation. French and English dominated the language of heritage preservation; only later, at the turn of the century was Arabic used for reports and publications. Arabic literature and poetry was also revived. The revival of the Arabic language will be discussed in chapter VI. The building boom that occurred during the last decade of the nineteenth centuryiv inspired a variety of architectural styles. The Mamluk revival style architecture was chosen for the majority of public buildings commissioned by the State. This trend was an emulation of the monuments in the old city and became a symbol of the spirit of late nineteenth century Egypt and served as a visual mark linking the identity of the State with its own heritage. The process of transforming dilapidated, medieval quarter into a display of Cairo’s Islamic heritage comprised a range of successive measures: the creation of a special institution, the Comité de Conservation des Monuments de l’Art Arabe (Comité), to manage the efforts of architectural preservation, the study and appraisal of individual buildings, the selection, classification and documentation of buildings and finally, enacting of protective laws. New villas inspired by European Rococo-style and Baroque-styles, which were hitherto unknown in Cairo, began to appear and were considered an avant-garde fashion favoured by the Egyptian elite. The general application of these new stylistic elements was adapted in stone engraving and interior wall painting, and which were already appearing in places like Istanbul and Damascus.v These new forms and techniques were copied and modified in the capital and subsequently taken up in other areas such as Alexandria. The modern villas began to draw criticism from the European community, as they felt the abandonment of the Paper No. IMI 1 traditional house was perpetuating the decay of the older buildings in the city centre. The Comité was regarded as essential in the preservation of Cairo´s material heritage, and Max Herz was particularly considered the most important person in the success of the group.vii The architects responsible designing mosques in Cairo were inspired by the traditional styles that were undergoing examination by the Comité; even though they ultimately moved away from older models of architectural decoration. Instead, the mosque became part of the essential characteristic of the late nineteenth century architecture in Cairo. New principles in the perception of design and space are often associated with new perceptions of the world and of one’s identity. The development of Neo-Mamluk architecture should be understood in this way, which means understanding the increasing influences from Europe, the wave of modernisation in Cairo, and its eventual adaptation by Egyptians. As sovereign of Egypt, Abbas Hilmi II took to building mosques in newly developed areas of the city and restoring Cairo’s most important places of worship and shrines, a tradition that was established by the previous ruling class. The Khedive’s activities were also a response to the growing nationalist movement in Egypt. By observing religious traditions and patronising the construction of new mosques, Abbas was able to maintain the support of the religious community, perpetuating the image of himself among the elite and the general public as a pious patron who performed good deeds. Historically, political leaders chose to express stately magnificence through architecture. Great size of the building and highly skilled craftsmanship was a means to demonstrate the sovereign’s wealth and good taste. In Cairo, the extent to which the ruling party used their architectural patronage as means to legitimise their role may be seen in the great amount of buildings constructed in the city, the majority of which were religious complexes, public fountains and hospitals. The Mamluk style of architecture is distinguishable by certain characteristics that were repeatedly applied. The religious complex of Sultan al-Mansur Qālā’un (12791290) represents one of the finest examples of thirteenth century, religious edifice. The complex includes a madrasa, hospital and mausoleum, in conjunction with the sanctuary. During this period, the Mamluk sultans enjoyed a spacious capital in which to construct buildings on a much larger scale. The sultan incorporated the three institutions into an L-shaped complex, each side measuring 100 meters. Later, limited ground space made it impossible to construct massive complexes and special skill was required to design irregularly shaped buildings that fitted the site available while still creating an atmosphere of harmony and symmetry. The reduced building size became a standard feature of the late fifteenth century, although the complexes were equipped with similar facilities to the earlier buildings. The architects of the later Mamluk period (1382-1517) were also concerned to orientate the principle façade of the complex in the direction of the qibla wall, or 2 at least in a variation that would in some way align the building to the direction of Mecca.viii The architects ingeniously designed buildings to meet the requirements by increasing the thickness of the façade wall giving them freedom to shift the interior wall to which ever angle was necessary while retaining a façade flush with the street.ix The prevalent revival of the Mamluk style during the nineteenth century raises some interesting questions. Firstly, in which way are these mosques best described as “revivals” of the Mamluk type? Was there a deliberate standardisation of religious architecture? Why was the Mamluk style chosen as the model? Was it a matter of aesthetics, or a more conceptual choice? And lastly, in what ways did the architects try to integrate the new mosques into the local surroundings? Whether or not there was a difference between European and Egyptian Orientalism, one should look beyond the general concept of European influences in order to understand the architectural vocabulary of the new eclectic mixes that are characteristic of the late nineteenth century architecture in Cairo.x According to Rabbat, the revival of Mamluk-style architecture and decoration owes its origin to the two mosque plans that Xavier Pascal Coste (1787-1879)xi made for Muhammad 'Ali in 1821 and 1824 (Figure 2).xii Coste’s aborted plans for the mosque were published in 1837 in L’Architecture Arabe ou Monuments du Kaire Mesuré et Dessinés de 1818 à 1826. The plans had a strong influence on European architects in Europe, where Oriental-inspired themes for both exterior building decoration and interiors were becoming popularised. There was an equally strong influence on students at Cairo’s Polytechnic School, the only institution that offered instruction in architecture.xiii One might assume that at some point, the architects moving to Cairo for work must have been in contact with Coste's designs. As noted above, the work the Comité undertook to restore the older buildings became an important influence and made its way into the consciousness of the Egyptian elite, which looked to Mamluk architecture as a standard for religious architecture in Egypt.xiv The form of the modern mosque was diagnostic of European influence, namely the symmetry and centrality, while the decorative elements remained a fusion of Bahri and Circassian Mamluk architectural elements. As Mamluk architecture was already well documented, studied and analysed in the West, xv the Comité directly connected the Mamluks with Egyptian identity.xvi The Comité is central within the context of patronage at the end of the nineteenth century since the majority of members were architects who designed a great number of public, religious and residential buildings for private individuals, as well as the court. Thus the Comité should also be considered an influential part of the Mamluk revival that made its way into Cairo’s modern urban landscape. Max Herz believed the Mamluk period to be the style representative of modern Egypt. He considered the Mamluk period to be one of “glory, grandeur, power and wealth” and Mamluk architecture to be aesthetically beautiful.xvii Throughout his memoirs, Abbas openly referred to himself as an Egyptian descendent of an Paper No. IMI 1 Egyptian Grandfather and Fatherxviii, despite having been educated within the culture of the Ottoman court. In his opinion, the affiliation with the Ottoman culture was through Ottoman suzerainty over Egypt, rather than heritage. While the Khedive does not make any direct references to the popularity of Mamluk-style architecture, it seems reasonable to assume he would have agreed that it would be appropriate as a symbol of modern Egyptian architecture. One should note the abundance of Mamluk architectural examples throughout Cairo. The amount of Mamluk buildings outnumbered edifices from the Fatimid (9101171) and Ayyubid (1171-1250) Dynasties, and since Egypt seeked autonomy from the Ottoman Empire, selecting the Mamluk-style for religious buildings was a particularly poignant choice. The Mamluk-style revival is thus a significant component in developing Egypt's modern cultural heritage. Knowing some prevalent design principles may assist understanding of late nineteenth century architecture in Cairo. The most standard feature of the nineteenth century mosque is the carefully planned symmetry and centrality. As mentioned earlier, in contrast to the Mamluk mosque, the new mosques built during Abbas Hilmi II’s time are characterised by a principles of order and uniformity that characterises architectural theory in the nineteenth century. This tendency can be seen in all the details: the strict regularity in the structure of the façade; the uniform sequence of the windows flanking a centralised portal; the smaller entrances flanking the base of the minaret that is integrated into, and projects up from, the façade of the building. The imaginative variety of ground plans and façades, distinctive features of the Mamluk era, are subordinated into a unified design scheme dominated by a new sense of order, regularity and measurements. There is arguably a connection between the political and social environment of the late nineteenth century and the use of Mamluk decorative elements for religious buildings. The neo-Mamluk was defined as representative of Egyptian identity. The vocabulary of the style may be described not so much as historicism or exoticism, but rather as an eclectic renovation of the indigenous language of architecture through combining prevalent traditional elements with European rules of structural design. It was set in the local architectural framework that was a constant and important point of reference. The neo-Mamluk aesthetic was not limited to religious architecture.xix There are three principal public institutions in Cairo inaugurated by the Khedive that were built in the neo-Mamluk style: Cairo Railway Station, the Museum of Arab Art (later called Museum of Islamic Art) and Khedival Library (Dar al-Kutub), and the Awqāf Ministry building. Following its destruction by fire, Cairo Railway Station was rebuilt between 1891 and 1893, following the designs of the British architect Edwin Patsy. Abbas Hilmi II inaugurated the Museum of Arab Art and Khedival Library in 1903, although Max Herz had already penned the first catalogue for the museum in 1895, dedicating it to the Abbas Hilmi II.xx The initial plan was 3 to collect and display the objects found during renovations of older buildings before the Comité was formally established during the reign of Khedive Ismā´īl. A temporary museum was set-up in the courtyard of the mosque complex of al-Hakim (990). However, overcrowding of the facility necessitated the creation of a new museum space, postponed until 1870, when Khedive Tawfiq asked Franz Pasha to organise a museum. The Comité took over the project at the moment of its inception, which included as a requirement, stated in Article IV of the Khedival Decree dated 1881, that the Commission “…will devote its attention to all objects discovered which may be of interest in regard to Arab art.”xxi In 1883, a museum was constructed in the courtyard of the al-Hakim mosque, which was later abandoned for the present building. The building designed by the Italian architect, Alfonso Manescalo, is an imposing, freestanding structure with a wide pishtaq portal. An equal number of recesses on either side of the main door surround the windows, and stylised crenulations span the roof. The Ministry of Awqāf was built in three successive stages, in 1898, 1911 and 1929. The first stage was undertaken by the palace architect and chief architect of the Ministry, Mahmud Pasha Fahmi al Mi’mar. Both the Museum of Arab Art and The Ministry are good examples of neoMamluk architecture. They are both freestanding, symmetrically proportioned buildings, accessible through monumental pishtaq portals. The façades are punctuated with an equal number of recessed panels topped with trefoil crenulations, which frame elongated, rectangular windows decorated with stucco arabesques. Both buildings are expressive of a period in which the nation was searching for its identity and consciously constructing a cultural trajectory. The neo-Mamluk style, as used in these edifices, was very much appropriate; particularly considering that one of them houses the oldest Islamic charitable institutions and the other Egypt’s cultural relics. As the leader of Egypt, the Khedive Abbas Hilmi II commissioned the construction of public religious buildings and restored some of the most important shrines in Cairo. Each one of the commissioned buildings is neo-Mamluk in style. Looked at from the perspective of the political events of the time, they represent visual symbols of the newly emerging, modernised Egypt. The Mamluk revival reflected the use of architecture as a means of selfrepresentation. The Comité had already introduced a new type of structure into the collective conscious of the Egyptians: the Arab monument. The architects used the language of their discipline in these mosques to evoke a glorious period of Egyptian history, as well as advancing the legitimacy of the patron. The neo-Mamluk style was viewed as the most appropriate symbol of the State. Mercedes Volait, who states that Abbas Hilmi II’s participation in the Mamluk revival did not actually correspond to the movement when the Awqāf Ministry was promoting it, further enhances this point.xxii The author speculates that this can be loosely seen as a reflection of the Khedive’s desire to break from the British rather than Egypt’s movement away from the Ottoman Porte.xxiii However, I believe it encompasses both aspects. One can deduce from his memoirs that the Khedive was just as eager to emancipate Egypt from the Ottoman Empire, as from the Paper No. IMI 1 British. The relationship between the Sultan and the Khedive was strained from the offset, when Abbas bypassed Istanbul on his first European tour as Head of State.xxiv The first task the Khedive undertook was the reconstruction of the façade and riwaq, at the al-Azhar in 1892. The project, facilitated by the Comité, lasted until 1897. Since its founding in 969, the al-Azhar has been continuously given additions and renovations, a testimony to its importance in Cairene society. Abbas Hilmi II’s contribution to the mosque was part of an effort by the Comité to modernise the surrounding neighbourhood. In 1894, the Khedive commissioned a mausoleum for his late father, Khedive Tawfiq, in the eastern cemetery. It was designed by Dimitri Fabricus Bey, then chief architect of the Khedival buildings in the Daira Khassa. In a publication entitled, Mausolée d’Afifi, Érigé à la Mémoire de Feu Son Altesse le Khedive Tewfiq, the architect is quoted as saying the reason behind the Mamluk revival is that it represents the “best époque of Arab architecture.” The building follows the plan of a Mamluk mausoleum: a large, squared structure topped with a dome. The portal is flanked with windows set in recesses, a decorative feature of the Mamluks. The interior is lavishly decorated with sculpted plaster and painted wooden ceilings. Visiting tombs and shrines of saints is an important tradition and custom in the Muslim religion. Therefore, Sultans and Amirs have paid particular attention to restoring and maintaining shrines and mausoleums throughout their territory. In Cairo, the aforementioned eighteenth century Amir, Katkhudā, reconstructed the mosques and shrines of Sayyida Nafisa, know today as Sayyida Aisha, Sayyida Zeynab and Sayyida Sukayna,xxv with successive Khedives making additions and restorations throughout the course of the nineteenth century. The Khedive sponsored two mosques that bear his name in 1904 and 1905 respectively. The earlier building was constructed near Sharia Hawsh al Sharqawi, not far from the Darb al-Ahmar, in the old city. The later building was erected in al-Daher, which at the time was referred to as El Emiriye.xxvi The two neo-Mamluk structures vary from one another in orientation. During the last century both buildings have suffered alterations that greatly reduce the possibility of having an accurate vision of the original structures. The 1904 mosque seems to have been orientated towards a corner unlike the mosque in al Daher. Both are made of stone and follow a loosely comparable decorative scheme. Window recesses with muqarnas flank a pishtaq portal. A trilobed arch with stalactites frames a wooden door. The building, dedicated to the Sufi saint al-Rifa’i, was built in three stages beginning during the reign of Khedive Ismā´īl and finished by Max Herz between 1905 and 1911. The Egyptian architect, Hussein Pasha Fahmy, who studied in France and at the Polytechnic School in Cairo, was first selected for the task. His plans for a neo-Mamluk structure were very similar to Coste’s designs for the Muhammad 'Ali mosque. One may speculate that because of his training at the Polytechnic School in the capital he had 4 probably come into contact with Pascal Coste’s drawings.xxvii Due to a series of financial redesignations and the deaths of both the patron - Ismā´īl ‘s mother - and the architect, the project was suspended until Abbas ordered its completion in 1905.xxviii Herz followed the original 1869 plans, which had the structure integrated with its fifteenth century neighbour, the complex of Sultan Hasan. The physical history of Cairo should not become an ideological discussion. The adaptation of non-indigenous architectural elements is not new in the process of cultural development and authenticity should not be the main issue of the century’s architecture. Instead, the discussion of the designs should focus on the extent to which the buildings correspond to the needs of society. This should be based on its own experiences and its success in adapting the new elements and injecting new meaning into it within its local context. Seen from the political perspective, Abbas Hilmi II was utilising the neo-Mamluk style as a visual stamp to assert his authority over both the British occupying forces and the Ottoman Empire. Seen from a cultural perspective, transforming Cairo into an idealised capital city was part of a trend that started around 1860, which popularised Cairo as a tourist destination and focus for Islamic art and architecture. Cairo was equally promoted in Europe in world fairs as an exotic metropolis, where romanticised concepts of the capital were created for public enjoyment.xxix The changes that took place in Cairo during the course of the nineteenth century created new, conceptual views within the individual as well the framework of the society at large.xxx The principles that drove these changes led to new images and actions that were evident in the culture of the last decade of the nineteenth century. The dialogue that developed between the modern theories and the autochthonous models resulted in new ways of dealing with the built environment resulting in the emergence of what became Egypt’s modern cultural heritage. i Mohammad Al-Asad, « The Mosque of al-Rifa’i in Cairo » Muqarnas, Vol.10 (1993) pp.108-124; Nezar Alsayyad, Irene Bierman and Nasser Rabbat, ed. Making Cairo Medieval (Berkeley: University of California Press, 2005); Doris Behrens-Abouseif and Stephen Vernoit, ed. Islamic Art in the Nineteenth century: Tradition, Innovation or Eclecticism? (London: Brill Academic Publishers, 2006); Jill Edwards, ed. Historians in Cairo: Essays in Honour of George Scanlon (Cairo: American University of Cairo Press, 2002); Roger Owen, “The Cairo building industry and the building boom of 1897 to 1907,” Colloque international sur l’histoire du Caire (27 Mars-5 Avril 1969). (Cairo: Ministry of Culture of the Arab Republic of Egypt, 1972), pp. 337-350; Nasser Rabbat, “The Formation of the Neo-Mamluk Style in Modern Egypt,” The Education of the Architect: Historiography, Urbanism and the Growth of Architectural Knowledge. Essays Presented to Stanford Anderson on his Sixty-Second Birthday. Martha Pollak, ed., (Cambridge, Mass., MIT Press, 1997), 363-86; Stephen Vernoit, "Mamluk Revival," Occidentalism: The Nasser D. Khalili Collection of Islamic Art (London, 1997), p.238; Mercedes Volait, L'architecture moderne en Egypte et la revue al-`Imara (1939-1959), Cairo: CEDEJ, 1988; Paper No. IMI 1 Mercedes Volait, «Un Architecte Face a L’Orient : Antoine Lasciac (1856-1946) » La Fuite en Egypte: Supplément aux Voyages européens en Orient (Paris, 1986) pp. 265-281, ii See `Alī Mubārak, `Alam al-Din , (Alexandria: Matba`at Jaridat al-Mahrusa, 1882) and al-Khitat al-jadida li-Misr al-qahira wa-muduniha wa-biladiha al-qadima wa-lshahira , 20 vols. in 4. (Cairo: Bulaq Press, 1307h 1889/90; 1st ed. 1305h 1887/8) iii see Edward Said. Orientalism (New York: Pantheon, 1978) iv Roger Owen, “The Cairo building industry and the building boom of 1897 to 1907,” Colloque international sur l’histoire du Caire (27 Mars-5 Avril 1969). (Cairo: Ministry of Culture of the Arab Republic of Egypt, 1972), pp. 337350 v Stefan Weber, “Damascus 1900; Urban Transformation, Architectural Innovation and Cultural Change in a Late Ottoman City (1808-1918),” Proceedings of the Danish Institute Damascus in cooperation with the German Institute of Archaeology - Oriental Department (in preparation, 2008) vii Ibid (2002), pp. 125-127: Lord Crommer included the following in his official summary of events in Egypt for 1896: “…Mr. Max Herz (Honourary F.S.A) has been the architect in charge of the work of the Commission, and it is bear justice to say that to his industry and considerable technical and archaeological attainments much of the present improved manner of supervising and preserving the monuments is undoubtedly due. Herz Bey joins to the technical training of an architect a familiarity with the history of Arab art, together with a genuine enthusiasm for his work… and the complete restorations he has made of the few smaller mosques are evidence of his insight to Arab construction and decoration, of his technical skill and of his scrupulous fidelity to the original design.” viii Sheila Blair and Jonathan Bloom, The Art and Architecture of Islam, (New York: Yale University Press, 1995), p.72 ix Doris Behrens-Abouseif, Islamic Architecture of Cairo, An Introduction, (Leiden: E.J. Brill, 1989) x Volait (2006), pp. 131-155 xi Pascal Coste was the first to make the distinction between medieval and contemporary buildings. His analysis on the trajectory of Arab architectural styles was original and well received in Europe. Artists and architects made the trip to Egypt following the publication of his book. Coste's use of the term, "Arab", became part of a debate on the meaning of the word in relation to its Islamic roots, or in other words, a style (Arabic architecture) that developed following the advent of Islam. The term, "Arab", was accepted by Egyptians as a way of building national pride. Other idioms such as Muhammadian and Saracenic were conceived, as in the example of Stanley Lane-Pool's The 5 Art of the Saracens in Egypt (published 1886). For more on this debate, see Habashi, pp. 99-103. xii xxx This did not necessarily mean that all facets of society and its institutions were in agreement with the changes occurring. Nasser Rabbat, “The Formation of the Neo-Mamluk Style in Modern Egypt,” The Education of the Architect (Massachusetts: MIT Press, 1997) p.373 xiii Rabbat (1997), p. 374 xiv Ibid, p. 142 xv See Rabbat 1997, Mercedes Volait, “Un Architecte Face a L’Orient : Antoine Lasciac (1856-1946) La Fuite en Egypte: Supplément aux Voyages Européens en Orient (Cairo: C.E.D.E.J., 1986) pp. 265-281, and Mohammad AlAsad, “The Mosque of al-Rifa’i in Cairo“ Muqarnas, Vol.10 (1993) pp.108-124 xvi Ormos (2002), p.128 xvii Ormos (2002), pp.128-130 xviii Sonbol (1998), p. 13 xix The period under investigation was one of major building activities and the neo-Mamluk was not limited to government-sponsored projects or religious institutions. A flurry of buildings was constructed, applying various combinations of Arab architectural devices and patterns. For example, to name only a few: the Grand Ballroom at the Shepard’s Hotel, the main building of the American University of Cairo, which was at one time a tobacco factory, the Bank Misr, Egyptian Engineers Society, Assicurazioni Generali Trieste Apartment Building, the private villas of the architects, Ambroise-Alfred Baudry, Count Zughayb and ‘Umar Sultan and, of course, the Heliopolis Company Buildings on Sharia `Abbas. xx Max Herz, Catalogue Sommaire des Monuments exposé dans le Museé de l’Art Arabe (Cairo: Imprimerie de l'Institut français d'archéologie orientale, 1906) xxi Ibid, p. 10 xxii Volait (2006), p. 138 xxiii Ibid, p. 138 xxiv Sonbol (1998), p. 172 xxv Doris Behrens-Abouseif, “The Abd al-Rahman Katkhudā Style in the 18th Century,” Annales Islamologiques XXVI (1992), pp.117-127 xxvi Cooks guide books to Cairo 1900 xxvii Al-Asad (1993), pp.108-124 xxviii Ibid, p. 117 xxix Zeynep Çelik. Displaying the Orient: Architecture of Islam at Nineteenth-century World's Fairs (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1992); Warner (2005), p. 43 Paper No. IMI 1 6